Given budgetary constraints, how can central governments best respond to rising popular .... Share of Secondary School Enrollments in Vocational Programs .
Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized
1l7GCU8 Education and Social Policy Department The World Bank September 1993 ESP Discussion Paper Series No. 7
Secondary Education in Developing Countries
Bruce Fuller Donald B. Holsinger With assistance from: David P. Baker Rosemary Bellew Richard Bennett Prema Clarke Brunhilda Forlemu Ben H. Fred-Mensah Rosalind Michahelles Pablo Stansbery Reed Garfield Richard LaPointe
of the for te prods |he ESP Discussion Paper Seness senes as an inernal systm of record keepin8g refernce. and rusiceoval EducaFon and Snial Policy Deparnent s work programw hehews erpressed here are those of the auihors and should not be auributed to the Worid Bank or its Board of Erecutve Directon or th cowuies they represet
ABSTRACT Thepurpose of this paper is twofold. First, it reviewsand prioritizesthe major issues associated with secondary education in developing countries. Second, it delineatestopics for which empirical evidenceis scarce. Claims aboutthe optimumsize, role, and functionsof the subsectorfar outpace the accumulationof sound evidence on its actual economicand social effects; addressing these claims effectivelyrequires a well-definedresearch agendaand analyticalframework. Four sets of issues are reviewed: *
What is the appropriatesize and functionof secondaryeducationwithinparticularcountry contexts? How can the subsector be better positioned institutionallyto maximize economicand social benefits?
Given budgetaryconstraints,how cancentralgovernmentsbest respondto rising popular demandfor secondaryeducation?
How can the achievementof secondary-schoolpupils be raised-via central policy improvementsthat encourageschool improvementsat the local level, including efforts to encourageeffective private schools? Can a "mixed market" of public and private schoolsavoid further inequityin who benefitsfrom secondaryeducation?
How can central educationagenciesconservescarceresources, containcosts, and temper expensivesecondaryschool streams,such as teachertraining and vocationalprograms?
We describe how the structure of secondary schooling varies across different developing countries, as well as the diverse economicand socialcontextswithinwhich the subsectoris placed. The formulationof policy programs and projectsshould proceedonly after benchmarksof effectivenessand the correspondingconstraintsthat applyto a particularcountry(evenlocal) context are identified.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Objectivesof This Review.
What Are the Priority Areas for Researchand the Questionsthat Define Them? . Definingthe Issues. The Issues: PriorityAreas and PolicyQuestions. Issue A: How Should Secondary Education be Positioned Institutionallyto Advance Country-Specific Economicand SocialPriorities? . IssueB: How Can CentralGovernmentsBest Respond to the Rising Social Demand For Secondary Schooling?. Issue C: How Can the Achievementof Pupils in SecondarySchoolsbe Raised to Boost Economicand Social Benefits? How Can Secondary Schoolingbe Organizedto MaketheDistributionof AchievementAmong DifferentSocialGroups More Equal?. OrganizationalLevel 1: Classrooms,School, and Families OrganizationalLevel2: Policiesand Institutions. Issue D: How Will Governmentsbe Able to Pay For the Costs of Expanding Access to and Improving the Quality of Secondary Schooling. BasicTerms and Definitions ................................. Types of SecondarySchooling ........................... Demand ........... .............................. InstitutionalConstraints ............................... Demandsin the Face of InstitutionalConstraints ................ DistinguishingCountryContexts ............................... Context1: DemographicTrends .......................... Context2: Family Economyand Cultural Commitmentto Schooling ... Context 3: Variation in Labor Demand and the Structure of Wage Labor ................................. Context4: PostcolonialDefinitionsof SecondarySchooling... ...... Context 5: GovernmentPriorities and the Political-Economic Constructionof Opportunity........................
2 2 2
Issue A: The Function of Secondary Education: Do They Support Expanding the Subsector, and Who BenefitsFrom Them? ............................. AlternativeFunctionsof SecondaryEducation ...................... How FunctionsDefine Across Countries .......................... Function 1: Preparationfor Adult Work Activity ................ Function2: InstitutionallyEasing the Transition of Adolescents into Adulthood ................................ Function3: SelectivityVersus Mass Opportunity ............... Function 4: Common Schooling Versus a Mixed Market of Providers ................................... j;I
3 3 4 4
7 7 7 9 10 11 12 12
14 14 14 15 15 18
22 Does SecondaryEducationDeliver IntendedBenefits? ................. Does Expansionof SecondaryEducationBoost EconomicGrowth? ..... . . . . 22 23 ........ Does Expansionof SecondaryEducationYield SocialBenefits? .... 24 Summaryand Priority Issues ................................. Issue B: How Can Governments Respond to the Rising Demand for Secondary Education? .................................................
