Papua New Guinea National Nutrition Planning Workshop held in Madang 17-~February ...... New Guinea Institute of Medical Research, 1991. 39. Medium term ...
dh United Nations
W
University Press
Nutriti.onal effects of export-crop production fn Papua New Guinea: A review of the evidence
Peter F . Heywood and Robin L. Hide Abstract The effects of cash cropping on nutrltwn in Papua 'Vew Guinea are reviewed. The interpretation of the 1vailable evidence is complicated by the introduction Jf cash cropping simultaneously with services such as 1-zealth and education of the rural population. How?ver, there is indication that the growth of children improved over the period in which cash cropping in~reased, particularly in the highlands, where, as a re~ult of the later introduction of cash crops, more l;aseline data are available. There is no reason to be!ieve that the same effect did not occur in the lowlands, where the infant mortality rate fell progressively over the same period. There is also evidence of an increase in the height and weight of adults, as well as an increase in the prevalence of degenerative diseases. Programmes need to be developed that retain the important benefits of child health and at the same time arrest the increasing prevalence of degenerative diseases in adults.
Introduction Over the last three decades the effects of export-crop production on nutrition and, more generally, agriculture in the developing world have been debated widely [1- 6]. In Papua New Guinea there has been general discussion of the potential effects of cash
Peter Heywood is affiliated with the Nutrition Program at the University of Queensland, Queensland, Australia. Robin Hide ·is affiliated with the Department of Human Geography, Research School of Pacific Studies, at the Australian National University, Canberra. This review was presented as a background paper at the Papua New Guinea National Nutrition Planning Workshop held in Madang 17-~February 1992, and was published in the proceedings of the workshop (Port Moresby: Institute of National Affairs, 1992).
Food and Nutrition Bulletin, vol. 15, no. 3.
cropping on staple-food production and nutnt10n since at least the 1950s [7-11], and more recently there has been a period of relatively pointed debate [12- 24). Despite the evidence of two national-level studies that found a positive relationship between nutrition status and indexes of cash-crop income at the provincial level [25, 26) and a review that showed similar results from more recent anthropometric surveys of two provinces [27), it is still often asserted that the nutritional effects are negative. Connell [28], for instance, believed that all the evidence suggests a "substantial and steady increase in the incidence of malnutrition in recent years," while Kahn and Sexton [29] reported that the studies in their recent collection generally agree with Wirsing's [30] depiction of economic development resulting in a deterioration of diet and health status. Lepowsky expressed a similar view on general dietary change, describing the "store-bought diet which has wreaked nutritional havoc in recent years in Papua New Guinean towns and plantation communities" [31). A 1987 workshop on the condition of children and women in Papua New Guinea concluded ambivalently that "while the government's emphasis on the introduction of cash cropping has improved nutrition in some areas through the purchase of imported foods, it has also led to a general neglect of the subsistence sector which has a negative impact on nutrition" [32]. To date, only 'two specific field studies within the country have addressed the nutritional effects of the shift from subsistence agriculture to involvement in cash-crop production. One was restricted to a single resettlement scheme where cash cropping was a minor source of income [33- 36]. The other was also a single-site study, focused on the effects of cash income from employment on a cardamom plantation [37, 38]. Neither, therefore, can provide comprehensive answers holding for the range of export crops and conditions found in Papua New Guinea (table 1). However, substantial numbers of dietary, anthro-
© 1994, The United Nations University.
233
234
P. F. Heywood and R. L. Hide
TABLE 1. Participation in export-crop production, 1983 Mode(%) Major region or province Coffee Cacao Copra Oil palm Tea Cardamom
Estate
No. of smallholders
No. of estate employees
75 69 58
25 31 42
266,748 70,508 107,554
7,000 8,000 10,000
20 20
48 0
52 100
4,500 279
5,000 3,000
10
10-20
80-90
Smallholder
30 30 90
Years•
highlands islands islands Oro, West New Britain West Highlands Simbu, East New Britain, Madang
-
-
Source: Adapted from ref. 39.
a. Length of involvement in the cash economy.
pometric, and economic studies, some cross-sectional and some longitudinal over considerable periods of time, are available. Our approach is pragmatic. We feel this is appropriate given the considerable variation in the extent and type of involvement in cash cropping by the rural population. This is likely to result in nutritional effects that are highly contingent on the agricultural circumstances. Thus, the extent and type of involvement of the rural population in export-crop production varies with the crop and is determined by the region of the country, itself a determinant of the length of contact with Europeans and exposure to the cash economy, the type of crop grown, the mode of production, the proportion of the population affected, and the distribution of benefits.
Development of export-crop production External trade in agricultural commodities in New Guinea began with the permanent presence of European powers in the nineteenth century. In 1828 the government of the Netherlands took possession of the western half of the island (now the Indonesian province of Irian Jaya). In 1884 the German government laid claim to the north coast and islands of eastern New Guinea, and the British government to the south coast (later officially known as Papua). From 1914 Australia administered the former German colony of New Guinea as well as Papua. After World War 11 the two colonies were administered as a single territory, Papua New Guinea, which became independent in 1975. European agricultural endeavour up to the beginning of World War 11 was concentrated in the coastal and island regions and was primarily concerned with the plantation production of cash crops for export [40]. Although at various times in this period coco-
nuts, coffee, cacao, cotton, tobacco, kapok, rubber, sisal, rice, and maize were all grown on plantations, the only crop for which significant and sustained production was achieved was copra. These efforts were much more successful in New Guinea (particularly the Gazelle Peninsula of East . New Britain Province) than in Papua, partly due to the greater allocation of capital and skilled manpower made by Germany, which gave a higher priority to developing its colony than did Australia. Although participation by village people in these developments was low in both colonies, except as labourers, the more extensive development of plantations, trading facilities, and infrastructure in New Guinea meant that some villagers were drawn into the cash economy. In Papua, failure to develop viable plantation production of export crops eventually led the administration to place more emphasis on village-based commercial agriculture. Although for various reasons this attempt was largely unsuccessful [41], the orientation toward smallholders was maintained after World War 11, when Australia began providing massive resources for the development of Papua New Guinea [40]. After World War 11 the Australian government for the first time became actively involved in the development of Papua New Guinea, with the intention of creating a viable local economy as a foundation for eventual self-government. The production of agricultural exports, particularly coffee, cacao, copra, and coconut oil, was to be the mainstay of this development. Subsequently the oil palm and tea were introduced and attempts were made to revive rubber production. Other cash crops grown for export included chillies, cardamom, and pyrethrum, all of minor importance. With the exception of cardamom, their production has been stagnant or declining. In 1983 the main export crops (coffee, cacao, coco-
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
TABLE 2. Estimated value of primary-industry production, 1983 Value
Export crops coffee cacao coconuts oil palm tea rubber total Fruits and vegetables Livestock Fisheries Forest products
Trend 19751983°
K '000
%
94,656 41 ,376 44,021 25,100 10,400 2,200
12.8 5.6 6.0 3.4 1.4 0.3
+ 6.0 -2.5 + 1.0 +20.0
217,753
29.5
-
410,000 27,447 9,328 74,108
55.5 3.7 1.3 10.0
-
-
-
-
Source: Ref. 39. a. Average percentage increase or decrease per year in income.
