MOROCCANS IN SPAIN - SO NEAR, YET SO FAR

Aneas, A, Garreta, J y Molina, F. (2010) Morrocos in Spain, so near yet so far. En Dan Landis, Rosita Albert y Amy McWhinney “Handbook of Ethnocultural Conflict. New York, USA: Springer. (PP439-483)

MOROCCANS IN SPAIN - SO NEAR, YET SO FAR A LONG HISTORY OF MEETING WHILE NOT MEETING

Assumpta Aneas Álvarez Universitat de Barcelona

Jordi Garreta Bochaca and Fidel Molina Luque Universitat de Lleida

Presentation The chapter will examine the complex set of relationships which form the core of the historical relationship between Spain and Morocco, and between Spaniards and Moroccans. Moroccans are in fact not recent arrivals to Spanish shores, and have in one form another long been present in Spain. Indeed Spanish culture is as precisely as it is due to the longlasting influence of the Berber and Arab presence following their arrival in the Iberian Peninsula from North Africa almost 2000 years ago. On the other hand, despite the fact that this relationship has come and gone over the years, ever since the epoch of the Catholic Kings (16th century) it has been characterised more by its tensions, which have often been of the more or less open variety, its prejudices, the mutual lack of confidence between one group and the other. Perhaps the most striking example of the historical legacy and bonds which exists between the two groups is to be found in the presence of two Spanish cities (Ceuta and Mellila) on the African continent. These cities which border on Morocco are also host to the highest proportion of what are by citizenship Spanish Muslims of any city in Spanish territory. Yet the inhabitants of these two cities are in fact European citizens who happen to live out their daily life in close proximity to their Moroccan neighbours. Evidence for the long historical relationship can be found everywhere. The Arabic language, which arrived in Spain via Morocco, has provided modern Spaniards with a whole host of words, concepts, traditions, together with a long artistic and cultural

Aneas, Garreta and Molina

heritage. Yet to most modern Spaniards Morocco remains something of a mystery and an enigma. To be sure, the North African peoples generally, and particularly those from Morocco are the object of a multitude of traditions and fables, all of which tend to be charged almost exclusively with negative connotations. The term “moro” (moor) which is popularly used in Spain to refer to Morrocan and other North African people is a highly negatively charged one typically associated with distrust and fear. Inside Spain Moroccans have been feared, rejected, and, in the best of cases tolerated as, in like fashion the Spanish have been by Moroccans. The nature of this historical relationship has become especially relevant at the present time given that Morocco has been the most important source of migrants coming to Spain in search of work. The process of living together in neighbourhoods and villages scattered across Spain has not been easy, for either party, and despite the fact that there have not, to date, been that many serious conflicts between the two communities, there is a latent tension, characterised by mutual lack of confidence and an attempt at mutual tolerance. And to the long, painful history of relations between the two groups, we now need to add a much more recent tension, which has its source in the rise of Islamic fundamentalism on a global level, and in the terrorist bombings in Madrid of March 2004. These recent events only serve to draw attention to just how fragile the present equilibrium between day to day communal life and long term socio-cultural relations between Spaniards and their North African neighbours actually is. The aim of this chapter is to help the reader: •

Learn more about the long and complex history of relations betweeen Islam and Spain, as well as the influence of this history on contemporary Spanish culture.

•

Understand that modern Spain is a very much a multicultural country which contains some very diverse social and cultural realities within its frontiers including its new Muslim population, and especially the part which comes from Morocco. Spain’s modern social reality is really quite diverse and varies considerably according to the part of the national territory under consideration and the autonomous community in question.

2

Moroccans in spain -So near, yet so far

•

Gain some understanding of the most typical forms of interaction between Spaniards and Moroccans.

•

Learn about the differing responses that have been offered from the various levels of the Spanish public administration.

1. Moroccans in Spain - facts and fantasies In this first section we will offer an overview of some of the most characteristic features of the dense web of relations which currently exist between the two communities under study. As we have already indicated, the relationship between Spain and Morocco has been a long and complicated one. The historical dimension is, naturally, important, but at the present time the sheer scale of recent immigration into Spain gives this topic special importance. This immigration, given the special characteristics of the historical relationship between the two groups is now severely testing the capacity of both parties to build a communal life based on respect and equality. This new situation requires responses, effort, resources and commitment from all involved. Given the importance the immigration issue now holds we will start with a brief summary of the general background to the most recent Moroccan presence in Spain and how Moroccans have now become the largest migrant community in the country. We will then go on to examine the socio-economic and cultural profile of the Moroccan community, as well as the role of religion in both cultures. We will conclude with a summary of the opinions which to be found in both the academic community and in the popular discourse of how one community relates to the other.

1.1.

The Largest Migrant Community In Spain

The scale of recent immigration into the country is surely one of the most important ingredients in the multitude of social changes which have taken place in Spain during the last decade. In 1998 a mere 719,647 non native Spanish people were officially reported as residing in Spain1. By 2008 this figure had risen to 4,473,499. That is to say there was an increase of 522% in a little less those 10 years. Of this total some 717,416 came from Morocco, making Moroccans the largest single migrant group in the country.

1

http://extranjeros.mtin.es/es/InformacionEstadistica/Informes/Extranjeros31Marzo2009/index.html

3


Chart 1. Foreigners Legally Resident In Spain In Absolute Terms And As A Percentage Of The Total Population

The rise of immigration as a social phenomenon in Spain was tantamount, at least during the early years, to the increase in the number of North Africans, and especially Moroccans entering the country2. The earliest North Africa arrivals can be found in the data starting from the 1960s, although it is not till the 1970s that the presence of a Muslim population among the Spanish workforce starts to be really noted (López García, 1996). In fact before 1986 there had been a steady trickle of Moroccans coming to Spain to work (some of them on a seasonal basis only) but it was really with the 20000 amnesty law (the Spanish ley de Extranjería) and the subsequent process of regularising what had previously been “irregular” migrants that the full size of the prior flow really became evident. As López Garcia illustrates, while in 1990 there were only some 16,650 Moroccans living legally in Spain, during the 1991 amnesty some 48,000 residence permits were granted out of a total of 56,000 applications. As well as the rise in numbers, there was also a change in the geographical distribution of the new community, since while at the start most of Spain’s Moroccans were to be found in Catalonia, Madrid and Andalucia, 2

For a fuller account of the migration phenomenon http://extranjeros.mtin.es/es/index.html Retreived 21 augost 2009

4

in

Spain

see

Izquierdo

(2008)

and


their presence gradually extended across the entire Spanish territory, even though, evidently, network clusters remained. Clearly the scale of the post 2000 increase has had a major impact on Spanish society. According to data from the Spanish Ministry of Labour, in March 2009 the Moroccan community was the largest such group in Spain with a total of 729,672 members (or 16.23% of the total non Spanish population).

Chart 2. Foreigners With Municipal Registration Or Residence Permit By Nationality As Of 31-03-2009

At the present time Spain’s migrant populations are very unevenly distibuted across the Spanish territory, being largely concentrated on the Mediterranean coast and in the centre, and it is precisely this uneven distribution which can help us understand the complex relations which currently exist between the indigenous population and the New Spaniards, and especially the Moroccans. In fact the percentage of the migrant population as a proportion of the total population varies quite dramatically from one territory to another. And clearly, those areas with the largest concentrations tend to be the areas with the most significant cohabitation problems.

5


Chart 3. Foreigners With Municipal Registration Or Residence Permit As A Percentage Of Total Population By Province As Of 31-12-2007 (Total Population Estimated 1 January 2008).

1.2.

Moroccans in Spain; who are they? Where do they live? What is their work?

Who are the Moroccans? Morocco, (Arabic ‫) برغملا‬, is officially known as the Kingdom of Morocco (Arabic ‫)ةيبرغملا ةكلمملا‬, and is ruled by the present king Mohammed VI (Arabic: ‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺴﺎدس‬. The country lies on the north west tip of Africa, with coastlines on both the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean sea. Although it forms part of the African region known as the Maghreb, Morocco is itself a single geographical and cultural entity. It has also significant European influences given its geographical proximity to the continent and its history of French colonisation. Moroccans have a bilingual education (in Arabic and French) and Spanish is widely spoken in the North. Despite the unifying role of the Arabic language many Moroccans are in fact Berbers, and have their own language (Tamazight) and culture, a characteristic which gives them a special identity with the country. There is also a sub-

6


Saharan population in the South. The Monarchy, which claims direct descent from the Prophet Mohammed, and the tribal structure, which is noteworthy in the rural areas, continue to be important and distinctive characteristics of the country. Even though the education system has grown steadily since the country obtained independence in 1956 a significant proportion of the population is still functionally illiterate (44%)3, especially in the rural areas in the south and the interior. This evident educational and cultural divide converts the parallel social one which separates the artistocracy and the social elite on the one hand from the rest of the population on the other into something more like an abyss.

Profile of Moroccans in Spain The early migrants who came to Spain from the Maghreb, and especially those from Morocco, had a number of evident characteristics, characteristics which for many years were the defining characteristics of immigrants in Spain, since they were essentially male, young and coming to the country largely for economic reasons. At the present time this profile has changed somewhat, while at the same time the specific weight of Moroccans in the totality of migrants in Spain has fallen notably as the variety of countries of origin has increased. Moroccan migrants are no longer almost exclusively male, and a growing number of females are now present (whether they arrive via family reunification, or women who come on their own account, or those born in Spain), even if the single male migrant is still predominant. On the other hand the growing number of Morocanns born in Spain

and the number of young children

arriving via family unification means that the age distribution of the Moroccan population has been steadily changing. The main reason for making the crossing to Spain is still economic, but family reunification has a growing importance and there are also cases of political asylum, especially among those coming from the troubled region of Western Sahara. The principal ambition of most migrants is to improve their general life situation and prospects for themselves and their family. In most cases the decision to emigrate is taken as a collective family one. Most come since the difficult economic and social conditions in their home country make the ideal of improvement a hard one to believe 3

http://www.unicef.org/spanish/infobycountry/morocco_statistics.html Retreived 21 augost 2009

7


in. They thus tend to place considerable expectation on their hopes for a new “Eldorado” in Europe which friends, family and acquaintances have all recommended to them. Social networks and the impact of the mass media tend to make the route to Europe the preferred pathway towards economic and social success. The story becomes, of course, a quite different one, when, once they have arrived in Spain, the reality they find is not the one they were lead to expect and they start the process of adapting their objectives (Garreta, 2003).

Where They Actually Live The uneven distribution of Moroccan migrants across Spain is also refelected in the distribution of community associations, religious centres and mosques. Such associations have been an ongoing part of the Moroccan life in Spain ever since the 1970s, especially in Calatonia and in the capital city Barcelona4. Despite the fact that the geographic distribution of the migrant population has increased over the years it is still much more concentrated in some Autonomous Communities, provinces and cities than others. In fact this is partly a result of the impact of network effects on the migration process and also the strategies Moroccans use in order to find work: Most Moroccans enter the labour market informally during their initial period in Spain, using contacts which are centered on trust and personal acquaintance, a factor which leads migrants to live and work were they can find others in similar situations. As can be seen in the chart (see Chart 4 above) beyond the obvious point that they are now present in all Spain’s autonomous communities, Catalonia still is the community with the greatest concentration of migrants coming from the Maghreb, followed by Andalucia, Madrid and Murcia. If we dig down to the Community level we find the same pattern of uneven distribution is repeated once more. Within Catalonia, Barcelona has the largest concentration (139,602 Moroccans); in Andalucía, Almería has the largest number (39,407, 767) along with Malaga (21,546, 500). If we look at the city level some - Barcelona, Madrid, 4

“(…) what we observe is that those who arrive dreaming of reaching Germany, France or Holland actually end up settling in Catalonia where they alternate between work and study with others from the Rif area who both reinforce and exploit their nationalism in a region which so full of political, linguistic and cultural awakening as was Catalonia in the period before and after Spain’s transition to democracy. Alongside the political refugee who devotes him or herself to to the struggle for the defense of their fellow citizens, the already settled family, and the solitary individual who is working hard to try to establish his own business. A veritable “army” of pioneers, of “first migrants” who lay the mould into which will pour the much heavier wave of immigration which comes in the 1990s” (López García 2004, p. 213.)

8


El Ejido, Cartagena, Terrassa, Murcia, etc. – obviously stand out, and within Spain’s cities some neigbourhoods more than others5.

Chart 4. Largest National Group Among Foreigners With Municipal Registration Or Residence Permit By Province As Of 31-12-2007

As we have already indicated (Garreta, 2003) decisions on where to locate are laregely driven by personal relations (acquaintances, friends and family), housing costs, the shelter offered by having a large local population with a similar origin culture (passivity6), and it is a combination of these which gives rise to the significant concentrations in the large cities, even if in smaller urban areas such connections are not so evident. Depending on the prevailing circumstances at the time of migration residential closeness may be seen as positive, or negative. (see Blanco, 2009 and Fullaondo, 2009). Originarios de Marruecos con certificado de registro o tarjeta de residencia según CCAA (31-12-2008).

5

See, among others: Martínez Veiga (1999); Colectivo IOE (2006); Checa, Checa and Arjona (2008); Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2009). 6 No opposition to the presence of immigrants in a given building or neighbourhood.

9


Cataluña

250.000

Andalucía Madrid Murcia

200.000

Comunidad Valenciana Castilla La Mancha Baleares

150.000

Castilla y León Aragón Canarias

100.000

Extremadura País Vasco La Rioja

50.000

Navarra Galicia Melilla

0

Ceuta

1

No consta

Chart 5. Moroccans With Municipal Registration Or Residence Permit By Automomous Communities Of Residence As Of 31-12-2008

Where They Work Some 20% of the 3.5 million Moroccan immigrants who are currently in Europe live in Spain. Moroccan immigration into Spain is largely of rural origin, and some 40% of those who arrive work as unskilled labourers, with all the associated feelings of work insecurity (61% have been unemployed at some point or other), according to the Council of the Moroccan Community Abroad (CCME) in 2009. In general terms, Moroccan immigrants working in Spain are to be found either in agriculture or in construction (essentially as unskilled labour). They represent over 70% of the total nonSpanish labour force working in these two sectors. In this sense, they are also the group which is least evident in the tertiary sector. Indeed, the fact they live largely on the coast and in the vicinity of Madrid helps explain their work profile. Agricultural employment tends to be temporary and seasonal, especially at the start when the contract may be informal, even though the intention of the migrant is normally to regularise their situation as rapidly as possible by finding stable, urban employment. (Domingo and González, 1996; Cachón, 2007).

10


Moroccan migrants tend to work on sub-contracts and in more marginal activities, and the irregularities associated with the kind of work they do makes relations with the Spanish population more difficult. It is also worth noting that there is an important difference between males and females here, since the men tend to work in external activities, like agriculture or building works, while the women remain indooors, either in the home or in domestic services (Pumares, 1996). In the case of female Moroccans the nomal profile is one of coming to Spain as part of a family reunification process, although in recent years there have been a growing number of young Moroccan women arriving in Spain for domestic services or to work in light industries associated with agriculture and food processing. In general terms the pattern of Moroccan migration also applies to that of other groups, in that they tend to occupy the hardest, most dangerous and most precarious positions in the labour market (Cachón, 2004).

1.3.

How Can We Best Characterise Morocco Culturally?

Margaret (Omar) Nydell (1996, p. 19) describes Moroccans as North Africans with a shared Arab culture whose beliefs are structured around a) the idea that many, if not all, of the things which matter in life are determined by fate, rather than by individual will and decision taking. b) children should be loved, c) wisdom grows with age and d) that the male and female personalities are inherently different. These beliefs are broadly shared with few regional or class differences. The beliefs and values of those living in societies which have been strongly influenced by Arabic culture are strongly influenced by Islam, even if those holding them are not themselves Muslims; child-rearing practices are nearly identical; and the family structure is essentially the same. Arabic cultures are not as mobile as western ones, and tend to be much more strongly influenced by tradition. Nydell has summarized the basic values, religious attitudes and self perceptions of those who live in an Arabic influenced culture as summarised in the box (see box below).

11


Basic Arab Values • • • •

A person’s dignity, honor and reputation are of paramount importance, and no effort should be spared to protect them, especially one’s honor. Honor (and shame) is often viewed as collective, pertaining to the entire family group. It is important to behave at al times in a way which will create a good impression on others. Loyalty to one’s family takes precedence over personal needs. Social class and family background are the major determining factors of personal status, followed by individual character and achievement.

Basic Arab Self-Perceptions • • • •

• •

1.4

Arabs are generous, humanitarian, polite and loyal (Melikian, 1981). Arabs have a rich cultural heritage, as is illustrated by their contribution to religion, philosophy, literature, medicine, architecture, art mathematics and natural science (Omram 1980). Although there are many differences among Arab countries, the Arabs perceive themselves as being members of the Arab Nation (al-umma al-‘arabiyya) The Arab people have been victimized and exploited by the West. For them, the Gulf War is seen (in part) as a Western action to enforce Iraq’s compliance regarding an internationally recognized border, in contrast to the absence of enforcement in the case of Israel. Indiscriminate imitation of Western culture, by weakening traditional family ties and religious values, is thought to have a corrupting influence on Arab society. Arabs are misunderstood and wrongly characterized by most Westerners. Many people in the West are basically anti-Arab and anti-Muslim.