V. Issue C: How Can Schools be Organized Effectively to Raise Achievement Among Pupils? ....................................................
VI. IssueD: EffectiveCentralManagementof the Costsof SecondaryEducationand Curricular Streams ...................................................
Summary: Policy and InstitutionalPriorities .................................
Tables Table 2.1. Teacher Cost SavingsDue to DemographicTransitions. IllustrativeCountries ... Table 4.1. Increase in Enrollment,by CountryPopulationGrowth ...................
6 Structureof Basic and SecondaryEducation. IllustrativeCountries ........... 6 Share of SecondarySchoolEnrollmentsin VocationalPrograms ............. 8 ....... SecondaryEducationGross EnrollmentRatiosby Region, 1980-1989... 8 ................ 1965-1989 Region, by Male/FemaleSecondaryEnrollment 9 Female/MaleEnrollmentRates in 1988. IllustrativeCountries .............. 10 Changein Pupil:TeacherRatios, 1975-1988. IllustrativeCountries ........... Economicand EnrollmentGrowthin Germany. EconomicExpansionwith Low 16 SecondaryEnrollments,1985-1975 ............................... .. 19 ... Region by Rates Transition Education. Secondary for Entering Opportunity Figure 3.2. Figure 3.3. Share of Enrollments in Private Schools (Primary and Secondary Enrollments) ... . 21 Figure 3.4. SecondaryEducationEffects on Women's Fertility (Fertility Fates by Year of 24 Schooling) .............................................. Figure 4.1. Opportunityfor Entering SecondaryEducation. TransitionRates from Primary > 26 SecondarySchool .......................................... 30 Figure 4.2. Change in Recurrent Real Spendingper Teacher ....................... 30 Figure 4.3. TeacherWage Bill as Share of Recurrent Spending ..................... Figure 4.4. Per Pupil Spendingon Primary and SecondaryEducation. IllustrativeCountries, 31 1988 .................................................. 44 .... ... 1960-1980 Spending), Teacher (per Figure 6.1. Relative Prices of SecondaryTeacher 45 Figure 6.2. SecondaryCurricula: RelativeUnit Costs(1980s)...................... ...... 47 Figure 6.3. Cost of PreserviceTeacher Training Programs. IllustrativeCountries ... 48 Figure 6.4. Female SecondarySchool Teachers. IllustrativeCountries, 1980-1988 ... ...... Figure 2.1. Figure 2.2. Figure 2.3. Figure 2.4. Figure 2.5. Figure 2.6. Figure 3.1.
I. OBJECTIVES OF THIS REVIEW 1.1 Over the past decade, governmentsand internationalagencieshave supporteda wealth of policy analysisand researchon primary schooling.' Yet the forces that influencethe effectivenessof secondary schoolsin developingcountrieshave receivedmuch less study. 1.2 Now, however, a variety of Third World countries are sharply debating the policy issues pertaining to secondary education. Myriad issues are being addressed-for example, whether governmentsshouldmoderatetheir responseto the rising demandfor secondaryschoolingwhen the labor marketdemandfor graduateslevels off or declines;whetherformalschoolsare moreeffectiveinstitutions for enabling youths to prepare for universityor for integratingyouths directly into adult work roles; whether universal access to junior-secondaryschools should be provided as a segment of 'basic education," and whetherthe added cost is affordable; and the most effective vehicles for raising the quality of teachers and the achievementlevels of pupils. Such issues are not solely empirical-they involve major political choices and priorities as well. Moreover, the effects of their resolutionare unknown,impedingwell-definedpolicy efforts. Governmentleaders, educators, and others who shape developmentpolicies are seeking adviceon how these controversialissues can best be resolved, based on informed,empiricalevidence. 1.3 This paper presents a guideto the major issuesfacing secondaryeducation.' It is based on an extensivereview of the literature and on discussionswith practitioners in the field. It consists of a strategic framework for studying these policy issues, accompanied, when available, with empirical evidence that helps describe the issues and reveals the likely effects of alternativepolicy remedies. Becausereviewingwhat is known across a variety of countriesoften fails to yield lessonsthat can be applied automaticallyto a particular nation or region, the available evidence reviewed in this paper pertains to broadlyshared issuesassociatedwith secondaryschoolingwithinparticular societies. Thus, the paper also offers conceptualtools for consideringhow the economicand social contextsof countries vary (and within which secondary educationoperates). The reader will also note that the research community, and its benefactors, have been slow to support original empirical work on secondary schooling-its growth, organizationalforms, and actual effects on children and local communities. In providinga frameworkfor study, the paper delineatesthe priority areas for future research accordingto "major areas of ignorance"(summarizedin Annex2). 