nuts, oil palm, tea, rubber) accounted for approximately 30% of the value of primary production (table 2)* and 43% of the total value of exports. The relative importance of the main crops varies between the regions of the country and has changed over time, as have the relative contributions of the plantation and smallholder sectors to total production.
Survey of effects by crop and location Copra and cacao
Coconuts (Cocos nucifera) were an important source of food and drink in the traditional lowland subsistence system. The German administration introduced plantations for the production of copra in East New Britain Province in the 1880s. The dominant position of the plantation sector was maintained through the 1960s, when estates still accounted for approximately 70% of total copra production. Since that time the relative importance of the plantation sector has fallen to the point that smallholders now account for 58% of production (table 3). There is marked geographical concen-
• A note on currencies: Before independence Papua New Guinea used Australian currency- pounds until 1966, and dollars thereafter (throughout this paper the unmodified symbol "$" refers to the Australian dollar). With independence in 1975 the kina became the national currency. Until 1982 K 1 was worth something over US$1.20; since then it has fluctuated around US$1.00.
235 tration of production, with East New Britain, North Solomons, New Ireland, and Madang provinces accounting for 77% of total production in 1983 (table 4). Although cacao (Theobroma cacao) was introduced by the German administration in the early 1900s, production remained at very low levels until the rapid expansion of the 1950s stimulated by high prices and the vigorous extension efforts of the Australian administration. In the early 1970s, estates accounted for 75% of total production. The rapid expansion of smallholder production in the 1970s meant that by 1983 it was responsible for 69%. In 1983 two provinces, North Solomons and East New Britain, accounted for over 80% of total production. The spatial imbalances between provinces in the production of copra and cacao are strongly reflected in the pattern of average per capita incomes derived from these crops. Agricultural incomes in North Solomons and East New Britain are considerably higher than elsewhere, either in the New Guinea island region or in mainland locations where these two crops are important. Since provincial data on expenditure patterns are lacking, consideration of possible nutritional effects of this level of cash cropping requires examination of village case studies. North Solomons
Two studies from opposite sides of Bougainville Island, in North Solomons Province, show significant differences between mainly copra- and mainly cacao-producing areas. In Nagovisi, in the southwest, intensive cacao planting began as late as 1960, and thus significant crop sales date only from the mid-1960s [12]. By 1973 the average household had a cash-crop holding of 1.43 ha of only cacao, 0.36 ha of only coconuts, 0.2 ha of mixed cacao and coconuts, and 0.05 ha of coffee. This compares with an average of 0.2 ha of food gardens cultivated annually. From cacao sales alone, Nagovisi cash incomes averaged a modest $10 per household per month during 1968-1971. They varied widely, however, from less than $1 to nearly $30. Of an average retail expenditure of $4.33 per household per month, $3.72 (86%) was spent on food. Dependence on imported purchased foods was therefore relatively low; indeed, it was estimated that, on average, imported foods provided the basis of only 8% of meals. The cash-crop situation of Teop, on the north-east coast of Bougainville, contrasts strongly with that of Nagovisi. Copra was sold from the early years of the century and retained its dominant position into the 1970s, when the average household cash-crop holding included some 600 coconut and 400 cacao trees, in all approximately 5.6 ha [42]. Incomes in 19731974 were considerably higher than in Nagovisi.
P. F. Heywood and R. L. Hide
236
TABLE 3. Smallholder and estate production of principal export crops, 1983 Smallholder
Coffee Cacao Copra Oil palm Tea Rubber
Estate
No. of smallholders
%of production
Trend 19791983°
No. of employees
%of production
Trend 19791983°
266,748 70,508 107,554 4,500 278 7,976
75 69 58 48 negb 14
+4 +2 +1 +11
7,000 8,000 10,000 5,000 3,000 1,300
25 31 42 52 100 86
- 1 - 12 -6.5 +23
- 12
- 14
Source: Ref. 39. a. Average percentage increase or decrease per year in production. b. Negligible.