Spain as Intercultural Entity

Some descriptive data about Spain Spain, or as it is officially know The Kingdom of Spain, is a sovereign state and member of the European Union. The head of state is a monarch and the country is governed by a parliamentary democracy. The country, which has its capital in Madrid, occupies the majority of the Iberian peninsula, together with the Balearic Islands (in the Mediterranean sea) and the Canary Islands (in the Atlantic Ocean). Spanish territory also extends to a small strip of North West Africa in the form of the two autonomus cities of Celta and Melilla, and in addition there are small pieces of territory off the Moroccan coast, namely the Chafarinas Islands, the Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera and the Peñón de Alhucemas. In addition there is the Livian enclave in the Pyrenees, the 12


island of Alboraán, the Columbretes Islands and a series of small islands dotted along the Spanish coastline. Spain is the fourth largest country in continental Europe, following Russia, Ukraine and France. With an average height of 650 metres above sea level, Spain is the second most mountainous country in Europe, after Switzerland. Spain has a population of 46.662 million inhabitants according to the 2009 municipal register. The population is unevenly distributed over the landmass, being largely concentrated along the coastline, in Madrid, and in the other main cities. These are also naturally the areas of greatest immigration. Spain’s political landscape is characterised by its autonomous communities, and it is a unified state organised into 19 separate Autonomous Communities.

Chart 6. Spain's Automomous Communities

13


A variety of people, relions and cultures have left their mark on contemporary Spain. A good example of this diversity of origins is to be found in the languages spoken inside of Spain, of which there are a significant number. Spanish is the official national language, and is widely used across the whole national territory7. There are, however, three other official languages, recognised by the Spanish constitution (which dates to December 1978). These are Catalan, Euskera and Gallego. These are the official languages of the Autonomus Communities of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia respectively. The regional extension of the use of these languages can be seen coloured dark orange in the map (see Chart 7 below).

Chart 7. The Languages of Spain

Other languages and dialects also exist, although none of these are officially recognised constitutionally. These are indicated by the use of light orange in the chart. One of these languages is not territorial, the Caló language used by Spain’s gypsies.

Some ideas about culture of Spain Taking all this into account it might seem to be open to discussion whether we are talking about the existence of one common Spanish culture, or about severeal different cultures which coexist to form modern Spain. This debate is a very complex one, and has produced an extensive literay, historical, philosophical, sociological and political 7

The Spanish language is also known as Castellano, since it originated in one of the country’s regions: Castilla.

14


literature. Given the complexity of the issue all that will be attempted here is to offer a synthesis, based on the work of Aneas and Schubert (2006) and of Almeida (2004). In the boxes below) we summarise the way Spanish people tend to see themselves and some of their basic values and beliefs.

Basic Spanish Values •

• •

•

•

•

The family is the single most important factor which gives stability and security to the individual. In Spain the objective of building or forming part of a harmonic and stable family is a fundamental value which is shared by almost everyone, no matter what their age, ideology, social status, etc. The Spanish familiy is diverse, and can be either extensive (grandparents, uncles nephews and nieces...) or nuclear (parents and children) and today the idera of family has moved towards offering legal protection to other family models, like the single parent, or families based around non traditional sexual partnerships (gays and lesbians). The common characteristic of all of these is their willingness to form an affective nucleus which offers security, care and mutual affection to its members. This value is considered to be so important that professional decisisions are seldom if ever taken without taking the consequences for the family into account. Social relationships are the fundamental base for personal and professional development within the Spanish culture. Living for the day, and enjoying life. These are the essential ingredients which are omnipresent in Spanish culture both historically and in the modern world. Spanish people still publicly demonstrate a rather distant interest in material and economic issues, preferring generally to appear to centre attention on leisure activities and enjoying life. In Spain people do not look towards the past. Almost no one now remembers the Imperial aga, nor the civil war of 1936. People look to the future in order to try to safeguard that security they value so highly, but what really matters is the present. Once Spanish people feel themselves to be psychologically secure there is no urgency in planning for the future. Things can be done from one day to the next. In Spain people do not look towards the past. Almost no one now remembers the Imperial aga, nor the civil war of 1936. People look to the future in order to try to safeguard that security they value so highly, but what really matters is the present. Once Spanish people feel themselves to be psychologically secure there is no urgency in planning for the future. Things can be done from one day to the next. To be accepted, positively valued and feel part of a group is somethin which is very important for the Spanish individual, with reputation and personal prestige being among the foremost of their objectives.

15


Basic Spanish Self-Perceptions • • • • •

Leaving aside cultural differences, Spanish people normally consider themselves to be open, humanitarian, and happy. Spaniards from any part of the national territory are proud of their national heritage, both cultural and historic, although this should not be taken to mean that they care for it as they should. They feel satisfied with their life, freely accepting the country in which they live (although it is important to note that for some this country is Spain, while for other it is the Basque Country or Catalonia or Andalucia. Spanish people generally do not recognise arab influnces on their culture, while they are extremely proud of their Greek and Roman ancestry. They feel themselves to be completely European

1.5. The Role of Religion in the relations beetwen Spain and Morroco It is impossible to ignore the import part religion plays when it comes to analysing relations between Moroccans and Spaniards. Events like the terrorist bombing of 11 March 2004 and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism as a global phenomenon have been critical factors in determining Spanish perceptions of the modern muslim world and of their new Moroccan neighbours. 99% of Moroccans are Sunni muslims, and normally practice the maliki rite.For this reason if we want to understand the Moroccan culture in Spain we also need to understand their religious rites and practices.

Spain’s Attitudes To religion The Spanish 1978 Constitution describes Spain as a non confessional state where no religion has an oficial status. Education is secular and the religious plurality of the country is officially recognised. The largest religious community is Catholic, but there are growing communities who profess other faiths (Islam, Protestant, Judaism, Hindu, Budism, Orthodox Christians etc). However despite this apparent diversity, as Almeida (2004) emphasises, the influence of catholocism is still predominant as has been repeatedly stressed in the literature (Aranguren, 1952; Sánchez Albornoz, 1976 or Maravall, 1964). Historicallly such authors have located the fundamental influence of the Catholic religion in what they perceive to be the Spanish character: “unpreoccupied for material interests, and trusing in the ultimate pardon, with the full certainty that

16


faith guarantees salvation in such a way that the sense of guilt is almost totally absent.” (Almeida, 2004, p. 103). The real issue, however, is to what extent such (somewhat stereotypical) traditional traits are still present in and shared by the modern day Spanish population. In one sense specifically Spanish Catholicism has now become a phenomenon which lies in the past, since Spain is now a global, transnational and democratic society. EiblEibesfelt (1980, p. 79) who studied the complex issue of the survival or transformation of historic values in rapidly changing societies stresses that even if traditional values may be transformed there can be no doubt about their long term survival capacity. On the other hand Almedo (1993) carried out an analysis which found that despite the position of near monopoly which Spain’s Catholic faith enjoys, real religious feelings are quite fluid, and adjust to fit in with the developing global mentality of the believer. If in other epochs religion was able to serve as a structural element which oriented other areas of civic life (political, social, moral, etc) the defining characteristic of our age would seem to be rather the reverse: religous feeling evolves in an intimate relationship with the values, attitudes and behaviour of the non-religious world, and in the process becomes more secular. As a result there is a very close connection between the position occupied by the individual in the socio-cultural arena and the precise forms of being religious that subsequently develop. Aneas and Schubert (2005) have conveniently brought together some of the cultural values which are present in the Spanish religious setting (see summary in the box below).

17


Basic Spanish religious attitudes •

• •

•

The influence of the Catholic religion, which is practised to a much lesser extent in modern Spain (the Spanish constitution explicitly recognises the country as secular) nonetheless is very present in day to day values.In this sense the high profile the the Catholic hierarchy maintains in the means of communication and political life is noteworthy. There sense of the validity of final pardon is still evident, to the extent that the feelings of contrition and responsibility are notable weaker than in other societies. Despite the fact that a day to day presence in church is not considered important, most Spaniards still think of themselves as being Catholic. Many still celebrate their saints day, and identify with local religious traditions and festivals. Many of these religious rites are still celebrated with a passion which can often surprise outsiders. Thus the majority of modern Spaniards express and experience their religious faith in their own individual way, believing that it is the act of faith itself that matters over and above liturgical dogmas or eclessiastical authorities.

Islam, The Principal Religión Among Moroccans In Spain As Nydell (1996) puts it, for a muslins, religion permeates his or her most immediate and personal daily life in a way which non-muslims may find hard to understand. In muslim countries Islam is habitually taught in the schools, the vernacular language is full of religious expressions, and people practice their religion openly, almost obtrusively, expressing it in a wide variety of different ways. Faith for a Muslim is more than a just a religion, it is a complete way of live. Islam is politics, law, social behavior... The origins of Islam go back to the northern Arabia of the seventh century A.D. Its doctrines are based on directy revelation from God to His last Prophet, Muhammad, a process which took place over a period of twenty –two years. The revelations were preserved and incorporated into the holy book of the muslims, the Qur’an. The God that muslims worship is effectively the same God jews and christians worship (Allah is simply the Arabic word for God). The doctrines of the Islamic religion are viewed as a summary and completion of previous revelations to jewish and christians prophets. Islam shares may doctrines with Judaism and Christianity, and jews and christians are known as “People of the Book” (the Scriptures). Muslim society is governed by the

18


Sharia, or Islamic law, which is based on de Qur’an and the Sunnah. The Sunnah is the description of the acts and sayings of the Prophet and incorporates the Hadith (traditions of the Prophet): Islamic jurist also use ijma’ (consensus) and qiyas (reasoning by analogy) when interpreting and applying Islamic law. The application of Islamic Law differs from country to country according to local interpretation of the Qur’an and Sharia. Much of the content of the Qur’an is similar (though not identical) to the teachings and stories found in the Old and New Testaments of the Bible. Islamic doctrine accepts the previous revelation to biblical prophets as valid, but states as the Bible does, that the people continually strayed from these teachings.

Islam in Spain (Morroccans and Their Relations With Islam) There are, and have long been, Spanish Muslims, but the faith of these Spanish nationals has little real connection with the faith and rites of the Moroccan newcomers8. Non Spanish muslims had no formal religious recognition in Spain until the Law of Religious Freedom (44/1967 of the 28 June 1967) which officially allowed the existing cultural centres (with little formal definition) to convert themselves into the first registered Islamic Associations. From this inauspicious begining, as the migrants have steadily arrived, the modern Islamic presence in Spain has steadily grown. According to Moreras (1999) it is posible to distinguísh five stages in the new muslim presence in Spain: From 1939 to 1966: it was at this time that the first modern muslim oratorio was built in Cordoba (Morabito de los Jardines de Colón) constructed by General Franco in gratitude to the Moroccan soldiers who fought with him during the Spanish civil war: From 1967 to 1975: a period in which the first law guaranteeing religious freedom was passed and which also saw the creation of the first muslim associations ( (in 1968 in Ceuta, in 1971 in Melilla and in 1971 in Madrid) and the Asociación Musulmana de España (AME) which undertook the contruction of Spain’s first mosque in Madrid9;

8

In UCIDE (2008) it is reported that in 2007 muslims represented some 2.5% of the resident population in Spain and of these 30% are Spanish nationals and 70% were immigrants (50% Moroccans and 20% of another nationality). 9 See also: López and Olmo (1995) and Garreta (2000).

19


From 1975 to 1989: the first tensions begin to appear (the Comunidad Musulmana de España is created as a rival to the Asociación Musulmana) and the number of prayer centres begins to grow throught Spain; From 1989 to 1992: the consolidation of Islam in Spain (July 1989); the most important step being the creation in 1989 of the Spanish Federation of Islamic Religious Organisations (FEERI) with 15 federated associations. New tensions arise and the AME divides again, with ten new associations being created in different parts of Spain (places were they were not present before). In 1990 the Union of Islamic Communities in Spain was created (Unión de Comunidades Islámicas de España, UCIDE) with 17 participating associations. Finally in 1992 these alter two associations combine to form the Islamic Commission (la Comisión Islámica). From 1992 to date: this is a period characterised by the creation of the Islamic Comisión and a notable growth in the number of prayer centres across the country. The increasing numbers of migrants, their geographic dispersion and their settlement into communities all combine to create a growing number of places for meeting and prayer. At this stage we find frequent splits and unifications between religious centres (Garreta, 2000a and 2001). Such schisms normally are the consequence of internal conflicts associated with the level of adherence to the precepts or “line” imposed by the local iman10, as a result of the economic strains involved in trying to maintain a centre, and the ease with which members of the community are able to rent or acquire another, etc. The norm is one of building multiple prayer centres across Spain’s regions as the number of believers increases and the economic and physical possibilities of having a centre are created, the availability of potential imans, and fluctuations in the number of potential members a centre might have as a result of labour market instability. The gradual establishment of muslim communities across Spain has meant that there are now mosques and prayer centres in many Spanish cities, and there are now estimated to

10

The Iman reinforces the maintenance of community values and attempt to ensure that communal rites and traditions are not lost.

20


be around six hundred such centres11. Most of those who attend these centres are Moroccan. In fact, the town or region of origin of the migrant is not without its own significance, given that prayer centres are normally created based around the architecture and the rites with which the migrants themselves are most familiar, even if, and especially at the start, exact replication is not possible and more improvised structures are used. However, as and when it becomes possible to create a form of worship which is closer to the earlier ritual experience of the practitioners no opportunity is lost to do so. The mosques and prayer centres carry out a number of functions in the muslim community and these normally converts them into important areas of socialisation for all muslims living in the catchment area. In addition they offer a structural framework for the whole community in the process consolidating the presence of Islam. For muslim migrants these religious centres offer spiritual support while at the same time reinforcing their identity with respect to the host population. They also have an important role to play in ensuring the continuity of religious practic and one important part of their activity (indeed many migrants cite this explicitly as one of the principle motivations for creating the prayer centre) is the transmission of religion to the coming generations. Islam in this new context acquires three inter-related connotations which prior to the time of immigration were not seen as important (López and Olmo, 1995): adscriptive ethnic traits (Islam as adscription, it reveals itself as an ethnic trait), a distintive ethnic trait (Islam as a distinctive element among immigrants, separating those who are from those who aren’t, as well as distinguising the muslim migrants from the Spanish population who are not muslim) and a facultative trait (identification with Islam is a voluntary decision12 and the practitioner decides whether to form part of the religion or not, and up to which point). For López and Olmo, Islam is important since it plays the role of collective identity generator and helps coalesce the ethnic group. In the specific 11

By prayer centres we mean improvised places of worship, such as garages, flats and other meeting places which are used by muslims for religious practices simply by converting a given space to different needs, even though such improvised spaces evidently do not have the typical architecture of a mosque. 12 "We need to specify that we consider the formation of new identities to have a voluntary element, even if it evidently is conditioned both by the attributes which the individual originally possesses due to their background culture as well as by the context where the new identity is developed, the reception society” (López and Olmo, 1995, p. 269).

21


case of Moroccans, Islam is present in the network of informal relations (both within and outside of the prayer centres) but is absent from the network of formal relations which surround these structures and serve as a bridge with Spanish society. As we can see, Islam in Spain is a reflection of the very diversity of the immigrant community, and of their respective attitudes towards it. Even so Losada (1995) distinguishes four currents or public expressions of Islam which incorporate the extremes (from secularism to Islamic fundamentalism) and these can help us develop a portrait of the group as a whole as it is today. •

Installed practitioners: young male migrants for whom a return to Islam coincides with the decision to definitively settle themselves with their family. Islam is seen as a way of avoiding a loss of religion on the part of their children.

•

Second generation Islam: young people who do not reject either their culture or their religion but who adapt to the new situation by reducing their religious practice to a set of external manifestations (like Ramadan and other festivals) while more or less ignoring the day to day practice which normally accompanies the religion. The identity of these young people is still to be defined and will depend on the family strategy adopted.

•

Sociological muslims: here there is an association with Islam which is more cultural than based on religious cult.

•

Islamic militants: those holding a negative view of the process of muslim emigration to non-muslim countries and hold feeling which are often associated with fear of assimilation and the loss of religious identity.