1.4 The paper emphasizes institutional improvements in secondary education in the longterm-synchronizing subsectoralpolicies more effectively with the economicand social priorities of centralgovernmentsand local communities. State actors-including internationalagencies-often focus on short-termpolicy adjustmentsor project interventions. The more importantquestionis whetherthe characterand qualitiesof secondaryschoolingwill servebroader civicpurposes, whethermaterial, social, or cultural. Serious progress in this arena will take long-range vision, supported by a careful understandingof the most effective strategiesfor enhancingthe size, role, and functionsof secondary educationinstitutions.
For a review, see Marlaine Lockheed and Adrian Verspoor (1991), ImorovingPrimary Education in DevelopingCountries, New York: Oxford UniversityPress; and WorldConferenceon Education for All (1990), MeetineBasic Learnini Needs, New York: Interagency Commission,UNICEF House.
II. WHAT ARE THE PRIORITY AREAS FOR RESEARCH AND THE QUESTIONSTHAT DEFINE THEM? DEFINING THE ISSUES 2.1 Governmentsand internationalagencies face a complex web of problems or "constraints," associatedwith secondary educationin developingcountries. To sort through these problems, they require a simple criterion for categorizingthem into a manageableagenda for research. Thus, in this paper, our definitionof an "issue" is twofold: First, an issue consistsof the basicpriorityareas for research-or the major constraints which limit the effectivenessof secondaryschools.2 Such constraintscan be in the form of limited resources, organizationalcapacity,or individualskills (of teachers or school managers). Constraintsmay reside at different organizationallevels, from central governmentto local classrooms. However, to claim that a certain constraint impedes effectiveperformanceimpliesmuch more detailed empiricalevidencethan often exists. Thus, second, an issue encompassesmajorpolicy questionsthat shape the priority areas and thus guidepolicymakingfor enhancingthe performanceof the subsector. 2.2 Our main challenge in defining the issues is overcoming the absence of evidence that unambiguouslymarks them as such and, thus, reviewingthe issues in an informativeway to support the efforts of policymakersand project designersto improvethe subsector. We aim to be both pragmatic and stimulating,summarizingevidencethat yieldspolicyguidanceand sparksfresh ways to approachthe subsector. THE ISSUES: PRIORITY AREAS AND POLICY QUESTIONS * *
Functional Issues. These issues encompass the positioning decisions made by govermmentsbased on assumptionsabout the contributionof secondary education to economicand socialpriorities. DistributionalIssues. These issues encompassthe response of the state and private educatorsto thepublic's demandfor secondaryeducation,with a view toward expanding and distributingeducationalopportunitiesand quality accordingto various perspectives about equity. OrganizationalIssues. Theseissuesencompassthe effortsof governmentsand educators to improve the quality of learningand teaching in the classroomby improvingteacher training, establishing innovative forms of school management, and allocating new instructionalmaterials. Financial Issues. These issues encompassthe efforts of governments and private institutionsto conserveand allocateresourcesmore effectively,focusing particularlyon containingthe costs of expensiveor inefficientelementsof the subsector.
Issue A: How should secondaryeducationbe positionedinstitutionallyto advancecountry-specific economicand social priorities? 2.3 'Positioning' refers to a set of strategic decisions that each country must make about the objectivesand the expectedcontributionsof secondaryschoolingto development. Positioningis a longrun question, focusing largely on the size and functionsof secondary educationand intended to guide strategic planning for the subsector. The following are the policy questions to be addressed under Issue A: -2-
What are the social and private benefits associated with investments in secondary education? How large shouldthe subsectorbe? What criteria are useful for planningthe subsector's size and character? In particular, under what conditionswill expansionor quality improvementinfluenceeconomicreturns and/or social benefits?