TABLE 4. Estimated smallholder and estate incomes for principal export crops by province, 1983 (K '000) Coffee Region and province New Guinea islands North Solomons East New Britain West New Britain New Ireland Manus Highlands Western Highlands Eastern Highlands Simbu Enga Southern Highlands
Smallholder
-
Estate
-
-
7
-
-
6
-
Copra
Smallholder
Estate
13,213 6,071 288 282
4,528 3,566 465 661
59
-
Estate
-
2,824 5,190 1,565 2,604 259
1,787 3,942 1,652 1,345 37
-
-
-
-
-
13,091
18,252 12,811 2,402
6,011 34
-
-
-
958
166
-
-
-
623 2,990 3,402 529
Papua Oro Central Milne Bay Gulf Western
1,064 118 139 45 1 59,549
-
-
-
15 -
613 -
711 1,906 98 39
461
13
77
61
-
10,270
16,723
6,315 7,508 6,479 2,006 37
210.87 164.64 161.41 81.77 17.00
-
-
-
16,208
21,403
151.66
-
-
-
6,011
-
-
18,252 12,811 2,402
34
96.28 74.48 15.04
-
-
-
958
166
4.86
-
3,379 5,436 3,838 706
3,124 16 758 62
55.11 27.53 19.31 7.10
3,125 368 1,155 213 24
3,134 1,907 172 262 4
88.15 20.31 9.56 8.19 0.41
106,311
59,398
-
-
6,609
-
Estate
-
-
12,039
-
-
Smallbolder
-
5,058
1,551
-
Estate
l!lcome per capita (kina)
Total
16,037 11,261 6,918 2,900 320
6 594 113 62 2
15 90 1,016 148 2
59
-
-
2,335 16 84 62
23,128
43 113
Smallbolder
2,045 490 338 137
19,949
Oil palm
Smallholder
16,208
New Guinea mainland Madang East Sepik Moro be West Sepik
Total
Cacao
-
-
-
4,356
-
-
-
2,672
-
-
7,028
-
Source: Ref. 39.
Average expenditure on imported food was a substantial $30 per household per month. As in Nagovisi, there was considerable variation among households, from $8 to $66. With this level of expenditure, purchased food accounted for 27% of the
energy consumption and 23% of the protein consumption of the average adult. The general picture of the size of cash-crop holdings and levels of expenditure provided by these village-level studies is confirmed by broader investi-
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
gations [43- 45]. Unfortunately, despite the length and intensity of the colonial period in the island region, little information is available relevant to assessing the effect on the nutrition of children. A provincial nutrition survey in 1980 sought associations between nutrition status and socio-economic factors such as cash-crop income, but no obvious relationships were found in the preliminary analysis (G. Marks and C. Kanawi, personal communication, 1981). However, subsequent analysis found some general relationships [27]. Several studies of adults, both cross-sectional and longitudinal, allow some assessment of the general effect of involvement in the cash economy, and the associated provision of government services, on nutrition. Two longitudinal studies of secular trends in anthropometric variables in North Solomons are particularly relevant. One [46) measured heights and weights of adult men in the Siwai area in 1939, and the other [47] measured adults in the same area a quarter of a century later, some of whom had been measured earlier [46]. Comparison of the two crosssectional surveys and of the measurements on the same individuals 28 years apart indicated significant secular trends in both height and weight. A longitudinal study of adults and adolescents was conducted over the periods 1966- 1970 and 19781980 in three areas of North Solomons with different levels of involvement in the cash economy: Nasioi, with the longest and most intense involvement; Nagovisi, where the involvement was intermediate (see above); and Aita, where the degree of involvement at the time of the study was minimal [48, 49]. For stature, the results in Nasioi indicate a longstanding and continuing substantial increase in stature in both sexes, but particularly in women. In Nagovisi the trend was significant in the younger ages only, particularly in females. No secular trend in height was evident in Aita. In both Nasioi and Nagovisi there was evidence of weight gain in younger males and into middle age for women. In Aita no evidence of weight gain was seen in males, and females showed the downward trend in weight with age typical of traditional societies in Papua New Guinea. Skinfold measurements showed that these weight patterns were associated with increasing fatness with age in both sexes in Nasioi and Nagovisi, and in Aita a decrease in fatness with age in both sexes. The adolescent data (10- 20 years) were not analysed by region. Average adolescent male stature increased slightly (0.5 cm, not statistically significant) over the 1970s, whereas that of females increased by 1.3 cm. East New Britain
On the Gazelle Peninsula of East New Britain the high ievel of participation in cash cropping is compli-
237
cated by significant cash income received from wage employment, particularly in the provincial capital of Rabaul. This is not recent, as shown by three studies of separate periurban communities on the outskirts of Rabaul between 1955 and 1978. At Malaguna in 1955 [50] all households in a small sample included at least one wage-earner; most had some subsistence food gardens; and some also had cash-crop holdings. The average household was spending a high £11 14s monthly on food, but most energy was derived from traditional starchy staples rather than imported cereals (the weekly per capita consumption of the former was 6.05 kg, compared with 1.38 kg of the latter). Five years later a survey of Matupit showed 40% of adult men in wage employment, significant cash cropping (about 200 coconut trees per grower, and first cacao sales the previous year), and a substantial proportion of food still home-produced [51]. Wageearning households were spending £7 8s monthly on food, non-wage-earning households £6 Os. A deepening trend of food dependence is suggested by a study of another periurban community, Pilapila, in 1977- 1978 [52]. By this date nearly twothirds of households had a wage-earner- indeed, 15% had two; just over one-fourth of monetary income was derived from cash cropping; and, most significantly, 40% of all households were without gardens and were thus purchasing most of their food. An expenditure survey showed food constituting 55%- 60% of household expenditure, with absolute outlays of between K 40 and K 84 monthly for food purchases. Other accounts of rural Gazelle communities in the early 1960s located farther from Rabaul showed smaller proportions of income derived from wages, very substantial cash-crop holdings, in which coconuts were dominant, and estimates of 25%-50% of cash income used for food purchases [53, 54]. Although longitudinal anthropometric data for Gazelle are unfortunately lacking, the region was included in a cross-sectional study as part of a general health survey in the highland, mainland, and island regions [55]. Within the island region, adults living in villages classified as highly urbanized (indicating more involvement in the cash economy, a more Western diet, and possibly different levels of activity) were heavier and had greater skinfold thickness and higher serum cholesterol levels than those living in more traditional villages. However, a recent longitudinal study of the coastal fishing community of Pere, on the island of Manus (parts of Manus, but not Pere, were included in the earlier survey), found no evidence of secular change in adult stature between 1954 and 1980 or in the stature of children between the mid-1960s and 1980 [56]. In the Kilenge area at the western end of the is-
P. F. Heywood and R. L Hide
238
land of New Britain, a major expansion of coconut planting was associated with declines in food security, nutritional intake, and dietary diversity, as well as environmental degradation and economic dependence [57, 58). Unfortunately, the case for negative nutritional effects depends only on qualitative assessment and cannot be evaluated on present evidence. Other lowland areas