1.6. Cultural discourses - as seen both by the original Spanish population and the Moroccan migrants The steady arrival of migrants in Spain has had the consequence that discourses of multiculturalism have now begun to appear, and with these demands for the recognition of the cultural diversity which is present in modern Spanish society - even if previously such diversity was already evident in the case of Spain’s gipsy communities and that of those Autonomous Communities who have their own language and culture. Alongside such multiculturalist discourses there are other voices, such as those of the

22


interculturalist discourses (often closely identified with socio-eductational initiatives) which emphasise the need for intercultural communication and the discourses of rejection, which hold a negative view of the new diversity due to the presence of feelings of cultural and own identity losss (and are normally based on a more essencialist interpretation of both), or simply due to the pressures from the competition the migrants offer in the labour market or for housing and social services. The discourse of rejection is fed particularly by the rapid increase in immigration which has taken place in a comparatively short period of time, and by the increase in migration flows from certain given countries of origin, and by the apparent resistence to integration (by which is those who subscribe to the rejection discoures often mean assimilation) on the part of some groups of immigrants. As the Group IOE (1992) argues, tolerance towards assimilation often coexists with a minimal receptivity towards the idea of a pluricultural society. Historically racism in Spain was conceptualised (and studied) in terms of gypsies and attitudes towards them (San Román, 1986 and 1994). Gypsies are normally subjected to a strong process of social exclusion due to their different lifestyle and customs, and an apparent lack of interest on their part towards entering the either labour market or the educational system. In fact, although the stereotype is often far from the reality, Spanish gypsies are frequently regarded as poorly adapted, lazy, dependent on social services and untrustworthy. The arrival of large scale immigration across Spain’s frontiers, in addition to being seen as a sign of modernity and social development (since Spain moved from being a society which was itself a source of migrants to being one which was a net receiver), began stir feelings and provoke a recourse to ancestral images which subsequently became part of the daily diet of the mass communication industry. 13

13

For more detailed examination of this topic see Samper and Garreta (2008), who argue that our image of “otherness” is normally constructed from a variety of elements: historical memory (which is lived and/or transmitted from one generation to another, in the school, etc …), recent events on a global level (11 September 2001 in New York, 11 March 2004 in Madrid, the Iraq war etc), the images presented in the mass media as well as our own day to day experiences, which all tend to shape and influence how we see ourselves and others.

23


Discourses concerning muslims from the Maghreb In this new context muslim immigrants, and especially Moroccan ones, tend to find themselves on the receiving end of many of the most negatively charged prejudices. Within the Spanish hierarchy of racism14 the most rejected communities are always and without fail either the Moroccans or the gypsies. Even if immigration is now quite diverse, it is the Moroccan who is most closely identified with the stereotypical image of the immigrant, and this identification has only tended to increase in recent years (Terrén, 2004). According to Terrén the Moroccans have come embody the social visibility of the migration phenomenon in Spain, and the reason for this situation is the presence of racial prejudice which leads one group to attain a stronger ideological representation than the rest. The persistence of this prejudice towards Moroccans has its roots in the negative image which comes from Spain’s historical ties with North Africa, and the image which circulates is basically the traditional one of the “moro” as it has been “modernised” by the selection process and filtering which the means of communication apply to the immigration process. The level of racial prejudice is often measured in terms of the expressed preferences of Spanish citizens towards the reality of living with others, and such preferences are normally measured by studies carried out by the Spainish Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (Centre for Sociological Investigation CIS). It is clear from the surveys they have carried out that the closer the two communities live together the greater the level of mutual distrust is produced. Only acceptance becomes stronger through increased contact, whether this is at the level of the neighbourhood association and citizen participatin or through intermarriage. In a 2007 study of attitudes towards racial or ethnic discrimination in Spain15 Spain’s Labour and Social Affairs Ministry found that country of origin was an important factor, and that some groups were better accepted than others. Among respondents who recognised any group of immigrants as inspiring confidence (only 36.7% of the total) 31.5% referred to South Americans and Latinos, and 12% to Sub-Saharan Africans, while only 3.2% mencioned Moroccans, 14

Order of level of rejection of the immigrant as classified by nacional origin. This order tends to be repeated in one study after another. 15 Study published 15 September 2007 www.cis.es [Study 2731 del Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales].

24


0.7% Arabs and 0.1% muslims. On the other hand, among those who lacked confidence in any group (51.3%), 18.9% specifically mentioned North Africans as people who inspired least confidence, 9.9% spoke about “moros” (moors), 8,6% Arabs and 6.4% muslims. As can be seen, those interviewed use a variety of different terms to refer to what is, effectively, one and the same population. 40% of those interviewed in the study found it perfectly acceptable that people should “organise protests against the building of a mosque in their neighbourhood”, and nearly 30% thought it reasonable that a student “should be excluded from school for wearing the Islamic headscarf”. Another study from the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas which examined “Discrimination and How It Is Perceived”16 and which interviewed members of the majority population found that the groups for which there was least sympathy were gypsies, and muslims (51.7%, 2..5% and 45.8% respectively), immigrants in general (31%), homosexuals (24.8%) and young people (7.7%). This perception of the immigrant is also reflected in the response to another question in the survey, since 80% of those who answered stated they felt that people generally “lacked confidence in muslims”. As Moreras (2003) suggests, at the start of the twenty first century what we are observing is a steady shift in public opinion regarding the way people tend to see immigrants, in that the issue of religious affiliation is seen as ever more important and the reaction against any symbol that suggests the change in religious affiliation is permanent is correspondingly strong. From being a phenomenon which steadily becomes more socially visible during the 1990s, the immigrant moved to the much more problematic situation of being seen as a direct threat to the traditional European social model. The existence of stereotypes among the Spanish population and the orchestrated visibilisation of these which is promoted by many means of communication leads, as Balta (1990) suggests, to the creation of a self-fulfilling property, since faced with media hostility, the isolation and self-protection of the community has lead to a real reduction in intercultural contact in a way which reinforces the influence of precisely those fundamentalists who seek to promote this very isolation. In fact many prayer centres now try to reamin as little noticed as possible. (Garreta, 2001). 16

Study published 12 December 2007 www.cis.es [Study number 2745, Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales].

25


What North African Muslims Espect of Spanish Society Every immigrant has objectives and tries to realise those objectives, and it is the circumstances that he or she finds on the way to achieving these objectives which will determine the extent to which these are changed, modified or even abandoned. The migrants initial project does normally contemplate or take into account the difficulties and unexpected situations which will be encountered along the way, and which will lead to a redifinition of the content and duration the initial objectives. Thus, even if we can refer at a very general level to the expectations of the migrant population, the very complexity of the process implies that we can not offer more than a limited and partial overview of the processes involved. As we have indicated, immigration from Morocco normally has a strong economic motivation, and it is therefore natural that it should be this component which organises the migrants expectations. Finding work and obtaining the appropriate documentation (in order to be able to operate legally in the labour market) are the main priorities of the majority of immigrants17 and even more so during an economic crisis which has a major impact on the labour market. We should remember that the typical migration project is above all a family one, and thus, the aid which comes from the person who has left is eagerly awaited, and this expecttation means that sending this money (or remittances as they are known) will also be a priority for the migrant.18 The need to send remittances thus becomes a major conditioning factor in the immigrants life19 Evidently these are not the appropriate conditions for family reunification, and for this to become possible having somewhere to live which is larger, and not shared with others, starts to become an objective in its own right. And clearly it is when the migrant comes to have the establishment of a family unit within sight that the mainenance and continuity of culture also recovers its importance. And thus it is quite natural that it is at this point that the idea of having a prayer centre emerges, and the role such centres can play, where they already exist, expands from merely being a convenient place to 17

We should also mention that there are those who come to Spain for study purposes, and in this case, evidently, the priority is to terminate the studies 18 In a recent study Garreta et al. (2009) found that in the case of Senegal one part of the migrant population began to modify there behaviour with regard to remittances after seeing how these were generating a new form of dependency on the part of their family, and forms of consumption which they considered to be excessive, and that in general the relationship was not a beneficial one for their family. 19 See Garreta (2003).

26


perform religious rites towards ensuring the continuity of culture, structuring household and family roles and inreasing the knowledge of the traditional language, culture and religion. This one of the reasons why most of the prayer centres offer religious and other instruction to young people, and why most muslims take advantage of the possibilities offered them under Spanish law to request Islamic religion be taught as part of the school curriculum20. One study of Moroccan families concluded that concerns about the survival of their language, culture and religion, as well as the conservation of eating habits and forms of dress was widsespread (Garreta et al., 2007). With respect to eating habits those interviewed were not only showed interest in whether or not the food offered was in harmony with their beliefs, they also thought it important it should be what they considered “healthy”. As far as dress goes most muslims suggest, somewhat timidly, that this is a private matter, and a question of personal beliefs, and that the decision as to whether the girls wear a scarf or not should be handled at the family level, without direct interference from the school. Clearly the question of dress codes and food are potential points of conflict between muslim families and the school, especially in those cases where the school have not given serious thought to their policy, or when the families do not accept the posture adopted by the school. The school is clearly one of the institutions most directly affected by the recent rise in immigration, as well as by the growing diversity which is now present in Spanish society. Other institutions which are “in the front line” as it were of the cultural changes the medical centres and the hospitals. And these changes are taking place at a time when these institutions themselves have become the subject of intense social debate, with their legitimacy in question in the context of a society where the boundary between the public and the private sectors is no longer as clear as it once was. In reality, despite the prevalence of discourses proclaiming the benefits of multicultural and the arrival of intercultural societes, it is all too often the case that what is actually happening is an attempt to assimilate, and evidently, when looked at from this point of view some groups appear to be far easier to “assimilate” than others. Muslims, and especially Moroccans, are widely seen as being the group which is most resistant to assimilation and the one which has the least interest in “integrating” in their reception society, thus their cultural manifestations and religious traditions are interpreted as signs of being 20

See UCIDE (2008).

27


poorly integrated. As long as the outward expressions of Islam in Spain are not treated with complete normality not only will the impact of this exclusion be one of continued “invisibilisation” but also the hostile environment will only increase attitudes of distance and resistence. According to Cachón (2009), while a unidirectional concept of integration predominates and the burden of proof that “assimilation” is taking place rests with the immigrants themselves, it will be difficult to take mutual recognition policies forward, and in this sense the need for “interculturality” becomes more urgent than ever.

2. History of the Struggle: A Milenary Relation In this section we will attempt to examine some of the origins of the complex relationship which now exists between Spain and Morocco. In the first place there is no critical detonator, no historical year zero. The relationship goes back over many centuries during there have been periods of harmony and positive interaction and there have been periods of strong tension, and periods with almost no contact. The points of tension have, however, changed with the centuries, and they have moved from the political to the religious terrain. From the Third to the Fifth centuries AD Spain formed part of the Roman Empire. During the Sixth century the Visigoths, who came to Spain from Germany, established themselves in what had previously been Roman Spain. It was at this time that Cathololicism consolidated and extended itself across Spain, since prior to this date it had been in competition with other strands of Christianity. In the last decades of the Seventh century the Visigoth Kingdom became fragmented, due to continuing rivalry between local nobles, and the situation only deteriorated in the Eigth century. In 711 groups commanded by the leader Tarik, arrived from the North of Africa (Arabs, Berbers and Syrians), and defeated the Visigoth Don Rodrigo in the battle of Guadalete, and their religion was, naturally, Islam. The defeat at Guadalete signified the end of the Visigoth rule in Spain, and the start of Arab domination of the Iberian Peninsula, which was to last eight centuries, up to 1492. The Arab conquest of Spain was a rapid one, since the Hispano-gothic cities offered little resistance, either reaching agreement before combat was joined or capitulating

28


soon after it started. In less than eight years almost the whole of Spain had been conquered with the exception of a small strip of land in the North where early centres of resistance developed which later became incipient christian kingdoms. Thus conquered, Spain, under the name of Al-Andalus, became a muslim Emirate which was dependent on Damascos, although the governors were dependent on Ifriqiya (Túnez). Across almost 800 years of history Al-Andalus was governed by a whole variety of political regimes which were to leave a profound influence on its culture and social structure. The region passed from being ruled by Damascus to a series of independent muslim kingdoms. But beyond the numerous internal power struggles which characterised the region, the history of Al-Andalus is best understood in terms of its changing relations with the muslim powers of the Eastern cities and with the other two religious communities who occupied the same territory (the catholic and the jewish ones) with whom the both cohabited and struggled against. The Catholic Kings (Isabel I of Castille and Fernando of Aragón) brought to an end an epoch which is known in Spain under the generic name “the Reconquest”. The new structure came into being as a result of internal tensions which combined with the advance of the various Christian kingdoms of León, Castille, Navarre, Aragón and the Catalonia. These kingdoms simply became stronger over the centurias, consolidating themselves through a series of political alliances and marriages into a common catholic front which sought hegemony over the muslim kingdoms which constituted Al-Andalus and the jewish population which was dispersed throught the entire Iberian peninsula. By 1492 Al-Andalus had been reduced to the Kingdom of Granada. The handing over of this city to the Catholic Kings by Abu Abd Allah (Boabdil) meant the definitive disappearance of Al-Andalus and the start of the absolute hegemony of the crown of Castille. The lasting influence of Al-Andalus and its culture on Spain is undeniable. It is evident, for example, in the number of Arab loan words which are to be found in the Spanish vocabulary (and other languages spoken across the peninsula). Words of Arab origin represent about 8% of the total vocabulary (around 4,000 words), Cano (1999, p. 53). Such loan words cover almost all conceiveable areas of human activity, and according to Rafael Lapesa (1995, p. 133) they became, after Latin, the most important lexical

29


source for modern Spanish, at least up to the sixteenth century. Words of Arabic origin are to be found in all areas of science and knowledge, institutions and customs, commercial and domestic activity, dress and leisure activities. They are also plentiful in agriculture, where, of course, the North African and Arab population were true inovators in both crops and forms of irrigation. They have also, naturally, left their imprint on all forms of military activity. Arabic influence is also extremely evident in place names, not only in the areas where the muslim population previously had their settlements, but also, even if with less frequency, in the Spanish Meseta (the centre) and in the northwest of Spain. The notable artistic, literary and scientific legacy which the kindom of Al-Andalus left to posterity was neglected and ignored in the new Spain of the Catholic Kings, but even so, Spain’s Arab heritage continued to be felt in its music, its architecture, its gastronomy, and in agricultural techniques and artefacts which were commonplace. Invasion, reconquest, expulsion are terms which are widely used in historical narrative to describe the interaction between North Africa and Spain. These expressions are not used with anything like the same frequency in the case of other “visitors” to Spain’s shores – the Greeks, the Romans, the Germanic tribes, who all arrived, settled and then disappeared, whether defeated or assimilated by the local people. Despite this large presence, and despite their influence, the establishment of Al-Andalus in Spain and its lasting legacy has always been the source of debate and controvery. And history is today repeating itself in the form of the controversy surrounding the arrival of the latest wave of settlers from the Maghreb. Thus the very fact of conquest has lead to some of the most passionate controversies of modern Spanish historiography. The passion this topic arouses is hardly surprising given that for centuries it was a commonplace that the Arab invasion represented a decisive interruption in what would otherwise have been the continuing development of an essencialist Spain – and that the settlement of a Moroccan population on Spanish territory was an evident irruption into what would otherwise have been the normal course of Spanish history, an irruption whose reality could only be explained by recourse to the idea of treason and treachery. Unsurprsingly, such traumatic events left an indelible mark on the collective subconscious of the Spanish people over the centuries which followed. 30


In this context, T. Glick (1979) draws attention to psychiatric studies which analyse the phenomenon known as fear of the invader. That the Arab conquest has been interpreted as an event which is external to what would otherwise have been the ongoing development of moden Spain assumes that this History is a process of realising some given essentialist concepts and elements, elements whose core survives across the centuries, creating and recreating the eternally and essentially “Spanish”. Such essentialist interpretations, which have, nonetheless, profound roots in Spanish historical thinking, are not, however, universal shared. Américo Castro (1996) expounded the thesis that there was no such entity as “Spain” before the Arab conquest, and that in fact it was this act of conquest which set in motion the process which lead to the creation of the modern Spain we know today.

3. Causes In this section we will try to outline some of the factors which, in our judgement, enable us to understand why the relationship between the Spanish and Moroccan populations is as complex as it is. We are aware of the presence of an infinite number of variables, actors, scenarios, etc, all of which can help explain the various levels of interaction and inter-relationship which have traditionally existed between the two communities. But prescisely because of this very complexity it is imposible, in our opinion, to formate a set definitive and univocal causal factors. In what follows will try to identify a series of factors which will help understand the complexity of the process involved.

3.1.

Cultural Differences?

If we come to look in more detail at the above mentioned cultural traits we should be able to appreciate that there in fact few substantial differences between the two cultures under examination. Both group share similar values concerning the family, the value of social networks, and the importance of reputation and honour. According to the cultural taxonomy developed by Hofstede (1999), the only registers in which differences have been found are those of individualism-collectivism, masculinity-femininity, tolerance of uncertainty and hierarchical distance. In no case are the differences in these registers excessesive, given that both cultures occupy relatively centred positions on each of 31


them. It therefore seems at face value that there must be other some component which plays the key role in this historically conflictive relationship.

3.2 . Spain’s cultural diversity faced with Moroccan migration: paradoxes and contradictions The question as to when Spain can first be considered to have come into existence as a coherent cultural entity with a common identity has been the subject of great debate among hsitorians.