How might(and should)the subsectorbe better positionedvis-a-visthe technicaldemands of the labor market? Can the expansionof or adjustmentsto the subsector relieve unemploymentamongyouths?
How do institutional histories and cultural contexts limit the policy options of governmentsin "re-positioning"the subsectorin their countries?
Issue B: How can central governments best respond to the rising social demand for secondary schooling? *
What are currenttrends in the levelsof expresseddemandfor secondaryeducation? To what extent is demandfor-and the supply of-secondary schoolsuneven across social groups?
Who demandsaccessto secondaryschooling? Can schoolsovercome variations in the family backgroundsof pupils to equalizeachievementand employmentopportunities?
Why is family demand for secondary schooling for daughters so variable? Can governmenteffortsto address(school)supplyconstraintsovercomehouseholdconstraints and unevendemandfrom parents?
What are the appropriate instruments for managing the growth of the subsector effectively? Whatis knownabout antecedentforces that drive the demandfor secondary education? What are the implicationsof movingfrom an elite to a mass secondaryeducationsystem?
:Cangovernments(or private providers) expandthe subsectorand maintain educational quality simultaneously?What are currenttrends in the quality of secondaryschooling?
What alternativeforms of secondaryschoolinghavebeen devisedto: (a) cope with rising demand; (b) reduce pressure on governmentbudgets; and/or (c) stimulate wider choice amongmore diversetypesof schools? Whatregulatoryand institutionalfactors constrain the growth of private schooling?
Issue C: How can the achievementof pupils in secondaryschoolsbe raised to boost economicand social benefits? How cansecondaryschoolingbe organizedto makethe distributionof achievement amongdifferentsocial groupsmore equal? This organizationalissue must be addressedat two levels. OrganizationalLevel1: Classrooms,School, and Families *
What factors make schools more effective? What investmentstrategies are more likely to yield gains in the achievementof pupils?
How can schools be organized to raise the professionalcommitmentand motivationof teachers?
Why are private and single-sex schools sometimes more effective at enhancing the achievementof pupils?
What are cost-effectivestrategiesfor improvingthe teachingof math and science?
What policies and school characteristicslead to unequal achievement among pupils enrolled in different secondary-schooltracks and types of schools?
Organizational Level 2: Policies and Institutions *
Whatpoliciesencouragethe effectivenessof schools?:How canmanagerialimprovements at the center improveschool qualityat the local level? Will decentralizingthe subsector enhance the achievementof and advance equity among pupils? What benefits might accrue from improvingthe centralizedmanagementof the subsector?
How can central governmentencouragelocal accountabilityand enhance the influence and participationof parents? Do private schools encourage broader participationand social cohesion? How can schoolheads be held accountablefor, and providedincentives to improve,the effectivenessof their schools?
Do national examinations effectively advance the priority functions of secondary education? Can exams provide appropriate incentives for more effective teaching practices and learningbehavior?
Issue D: How will governments be able to pay for the costs of expanding access to and improving the quality of secondary schooling? *
How can governments, central education ministries, and school administrators: (1) conserve scarce resources; and (2) contain costs in two expensive streams-teacher training and vocationalprogramsor diversified secondarycurricula?
What are the major cost elementsof general secondaryeducation? How can these costs be contained without lowering the achievement of pupils? Are teacher salaries competitive? What are the recent trends in salary levels?
How can the two major segmentsof secondaryschoolingbe made more cost-effective, conservingresources for more effectiveinvestments?
Teacher-trainingtrack. How can preparationfor secondary-levelteachers be made more effective? The two parallel priorities are: (1) to minimizeteachertraining after the senior secondarylevel; and (2) to improvethe effectivenessof new teachers. Vocational-trainingtrack. Is there evidencethat vocationalor diversified secondary schools are costeffective? How can secondaryschools ease the transition into wage-sectorjobs and adult social roles? Why has the vocationaltrack lost status in the eyes of many parents?