Evidence from mainland copra- and cacao-producing areas is scanty. Although provincial-level production and income data indicate lower levels of cash-crop involvement, there are clearly some local exceptions. Karkar Island, just off the north coast of Madang, appears to be one. In the mid-1960s official survey data gave mixed coconut and cacao holdings of 1.3 ha per grower, suggesting an average household figure of just under 1 ha [11]. A dietary study in one village in 1969, made as part of a wideranging series of investigations under the International Biological Program, showed store-purchased foods accounting for 21% of mean daily adult energy intakes and 29% of daily protein intake [59]; the figures for children were similar [60). As part of the same study, the relationship between socio-economic status (SES), assessed by economic activity, occupation, education, and marital status, and a range of medical variables was examined with a cross-sectional sample of Karkar adults [61]. No differences were recorded in height among groups of high, medium, or low SES. Weight, weight-to-height ratio, and alcohol use were all greater in the high-SES group. In contrast, those of lower SES had higher rates of respiratory and skin diseases, anaemia, and malarial parasitaemia. A restudy of Karkar in 1983-1984 showed that adults of both sexes had on average become slightly (and only just significantly) fatter, and had a greater central deposition of fat, than those measured in 1969 [62]. Increases in adult weights and heights were also reported between 1969 and 1984-1985 [63]. Among the Amele on the mainland opposite Karkar, birth weights increased from approximately 2.6 to 2.9 kg between 1957 and 1977 [64]. There are also suggestive data from the province with the lowest per capita export-crop income, Western Province. In a cross-sectional study of diets and anthropometry in_several Gidra-speaking villages in the Oriomo-Bituri area, on the mainland opposite Daru, adults in the coastal village of Dorogori were 2-3 cm taller and 5-11 kg heavier than the adults of the less accessible inland village of Wonie [65, 66). Although data on cash cropping are not given, the diets of the two villages contrast markedly. At Dorogori 45% of the average daily energy intake (mainly rice) and 39% of the protein intake (mainly tinned fish and meat) were purchased, whereas in Wonie
the comparative figures were only 6% and 9% [6669]. At inland Kaiapit, in Morobe, comparison between two sets of weight-for-age data on children under three years old collected in 1958-1960 and 1965-1967 showed increases of between 0.2 and 0.5 kg over the whole age range [70, 71]. Elsewhere, evidence from Gulf Province showed a trend for birth weights to increase over the past two or three decades [72] but no change over the period 19741980 [73]. However, a small birth weight series from Kwato Island, in Milne Bay, reported no trend of increase over the period 1936-1978 [74]. At Angugunak, in West Sepik Province, where there is little cash cropping [75], a comparison of weights of children under five years of age in 1967 and 1976 showed no significant change [76]. There was also no change in children's weight-for-age status between 1976 and 1983 [77]. Marked variation exists throughout the island and mainland coastal regions in the extent of smallholder cash cropping of coconuts and cacao. Patterns of cash expenditure similarly show a wide range of dependence on purchased foods. Before 1975, figures as high as 20%-30% of energy and protein intakes from retail-purchased foods are reported for some rural areas, with probably higher proportions from periurban communities, where cash incomes tend to be greater due to wage employment. In the last decade this trend appears to have continued, with higher figures appearing in parts of both East New Britain and Western provinces. Both coconuts and cacao are relatively land-extensive, and the average size of household holdings in favourable locations is several hectares. Where population density is high, competition with food crops for land is therefore a real possibility (i.e., Gazelle, parts of North Solomons, and small offshore islands such as Karkar and Bali, in Madang and West New Britain respectively). Some anthropometric evidence indicates trends for increases in weight, height, and birth weight in recent decades, particularly for areas with significant cashcropping (North Solomons and Madang). Locations where no change is evident are those with little or no cash cropping, such as parts of Gulf, Milne Bay, and West Sepik. Coffee
Highlands
The most important export crop in Papua New Guinea is coffee. As with cacao, it was first introduced by the German administration late in the nineteenth century, but the major expansion in planting in the highland region did not occur until the 1950s. Arabica coffee, grown throughout the highland provinces
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
and the elevated parts of Morobe Province, constitutes 90% of the crop. Robusta coffee dominates the lowland coastal regions but accounts for less than 10% of production. This split between the two varieties also coincides with geographical concentration: over 80% of coffee comes from three of the five highland provinces- Western Highlands, Eastern Highlands, and Simbu. Seventy-five per cent of production is by smallholders, and the proportion is increasing. Whereas before 1975 the division between plantation and smallholder modes of production mirrored the colonial ethnic divide between foreign and national ownership, this is no longer generally the case. In Western Highlands the "countryside is being transformed into areas of capital-intensive high development cash cropping run by business management concerns on behalf of a new elite of national owners, surrounded by areas of less intensively farmed small-holdings occupied by the bulk of the people" [78]. In both Western and Eastern Highlands recent government policy has also supported the development of 20-ha coffee holdings or mini-estates that share more of the characteristics of plantations than normal smallholdings [79]. Unfortunately, the income and nutritional consequences of these major developments of the last ten years have not been monitored, and most evidence for understanding the nutritional effects of coffee production predates the 1980s. Cash incomes from coffee in the major highland producing provinces did not reach significant levels until the rnid-1960s. This meant, given the dominance of the crop as the main source of cash for most highlanders, that purchases of imported foods remained modest into the early 1970s [80-82]. By this time the general pattern of smallholder production was apparent: household holdings averaging 0.1-0.3 ha [83], most production occurring during a regular annual flush between approximately May and September, and consequently a pronounced seasonality to regional patterns of expenditure. Data for Simbu Province, where population densities are among the highest in the country, have been analysed on several occasions for evidence of competition between coffee and food crops leading to a decline in food production [11, 13, 84-86]. All concluded that the current small holdings of coffee per capita represented no immediate threat to continued food production. A major change in income levels and expenditure patterns occurred throughout the highland region during the coffee boom of 1976-1977: by rnid-1977 coffee prices were six times higher than their 19711972 levels [83, 87]. Data from three village-level studies show the extent of the changes in incomes and expenditure. In 1977 the average household coffee holding in