Some would look for origins in the prehistoric Spain (Claudio

Sánchez Albornoz, 1976), while others, like Américo Castro (1996) go as far as to suggest that it was ithe existence of Al-Andalus which provided the stimulus needed to create the necessary common identity. This being said, it is normally accepted that the period of the Catholic Kings in the fifteenth century was the critical moment in the founding history of modern Spain, since it was at this point that the process of bringing together the various separate kingdoms (Castille, Aragón, Navarre) and the defeat of Granada began the process of state construction. In this sense the history of Spain begins at a comparatively early date when compared with that of other European states like Germany or Italy. Despite this, it is interesting to note that during the whole of Spain’s history some parts of the national territory (in particular Catalonia and the Basque country) were asserting their own historic identities based on structures whose origins go back to the middle ages (kingdoms and countdoms descending from the Visgoths and the Franks). The maintenance of their own language, the conservation of their own system of laws, a clear political attutude towards the throne (which was always occupied by Castille) and the existence of a distict identity continue to characterise these regions today just as they have done historically. It is also possible to say that the process of state formation was more a question of Castille, given its political hegemony, steadily imposing its own cultural vision on the entire country. Since this time there has been a constant tension between unity and multiplicity, between the acceptance of diversity and the rejection of the evident reality that some parts of the Spanish territory were fundamentally different from the rest. Thus the

32


struggle between unity and diversity on the one hand and the quest for uniformity as opposed to the acceptance of difference on the other, has lead the fear of a serious scision in national unity to become one of the greatest preoccupations of the most fervent supporters of the idea of Spanish identity. The issue has dominated Spanish national thinking across the entirety of Spanish history, and was one cause among others of the civil war which broke out in 1936. Even today it is still an underlying cause of the present political conflict in the Basque country and the search for a solution has become a cornerstone of the internal politics of the modern Spanish state. As has been stated, the issue of the recognition and acceptance of diversity in Spain is a complex one, and has been over the centuries. Given this, it is only to be expected that something which was still a problem for the various heterogenous groups which have been brought together in today’s Spain would become much more so once immigrants from other and more distant cultures started to arrive on Spain’s shores. And this is especially true in the case of Morocco given the uniqueness and historical significance of this relation.

3.3.

Asymmetrical and Unequal Acculturation Contexts

The environment which migrants find on their arrival in Spain, and this is especially true in the case of Moroccans, is by no means an easy one. As we have commented, they normally come as cheap labour, and find themselves in the midst of a complex network of legal relations and restrictions which made it hard to integrate and even harder to realise their expectations of justice and well being (Izquierdo, 2003). Such asymmetrical conditions only increase the risk of social fragmentation (García-Ramirez et al. 2006) The spiral of exclusion in which they are immersed only reinforces lifestyles which are lead on the margins of mainstream society and the feelings of segregation which create the kind psycho-social profile which only reinforces the fear and racist attitudes which are widely held on the part of the native Spanish population. (Hernández-Plaza, 2003). From a transcultural perspective there are a number of models which can help explain and understand how such experiences and outcomes are associated with given types of intercultural contact or psychological acculturation. Such approaches link the wellbeing 33


of the immigrant population with its possibilities of culturally adapting to the host communities (Berry, 2005; Birman, Trickett & Vinokurov, 2002). New theoretical approaches, like the psychology of liberation, understand immigration as an ecological transition, one which implies profound changes in interaction processes, and in social norms and values. At the same time this model explains the asymmetric relations between the reception population and the new arrivals on the basis of priviledges, weaknesses, and the respective strengths and weaknesses which may be derived from them (Sonn & Fisher, 2005). From this perspective the intergration of the immigrant population involves the transfer of part of the co-ownership of the new society to the new arrivals (Penninx, 2006). It also implies the acquisition of a degree of control, and the enjoyment of opportunities to take decisions together with effective participation in the relevant domains of social life, such as the labour market, as well as the enjoyment of cultural, educational and political right, and access to health, housing and essential social services (Sonn, & Fisher, 2005). The integration of the Moroccans as a community is linked to the concept of psychological acculturation, where acculturation is seen as a process that involves changes in the respective values of each group in situations where two groups with differing cultures find themselves living together (Berry, 1997; Berry, 2005). Within this explanatory structure one dimension identifies the processs of skill acquisition, and the accumulation of a set of social skills which are culturally appropriate to the new society, while another, psychological, dimension describes the degree of emotional wellbeing and satisfaction with the life circumstances encountered in the new environment (Berry, 2005). The level of adaptation is associated with a set of cultural attitudes which represent differing acculturation strategies, and those which are directed towards the new arrivals (marginalisation, separation) have greatly inferior adaptive capacities to those which are associated with the host population (asimilation, integration). The acculturation-integration dynamic assumes a clear national identity and a positive ethnicity, the use of both languages and the existence of a network of relations between both groups. This is the strategy which produces the best outcome in terms of wellbeing and for the ability of immigrants to adapt their new cultural context. (Berry, 2005; García-Ramírez & Camacho, 2005).

34


According to Garcia-Ramirez et al. (2006), intergroup power dynamics are a key factor associated with the feeling of wellbeing and sense of satisfaction which is achieved by the immigrant population, and this is especially true in the case of the host population. Empowerment involves having the material and psycho-social resources within a system of social relations which offer the opportunity and the ability of access to wellbeing (Nelson & Prilleltensky, 2002). To take an example, high levels of community participation through neighbourhood interaction in informal activities (chatting with neighbours over topics of local interest, inviting neighbours into your home etc) and reduced tolerance of violence (not taking the denial of basic rights as a given, not being habitually exposed to verbal abuse and the threat of physical, social or psychological satisfaction

violence) are strongly related to improved levels of wellbeing and (Farrell, Aubry & Coulombe, 2004; Herney, Cartland, Ruchross &

Monahan, 2004). Access to power is determined by social and historical circumstances (democracy, colonisation etc), structural factors (social class, gender, ethnic group) as well as by more personal ones (like education, skills, etc). Even if, ideally, power is oriented towards the acquisition of wellbeing, normally some groups exercise such power to obtain priviledges in relation to others, thus limiting their possibilities of self determination and wellbeing. Migrants in new European contexts often find themselves at a disadvantage when it comes to access to material, cultural and social resources, and seen themselves as passive victims of external factors (cultural, ethnic, religious, social etc) which mean they lack both the competence and the capacity to acquire them (Sonn & Fisher, 2005). In many parts of Spain the asymmetrical relations which are imposed on the newcomers by the host population (and especially the Moroccans) tend to generate a social dynamic characterised by fragmentation and acceptance of a limited capacity of response on the part of the new arrivals which only serves to expose them to even greater risk of social exclusion. (García-Ramírez & Camacho, 2005; Hernández-Plaza, et al., 2004). Racist attitudes both justify and sustain this set of asymmetrical relations and reinforce the perception of Moroccans as a threat to community life (Van Dijk, 1996). The host population hold the Moroccans to be responsible for their own problems and difficulties, attrubuting the situation to their poverty and to their having an inferior

35


culture combined with an absence of the kind of personal characteristics which would enable them to genuinely improve their situation (Rebolloso, Hernández & Cantón, 2001). In this way the newcomers are kept at bay, while at the same time ethnocentric sociopolitical agendas are legitimised in a way which only serves to further reduce their expectations (Sonn & Fisher, 2005). Thus, as Garcia-Ramirez et al. (2006) conclude, the presence of immigrants in a given town or district should not be taken as implying that they belong to the community which is physically formed by such boundaries. The psychological sense of community, a feeling of belonging and companionship, and affiliation to a group all help change the way the level of wellbeing and conditions which might otherwise be seen as oppresive are perceived (MacMillan & Chavis, 1986; Perkins, Florin, Rich, Wandersman & Chavis, 1990), but such feelings do not arise automatically, and cannot be assumed to be present. In multiethnic communities, oppresive or excluding relations with neighbours tend to be associated with low levels of satisfaction with the neighbourhood, while inclusion has the opposite effect, in such a way that lower levels of satisfaction among one group is positively associated with lower levels of satisfaction for the other and for the community as a whole (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). It is also evident that such low levels of communal satisfaction produce poor levels of adaptation, higher levels of social conflict, and higher levels of problematic activity like drug consumption, vandalism and school dropouts (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). The results from this earlier research are completely in harmony with those obtained in studies which have been recently carried out in Spain, which show that when Moroccans live in marginal msocial contexts, they experience integration difficulties and low levels of neighbourly satisfaction (Hernández-Plaza, et al., 2004; Martínez, et al., 1996; Pérez Yruela & Rinken, 2005).

3.4.

Atitudes Towards Acculturation

In anthropological discourse the term ‘‘acculturation’’ has traditionally been considered to relate to ‘‘those phenomena which result when groups of individuals from different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact with each other, and subsequently,

36


when there are changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups’’ (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936, p. 149). Navas et al. (2004, 2005) have developed what is known as the RAEM model (Relative Acculturation Extended Model). According to Navas et al. (2007, p.70) RAEM postulates that there is no single or general acculturation attitude as may be inferred from some of the more traditional models (e.g., Berry et al., 1989). In RAEM, the adaptive process is understood to be complex (contradictory options can be adopted and preferred at one and the same time), and relative, since the same strategies are generally not employed nor are the same options usually preferred, for interaction with persons from other cultures in different areas (e.g., in peripheral areas such as work versus private or core areas such as family relationships, religion or values). Because of this, seven areas are distinguished in the model, from those nearest to the material world and peripheral elements (like political, work, economic ones), to those farthest away, such as symbolic representation, ideology or religion (religious beliefs and customs, ways of thinking, principles and value) with intermediate areas (social and family relationships). The above authors have conducted an extensive investigation into attitudes towards acculturation among groups in Andalucia, with findings which could well give an indication of what the situation is in the rest of Spain (Navas et al. 2006, 2007). These results suggest that the differences in means between Magrhebians immigrants (MI) and the members of the majority population (MA) who evaluated them on the ideal plane are statistically significant for questions in all domains, except that of labour or work (W) and the political system and government (P), in which the differences were only in the first question (to maintain original customs). In these two domains, both groups prefer ‘‘assimilation’’, but the Magrhebians expressed a stronger desire to maintain the customs of their country of origin more in the first (work, W), and less in the second (political, P), in contrast to what the host population would like to see from them (or what they perceive they want, in the case of the political domain). These results can be seen in Figure 3. In general, the Magrhebians immigrants prefer to maintain their original customs and not adopt Spanish customs (‘‘separation’’), in their family relations (family domain, F), in their religious beliefs and customs (R) and in their ways of thinking (principles and values, T). However, the host population would

37


prefer to see just the opposite response from this group in all those domains (‘‘assimilation’’), except for religious, in which there does not seem to be a clear option. There is also a preference on the part of the Spanish population for ‘‘assimilation’’ in the economic domain (E) in which the immigrants prefer ‘‘integration’’. Finally, in the social domain (S), the option preferences of both groups is the same (‘‘integration’’), although it is more intense in among the host population (who would prefer them to maintain more friendships and adopt the host society more, which is in contrast with what the immigrants themselves want, since they find themselves closer to ‘‘separation’’)

If studies like that of Navas et al (2006, 2007), give us a portrait of some the “ideals” held, they offers us some insight into the respective strategies adopted by each group. These strategies, which are a complex of behavioural postures in given situations, give an indication of the real level of acculturation which occurs when both groups interact, either though living or working together. One of the most interesting conclusions which comes from their work is the difference found between the ideals and the actual strategies adopted, especially in the case of the host population. Another finding is that

38


the strategies adopted by the Magrhebians population and the way these are perceived by the host population coincide in each area.

That is, in the domain labour or work (W) the immigrants say they are ‘‘assimilated’’ and the natives also perceive this ‘‘assimilation’’; while in the social (S), family (F), religious beliefs and customs (R) and ways of thinking (principles and values, T) domains, the strategy identified by the immigrants was perceived by the host population to be one of ‘‘separation’’; finally, in the economic (consumer habits and family economy, E) domain, the host population believe that Magrhebians live in a ‘‘marginalised’’ situation, while they themselves feel they are half-way between this and ‘‘assimilation’’. This can be seen in Fig. 1, in the labour or work (W) domain, since ‘‘assimilation’’ is the adoption of Spanish customs rather than what the immigrants say they do. That is, the perception of ‘‘assimilation’’ by the host population is much less intense than the feeling of assimilation acceptance as expressed by the immigrants. Such empirical results give us important clues as to the complex relations which currently exist between the Moroccan migrants and their Spanish counterparts. In 39


addition to the socio-economic differences previously described, a significant part of the host population would prefer the Moroccans to simply asimílate along most of the dimensions along which interaction occurs, while the Moroccans mainly prefer a gradual process in which they are prepared to assimilate in the more public domains while maintaining their own traditions in the more intimate and personal ones. But in contrast to these ideal situations, what we actually have in practice are relationships which tend to reinforce the sense of distance and separation, relationships which are reflected in both communities in feelings of frustration concerning objectives which have been set and not achieved. So why do these differences exist? We believe that the economic, social and labour market situation of both communities has a negative impact on both groups (each perceiving the other as a threat, or as a competitor) and that the traditional cultural prejudices of both groups then weigh down on these current realities in a way which helps to explain the lack of mutual confidence which so characterises most of the interaction which occurs between the two communities.

4. Consequences In the section that follows we will attempt to describe some of the consequences of the flawed process of interaction described above, even if some of the factors included here could easily be incorporated in the previous section given that they are recursive. In any event these consequences represent some of the key factors which awaken the greatest preoccupation among Spain’s social and political leaders. As such, these are the factors which set the political agenda, as well as the differing socio-educational programmes which have been created. In general the debate is seen as revolving around the topics of marginalisation. xenophobia, ethnic segmentation in the labour market, the issue of “second generations”, the social isolation of the Moroccan woman, the construction of identity and the growing influence of muslim fundamentalism within the Moroccan community.

4.1.

Marginalisation and Xenophobia

According to the latest data from the BVA Institute (BVA 2009), Moroccan immigrants in Spain are less integrated than they are in other European countries, although 40


curiously Moroccans in Spain express less feeling of rejection than they do in other countries (and especially in comparison with the Netherlands and Italy). 64% of the Moroccans living in Spain think that Spanish people have a high opinion of Morocco. On the other hand 80% of those interviewed answered that they encounter discrimination in the labour market, and 67% of them said they experienced discrimination when they were looking for somewhere to live. Cachón (2007. p. 73) highlights the dificulties immigrants encounter in the Spanish labour market, and describes the kinds of discrimination to which they may be subjected, stressing in particuar that some groups of immigrants, and especially Moroccans, encounter more difficulties than others. This type of marginalisation and xenophobia is especially associated with the idea of “secondary racism” (Taguieff, 1987)

- so called because it implies the combined

presence of a number of elements (affective, discursive and notional) which are framed in the context of a primary racism based on arguments like competition in the labour market, for housing, etc. Such marginalisation and xenophobia is strongly associated with the kind of ethnocentrism which assumes that ones “own culture” is at or near the centre of the entire cultural universe, and as such is more “natural”, and more selfevident that other stranger and “more exotic” cultures. Raxen (2009) found strong evidence of such racist and xenophobic attitudes in Spanish schools, with Moroccans and gypsies being the groups who received the most hostile and negative responses. According to the latest study from the Spanish Centre for Sociological Investigation (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 2009), some 37% of Spanish people reject the idea that muslim girls should be permitted to wear a headscarf at school. At the same time, a majority of Spaniards do not identify immigration as one of the three principal problems facing Spain (July 2009), since these are considered to be unemployment (74%), the economic crisis (48%) and ETA terrorism (19%). Nontheless immigration was the fourth most important problem identified by respondents (18%). One year earlier (July 2008) the reponse to the same question was ten points higher (28%), while racism was only identified as the principal problem by 0.2% of the interviewees. If the question is presented in another way – what is the problem which affects you most personally – then immigration was only identified by

41


5% of those questioned, well behind the economic crisis which came first (41%), followed by unemployment (35%) and housing (11%). Bennis (2005) singles out the role played by the Spanish means of communication in influencing public opinion when they speak of a preoccupying “avalanche” of immigrants, and especially those coming from Morocco, stressing their cultural and religious differences. In this sense, it is easy to understand how the growing presence of Moroccan migrants in the large urban centres, with the impact this has on the ethnic and cultural makeup of the country, did not need long to provoke unease among large sections of Spanish society and to generate a debate about the “integrability” of the newcomers. Bennis thus laments the fact that those who defend the cultural, religious and linguistic uniformity of the country are simply expressing a preference for Latin Americans over Moroccans. On this view Latin Americans are easier to integrate since they have a shared language and religion. Bennis (2005) argues that this whole debate is misleading, and has been fuelled by the Spanish media, and produces outburts of rejection like those seen in Terrasa (Cataluña) in 1999 and Ejido (Andalucía) in 2000, events which demonstrated the hostility on one part of the Spanish population to the newly arrived Moroccans. Equally the absence of similar public expressions of rejection during the first decade of the twenty first century could be considered a reflection of the growing number of encounters which tend to overcome the earlier divide.

4.2.

Ethnical Divisions and Marginalisation in the Labour Market

In Spain has been a growing segmentation in the workforce and the labour market between groups with different cultural backgrounds. In the case of Moroccans, work is largely centred in agriculture (both male and female), construction (male) and (on a much lower level) in tourism and domestic service (both largely female). In this sense it is not hard to talk about the ethnic segmentation of the Spanish labour market, nor is it out of place to talk about marginalisation, since most of the more recent immigrants work in situations of the greatest fragility, on temporary contracts, or in the informal economy, and evidently they have been the most exposed to the traumatic implosion in the Spanish labour market which has followed the onset of the economic crisis.