Before examining these issues in greater depth according to frameworks for study, we first 2.4 provide some basic terms and definitionsto support our discussion. They encompassthree areas: the typesof secondaryschoolingon whichpolicy makersand project designersoften focus, the demandfor on accessto secondaryschooling. After definingthese constraints secondaryschooling,and institutional terms and concepts, we provide a taxonomy for distinguishing different country contexts-the demographic, cultural, vocational, historical, and political forces that shape the positioning of the subsector. Then, in the four succeedingsections,we delve into our four bundles of issues, seeking to clarify the basic dimensionsof each and reviewingavailable evidenceto support grasping the problem or to reveal the efficacyof alternativeremedies. BASIC TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Types of Secondary Schooling This reviewfocuseson the factorsthat constrainthe effectivenessof generalsecondaryeducation. 2.5 This form of secondaryeducation-whether delivered in high-quality,conventionalschools or lowerquality schemes-is now preferredby parentsin most countries(detailedbelow). The World Bank has completedseveral studies of "diversified"secondaryschoolsand vocationaltraining, which we review in Section VJ. 3 2.6 The basic structureof general secondaryschoolingvaries somewhatacrosscountries. Figure 2.1 illustrates: (1) how secondaryschoolingfits into compulsoryperiods of basic education; and (2) the variable length of the secondarycycle. Theseelementalfacets of school structure are importantin two ways. While compulsoryattendancelaws alone do little to raise enrollmentrates, they do define what is viewedas the period of "basic education." Increasingly,lower secondaryschoolsare includedwithin the government'sdefinitionof basic education,with concomitantimplicationsfor the share of primaryschool completers who are provided places in lower secondary education. Where points at which secondaryschoolplacementsoccurlater as the periodof basic educationgrows longer, the averagelength of time in school may also increase, perhaps yieldinghigher achievementlevels among pupils. The contentof lower secondaryschool also maybecomemoreacademicand lessvocationalwhenit is defined as part of masseducation.' Since the 1940s, the structure of secondary educationin most industrialized and developing 2.7 enrollments(Figure2.2). Independentof the policydebate countrieshas witnesseda declinein vocational about whethersecondaryschoolingshouldbecomemorevocationallyoriented, parents and their children are increasinglyexpressinga preferencefor more general secondary-educationprograms. Compared with vocational programs, governments and researchers know less about the 2.8 effectivenessof primary teacher training programs-a second major stream often situated within the secondarysubsector (or which draws students before they gain a secondary certificate). The Bank's recent study of primary schoolingincludedresearchon teachingpractices, teacher preparation, and the cost-effectivenessof pre-servicetraining. This work is also reviewedin SectionVI.5 We also pull together evidence about the effects of non-formal secondary schooling. This 2.9 includes the use of study centers and distance education(involving correspondencematerials or radio broadcasts). This segmentof secondaryeducationmaybe an importantresponseto the increasedpopular demand for schooling. However,hard evidenceis quitescarce on whetherpupils learn much, retain this
Figure 2.1. Structure of Basic and Secondary Education. Illustrative Countries Years
8 6 4 2
Source, Unesco (1991) World Education Report
Programs in Share Figure 2.2. - -1-1 - of Secondary - -- -School - - - Enrollments - 11 - -- 11 - Vocational - 11 Puf; in Vam_ _ PX wI_
-oplsr - -
* Eastern E
- - --
Source: Unesco daa and Benavot, Aatron(1983), lte Rise and Decline of VocationAlEducation.