239 the Eastern Highlands village of Kapanara was estimated at 0.18 ha [22], which provided a monthly cash income of K 18.4 per month, or 71% of the estimated total cash income. Food expenditure was not recorded, but an estimated 35% of income, or K 9 per household per month, was spent on alcohol. Farther west, in the Daulo region of Eastern Highlands, where the average household held 560 coffee trees, or approximately 0.2 ha [88], average monthly income in 1977 was a high K 73.8 per household, of which K 31.4 (56%) was obtained for coffee [89]. Monthly expenditure averaged K 75, with food accounting for 36% (K 26.5), beer 20%, gambling 18%, ceremonial payments also 18%, and tobacco and betel an additional 9%. Even higher levels of expenditure were reported in a 1978 study of the Simbu village of Yobakogl: K 128.7 a month per household, of which food accounted for K 30.7 (24%), alcohol 11%, gambli.'lg 16%, gifts 18%, tobacco and betel 6%, transport 13%, and other items a further 11% [19]. Households in Yobakogl could be divided into two groups: those for whom coffee income accounted for less than 50% of total income, with an average coffee holding of 0.14 ha, and those for whom coffee provided the major part of their total income, with smaller average holdings of 0.11 ha. In 1981, when food consumption was studied intensively in this village (but coffee prices had fallen considerably), retail purchases of food accounted for 26% of the energy and 35% of the protein intakes of adults [21, 90]. Several anthropometric studies of both adults and children in the highland coffee area are relevant to the question of the nutritional effects of cash cropping. The best documented sequence comes from the northern part of Simbu. In the early 1960s the growth of village children from various Simbu locations was compared with the growth of children living in the provincial capital [91, 92]. The parent(s) of the latter children were in wage employment and received rations including rice, sweet potatoes, wheatmeal, and tinned meat and fish. In both studies the children living in the capital were longer and heavier than those living in the villages, with some indication that birth weights in the villages were lower. Similarly, comparisons of adult weights in urban and rural communities found the former to be heavier [93]. In 1956 growth studies were performed on village children in Simbu at a time when there was virtually no cash income, and no cash expenditure on purchased foods was reported [94]. Two subsequent studies [95; 21, 90] were carried out with the explicit aim of comparing the results. By 1975 children under five years of age were approximately 1.5 kg heavier at all ages than in 1956 [95], and in 1981 for children above six months these differences had been maintained or
240 increased slightly [21). By the latter date, as described above, increased cash incomes had resulted in considerable expenditure on foods. Significant increases in the mean weights of adult men and women were seen in 1975 [95]. The later study confirmed this trend for women and indicated that mean weight had increased further [90). The mean difference between 1956 and 1980 was more than 5 kg. In addition, the average birth weight in north Simbu increased by about 200 g between the mid-1950s and the early 1970s [90). During the 1970s, however, there was no subsequent change. Eight years later, in 1988, birth weights in the north of Simbu had remained stable during the first half of the 1980s, but the stature and weight of adult women had continued to increase in the one district examined (Gumine) (96). Information on changes over time in other highland locations is growing. In Enga Province, significant increases in weight (approximately 1 kg overall) of children under five years old were seen between 1958 and 1977 [97). At Lufa, in Eastern Highlands, adult weights and heights increased between 1967 and 1984 (63). In Bundi, on the northern highland fringe in Madang Province, significant increases were found in both the weight and length of children under ten years old between 1967 and 1984 (98). In addition, children under five years old of Bundi parents who were raised in town were significantly heavier and longer than their age mates living in the rural Bundi homeland. More details on change in adolescent growth showed that rural Bundi children 5-20 years old had significantly larger body sizes in 1984 than in 1967 (99). The tempo of growth in height and weight increased as well, except for height in men. Urban-rural contrasts showed urban males of Bundi parents were taller, heavier, and broader than their rural counterparts 11-15 and 16-20 years old. For females, the most significant difference in size was for those 11-15 years old. These findings are related to improved nutrition, which increased childhood growth and the rate of maturation. Comparison of a regional anthropometric survey of the Nembi Plateau in Southern Highlands in 1980 with an earlier survey in 1978 showed minor improvement in nutrition status in the central and northern areas of the plateau (with more economic opportunity and better access), but not in the south, where the settlement was below 1,600 m and nutrition status poorer [100]. A subsequent anthropometric survey of the whole of Southern Highlands in 1983 [101) showed a positive relationship between the nutrition status (weight for age and weight for length, but not length for age) of children less than five years old and an index of cash-earning activity
P. F. Heywood and R. l. Hide
(assessed by village; smallholder coffee was one of the most important cash sources). It has ·been suggested that the nutrition of smallholder coffee growers (and/or their food security) deteriorated as a result of the land and labour requirements of coffee production competing with the needs of food production [16, 19, 22, 95, 102). (While Lambert's analysis [16) was disputed by Hide [20; see also 18) and his assessment of Sinasina nutritional effects replaced by that of Harvey and Heywood [21 , 90), nearly a decade later Longhurst [4) was still referring to the summary discussion [16) as the main source of a study showing the negative nutritional effect of coffee.) Critical examination of this hypothesis [103) concluded that then-current highlands evidence, which included data on sweet potato planting rates, sweet potato price series, and the occurrences of food shortages, did not show any general associations between coffee production and rural food production. Analysis of data from the 1982-1983 national nutrition survey from part of the highlands, and to a lesser extent the highland fringe, shows positive associations between indexes of household cash cropping and improved child growth (C. Jenkins and B. Zemel, personal communication, 1990). Using data from the three westemmost provinces in the highlands (Enga and Southern and Western Highlands), significant relationships were found between the growth of both male and female children (weight and height) and household participation in coffee growing and marketing food crops. In the case of boys, growing cardamom and participating in other enterprises such as selling betel nut and artifacts were also significantly associated with growth. In separate analyses of data from the mid-altitude zone of the northern fringe highlands and the lowland Sepik plains, similar relationships were seen in the former (although the relationships for girls were weaker) and none in the latter. Dietary information from the Eastern Highlands village of Kapanara for 1977 was used to address questions relevant to the continued nutritional effects of agricultural change: whether increased cash income after commodity production is well established will continue to result in dietary improvement, and what factors affect the consumption of subsistence foods [104). For a small sample of households the frequency of consumption of purchased foods (largely tinned fish and rice) was not related to household cash income. There was, however, a strong positive relationship between beer purchases and income. The frequency of subsistence food consumption was related to indexes of total garden area and the range of environmental zones occupied by gardens. Thus issues related to the nutritional ef-
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