42


The migratory model on which the Spanish labour market has been based is one of a reserve army of labour to fill positions of the lowest quality. In addition, as well as being of poor quality, the jobs migrants are actually offered may well be in the informal sector, without normal labour contracts and with little in the way of positive integration opportunities. Spanish society lacks coherent positive attitudes to immigration, and this means that immigrants constantly find themselves up against latent barriers of incomprehension and lack of trust (Tezanos, 2006, p. 28-29). On the other hand, it is also true that the growing “regularisation” of those who were previously irregular migrants following the recent ammnesties has meant that there have been has been some degree of improvement in the situation – improvement which is now being put at risk by the intensity of the crisis in Spain’s labour market. In fact, according to Cachón (2007, p. 72) migrants arriving in Spain are not especially badly educated. They also have higher work activity rates (between 20 and 25% higher) than those of the native Spanish population, which are around the 56% level. Other positive consequences of immigration which have been identified include the type of work which migrants are increasingly able to offer, their geographical mobility and their contributions to the Spanish social security system (Cachón, 2007, p. 73). It is thus possible to conclude that there are ethnic stratification processes at work in the Spanish economy, and that an ethnic division of labour exists, and that the explanations offered for these observed differences are given in terms of the “cultural differences” between the resepctive populations rather than in terms of the structural characteristics of the labour market. Thus, as Cachón (2004, p. 401-402) suggests, Moroccans are the ones who experience the most systematic disciminatory practices, on both the institucional and the structural level, thus leading them to be labelled “conflictive” when compared with other workers, from Ecuador of Sub-Saharan Africans, for example.

4.3.

Second Generation” Conflicts

The so called “second generations” are torn between the conflicting demands of “superloyalty” and “superintergartion”, between loyalty to the traditions of their parents and grandparents and assimilation to the culture of young people they see in the host population. Some writers have described such young people as “children of the night”,

43


in order to draw attention to their intermediate situation, one which can provoke sharp internal conflicts in the individual and social group, conflicts which, if they are not resolved in an adequate fashion, can degenerate into violence. The very term “second generation· is itself a subject of some controversy, since it is a temporary and sequential concept which constantly draws attention to the status of the young person as “immigrant” or “child of an immigrant” (and thus not really a member of the host society into which they are often born) while at the same time extending this status across generations. Second generation immigrants tend to be defined as those who have been born in the host country and whose mother or father (or both) are foreigners who were not born there. Alternately the group may include those born outside the host country but who came to live there on a permanent basis at an early age (normally defined as being under twelve). This latter group may also be known as “generation 1.5. (Portes, Aparicio, Haller, 2009). More than “second generation” we could describe such young people as being “of migrant origin”. The position of this young people is, nonetheless, a mirror of the entire immigrant population and how it is accepted and included in the host society, and in this sense offers the opportunity to understand the problem of social exclusion and lack of integration from a dynamic perspective (Molina y Giliberti, 2009). In any event, the inability to offer such young people the same sense of identity as that felt by their peers represents an important structural and institutional failure. If, in addition, belonging to such a group also brings with it difficult life circumstances, such as higher levels of unemployment, greater exposure to violence and labour market uncertainty, then longer term social conflicts become quite likely, as was witnessed in Paris in 2005 (where the majority of the young people involved were aged between 14 and 20, and a significant proportion of them were unemployed North Africans and Sub Saharan Africans). Episodes such as those seen in Paris in 2005 are as yet unknown in Spain, but their absence to date is scarcely a guarantee for the future. In fact the recent Raxen Report (2009) produced by the “movement against intolerance” identified 350 cases of what it considered to be xenophobia. Racist and xenophobic incidents are on the increase in Spain’s schools, with Moroccans and gypsies being the most frequent victims. It is also true, however, that in the study carried out by Portes, Aparicio and Haller (2009) over

44


half of the teenagers interviewed stated they had never felt disciminated against, and only some 5% suggested they had beed subject to discrimation frequently. The second generation, at least in Madrid, do not appear to experience a substantial feeling of rejection at this point and indeed continue to have some confidence in the possibilities of upward mobility. Such data is hardly conclusive, but it does allow a glimpse of circumstances which may offer a certain degree of hope regarding future possibilities. Making a somewhat free interpretation of Margaret Mead (see Molina, 2008, pp. 6364) we could describe the circumstances of these young people as pre-figurative21, in the sense that the younger generations who have a higher educational level than their parents may well socialise their predecessors - via a positive interaction and feedback process in both the school and non-school environments the younger generation can catalyse the intercultural education of all. That is to say, the school serves as the pretext for a much broader process. The school system, and the young people who pass though it, can become one of the basic pillars for a process of integration which is based on respect and which is all-encompasing. It is important to bear constantly in mind that socialisation, and in particular education, is a fusion of three separate processes which nonetheless take place simultaneously. Thus, “failure” to recognise this figurative plurality, and the ability to think only about the objective of a “post-fugurative” socialisation becomes deeply problematic. The older generations (and in particulat grandparents) are a valuable source of knowledge and experience, knowledge and experience which serves to ensure the continuity of both society and culture, while societies are, by their very nature, dynamic entities, and are themselves structures between co-figurative and pre-figurtive alternatives. Intercultural education is based on an opening of the school towards the distinct cultural experiences which constitute it, and the vehicle which makes this opening possible is an

21

Margaret Mead (1977) distinguishes between a) Societies which have post-figurative culture, and tend to reproduce the same culture, with continuity and tradition being the most important characteristics. Such societies are relatively static. Credibility resides in those with experience, the older generations. With b) societies with a co-figurative culture where the relation is more horizontal. Traditional culture is not so important as applied technology, experts, etc...and c) Societies whose culture could best be described as pre-figurative where learning takes place based on the perspective of the young adults since it is they who provide the information and skills needed for such learning to take place.

45


ongoing process of dialogue with the children’s families. Educational processes are long complex ones, but in the universal school all have a right to participate. Forms of organisation, materials and structures need to be created which allow respect for difference and equality of opportunity to coexist alongside a feeling of belonging and respect for ones own culture at the same time as guaranteeing access to nonmarginal situations. In this sense it is clear that young people living in a complex society, which combines elements of post-, co- and pre-figurative ones and who have a high level of participation in the social domain will tend to experience a significant level of conflict, both with themselves, with other young people and with the adults around them. All of this is even more accentuated in the case of the so called “second generation” migrants, who on the one hand are under pressure to follow the traditions of their parents (post-figurative culture) while at the same time feel the need to open the path towards a more comprehensive form of integration (ande even on ocassion assimilation) thus coming to belong to what Mead called the pre-figurative culture22. In fact, according to the most recent data from the BVA Institute (2009), some 66% of young Moroccans living in Europe do not study Arabic, 70% do not attend any form of Islamic religious instruction, and 71% neither participate in religious associations nor in activities organised by mosques. This gives us a clear visualisation of what we have been explaining about young Moroccans in Europe in general (Spain, Italy, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium). It is also important to distinguish between those born in their parents’ home country and who have come to Spain as part of a family reunification process and those born in Spain, since the socialisation process is different in each case. In the case of young Moroccans, according to a study carried out by López and García (2006), the internet offers a virtual environment which gives these young people access to possibilities of interaction they would never be able to enjoy in the real world. In cyberspace they are neither foreigners, nor Moroccans nor muslim – they are who they want to be. As the authors of the study say, here these young people move in a global space which unites 22

It is also true, as the sociologist Abdelkader Zghal explains, that in the medieval Arab city there existed a typical urban institution called the futuwwa (fata jeans young) which was associated with hierarchically structured forms of organisation for young people (fityan) and which adopted a social posture demanding respect for and better treatment of the poor. (see López y García, 2006).

46


them with other young people, and it is this common identity which facilitates their contact with other young people. “Beyond the normal stereotypes of young Moroccans with little enthusiasm for integration, it is notable how virtual relations are based on a frameworl of equality, and how, in an envirnoment where identities are not preestablished, social relations tend to multiply” (López and García, 2006, p. 78). In any event, we should also be aware of the existence of other possibilities in the range between the individual and the social, and one of these is the idea of “self-exclusion”, or “seclusion” – a process where the experience of being excluded from the public domain in the host society is converted into an internal survival strategy, a way of playing off the interior against the exterior. Self-exclusion in the above sense can be either voluntary or imposed. In fact inclusion and exclusion are not mutually exclusive processes, and can be complementary and interact as alternatives as between the one and the other (Molina and Giliberti, 2009).

4. 4. The Role of the Moroccan Woman in Spanish Society What does it mean to be a woman in Morocco? The Moroccan Constitution which was introduced in the 1960s recognised the woman as a full citizen, even if this formal equality also coexisted with and was interpreted by the Mudawana (A family code based on custom23 which recognises the dependence of the woman on the man). The female role in Moroccan society is defined in terms of the womans relation with the male. Whether or not a woman is married is important, not only because of the social status associated with being a wife, but also on the socioeconomic level, since normally the class status of the Moroccan woman is mediated by that of her husband. The separation between Moroccan men and women is not only spatial, it is also quite pronounced, and this naturally influences the part they play in the broader society. The traditional normative framework for the Moroccan family sees the role of the man as that of ensuring material support for wife and children, while that of the woman is centred in the home, looking after the needs of the male partner and caring for the children. All the public activities of the family are the husband’s responsibility.

23

(in the case of Islam many customs are legitimated and turned into law)

47


Profile of the Moroccan Woman in Spain Given that the majority of the North African population living in Spain, and especially those coming from Morocco, are male, it becomes rather easier to identify the specific characteristics the female migrants. Alcaide et al.(2002) sumaries the situation as follows: •

One key group are those woman who have come to Spain via a process of family reunification. Since they are married they are economically and socially dependent on their husband (and also legally, since it is normally the husband who has the work permit).These women tend to reproduce the social role they had in Morocco.

•

Another group are the divorced women. These often leave Morocco as a result of the social stigman that is still associated with divorce. They are normally looking for more independent and autonomous social roles.

•

There are also single women who come to Spain in the search for some kind of social emancipation. Normally, they use their own social networks in order to come ot Spain24 (for example, other women who have come before them).

As far as the relation between education and immigration goes, many of the Moroccan immigrants in Spain are functionally illiterate, and this is especially true in the case of those women who have come as part of a family reunification process. The more educated part of the female Moroccan community in Spain tend to be Moroccan women belonging to the second generation (dating from the 1990s) as well as single women who have come more recently. The number of Moroccan women with some form of higher education qualification is growing, and among these are those who came to Spain to study and then decided to stay (Belarbi 1999). In terms of the kind of work Moroccan women find in Spain, jobs are often associated with domestic service (both in the home and out of it), but Moroccan women are also found in the tourist industry (cleaning and cooking) and in the textile industry, especially in Catalonia. This kind of work is typical of the informal economy and this makes it much more dificult for the migrant to regularise their situation, and hence for 24

There are also networks which exist to facilitate illegal immigration, but this kind of network normally caters for people in more marginal situations, In any case there is a considerable differenmce between the number of Moroccan men who arrived in Spain illegaly (18.9%) and the proportion of women (1.9%).

48


the Moroccan women to enter the normal labour market. In general, the types of employment found are fairly similar regardless of the prior educational status of the woman in Morocco, which suggests that the structural situation of most Moroccan women arriving in Spain is fairly similar whatever their actual background in Morocco. In other words there is a declassification of the newcomer, in the sense that the kind of work done has little direct connection with the social status of the individual in their home country. Thus the characteristics of the Spanish labour market do not favour social advancement for the Moroccan woman, enabling her to acquire and new, better socially accepted gender role and become less dependent on her husband (Alcaide et al. 2002). As we have said, the social relations of the Moroccan migrant woman after arriving in Spain basically depend on family and work. The level of dependency on a husband, the reasons for the migration, and whether or not the woman works are all elements which are closely related one with another and with the degree of social interaction experienced by the woman. On her arrival in Spain the Moroccan woman needs to build a network of relations and contacts with other women which will give some degree of independent leisure life. The key factors here are the place of origin, and neighbourhood and family ties, with the neighbourhood being far and away the most important factor among these. This is why residential pattern is such a critical dimension in terms of the social and cultural development of the Moroccan woman.. The more the woman finds contact with other Moroccan women in the vicinity of her home, the more she is likely to have relationships with them, and the less likely she is to form close social ties with members of the majority community. Married women tend to build social networks quickly, and if the woman arrives in Spain as a wife via a process of familiy unification, and she does not work, then normally it will be her husband who introduces her to a broader circle of social contacts, and this will normally have quite traditional characteristics. Dependence on the husband, and the reconstruction of a traditional environment limits the field of action and the general sense of freedom of the woman, and acts as a brake on her transition into the host society, at least at the start. For those women who do not have a husband, the objective is to build a network of contacts which will enable her to optimise her resources in terms of her migratory objectives: information, work, housing, learning the language and social relationships for leisure purposes. Among younger Moroccans the barriers between male and female 49


are more fluid, since it becomes more difficult to maintain separate male and female spaces. The most frequent problem in establishing meaningful contact with the host population is the language and the difficulty of finding people with a similar social level and background. According Alcaide et al. (2002) it is possible to identify three “ideal types” of the Moroccan woman in Spain, each associated with one of the three cultural assimilation strategies adopted. (a) Woman who remain within the confines of tradition, and who follow what could be called the “enclave” stratgey, which is normally characterisd by the segregation of public and private spaces according to gender criteria, and this strategy equally persists in the productive and reproductive areas where the relational network normally consists of other immigrants from a similar background, and where there is also a day to day and habitual separation between men and women. b) Women who begin to move away from the traditional model and start to develop what we could call transition strategies, where despite the continuing maintenance of the traditional role elements of change begin to appear. In this model women begin to reproduce elements from the lifestyle of the other women they encounter, while at the same time introducing new features, such as starting to work, and occupy new social spaces even while maintining the principle of separation. The woman normally continues to restrict her contacts to members of her own social group. (c) Women who begin to alter their gender role, and to develop strategies based on the idea of change. In this type of strategy the idea of spatial segregation begins to disappear and there is normally a greater desire for autonomy and the express wish not to reproduce the life role models of the women around her. She begins to occupy new social spaces in terms of reproductive activities and moves away from the idea of segregation according to gender.

4.5.

Identity – between asserting the past and betting on the future

The construction of identity is always a complex and conflictive process, one which covers at one and the same time the most personal areas and the most socialised parts of

50


the cultural framework. In any event, identity is always part of a rather unstable equilibrium between the personal and group recognition which can faciliate acces to a wider social group but which, on occasions makes it more difficult to open communication with other groups. This is especially true if we think of our identity as unique, and incompatible with others. And perhaps it is here that we can begin to glimpse a solution to this particular conflict in the idea of multiple identities, so that via the acquisition of intercultural competences we can come to have more than one single, unitary identity. In fact, the phenomenon whereby the social customs and practices of the migrant become even more “orthodox” than those in their country of origin is noramally a result of a felt need for security of identity, having a feeling of belonging, and of not loosing ones roots (and hence the note of radicalism which can enter). We also need to remember that, on ocassion the consolidation of ones own identity is not a product of a socialisation process, but rather the result of interaction processes with others who are different from us (Molina, 2002). Group cohesion is not especially to be sought in the specific identifiers of the actual group but rather in the differences the group seeks to establish with other, similar groups. The big problem with immigration as far as identity goes is that it appears as fragmented, between what has been learnt from parents and what has been experienced as part of the subject’s own individual life project. Sabar (2002) explains that the immigrant’s identity is in a process of continuous construction, between the sensation of “uprooting” and the impact of contact with a symbolic universe which is experienced as “alien”. This is one of the reasons why recourse to an exaggerated loyalty to the traditional culture becomes an attractive option in some cases, since it appears to offer a naustalgic and security-offering return to cultural origins (Molina, 2008). In the specific case of Morrocan migrants, Sabar (1998 and 2002) differentiates between four classes of migratory projects, which are also different ways of building and rebuilding identities25: •

Forever absent: these are the pioneers of Moroccan immigration in Spain and their presence dates from the 1960s and early 1970s. This group have always held to the idea of an ultimate return to their homeland, but since this ambition is normally

25

Kebir Sabar (2002): “Immigration as a life project: the search for and reconstitution of a shattered identity” (http://ayp.unia.es, 30/07/2009).

51


impossible to achieve, it has been steadily replaced by the idea of regular visits (once a year) and an attempt at re-territorialisation via family reunification in the new host country. These males have made a way of life out of their social invisibility, and in general have not entered the structures and habits of life in the country where they now life. •

The door-to-door salesman or market-trader: these are men who come largely from the interior of Morocco and have a background in semi-nomadic traditions. They tend to make a living from some sort of peripatetic comerce. These migrants started to come Spain following the great drought of 1981 and normally spend six months in Spain and the rest of the year in their home town or village. They normally come without their family.

•

The complete rupture: these are men and women whose migratory processes involve a complete (or at least strong partial) break with social conventions. In this group are to be found the first women who made the voyage to Spain as an act of rebellion against the dominant matrimonial model and the system of partiarchal values that accompany it. In this group are also to be found young qualified male migrants who feel a mixture of love and hate for the Western world and its values, but are moved to migrate by the lack of opportunity in Morocco and the search for their own identity.