knowledge,and subsequentlyreap economicand socialbenefits. Availabledata suggestthat few youths or adultsretain the rudimentsof literacygained in the short run, especiallywhen written materialsremain difficultto find in local communities.' Demand 2.10 When we speak of the demandfor secondaryschooling,we simplymean that familiesprefer to send their child to school and that constraintsare sufficientlyrelaxed to allow actual enrollment (or "expressed' demand). This conventionalframeworksees families as optimizingeconomic returns to schooling,given constraintsby the householdbudgetand the private costs of schooling.' In addition, familypreferencesandperceivedconstraintscanbe definedculturally. Parents' preferencesfor secondary education may be low, particularly for their daughtersor when the link between education and the available wage sector is weak. Conversely, family preferences may be quite strong, but contextual constraintsprohibit their expressionof demand. Institutional Constraints 2.11 Giventhe scarcity of publicresources, governmentsmust manipulateinstitutionalconstraintson access to secondary school-including the rationing of school spaces, pricing policy, and selection processesand nationalexaminations. Such centralcontrolsare rationalin an economicsense, given that the labor market canabsorb only so manysecondary-schoolgraduates. Some governmentsalso limitthe supply of school in order to moderate rising expectationsamong the general public for social opportunities. The household's attemptto maximizeits own welfare, when aggregated, conflictswith the state's own resourceconstraintsand its pursuit of politicalstabilityand motivationalincentives. How accesscan be rationed in equitableways-so that the rules of mobilityseem fair and meritocratic-is a major policy issue, as are the forms of learning and behaviorthat are rewarded via national exams. Demands in the Face of InstitutionalConstraints 2.12 Trends in family demand and enrollmentrates. Despitethese constraintsand uneven levels of family demand, secondaryschoolinghas grown steadilyin most parts of the developingworld. Figure 2.3 shows enrollmentrates by regionsince 1965. Enrollmentrates continuedto inch upward during the 1980s,despitebudgetaryconstraints. Overall secondaryenrollmentrates in Latin America and Asia are now equal to enrollmentsin the middle-incomecountriesof easternEurope and north Africa. 2.13 Genderinequitiesin expresseddemand. The enrollmentdemandof youngmen and womenvaries remarkably. Female enrollmenthas risen considerablysince 1965, although sharp variations among regions and nations still exist. As shown in Figure 2.4 the percentage of female general-secondary students in Latin America climbedfrom 43 percent in 1965 to 52 percent in 1989. Yet in Sub-Saharan Africa the female share rose only from 26 percent to 36 percent between 1965 and 1989. Figure 2.5 showsgross enrollmentrates (GERs)for female and male pupils for 1988. Female rates are commonly 10to 20 percent below male enrollmentrates. Evenin countrieswith high secondaryenrollmentsoverall (for example, Chile and Peru), femalerates are lower. 2.14 Are governmentskeeping pace with risingfamily demand? Skyrocketingdemand for primary educationis difficultto slow; in any event, doing so is a policy option that few would endorse. Most governmentsallow an increasing number of children to enter school-even when the training of new teachers and the construction of new classrooms lag far behind. Traditionally, however, central governmentshave: (1) financed secondaryeducationmore adequately;and (2) kept a tighter lid on the
Figure2.3. SecondaryEducation GrossEnrollmentRatios by Region, 1980-1989 (includingvocationalstreams)
Gross Enrollment Ratio (%) 60
50…-- - - - - - - - - - --
| 1980 E1989 Source: Unesco dataand PHREE
Figure2.4. Male/FemaleSecondaryEnrollmentby Region, 1965-1989 % GnerWl S8candwyEnrollent.
Africa + Asia
Source: Unesco data and PHREE - 8-
Figure 2.5. Female/Male Enrollment Rates in 1988. Illustrative Countries
IU FemaleGER U MaleGER
Sougrce:Unesco (1991) WorldEducationReport
expansionof new secondary-schoolplacements. Have governimentsbeen able to keep up with demand pressures, at least in terms of hiring additionalteachers and maintainingper-pupilspending levels? As shown in Figure 2.6, the answer is 'yes' in a large number of countries. Even countries whose economiesdeterioratedduring the late 1970sand 1980shavefoundthe resourcesto maintainalreadylow pupil:teacher ratios. Unlike the primary-schoolsubsector, many countries have been able to hire additionalteachers to keep pace with rising enrollments.
DISTINGUISHI[NG COUNTRY CONTEXT'S 2.15 The social and economic aims, curricula, and even classroom teaching practices of primary schoolingare quitesimilar across nations.! Secondaryschoolsystemsare more idiosyncratic,developing from particular institutionalhistories, labor structures, and paths of social opportunity. The design of policy adjustmnent programs or projects-but particularlylong-termstrategicplanning-should take these cultural and institutionalparticulars into account. When genericpolicy recipes or school interventions are mountedwithouta careful examinationof countrycontexts,the likelihoodof their failure rises. Five dimnensions of country context should be recognized.