fects of cash cropping and dietary change are best regarded as open and subject to changing circumstances. The general picture in the highlands is of an initial 15 years, between about 1955 and 1969, during which coffee growing spread widely, cash incomes grew from nothing to modest levels, and dietary change began slowly and increased to low but regular consumption of imported foods [105]. Significantly, in the case of Simbu, increases in birth weights, the growth of children, and the weights and heights of adults were already apparent either by the end of tuis period or by 1975. An initial increase in the growth of Enga children also took place in this time. The following period, from 1970 to the present, was marked by a substantial rise in incomes associated with the coffee boom, and a major increase in the levels of consumption of purchased foods. Growth increases, possibly beginning earlier, occurred in Eastern Highlands, Bundi, and Southern Highlands. In Simbu, although this period has not seen continued increase in birth weights (but the current average weights are among the highest in the country), secular trends in adult women's stature and weight have been maintained in at least one district. Lowlands
A 1983-1984 study of a village in Maprik District, East Sepik Province, found a positive relationship between the size of producing robusta coffee holdings and the nutrition status of children in a sample of 23 households [106, 107]. Cash crops (cacao had recently been added to coffee plantings) at this time occupied some 10% of total village land, but there was no evidence that food gardens had been displaced to distant or inferior sites. Oil palm
The development of the oil palm industry began at Hoskins, in West New Britain, in 1967 and from the beginning was on a nucleus estate basis. Subsequent developments at Bialla, also in West New Britain, in 1972 and at Popondetta, in Oro Province, in 1976 used the same basic structure, as did new projects currently under way in Milne Bay and New Ireland. The government and a private company each hold 50% of the shares, with the company also providing management and marketing services. In 1983 the total area of the nucleus estates was 12,100 ha and of smallholders 16,600 ha. The total number of smallholders at the 1980 census was 4,500, and an additional 5,000 labourers were employed by the estates. When the Hoskins smallholdings were surveyed in 1975 [108], the blocks had either 3.2 or 4.0 ha under oil palm, and an additional 2.8 or 2.0 ha available for
241
food production, of which an average of 0.42 ha was currently cultivated. Home production of food was therefore substantial. Between 1976 and 1981 average household oil palm incomes ranged from K 205 a month in 1978- 1979 to K 59 in 1980-1981. A small survey in 1982 [109] reported very low oil palm incomes (K 36 per household per month), with food sales at local markets adding an extra K 20 a month. Thus in 1982 market sales of garden produce averaged some 40% of household cash income. In the same year, retail-store expenditure on foods was an estimated K 17 per household per month, with an additional K 5 a month spent on market purchases. Rice and tinned fish, as elsewhere, dominated the list of purchased foods. Most food purchases were made from market income (i.e., under the control of women), not from oil palm income, which was mainly controlled by men [109]. Although at least three anthropometric surveys of women and children were made at Hoskins [110112], differences in sample size and selection and lack of an adequate comparative population prevent firm conclusions about trends in nutrition status on present evidence. To summarize, in 1975, 42% of 75 settlers' children under five years of age from one settlement subdivision (Buvussi) and 43% of 70 oil palm labourers' children were under 80% of the standard median weight for age [110]. Later this settler percentage was contrasted with 23% for village children from the same area [16, 113], but this comparison was not made in the original report, and the origin of the village figure and the sample size are unknown. Elsewhere it was reported that the results of the 1978 national nutrition survey (NNS), which was based on maternal and child health clinic data, showed 51% of 974 children in the oil palm settlements were malnourished, compared with only 15% of the 942 children seen in village clinics outside the settlement area [114]. Checking this substantial difference, a late 1978 survey of 136 settler children under five years of age from five subdivisions (but not, unfortunately, Buvussi) found 37% under 80% weight for age, slightly lower than the 42% in the 1975 survey but substantially lower than the 51% reported by the NNS [111]. But six and even twelve years later it was Lambert's undocumented figures rather than Singleton's that were still referred to as evidence of the negative nutritional effects of oil palm [115, 116]. In 1982 only 17% of 136 oil palm labourers' children were under 80% weight for age [109, 112]. Although this was a considerably lower proportion than that reported seven years earlier, the comparison was not made. The numbers of adult women seen at these surveys are too few and lack sufficient control of ethnic origin to allow meaningful comparison. One
P. F. Heywood and R. L. Hide
242 baseline set of anthropometric data only is available for the Higaturu scheme at Popondetta [117, 118]. Socio-economic information from the scheme, however, is as yet minimal [119, 120]. Given the major role played by government agricultural investment in these oil palm projects, the lack of reliable information concerning their nutritional effects on children and adults is unfortunate. Uncritical acceptance of inadequately documented negative nutritional effects is apparent [121, 122]. Other crops
Rubber
Rubber was the major cash crop in the Gavien resettlement project in East Sepik Province, which for over a decade has received wide publicity as an example of the negative effects of cash cropping on nutrition [2, 3, 16, 113, 123- 125). After substantial refunding and upgrading between 1977 and 1985, the project was investigated in 1986. The nutrition status and diets of settler children and mothers belonging to three ethnic groups living on the project (Grass Country, Wosera, Middle Sepik) were compared with those of residents in the three home areas. It was found that the nutrition status of the children from the Grass Country and Wosera was generally higher on the project than that of their home area counterparts; the nutrition status of the Middle Sepik children was similar in both localities [35). Maternal nutrition status differences between the project and home areas were restricted to Wosera women, who had higher skinfolds and arm circumferences on the project. Diets also generally were improved on the project. Thus resettlement, although focused on cash cropping, need not necessarily result in decreased food diversity and nutrient intake (36). Using only the sample resident on the project, the effects of such household-level variables as cash-crop income, expenditure on food, and the number of food crops planted in gardens on various indexes of both childrens' and mothers' nutrition status and dietary intake were examined. The garden-food index was not related to children's nutrition status, and expenditure on foods was only positively related to arm circumference. However, cash-crop income was positively related to the nutrition status of children. In the case of mothers, nutrition status (BMI) was not related to cash-crop income but was positively correlated with the garden-crop index. Although this study was carefully controlled for ethnic group and season, the samples were small and the data on garden crops, cash-crop income, and household expenditure are of variable quality. Thus the results should be interpreted with caution.