•

Teenage children: normally between 11 and17 years of age, they leave their homeland with no special plan, but simply in order to leave. Among these young people are to be found children who have grown up in the street, and children from poor, but still functioning, families. The former group often enter criminal networks after arriving in Spain, while members of the latter group may ultimately achieve their objectives and regularise their situation in Spain.

Thus the construction and reconstruction of identity is a process which involves a constant coming and going between a loyalty to what is increasingly seen as obsolete tradition and a process of assimilation which abandons roots. This internal tension (which is both individual and collective) reaches its climax, as we will see, among members of the so called second generation. In fact the debate which has surrounded the issue of identity construction has to move on from being a mere reflection on a resistance identity which leads to the creation of 52


communes or communities, which simply serve to reinforce the frontiers of exclusion in order to work on the topic of reciprocal communicability between such excluded and excuding identities and the support for an identity project which produces subjects who are equipped to participate in a social transformation project.

4. 6. The Islamicisation of the Moroccan Communities Under conditions of cultural uprooting like those that are to be found in immigration processes meeting places and religious and cultural practices beome important reference points for the new arrivals, and one way of both maintaining and restructuring the legacy of their origin culture. In fact immigration often involves changes in religious practice whether due to an unfavourable external context (absence of structures which make it possible) or due to the fact that the constant movement around the migrant experiences before finding permanent residence leads to a systematic loosening of the normal frameworks of social control26. Many muslims, for example, modify their religious practices during the migration period (alchohol consumption, eating pork, not praying five times a day, neglecting to observe Ramadan). While collective practices are reinforced by the presence of other muslims and indeed even serve as the basis for social relationships (like the lamb festival which accompanies the end of Ramadan27) (Garreta 2000a and 2001). Thus collective practices which disappear can reappear once a community is settled, and indeed, whether it be a result of the influence of the new environment or even to feel recognised as a muslim by other muslims, these practices may be followed with more rigour than previously. In such a situation – where the absence of strong social control has lead to the steady abandonment of religious rites the construction of mosques and the creation of prayer centres can be seen as countersecular practices, with the iman being cast in the role of fomentor of religious order in circumstances where this would seem to have disappeared to some extent. This collaboration and participation not only refers to the personal practices of individuals,

26

As well as continuing residence in a given place, family reunification and the arrival of children are key moments in the restoration of traditional patterns of religious observance. 27 “Islam is a central cultural referent for adult Moroccan immigrants, evn if its influence tends to weaken among young single people whose families are in Morocco.. But even among the latter the abandonment of religious practices is never complete (for example the majority still tend to fast during Ramadan) nor does this loosening imply any overall questioning of muslim beliefs. Such behavioural processes tend to be more associated with personal insecurity, and in some cases are an abandonment in favour of more personalised systems of values”. (Colectivo IOE 1994, p. 265)

53


and the need to help establish the centre, it can also include the attempt to return those muslims who have wandered in a more secular direction back to the fold. All muslims have an obligation to recommend a return to the practice of Islam and to promote the prayer centre and mosque, and there is a tendency to exercise social control over the behaviour of others. Behind advice which is innocently offered always lies the idea of recovering the “sinner” for the assembly of the faithful. But it is important to be clear that abandoning certain practices is not the same thing as not being muslim, so that a steady return to the observance of rites and customs quickly means the individual is once again considered to be a good muslim. Thus the counter secularisation initiatives which are taken by imans through Islamic associations garner their strength from the proselytism of friends and acquantainces. In such situations the muslim identity itself becomes the focus of attention, with the consequence that inner belief becomes far more evident in the shape of an external identity. Mosques and prayer centres are, in a non muslim context, meeting points for the relationships between the community and the institutions of religious parctice. There are many localities where the number of believers is insufficient to be able to support such public institutions, or there is insufficient interest among the muslims themselves for such a venture, and so religious cult is practised at the family or individual level. It is when there are sufficient numbers of muslims resident in a given area that the need evidently arises to establish a more public symbol for faith both as a matter of communal pride and in order to avoid the further weakening of the religious and social precepts of Islam. At the begining the iman is normally selected from among the members of the local community, and is most likely to be the person who is most familiar with the Koran, with the appointed individual being substituted if the need arises by others, as and when personal or work circumstances change. Thus in this early period in the life of the community the prayer centre can be fairly irregular, and subject to the number of participants and the degree of attachment they have to the religious rites. As time passes the centre normally is consolidated, in particular with the arrival of a full time, paid, iman, with the person selected often being brought from the country of origin (Garreta 2001). Attitudes towards religion, the distance from the centre and from other practising muslims, age and life circumstances (work, for example) are normally considered to be the most important factors which influence the extent to which religious activity is maintained. In this sense secularisation is not simply a voluntary or 54


a personal act, since there are a number of practical factors in day to day life which have an influence on the process28. A considerable part of the responsibility for maintaining the faith in the new context falls on the parents, and thus family reunification, and in particular the presence of children, implies a higher level of interest in ensuring the continuity of religious traditions, but it is also the case that both families and imans have the view that both the mosque and the school have an important part to play in the process.29 (Garreta 2001; Garreta et al 2007). In fact. many muslim families live in the expectation that it will gradually become more posible to have the school play a real part in the transmisson process, with the muslim religion becoming a real option at school as has already happened to some extent in Madrid and Barcelona. But this desire on the part of the parents to maintain the continuity of religious practice can find itself in conflict with the behaviour and opinions of the second generation. The need to follow given rites, and in particular in the case of female second generation muslims can, and indeed is, producing inter-generational conflict.

5. Possibles solutions. Suggestions for improvement and the avoidance of conflict In this section we will outline some of the approaches currently being adopted to try and improve relations between the Moroccan community in Spain and the majority population. A wide variety of initiatives have now been taken, ranging from civil society initiatives (NGOs, associations, etc) to political ones and academic research. Campaigns have been conducted in the street, in the school, among women, men, young people.... The effort has been substantial and extensive, and we will only try to offer a brief summary here. Evidently the school and the education system have an important role to play in facilitating dialogue and understanding between the two communities, and initiatives like the promotion of citizenship education, and awareness raising of the importance of 28

Some companies, for example, adapt their timetables to conform with the needs of prayer, and even Ramadan, although this is not common. 29 And in this way all Moroccans can receive such religious education regardless of the geographical distances involved or the presence of an Islamic association in the neighbourhood.

55


intercultural competence in both the public administration and the two respective communities have a significant role to play.

5.1.

Policies and plans for institutional integration.

Political discourse and immigration Spain is a parliamentary democracy in which there are three main levels of public administration. Firstly, there is the national, or state, level, where legislative decisions are taken either in the Congress of Deputies or in the Senate, while executive responsibility rests with the central government. But the Spanish administrative system is also quite decentralised, and a lot of responsibility now lies in the hands of the various Autonomous Communities30 which have their own legislative and executive powers. Finally there is the local authority level which is largely composed of municipal and surpa-municipal administrative bodies such as the town hall and the local council. Responsibility for immigration questions is to some extent divided across all three levels, and hence all have some role to play and some responsibility to share in the ongoing development of relations between Moroccans and the native Spanish population. Zapata –Barrero (2008) has identified two premises which serve as the starting point for the Spanish political discourse on immigration. a) the idea of zero immigration is a totally unrealistic one; and b) the phenomenon of immigration is unevenly experienced across Spanish society. Since it largely affect those citizens who live in neighbourhoods which are either on the finges of large cities or in the centre of them, and whose living standards tend to be well below the national average. A second group in close contact with Spain’s migrants are residents in rural areas with an active agricultural sector. What this means is that areas which are already somewhat socially deprived are now confronted with an immigration process which itself becomes yet one more factor producing inequality. In addition the newcomes are seen as competitors in the labour market, for housing and for social services like hospitals and schools. In rural areas the impact is often noatable, since the large scale arrival of immigrants has often dramtically changed the earlier cultural equilibrium. Indeed it is not uncommon to find

30

There are 19 Autonomous Communities ( among these: Ceuta y Mellilla)

56


towns with populations of under 5,000 where over 40% of the residents are now immigrants.31. Spanish legislation referring specifically to the question of immigration has existed since 1985, but it is normally thought that it was after 2000 that the question passed from being merely an administrative one to become a live issue on the social and political agenda (Zapata –Barrero, 2003). This agenda which has increasingly been set by the need to respond to the the kinds of tension we have been examining in the earlier sections, and by the search for ways to manage these. In particular an improvement in the level of communication and understanding between the two communities and the establishment of a social framework which will help avoid and defuse potential points of future conflict now major priorities (Zapata-Barrero, 2008). The two discourses mentioned above have different approaches to the idea of conflict and different reference populations. The objective in the first case is conflict management, and centres the negatively perceived changes which in the wake of an increase in immigration. The migration process is inherently viewed as one which produces conflict between immigrants and Spanish citizens, and as a result is seen as a threat. The discourse is essenially directed towards native Spanish citizens (those who vote, and have what is perceived to be a homogeneous cultural identity) and this group is always given priority over the non-citizen population (who don’t vote, and have a different cultural identity). The second type of discourse aspires to equip citizens with the resources and instruments they need to manage the process of change which accompanies immigration, which is accepted as being irreversible. Immigration is seen on this view as a historic opportunity and a challenge which needss to be confronted, as yet one more of the transformations to which a society is subjected in an ever more globalised world. As such the discourse is directed towards the whole population, without consideration of either their right to vote or their cultural identity 32.

31 For example, in Guissona (Lérida) out of a total population of 5.683, 44 % migrants from outside the European Union. 32

As an illustration, both these discourses can be found reflected in Spanish law, and especially, on the one hand, in those laws relating to the right to association and to vote, and on the other in the right of acces to the health and education systems.

57


Zapata-Barrero (2008) summarises three definitive traits of the political discourse on immigration in Spain. In the first place the process is directed more towards the legislative framework than it is towards political processes in a more general sense. It is, essentially, a prescriptive discourse which seeks to identify the most appropriate legal framework through which to handle immigration. It normally centres itself on the issue of frontiers (and migrant access to the country) rather than towards coexistence, integration and/or cultural adaptation. In the second place the Spanish Constitution is a constant point of reference, used both to legitimise both classes of discourse mentioned above. That is to say, the Constitution is used both as a basis to limit the range of possible action on the part of the migrant and to defend the extension of his or her rights. In the third place, due to the relative recency of the immigration phenomenon in Spain, there is as yet no clear political discourse which refers to identity, or even to the multicultural situation which has been produced by the arrival of the immigrants. The components of the political discourse can thus be summarised as follows. In the first place the issue is treated as a question of state, that is the question of immigration is, by and large, not a topic which is a fundamental source of controversy between the political parties with parliamentary representation. It is also a multi-level topic insofar as various levels of public administration are involved (central, autonomous community, local..) and as such requires integrated policies which cover a wide range of areas (housing, health, education, etc). The discourse assumes implicitly that immigration is a complex phenomenon which requires a basic consensus (institutional, parliamentary, political and social). There is thus a shared consensus that to try and gain political advantage from immigration is undesireable, and a matter of reproach, since such politicisation can easily lead to the consolidation of extremist organisations and discourses, and raise the level of communal tension and xenophobia. There is thus a shared wish to avoid “social alarm” and any kind of increased polarisation. The reference framework is the European Union and its policies, and this serves as a context which offers a much needed legitimacy for innovations and policy changes which are inevitably seen as being controversial. The other key idea is that the immigrant should be required not to introduce cultural practices, and forms of religious

58


and social organisation which violate the principles of liberty and equality which underlie European institutions. (Zapata-Barrero, 2008).

General Legislative Framework As has been mentioned previously, the 1978 Spanish constitution is the principal legal point of referente. In addition there is the Organic Law of 2000 (Ley Orgánica 4/2000, de 11 de enero), which referes to the rights and responsibilities of foreigners in Spain and their social integration. We summarise in the box below some of the key themes in both laws relating to the rights of non European Union immigrants:

Spanish nationality Spanish nationality may be obtained by birth, choice or residence. Who has the right to Spanish citizenship by birth? • Those born to a Spanish father or mother. • Those born in Spain to non Spanish parents if at least one of these was also born in Spain. •

Those born in Spain to non Spanish parents if neither of these is able to provide the child with a valid nationality..

• •

Those born in Spain with no clear national affiliation.. A child of non Spanish origin under the age of legal majority acquires, on adoption by parents of Spanish nationality , Spanish nationality. How can Spanish nationality be obtained by residence? Any non Spanish national who resides legally in Spain may, according to given criteria of country of origin and length of stay, Spanish nationality through consolidation Any person may opt for Spanish nationality who has previously used and possesed Spanish nationality during a period of ten years. In good faith, and basing themselves on an entry in the Civil Register, any person may opt for Spanish nationality: •

Is or has been in or under the charge of a Spanish citizen.

• •

Whose father or mother was Spanish and born in Spain. Is over eighteen and has been adopted by a Spanish citizen.

59


Education

Accodring to Spanish law, basic education between 6 and 16 years of age is both a right and a responsibility for all all non Spanish children (even for those whose parents are in a legally irregular situation) and this education is regulated by norms which are equivalent to those applied to Spanish nationals, including for grants and public assistance (art. 9). Post basic education is, according to Spanish law, only available to those legally residing in Spain, as are the respective qualifications, grants and offers of public assistance.

Health

Non Spanish citizens who are legally in Spain, have the right to health care under the same conditions as Spanish citizens. Such non Spanish citizens also have the right to urgent medical treatment following the onset of illness or accident regardless of cause, and to the continuation of such treatment for the duration of the problem.

Citizenship plans and the integration of immigrants The Spanish state at the national level has legal responsibility for the planning, coordination and regulation of immigration. The autonomous communities, on the other hand, have responsibility for providing basic services such as education, health and housing. It is thus not surprising to find that these Communities have developed specific measures designed to facilitate the integration on immigrants. As a result of the decentralisation process nearly all Spain’s Autonomous Communites now have regional plans for immigration. The first plan of this type was produced in 1993 in Catalonia. The main differences between the various plans are really the result of differences in the demographic, social and economic impact of immigration in each of the regions. Thus in some cases there are general plans for entire areas of provision (health, education), while other plans are much more local in character. The objective of all such plans is, however, to facilitate the development of harmonious communal life (in terms of the first type of political discourse mentioned above), through training and education, information and a process of adapting existing resources and norms to the new and changing social reality. In this sense it is possible to say that, at the social and labour market level, the objectives of public policy have been quite clear. On the other hand the underlying

60


issues associated with real cultural integration have scarecely been touched on. Under the heading of interculturality what is normally to be found is a simple additive conception of diversity which masks an assimilatory model and an attempt to reconcile the distinct differences and needs of the new minority population within a preestablished framework. And of course, since as we have seen symbols of difference generally tend to be a source of unease for the majority population they become a source of fear on the part of politicians, fear that addessing the situation with all the vigour it requires

may end up costing them votes. Thus the recentness of the

immigration phenomenon in Spain, its complexitity, the arrival of Islamic terrorism have all combined in a way which means there has been little in the way of serious public debate about the kind of cultural immigration model to be adopted. And this is even less surprising in a State which still has outstanding issues to resolve in terms of the cultural diversity of its original inhabitants.

5.2.

Education and Citizenship

Modern education is increasingly based on the notion of citizenship, and the development of a complete citizen identity. Always a difficult issue, the topic of citizenship has only become more so in an age when, as Touraine (1997, pp. 77-126) points out, the very idea of the unified Ego is itself in the process of being abandoned, as it came to be seen as the projection onto the individual of the unity and authority of the social system. According to Touraine, one of the objectives of those who are involved in trying to recover the idea of citizenship is to advance the idea of the individual as a free subject who voluntarily identifies with a given community of fellow citizens. The key to the successful construction of a citizenship process, he argues, lies in the ongoing reconstruction of experience through a process of distancing from “own community” (from the collective culture of the community, and from the social and political totality in which it is enshrined). This process leads toward the establishment an identity which is based more on responsibilities than on rights, and more on the idea of belonging to a collective than on individual self expression (Touraine, 1997, pp. 8385). Touraine links the very idea of Subject with the intercultural and democratic conditions which make such subjectivity possible, since the idea of Subject in and of itself implies both self-awareness and the recognition of the Other as Subject.