Figure 2.6. Changein Pupil:TeacherRatios, 1975-1988. IllustrativeCountries
Pupil:teacher ratio 35 30…25 ________-
Maayma 11111 SIg*
Soruce: Unesco data
Context 1: Demographic Trends 2.16 Fertilityrates are slowingin manydevelopingcountries. SeveralLatin Americanand east Asian societieshave madesignificantprogresstoward reducingtheir birth rates. In the short run, the shrinking of child cohorts reduces the pressure to expandthe primary school system. In Indonesia,for instance, the government is grappling with the costly consequencesof the overabundance of primary school teachers. Onepolicy alternativeis to moveresourcesin the primary-educationsubsectorto the secondary subsector." 2.17 Table 2.1 illustratesthe level of savingsfrom declinesin the fertility rate. Countrieswith sharply slowingbirth rates will save budgetaryresources of between 5 and 7 percent of their teacher wage bill each year. And these estimatesare conservative,in that savings are associatedwith the overall decline in the populationgrowth, not in the size of the child cohort, which is greater in the medium term. 2.18 In addition,the easingof demographicpressureswill facilitatea more careful examinationof how the quality and equitabledistributionof secondaryeducationcan be improved. When governmentsare pressured to expand primary and secondary school places, the quality and distributional equity of schoolingmay receive little attention. One policy option-particularly in countries whose fertility rates are high-is to emphasize family planning efforts before any serious change in secondary-school investmentsis considered.
Context 2: Family Economy and Cultural Commitment to Schooling 2.19 The extent to which families exercise short-term demands on children-to contribute to the household's income, social responsibilities (child care, for instance), and status within the community-varies considerably. So, too, does the extent to which families associatethe child's level of school attainmentto long-termgains in the household'seconomicwelfare and social rewards. And parents hold various types of resourcesthat may supportor inhibitthe child's progress through school. Primary-schooland thence secondary-schoolenrollmentsgrew rapidly in rural parts of the United States, for example,becauselabordemandson childrenwereseasonable(theopportunitycoststo schoolingwere low during much of the agriculturalcycle). The commitmentof Protestantparents to literacy and their tradition of didactic instruction (withinCalvinist sects) offered clear resources that complementedthe 10 Contemporarycasesof drawingon indigenouscultural commitments NorthAmericancommonschool. to literacy include the integration of Koranic schooling and secular curricula within the Islamic communitiesof Pakistanor northernNigeria." Table 2.1. TeacherCost SavingsDue to DemographicTransitions. IllustrativeCountries PercentageDecline in AnnualPopulation Growth(1965-75)
Numberof Secondary Teachers 1988 197S
Annual PercentageIncrease in TeachersRequired if No PopulationDecline
Note: Estimatesof the increas in the percentageof teacher required beginning in 1988. These estimatesare conservativein that we assume no growth in the enrollmentratesand no change in the pupil tcacher ratio (which have been declining in some countries). Source: UNESCO Statistical Yearbooks andWorld Bank, Social Indicatorsof Develotment. 1986.
2.20 Recent research on the achievementof Japanesechildren also reveals elements of the family context that influenceschool performance. Teachers' behavior inside the classroomhelps explain why Japaneseachievementlevels are generallyhigh. But maternalpressure for achievement,time devoted to helpingchildren with their homework,and intensityof communicationaboutand evaluationof school work also influenceachievementlevels.'2 2.21 This mention of family context may seem academic. Indeed, the institutional positioningof secondary schools often occurs in the absence of local preferences and the practices of parents. Historically, the secondary school was simply transplanted from the West (whether from the more selectiveFrench structure or as an approximationof the mass secondary-schoolsystem from the United States). But, then, we should not be surprised when family demand is uneven across social groups or when pupil performance is low. Unlessthe secondaryschool can more effectivelyfit local preferences for specifictypes of socializationand knowledge,discontinuitieswill continueto constrainthe subsector's effectiveness.
Context 3: Variation in Labor Demand and the Structure of Wage Labor 2.22 When country context is taken into account, it is the secondary education's fit with wage-labor demands that often receives attention. This form of economic functionality is a recent historical development.