Cardamom
A major study undertaken in 1987-1988 at Karimui, at 1,200 m in the south of Simbu, with the collaboration of the International Food Policy Research Institute, focused on the effects of wage employment in cardamom cultivation on household cash and subsistence incomes, the effects of the level and source of income on food consumption patterns, and the effects of these changes on the growth of children under five years old [38). The socio-economic environment was unique for Papua New Guinea in the rapidity and scale of cardamom development and the scale of women's employment in the enterprise. The study involved 90 households in three settlements, with a total of approximately 150 children under five years old. The weight and length growth velocities of these children in two six-month periods were used as indexes of nutrition status and related to a number of independent variables. The results were complex, as the study was carried out at a time when the cardamom enterprise began to fail, the level of wage labour fell, and cash income and expenditure declined. During the first six months (August-December 1987) average cash incomes fell threefold [38), whereas during the second (JanuaryJuly 1988) incomes were stable but the proportion derived from wages rose and, while total expenditure remained stable, the proportion of expenditure on food rose. In terms of energy availability, the first period was apparently worse than the second: during the second, food was more available, the proportion obtained from garden staples fell from 80% to 69%, the proportion purchased fell from 14% to 11%, and the proportion from other sources rose from 6% to 19%. Regression analyses showed that greater involvement of households in the cash economy was associated with higher levels of total income, apparently because the households were able to maintain a subsistence income while engaging in wage labour. Although greater cash participation diversified the foods consumed, it had little impact on total energy intake. The budget share allocated to buying food declined with increasing cash income, but the consumption of purchased foods rose. The nutritional effects on. the growth of children under five years old were complex. Leaving aside factors such as age, sex (no difference), and a child's weaning and initial growth status, growth was negatively (but not significantly) affected by the frequency of two broad categories of illness, fever and diarrhoea. Growth was not related to maternal care as indexed by such measures as the frequency with which a mother cared for her child, worked for wages, or worked in food gardens. It was not significantly affected by total household income, the pro-
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
portion of income from wages, or the proportion from subsistence production, although the trend was for an overall negative effect of both income and the wage proportion of income. Growth was also not significantly affected by total expenditure, the proportion of cash expenditure on food, or the proportion of food derived from own production. Again, there was an apparent trend for overall negative effects of increasing cash expenditure and increasing proportion of food expenditure, but the effects were less in the second period. Child growth was not related (either by weaning status or period) to the total availability of food energy at the household level. When food was disaggregated by source, the percentage of total energy from purchased foods had a positive overall effect on both weight and length growth, especially weight. The effect on weight reversed between the two periods: it was negative in the first and positive in the second. The effect was also greater for children in the process of weaning than for pre- or post-weaning children. The proportion of food from gardens had similar but less significant effects. Further disaggregation of food by type showed that the proportion of total energy available derived from staple crops (root crops, banana, sago) had an overall negative effect on child growth, particularly weight. Again, however, the relationship changed with period: from positive in the first to negative in the second. The effect also varied with weaning status, being negative for weaning children and positive for pre- or postweaning children. For rubber, although the results are not definitive, there are clear indications that children living on one smallholder settlement scheme had better nutrition status than those living in the home areas from which the settlers were originally drawn. In the case of cardamom, because of the financial difficulties of the project and the short time frame, no clear nutritional effects of wage employment on one estate were identified.