61


Citizenship, as Cortina (1997, pp. 33 and following), stresses should be “a synthesis of justice and belonging”, which offers an alterantive to integration, since it motivates the individuals who compose the community to work for their community, which is accordingly lived and felt as “theirs”. The feeling of belonging to a community concretises and rationalises the idea of justice which is inherently enshrined in the concept of citizenship. Citizenship can become a mediating concept in that it integrates the requirements of justice (rationality) and community (feelings of belonging). This idea implies not only accepting the diversity of different cultural groups but also the diversity of ways of participating within one and the same political system. This idea, in effect, transcends the whole idea of national citizenship (which belongs to the nation state) and even the transnational one (belonging to a union of states) since what is required is a will among those who constitute the community to live among such differences and an appreciation that this is in itself a form of personal and social enrichment. This is why citizenship education has become such an important topic (whether at the formal or at the informal level, whether through the family, the mass media, etc...) since, as Cortina (1997, p. 219) suggests, one learns to be a citizen not through law and punishment, but through experience and “trying it out”. Such education in and for citizenship has to be an education for all, an education which is intercultural and antiracist, one which singles out the values of solidarity, mutual tolerance, equality and social inclusion.The fundamental rights of the individual, the constitution, and the system of democratically determined laws form the solid platform on which the status of citizen may be exercised. Schooling is normative, and it is not enough simply to recognise this, the education process itself needs to be founded on a consenualised and yet universal basis which makes it evident that we are all at one and the same time both equal and different. The response needs to be both a political and an educational one, which prioritises those processes which lead to the genuine creation of a space of social debate in the classroom (Molina, 2002). It is necessary to promote respect for social and cultural differences, but such respect has to be critical and framed within a structure which recognises individual rights and constitutional law. In any event, for muslims living in Spain, beyond the most basic issues involved in maintaining their customs what they really encounter are general difficulties in obtaining the necessary

62


understanding of very concrete problems like those associated with the celebration of Ramadán33. The Spanish educational system needs to adapt and respond to the new challenges presented by the new models of Citzenship Education and Intercultural Education. Citzenship Education should provide the tools required to learn to live in a world of cultural difference, with mutual respect and tolerance, and enable those who participate in it to communicate and collaborate with people from different cultures in the construction of a fairer and more solidary world (VVAA, 2001). Education should impregnate society with this reality, and even if it is not the only instrument – nor even the most important or most decisive – it can help the subject achieve a positive interpretation of the world of interpersonal relations. As such education provides a strong antidote to xenophobic, paternalist and ethnocentric attitudes. Even if the school always occupies a given social and cultural space it has to be based on a constant effort to break away from a merely reproductive dynamic. And while the school has, historically, internalised what is effectively an assimilationist component, there have always been alternative models which have served as a contrast for such homogenising tendencies. Intercultural education is based on an opening of the school to other, more varied, experiences, where respect for cultural differences and equality of opportunity facilitate the development of feelings of belonging which place emphasis on access, and reduce the avenues of retreat into more marginal situations. Intercultural education should be grounded in the solidarity and equality appropriate in a plural society (and move beyond mere tolerance and peternalist compehension) (Molina, 2005).

5.3.

Intercultural competence and society

There is no doubt that living in such a complex and global world, where recognition, integration and participation processes exist on a whole series of levels, implies and requires a special competence, one which permits the individual to work, relate to others, overcome prejudeices and resolve the conflicts which arise from the very existence of cultural difference – and the key to all of this lies in the acquisition of 33

Kaman Rahmouni, President of the association of Moroccan (http://www.elpais.cm/articulo/sociedad/multiculturalismo 29/05/2009).

63

workers,

Atime


Intercultural Competence (Aneas, 2005). Intercultural Competence is espcially relevant in public administration, where services like health and education are offered directly to the public. The arrival of large numebrs of migrants from different cultural backgrounds and different systems of education has only served to reinforce the need to have comprehensive intercultural education for those working in public administration. The need for intercultural competence in areas of conflict resolution in the working environment has become a key issue for many involved in local and regional administration. Achieving entry into the labour market is a fundamental objective for the migrant and is a key to the whole integration process since it takes the individual away from situations of exclusion and marginalisation. And especially now, at a time of economic crisis, the importance of having a corps of professionals who are equipped with the competences and strategies needed to optimise the resources the migrant posseses and facilitate their ability to exploit these to the full is greater than ever (Aneas, 2010 and 2008). More studies are needed to help identify the training needs of the professionals involved in order to optimise the programmes of continuous education and training (Aneas 2009). As an illustration we would cite the programme of intercultural diagnosis carried out by the Catalan government’s labour department (Cabrera et al. 2008 and Donoso et al, 2009). The most relevant needs identified were related to an improved understanding of the legal framework surrounding immigration, knowledge of the key languages and more intercultural competences34. At the same time initiatives have been taken to encourage greater intercultural appreciation at the level of Trade Unions and Employers Associations, both of which are seen as important bridges to easing the entry of the newcomers into the local labour market. Another important area is the health system, since all migrants are entitled to access to health provision. The cultural factor in health jas been widely studied in many countries,

34

Intercultural competences consist of “The body of knowledge, skills and attitudes which when incorporated and applied enable the diagnosis of those personal needs and requirements which stem from working in a culturally diverse environment. Such competence enables the subject to negotiate, comunícate and work in intercultural teams, and handle the many issues which may arise in such environments by the application of a process of intercultural self learning” Aneas (2003)

64


although in Spain the topic is still in its infancy (Aneas et al. 2009; Armadans, et al., 2009, Aneas et al, 2010). Practically all Spain’s autonomous communities now have cultural intermediation services in their primary care centres. The emphasis of such services varies according to the specific needs and the experience of each community. In areas with less, or more recent, immigration such services are normally limited to translation, providing information and accompanying, and is normally carried out by volunteers and non professionals. In other communities, like Catalonia, where immigration is a more extensive and older phenomenon, the service is far more sophistocated, there is a higher proportion of professional staff, and the level of prior training is accordingly greater. Spain’s security services have also started to make special provision for some level of intercultural communication. In Spain there are a number of different bodies responsible for law enforcement, and each body has its own specific areas of activity. There are national bodies like the Policia Nacional and the Guardia Civil, but in some communities, notably Catalonia and the Basque country, there are also local police forces. The Escuela de Seguridad de Cataluña (Catalan Security School -which is the resposibility of the Catalan government) has collaborated closely over many years with the UNESCO centre in Catalonia and the Centro de Diálogo Interreligioso (Centre for Inter.-religious dialogue) as well as with the local university system in an attempt to introduce some element of intercultural competence into the police training school (which is responsible for all levels of activity within the Catalan police force). Since many comunal conflicts have their origins in cultural misunderstandings, and since the police tend to play a key role as mediator in these conflicts, the issue of intercultural communication is naturally given some importance (Aneas, 2008). The Catalan local public library system has also been steadily adapting itself to the needs of a more diverse population, and as a result the administration in the Province of Barcelona organised a training course in intercultural competence for library staff. The issues raised not only extended to the question of opening hours and the organisation of the inner space within the library, and to the issue of the reading materials on offer, but also to a certain degree of cultural mediation among users.

65


In the education system there has naturally been a substancial expansion of intercultural training provision, directed largely at the teaching staff. Such programmes are directed towards helping the teacher carry out tutorial responsibilities, and to attend to family needs and demands while at the same time focusing attention on the need to develop teaching strategies which are more in harmony with the diversity which now exists in the classroom.

Such courses are normally financed out of the budgets of those

autonomous communities which have offered them. There has also been an interesting initiative in intercultural journalism (Aneas and Santos, 2007) developed by the Corporación Catalana de Radiotelevisión which is the public broadcasting authority in Catalonia. The Corporation, aware of the challenges presented by having over 1 million new immigrants arrive over the last decade, decided – in collaboration with the UNESCO centre in Catalonia and Barcelona University - to offer support to all staff involved with documentation, programme production and news services, in their radio, TV and internet services. The objective was to make staff interculturally aware, and offer them competences which could help them develop intercultural approaches to programme provision in terms of the treatment of images, personalities, news and information in such a way as to avoid reinforcing negative stereotypes. It would be impossible to close this section without giving at least a mention to the need to continue to extend the availability and provision of intercultural education. In this sense it is important to take note the multitude of citizenship training programmes which are being developed by NGOs, immigarnt associations, cultural organisations with the help and support of the public administration as well as private sources fo finance. Intercultural education is also steadily moving forward in a number of universities in Catalonia - including the main public universities like Barcelona University and the Polytechnic University of Catalonia. The School of Catering and Tourism in Sant Pol (Girona University) has also introduced a module in intercultural competente into its Bachellors and Masters Degree (Aneas and Montané, 2009)

66


5.4.

A Spanish Islamic Community?

Spain has shown a notable reluctance to recognise Islam and the muslims living in Spainas its own. The attitudes which we have outlined here demonstrate how, for both historical and contemporary reasons, many Spaniards have a negative image of muslims in general and Moroccans in particular. In addition many Spanish citizens seem to identify Islam with immigration, and see muslims as the most different of all the communites who have recently ariived in Spain. Hence the difficulty in accepting Islam as something truly Spanish, as one religion among all the others which are practised by Spanish citizens. One typical example of this resistance is the response which is normally given to the proposal to install a mosque or prayer centre in a given vicinity. A country which has been so strongly identified with catholocism and which is now steadily secularising finds it difficult to accept a religious experience whose most visible images as presented in the means of communication (often assocaited with fundamentalist groups or acts of terrorism) or seen in the street (different forms of dress, and especially in the case of women) seen to be so “foreign”. The fact that they also seem tardy in entering social relations, have gender practices which seem reprehensible and show little apparent interest in integration only adds to the problem. In addition, despite the formal legislative recognition which has been awarded to Islam, and which allows for a greater public presence for the religion (in the school, for example), such recognition is not followed through with the all the enthusiasm which might have been anticipated. The lack of action is undoubtedly due to the resistance and fears which exist on both sides. The host population are wary of the social and cultural impact that a more public Islamic presence may bring in its wake, while the Moroccans remain unconvinced of the benefits that the improved recognition may bring. As Martín Muñoz (2004) suggests, in Spain cultural and religious demands from within the muslim community are still in an incipient state, and where these exist they still tend to come from a minority within the group, and especially from those who have converted to the religion, given that the principal preoccupations of the majority of the muslim population are socio-economic ones. On the other hand in those areas where there is a large muslim presence an autonomous religious leadership is now emerging, and this may well allow for a reshaping of the muslim identity in Spain in the longer

67


term. For Martin what is involved is a silent majority who found themselves without the necessary means of response to the accusation “incapable of integrating”. So at this point it is still impossible to speak of “Spanish Islam”, but rather it is more precise to continue to talk of “muslims in Spain”.

6. Suggestions for policy makers Recommendations It is not easy to lay down clear recommendations for a programme capable of achieving real social integration and meaningful interculturality, since this requires both active participation and positive attitudes on the part of all involved. In addition what is involved is not simply a matter of individual behaviour and attitudes. The problems are structural and institutional and the need is for a policy which is systematically applied over a wide terrain – daily life, education, the labour market, the political arena, the legislative framework, etc, etc.... Still it is posible to identify some broad lines of approach, as well as some very specific proposals which can help achieve a greater degree of integration between populations and a higher level of mutual understanding and tolerance. In the first place, as Cachón (2007, p. 74) argues, the issues need to be addressed at the state level, between the two countries, since both have an interest in creating a succesful migration outcome. Cachón uses the expression co-development. Again, since the integration of immigrants should occur in conditions of equality, then, again to cite Cachón a policy of integration of/with the immigrants should be based on the three great principles of equality, citizenship and interculturality, as they are outlined in Spain’s strategic plan for citizenship and intergration, which should be seen as the principal instrument for developing structural responses and a pedagogic device to help raise the level of understanding of immigration as a phenomenon across Spanish society. On the other hand, and as was recognised by UNESCO in 1995, education is one of the fundamental environments where intolerance can be effectively confronted.

68


The legal framework obviously needs to be an anti-discriminatory one and – as Spain’s “Movement Against Intolerance” proposes - inflamatory activities like demonstrations and concerts which serve to incite racism, should be curtailed and prohibited. But in the main the emphasis should be positive and constructive, with an explicit educational intent. The idea of multiple and flexible identities should be increasingly promoted, as should the idea of identity as a project which is open to change without necessarily implying the need to abandon a traditional core. For this reason Sabar (2002) argues that the identity of the Moroccan in contemporary Europe should be seen as one of the “other in the process of becoming” and not the “other in his otherness”, which is in fact a stereotytpical image created in the west by a society in need of an exotic charicature, nor that of the “excolonial Moroccan” who serves as an endless source of cheap labour. As Sánchez Rosell (2009) argues, one of the best ways to promote understanding and acceptance is the creation of common spaces which facilitate a mutual “getting to know one another”35. As Pérez-Díaz (2002) notes despite the fact that Spaniards often express the opinion that immigration does have positive consequences for the receiving country, negative attidudes associated with crime and delinquency, and competition for jobs tend to predominate. Indeed, as he notes, these negative attitudes are far more focused on Moroccans than they are on Latin Americans and it for this reason that Pérez-Díaz et al. (2002), recommend that when it comes to designing an immigration policy it is important to recognise the fluidity of public opinión composed as it is on the one hand by a majority who are reasonably open, and a minority who are often in closer proximity to the immigrants but who also often express serious reservations about the quality of communal life they themselves experience. What is needed then is a knowledge and a recognition of the “other” as an equal. In order to develop this knowledge the optimum environoment is an educational one, and 35

Amparo Sánchez Rosell, president of the Centro Cultural Islámico de Valencia: “The image people have of North African people is negative largely in relation to gender inequality, sexism and the passivity of the woman. This is the image we have been “feeding ourselves” on. This cultural baggage is no more than prejudice but it is generalised, and influences even those with an express interest in the culture of the Maghreb. These are stereotypes but they have become extremely “internalsised”” (Conferencia: “Acercamiento entre las dos culturas”, Alicante 14 May 2009; http://www.elmagrebconojosdemujer.org; consulta 4/08/2009).

69


in this sense the school has to be the starting point for any effective intercultural initiative. Educational processes are long, complex ones but in the school for all everyone has the right to participate. Elements and structures need to be identified which favour the development of respect for the other in harmony with equality of opportunity, the feeling of belonging to a common culture and the right of access to non marginal situations. The Committe on Migration of the Council of Europe has already sounded a warning note, drawing attention to the importance of ensuring that immigrants enjoy the same level of well being as that which their fellow citizens have come to expect (COE, 2007). In this way we need to find the path towards identities which are both compatible with all our cultural heritages and with the values of social justice, tolerace and respect for numan rights which has long formed part of our common identity as Europeans.

References Alcalde, R.; García, C.; Moreno, R. y Ramírez, M (2002) Las mujeres marroquíes en Cataluña: entre la transgresión y el cambio. Revista Catalana de Sociologia, 18, 27-44. Almeida, J. (1993) El problema de España en Américo Castro. Córdoba: Publicaciones Universidad de Córdoba. Almeida, J. (2004) Españoles en cuerpo y alma Cuenta y razón, Nº 133, 91-106 Aneas, A.& Schubert, W (2005) Cultural Detective in http://www.culturaldetective.com/package.html#SPAI. Retreived 21 augost 2009

Spain.

Aneas, A. (2010) Competencia Intercultural: Competencia clave en las organizaciones actuales. In Soriano Vivir entre culturas: una nueva sociedad. (pp. 10-28). Almería: Ediciones La Muralla. Aneas, A & De Santos, J ( 2007) Formación intercultural: Medios de comunicación. Madrid. Fundación Atman Aneas, A. (2003) Competencias Interculturales transversales: un modelo para la detección de necesidades formativas. Universidad de Barcelona. Tesis doctoral electrónica. http://www.tdx.cesca.es/TDX-1223104-122502/ Retreived 21 augost 2009 Aneas, A. (2008) Integration and Identity Issues. In Arthur N & Pedersen, P. (Eds.) Case Incidents in Counseling for International Transitions. (pp.169-189) .Alexandría VA. American Counseling Association. Aneas, A. (2008). Bases conceptuals per a una Policia Intercultural. En: Seguretat, convivència i diversitat cultural. (pp. 135-142) Barcelona: Publicacions UNESCO. Aneas, A. & Montané, S (2009)Let’s Go Work Together! Introducing Intercultural Competencies as a University Subject in Catalonia, Spain. International Journal of Learning. In press

70


Aneas, A.; Armadans, I & Fernández, R. (2010) Interculturality and health at Spain. In P. Casanoves & N. Galera, (Eds.) Nuevos caminos para la Justicia (pp. 175-186) Barcelona: Huygens Editorial Aneas, A.; Simons, G.; Lambert, J & Myers, S (2005) Competencia Global.50 actividades de formación para lograr el éxito en los negocios internacionales. Madrid: Diaz de Santos. Armadans I.; Aneas, A; Soria M.A & Bosch L.(2009) La mediación en el ámbito de la salud. Med Clin (Barc). Med Clin (Barc). 133(05) 187-92 Balta, P. (1990). Le grand Maghreb. Paris, Éditions la Découverte. Belardbi, A. (1993) Le salarie de madame. Le Fennec, Casablanca Bennis, S. (2005): Marruecos-España. El tratamiento de la inmigración por los medios de comunicación españoles y su repercusión sobre la percepción y la situación de los inmigrantes marroquíes. Mundoarabe.org (22/10/2005). Berry, J.W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29, 697-712. Berry, J.W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 46, 5-68. Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Power, S., Young, M., & Bujaki, M. (1989). Acculturation attitudes in plural societies. Applied Psychology, 38, 185–206. Birman, D.; Trickett, E. & Vinokurov, A. (2002). Acculturation and adaptation of Soviet Jewish refugee adolescents: predictors of adjustment across life domains. American Journal of Community Psychology, 30 (5), 585-608. Blanco, C. (2009). Pautas de asentamiento residencial de los inmigrantes ¿exclusión social o estrategia étnica? In C. Blanco & I. Barrero (Eds.) Pautas de asentamiento de la población inmigrante: implicaciones y retos socio-jurídicos. (pp. 27 – 61) Madrid: Dykinson,. Cabrea, F. ; Donoso, T.; Aneas A. ;De Santos, J, Mas, J. & Curós, P (2008) “Diagnòstic de competències interculturals en l’administració pública. En Generalitat de Catalunya Recerca i Immigració. Barcelona: Publicacions de la Generalitat de Catalunya Cachón, L. (2004): “Marroquíes en el mercado de trabajo en España”, en Atlas de la Inmigración marroquí en España. Madrid: UAM. Cachón, L. (2007): “Diez notas sobre la inmigración en España”, en Vanguardia Dossier, núm. 22, 68-75. Cachón, L. (2009): La “España inmigrante”: marco discriminatorio, mercado de trabajo y políticas de integración. Barcelona: Anthropos. Cano, R. (1999): El español a través de los tiempos, Madrid: Arco/Libros, (1.ª ed. 1988).