Other issues Food dependency and food security
Participation in the cash economy through the production of cash crops has led, at the household level, to increasing consumption of imported foods. By 1978 it was estimated at the national level that 23% of all food consumed was imported [126]. The single most important import is rice, whose contribution to food energy rose from 5% in 1963- 1964 to 16% in 1984-1985. Household dependence on rice is much greater in the urban market, which accounts
243 for approximately 30% of total consumption, where the contribution of rice to dietary energy in 19631964 was 15% and in 1984-1985 was 39% [127). The contribution of rice to dietary energy in rural households rose on average from 4% to 13% over the same period. Consequently, from 1975-1976 to 1982- 1983, food imports as a percentage of total export revenues rose from 16% to 20% and as a percentage of agricultural exports from 50% to 69% [127]. These trends were reinforced by the hardcurrency strategy of successive post-independence governments, a fall in the real price of imported rice, and increases in the cost of locally produced alternative staples [128]. The rise in prices of domestically produced staples between 1971 and 1980, together with increased food imports, was interpreted as indicating a fall in local food production [127, 129) and perhaps a decline in subsistence skills, though a counterargument has been proposed [130). These trends have led to some concern that the increasing extent to which Papua New Guinea is dependent on imported foods consumes foreign exchange that could be better used for other development priorities. Moreover, increased production and marketing of domestically produced food, particularly by smallholders, means that the income and employment effects of urban food consumption are spread among the rural population and not exported [131). There is also concern that increasing food dependency may compromise food security. In urban areas and in rural areas where cash incomes are high, the extent of dependence on imported foods and the short-term inelasticity of supply of domestically produced foodstuffs mean that any disruption to food supplies would cause great hardship immediately. Large upward movements in the price of imported foods would cause considerable hardship in urban areas, while a fall in export commodity prices would hit hardest in rural areas. At the same time it is clear that monetization resulting from participation in the cash economy (even in such a peripheral role as a primary producer of a tropical crop) can result in improved food security for those who have cash. The availability of cash may provide a new buffer against sporadic shortages in food supply resulting from drought, frost, and other natural disasters. Recent analysis of rural data collected in the 1982-1983 national nutrition survey shows significant associations between the linear growth of children and a number of indexes reflecting community consumption levels of purchased high-protein foods [132). There is no easy answer to the question of food imports [23, 133). Involvement in the world economy necessarily implies some dependency. The answer requires determining the level of food imports
244
P. F. Heywood and R. L. Hide
crops, more baseline data are available. There is no reason to believe that the same effect did not occur in the lowlands, where the infant mortality rate fell progressively over the same period. The effects on the growth of children are consistent with the obDegenerative diseases of adults served secular increase in the heights and weights of Obesity, diabetes, coronary heart disease, and hyper- adults. tension were rare in traditional Papua New Guinea Together with this change has come an increase society [56, 136, 137). The colonial era and asso- in the prevalence of degenerative diseases in adults, ciated participation in the cash economy led to particularly diabetes mellitus, obesity, coronary heart marked changes in lifestyle, including urbanization, disease, and hypertension. This change has been adoption of Western food· habits, and changes in ac- most marked in the lowlands, but it is not clear tivity patterns. Among those with the longest ex- whether this is due to longer exposure to changes in posure to these changes, such as the Tolai of the lifestyle, including food habits, or to genetic factors. Gazelle Peninsula in East New Britain, villagers liv- It is possible that in the highlands changes in lifestyle ing in more urbanized settings were heavier and had have so far been insufficient, or of too short a duragreater skinfold thickness and higher serum choles- tion, for an increase in chronic degenerative diseases terol levels than those living in more traditional vil- to manifest itself. lages by the mid-1960s [55). Later studies showed a With cash income and changing lifestyles has come high frequency of non-insulin-dependent diabetes increased consumption of imported foods and inmellitus among the Tolai [138), and the prevalence creased food dependency. The question is not of glucose intolerance was greater in urbanized than whether to import food. It is what degree of depenin rural villages. Similar anthropometric changes dence on imported foods is consistent with national were observed in North Solomons, and, although no objectives and the welfare of the population. The general conclusion that cash cropping in Padata are available on glucose tolerance, comparisons between more and less acculturated communities pua New Guinea has been associated with improved show higher serum chloresterol levels in the former nutrition status contradicts common assertions of a [139, 140]. negative relationship elsewhere. For Jerome et al., In the highlands, where involvement in the cash "The transition to a fully cash economy and the shift economy has been shorter, although no diabetes from subsistence food crops to cash crops appears to was found in a survey of two villages, the mean be bringing about even more serious nutritional blood glucose was higher in the village with greater problems" [143). Pelto and Pelto warn of " declines involvement in coffee production [141). Although a in total caloric consumption (per capita) and in dietlater highland survey of a more periurban commu- ary diversity as traditional subsistence systems have nity near Goroka confirmed the absence of diabetes been severely disrupted by the forces of modernizaand reported similar glucose levels, it also found sub- tion" [144). For Messer, "Most anthropological studstantially higher values for two-hour plasma insulin ies have shown that, as local groups move away from concentrations [142). The authors suggested that subsistence agriculture towards cash crops producthis might be the first indication of a latent tendency tion and reliance on purchased food, malnutrition to glucose intolerance and thus a precursor of dia- increases" [145). To date, however, we find no evibetes. dence for such trends. It is appropriate to ask therefore what factors might be responsible for the positive relationship between cash income and imSummary and conclusions proved nutrition status suggested here. First, nutrition status prior to economic change Although the debate in Papua New Guinea about appears to have been vulnerable. A major body of the effects of cash cropping on nutrition has been literature shows growth retardation, high infant morlong and often vigorous, specific studies of the ques- tality, late menarche, low adult stature, and low intion have only recently been implemented. Most of takes of energy and protein to have been widely the evidence is therefore circumstantial, and inter- shared characteristics, particularly in the highlands pretation is complicated by the introduction of cash and highland fringe zones. Thus a low starting point cropping simultaneously with such services as health provided an opportunity for subsequent beneficial and education to the rural population. change. Second, subsistence food systems were not, The available evidence indicates that over the and largely have not been, destroyed. Smallholders period in which cash cropping increased, the growth have continued to grow substantial proportions of of children improved, particularly in the highlands, their staple and supplementary foods. Third, inwhere, as a result of the later introduction of cash comes derived from cash cropping have largely been consistent with the maintenance of food security and promotion of rural income and employment opportunities [134, 135].
Nutritional effects of export-crop production in Papua New Guinea
money in the pocket or hand for growers, without major subtractions in the form of taxes and rents. Relatively high expenditures on such foods as rice and tinned fish and meat, while partly substituting for some non-cereal staples, have added significantly to intakes of dietary protein. Finally, the length of time over which there is at least some documentation of change in Papua New Guinea is longer than in most countries. In a number of cases comparisons can be made over at least fifteen years. It may well be that the effect of cash cropping on nutrition has to be evaluated over a time frame of sufficient length to allow longer-term changes to become evident. Thus, in Papua New Guinea cash cropping, particularly by smallholders, has had dramatic effects on the level and distribution of benefits of economic development and is a central component of an overall package that includes the provision of other government services. As part of this package, cash cropping
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is associated with improved growth of young children and decreased infant and child mortality. At the same time a strong upward trend in adult weights and heights is associated with an increase in diabetes and cardiovascular disease. The challenge now is to devise programmes that retain the important benefits to child health and, at the same time, arrest the disturbing trend toward increasing chronic degenerative diseases of adults.
Acknowledgements We thank the Papua New Guinea Institute of Medical Research, where this paper was originally prepared, and our Institute colleagues for discussion on the subject. We are grateful to Dawn Parsons at Madang and Yvonne Byron at Canberra for preparing and editing the manuscript.
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