Castro, A. (1996) España en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judios. Barcelona: Grijalbo Mondadori. Checa, F.; Checa, JC & Arjona, MA (2008). “Características residenciales de los inmigrados en Andalucía. Primera apoximación”. In J García & J. Lacomba, (Eds.) La inmigración en la sociedad española (pp. 325 – 350). Barcelona: Edicions Bellaterra. CIS (2007): Estudio Sociopolítico de España. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas. Colectivo IOE (1992). La inmigración extranjera en Catalunya. Barcelona: Institut d´Estudis Mediterranis. Colectivo IOE (1994). Marroquins a Catalunya. Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Mediterranis.

71


Colectivo IOÉ (2006). Inmigración y vivienda en España. Madrid: OPI. Cortina, A. (1997): Ciudadanos del mundo. Hacia una teoría de la ciudadanía. Madrid: Alianza. Domingo, C. & González, V. (1996): “La inmigración magrebí en España: actualidad y futuro”, en Boletín de la AGE, núm. 23, 3-12. Donoso, T.; Cabrera F.; Aneas, A. ; De Santos J, & Curós P. Diagnóstico de competencias en la Administración Pública. Revista de Investigación Educativa. Volumen_27-1(2009)149-167 Eibl-Eibesfeldt, I. (1980) El hombre preprogramado Madrid: Alianza. 1980. Farrell, S., Aubry, T. & Coulombe, D. (2004). The influence of neighborhood characteristics on sense of community, neighboring behaviour and well-being. Journal of Community Psychology, 32, 9-26. Fullaondo, A. (2009). Inmigración y ciudad. El caso del área metropolitana de Barcelona. In C. Blanco & I. Barrero (Eds.) Pautas de asentamiento de la población inmigrante: implicaciones y retos sociojurídicos (pp. 63 – 94). Madrid, Dykinson, García-Ramirez, M. & Camacho, C. (2005). Adaptation y satisfaction among morocan in Spain: the community context role. 10th Bienal Conference of Society for Community Psicología de la Liberación e Integración Comunitaria de Inmigrantes 23 Research and Action: Community Psychology in Global Perspective. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. García-Ramírez, M.; Camacho, C.; Hernández-Plaza, S.; Albar M. J., Manzano; V.& Paloma, V. (2006) “Psicología de la liberación en España y respuestas a la opresión en inmigrantes marroquíes” Identificando las Condiciones de Opresión en Marroquíes del Sur de España. Conferencia Internacional de Psicología Comunitaria (San Juan de Puerto Rico, 2006) http://www.institucional.us.es/ppici/documentos/puertorico.pdf. Retreived 21 augost 2009 Garreta, J. (2000). Els musulmans a Catalunya. Lleida: Pagès. Garreta, J. (2000a). Inmigrantes musulmanes en Cataluña. Los retos sociales, culturales y educativos de la diversidad religiosa. Revista Internacional de Sociología, 25, 151-176. Garreta, J. (2001). The process of consolidation of the Islamic communities of Catalonia (Spain). Internacional Journal of Migration Studies, 144, 787-809. Garreta, J. (2002): “Inmigrantes musulmanes en una sociedad laica”, en Papers, núm. 66, 249268. Garreta, J. (2003). La integración sociocultural de las minorías étnicas: inmigrantes y gitanos. Barcelona: Anthropos. Garreta, J. Samper, L. Mayoral, D. LLevot, N. Molina, F. Lapresta, C. Sserra, C. Palaudàrias M. Notario, G. Salinas, E. Monclús, X. & Creixell, N. (2007). La relació família d’origen immigrant i escola: l’Islam en els centres educatius de Catalunya. Lleida, Universitat de Lleida [Proyecto ARAFI 2005 No publicado]. Garreta, J.; Tamba, M.; Ba, M. Ba, O.; Bernad, O; Dominigo, J.; Guillem, X. ; Sabaté, M.; Tete, T.& Vila, S. (2009). Barça o Barzakh. Els impactes de l’emigració al Senegal. Lleida, Centro de Cooperación Internacional [en prensa]. Glick T., (1979) Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages New Princeton, NY: University Press. Hernández-Plaza, S.; Pozo, C. & Alonso-Morillejo, E. (2004). The role of informal social support in needs assessment: Proposal and application of a model to assess immigrants’ needs in the south of Spain. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 14, 284-298.

72


Hernández-Plaza, S. (2003). La otra cara de la inmigración: Necesidades y sistemas de apoyo social. Almería: España: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Almería. Herney, D.B.; Cartland, J.; Ruchross, H., & Monahan, K. (2004). A return potential measure of setting norms for aggression. American Journal of Community Psychology, 33, (3/4), 131-149. Hofstede, G. (1999). Culturas y organizaciones. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Institut BVA (2009): Interviewe sur l'immigration marocaine en Europe. Casablanca: CCME. Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2009). Encuesta nacional de inmigrantes 2007: una monografía. Madrid: INE. Izquierdo, A. (2003): Inmigración: mercado de trabajo y protección en España. Madrid: CES. Izquierdo, A. (2008). Terremoto en los cimientos del modelo migratorio. In J. García & J. Laomba, (Eds.) La inmigración en la sociedad española (pp. 75–91). Barcelona: Edicions Bellaterra. Lapesa, R. (1995): Historia de la lengua española, Madrid, Gredos (8.ª reimp. de la 9.ª de corr. y aum. 1981; 1.ª ed. 1942). Ley 14/1986 de 25 de abril, Ley General de Sanidad. Ley Orgánica 4/2000, de 11 de Enero, sobre Derechos y Libertades de los Extranjeros en España y su integración Social, en su redacción dada por las Leyes orgánicas 8/2000, 11/2003 y 14/2003. López Garcia, B. (1996). La evolución cronológica del asentamiento de los marroquíes en España. In López García, B. (Dir.) Atlas de la inmigración magrebí en España (pp. 68 – 71). Madrid, Observatorio de la Inmigración magrebí en España de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. López Garcia, B. (2004). La evolución de la inmigración marroquí en España (1991-2003). In López Garcia, B. (Dir.) Atlas de la inmigración marroquí en España (pp. 213 – 221). Madrid, Observatorio de la Inmigración magrebí en España de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. López, B. y Berriane, M. (coord.) (2004): Atlas de la inmigración magrebí en España. Madrid, UAM y Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales. López, B. y García, P. (2006): “Jóvenes y menores en la inmigración magrebí actual en España”, en Anales de Historia Contemporánea, núm. 22, 57-78. López, B. y Olmo, N. (1995). Islam e inmigración. In ABUMALHAM, M. (Eds.) Comunidades islámicas en Europa (pp. 257 – 276). Madrid: Trotta. Losada Campos, T. (1995). Inmigración musulmana: retos humanos, culturales y religiosos. In M. Abumalham (Eds.) Comunidades islámicas en Europa. (pp. 189 – 199). Madrid: Trotta. McMillan, D.W., & Chavis, D.M. (1986). Sense of community: A definition and theory. American Journal of Community Psychology, 14 (1), 6-23. Maravall, J.A. (1964) Sobre el mito de los caracteres nacionales. Revista de Occidente, 16 Julio Martín Muñoz, G. (2004). Emigración e Islam. In Aubarell, G. y Zapata, R. (Eds.) Inmigración y procesos de cambio (pp. 351 – 374). Barcelona: Icaria. Maravall, J.A (1963) «Sobre el mito de los caracteres nacionales». Revista de Occidente, 3, Junio 1963 Martínez, M.F., García-Ramírez, M., Maya, I., Rodríguez, S. & Checa, F. (1996) La integración social de los inmigrantes africanos en Andalucía. Necesidades y recursos. Sevilla, España: Junta de Andalucía.

73


Martínez Veiga U. (1999). Pobreza, segregación y exclusión social. La vivienda de los inmigrantes extranjeros en España. Barcelona: Icaria. Mead, M. (1971): Cultura y compromiso. Estudio sobre la rotura generacional. Buenos Aires, Granica. Melikian, J. (1981) Jassim:A study in the Psichological Development of a Young Man in Qatar. London: Longman Group. Molina, F. (2002): Sociología de la Educación Intercultural. Buenos Aires: Lumen. Molina, F. (2005): “Nuevos conflictos sociales y su presencia educativa. Análisis sociológico y reflexiones para la intervención”, en Cultura y Educación (C&E), núm. 17 (3), 213-223. Molina, F. (ed) (2008): Alternativas en Educación Intercultural. Lleida: De París. Molina, F. y Giliberti, L. (2009): A cross nacional comparison of emergin findings from Tresegy, in Europe. Informe del proyecto Tresegy, 6º Programa Marco UE. Moreras, J, (1999). Musulmanes en Barcelona. Barcelona: CIDOB Edicions. Moreras, J. (2003). Un Islam en Cataluña o un Islam Catalán. In MA Roque (Ed.) El Islam plural (pp. 335 – 351). Barcelona: Icaria. Nelson, G. & Prilleltensky, I. (2002). Doing Psychology Critically. Making a Difference in Diverse Settings. New York, EEUU: Palgrave Mcmillan Navas, M.; García, M. C.; Sánchez, J.; Rojas, A.; J., Pumares, P. & Fernández, J. S. (2005). Relative Acculturation Extended Model: New contributions with regard to the study of acculturation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29, 21–37. Navas, M.; Pumares, P.; Sánchez, J.; García, M.C.; Rojas, A.J. & Cuadrado, I. (2004). Estrategias y actitudes de aculturación: la perspectiva de los inmigrantes y de los autóctonos en Almería. Sevilla: Dirección General de Coordinación de Políticas Migratorias. Consejería de Gobernación. Junta de Andalucía. Navas, M.; García, M. C.; Rojas, A. J.; Pumares, P. & Cuadrado, I. (2006). Actitudes de aculturación y prejuicio: la perspectiva de autoctonos e inmigrantes. Psicothema, 18(2), 187– 193 Navas M. ; Rojas, A. J.; García, M. C. & Pumares, P. (2007) Acculturation strategies and attitudes according to the Relative Acculturation Extended Model (RAEM): The perspectives of natives versus immigrants International Journal of Intercultural Relations 31 (2007) 67–86 Nydell ( Omar), M. (1996 ) Understanding Arabs. A guide for Westerns. London: Intercultural Press. Omram, A. (1980) The contribution of the Arabs. In Abdel- Rahim Omram Population in the Arab World. ( pp. 13-41) London: Cromm Helm. Penninx, R. (2006). Introduction. En R. Penninx, M. Berger & K. Kraal (Eds.), The Dynamics of International Migration and Settlement in Europe (pp. 7-17). Amsterdam, Países Bajos: Amsterdam University Press. Pérez Yruela, M. & Rinken, S. (2005). La integración de los inmigrantes en la sociedad andaluza. Sevilla, España: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Pérez-Díaz, V.; Álvarez, B. y González, C. (2002): España ante la inmigración. Barcelona: Fundación “la Caixa”, Colección Estudios Sociales. Perkins, D., Florin, P., Rich, R., Wandersman, A. & Chavis, D. (1990). Participation and the social and physical environment of residential blocks : Crime and community context. American Journal of Community Psychology, 18, 83-113.

74


Portes, A. & Rumbaut, R.G. (1996) Inmigrant America : A portait (2nd ed.) Berkeley & Los Angeles, EEUU: University of California Press. Portes, A.; Aparicio, R. y Haller, W. (2009): “La segunda generación en Madrid: un estudio longitudinal”, Informe Fundación Spencer de Chicago. Pumares, P. (1993): “Problemática de la integración marroquí en España”, Política y Sociedad, 139-147. Informe Raxen (2009) Racismo, Xenofobia, Antisemitismo, Islamofobia, Neofascismo, Homofobia y otras manifestaciones de Intolerancia a través de los hechos. Crisis Económica, Xenofobia y Neofascismo en España Especial http://www.movimientocontralaintolerancia.com/html/raxen/raxen.asp Rebolloso, E., Hernández, S. & Cantón, P. (2001). El discurso social del prejuicio hacia los inmigrantes en la provincia de Almería. Apuntes de Psicología, 19 (2), 207-234. Redfield, R., Linton, R., & Herskovits, M. J. (1936). Memorandum on the study of acculturation. American Anthropologist, 38, 149–152. Sabar, K. (1998): “Magrebíes en el País Vasco. Memoria, espacio y comunidad”, en VVAA: El derecho a la no discriminación por razones de raza. Vitoria: Ararteko. Sabar, K. (2002): “La inmigración como proyecto de vida: búsqueda y recomposición de una identidad fragmentada” (http//: www. Ayp.unia.es). Samper, L. & Garreta, J. (2008). The Muslims in Catalan schools: presences and absences. Colloque International “Islam and Education in Pluralistic Societies: Integration and transformations” (Montréal 6 – 9 may 2008) [unpublished] San Román, T. (1986). Reflexiones sobre marginación y racismo. In T. San Román Entre la marginación y el racismo (pp. 181 – 239). Madrid: Alianza. San Román, T. (1994). La diferència inquietant. Velles i noves estratègies culturals dels gitanos. Barcelona: Fundació Serveis de Cultura Popular Editorial Altafulla. Sánchez-Albornoz, C. (1976). España, un enigma histórico. “ vol.II, p.390. Barcelona: 5 Edición Sánchez, A. “Acercamiento entre las dos culturas”, Alicante 14 http://www.elmagrebconojosdemujer.org; retreived 04 augost 2009).

May

2009;

Sonn, C.C. & Fisher, A.T. (2005). Inmigration and adaptation: confronting the challenges of cultural diversity. En G. Nelson & I. Prilleltensky (Eds.) Critical Community Psychology: In pursuit for wellness and liberation (pp. 348-363). London: Great Britain: Palgrave Macmillan. Taguieff, P. A. (1987): La force du préjugé. Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles. París: La Découverte. Terrén, E. (2004). Opinión pública y visibilidad: las encuestas sobre racismo y xenofobia. In, B. López García (Dir.) Atlas de la inmigración marroquí en España (pp. 439 – 441). Madrid, Observatorio de la Inmigración magrebí en España de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Tezanos, J. F. y Tezanos, S. (2006): “La cuestión migratoria en España. Tendencias en inmigración y exclusión social”, en Sistema, núm. 190-191, 9-39. Touraine, A. (1997): ¿Podremos vivir juntos? Madrid, PPC. UCIDE (2008). Estudio demográfico de la población musulmana. Explotación estadística del censo de ciudadanos musulmanes en España referido a fecha 31/12/2007. Observatorio Andalusí http://mx.geocities.com/hispanomuslime/estademograf.doc.Retreived 21 augost 2009.

75


Van Dijk, T.A. (1996). Discourse, racism and ideology. Tenerife, España: RCEI. VVAA (2001): Inmigración y escuela. De la educación intercultural a la educación para la ciudadanía. Madrid, Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales – FETE-UGT. VVAA (2009): Educación y ciudadanía e Inmigración. Barcelona: L’Esplai. VVAA (2009): Informe Raxen. Valencia, Movimiento contra la Intolerancia. Zapata-Barrero, R. (2003) Spain. In J. Niessen y Y. Schibel Ed. EU and US approaches to the management of immigration comparative perspectives (pp 459-89). Bruselas: Migration Policy Group. Zapata-Barrero, R. (2005)The Muslim community ans Sapnish tradition: Maurophobia as a fact and impartiality as a desideratum. In T. Modood, A. Traindafyllidou and R Zapata-Barrero (Eds.) Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: a European approach. London: Routledge Zapata-Barrero, R. (2008) Política del discurso sobre la inmigración en España. En E. ZapataBarrero, E. Gonzalez, E. Sanchez. (Eds.) El discuso político en torno a la inmigración en España y en la UE. Documentos del Observatorio permanente de la inmigración. Ministerio de Trabajo e Inmigración. http://extranjeros.mtas.es/es/ObservatorioPermanenteInmigracion/Publicaciones/archivos/El_dis curso_polxtico_en_torno_a_la_inmigracixn_en_Espaxa_y_en_la_UE.pdf.pdf. Accesible 21 agosto 2009

76