French lycges and collWges have historically been linked to academic training, often
preparing youthsfor universityentry. During the late nineteenthand early twentiethcenturies, the rise of the North American secondaryschool, was driven by the burgeoningranks of primary schools and concernabouthow 'adolescents' couldbe kept occupied(a social group virtuallycreatedboth by urban unemploymentand by secondaryschoolsthat segregatedyouthsfrom adult work roles for the first time). Enrollmentrates had actuallybeendepressedby rising labor demandfrom early industrialfirms. While humancapitaltheoristsportraysecondaryeducationas rationallypreparingtoday's youthsfor skilledjobs, employershave historicallycompetedwith schoolsfor the loyalty of young people, particularly during early periods of commercialand industrialexpansion(both in the West and in developingcountries).13 2.23 After World War fl, however, the role of secondaryschooling came to be defined largely as serving the skill requirementsof expandingurban manufacturingfirms. Thus, the form and content of secondary educationshould presumablytake into account variation in the size and character of labor demand in the modernsector. The percentageof all workers engagedin agriculturevaries widelyacross regions and countries-in Asia, decliningfrom 75 percent to 68 percent between 1965 and 1980; in Africa, movingfrom 79 percent to 75 percent; and in Latin America, dropping from 45 percent to 33 percent during the sameperiod. While we often assumethat secondaryeducationcontributesto the skill demandsof the value-addedsectorsof the economy,labor demand in industry and high-skilledservices remains limited, and growth occurs only over long stretches of time. In many developing countries, secondary-schoolenrollmentcontinuesto rise at a quicker pace than the correspondingincrease in the number of skilledjobs (and thus the onset of credentialismappearsand intensifiesin static economies). At the same time, increasinglyintenselabor regulationfreezes youths out of entry-leveljobs. 2.24 Such sharp variability in the structureof labor, and changesin labor demandsover time, holds two importantimplications. First, the skill demands(and thus wage differentials)that exist in different segmentsof the labor market may suggest an appropriatesize for secondaryeducation. Assumingthat the content and purpose of general secondaryeducation(that is, its 'positioning") is to prepare youths to enter commercial or administrativejobs, then the size of and anticipated changes in these labor segmentsshould influencethe size of the secondary-educationsubsector. 2.25 Second,the skill requirementswithindifferent segmentsof the workforcemight affect the form and content of secondaryschooling. It is dangerousto assumethat the skill requirementsof commercial and industrial jobs are always more complex than those of rural forms of work. The expansion of secondary schooling has occurred for many reasons, not simply in response to technical change in production processes or from shifts in skill demands." Overall, however, the positioning of the secondary-educationsubsectorshouldflowfrom a careful understandingof skillrequirementsin the labor force and exactly how current forms of secondary education actually provide the forms of literacy, numeracy, higher-ordercognitiveand social proficiencynecessaryto match these labor demands. This is not to arguethat additional'labor forceplanning' shouldbe undertaken;our argumentis that very little is knownaboutthe relationshipbetweenthe contentof general secondaryschoolingand how it translates into labor force outcomes. Context4: PostcolonialDefinitionsof SecondarySchooling 2.26 Governmentsand donors assumethat pieces of the educationalsector can be planned or adjusted consciouslyto fit economicor social priorities more effectively. Yet the school organization, rooted in -
its own institutionalhistory and habits, is often imperviousto interventionby would-be reformers. Within secondaryeducation,we know that certain organizationalelements, originating under colonial regimes, have persistedover long stretchesof time. Relianceon Cambridgeexams at the end of junior or senior secondaryschoolingis one example.'5 Yet long-standinginstitutionaltraditions do at times erode; in the mid-1980s, Kenya moved away from a British secondary-schoolstructure, marked by competitiveexamsat the end of junior and senior secondaryforms. It replacedthe old colonialstructure with a North American mode-a four-year secondaryschool in which the junior certificateexam was eliminated."6
2.27 Clearly, elementsof secondaryeducationflow from particularinstitutionalhistories, shapedboth by colonialforces and by more recentGovernmentaction. Together,they representa strong institutional contextthat must be understoodas policy adjustmentsor project interventionsare introduced. Four such elementsare crucialto designers: *
What share of youths benefitfrom the subsector'sallocationof graduatesto high-status jobs? Secondary educationmust expandto serve a growingnumber of primary school graduatesand to producemore candidatesfor universityor polytechnictraining. Under colonial administrations,secondary school graduates became civil servants, military leaders, and church ministers. Thus, only a limited number of youths benefittedfrom secondary-levelschooling. Contemporarysecondaryschoolsmust respondboth to forces internal to the education sector itself-especially the rising demand for university entry-and to externallabor-marketpressures.
How strartfiedis the structureof secondaryschooling? The balancebetweensupporting elite, academicschools and movingtoward a mass system continuesto be debated in policy circles. Historically in the West, and in much of east Asia, the number of secondary schoolswhose explicit purpose was to prepare the elite and which imposed strict selectioncriteriavaried sharplyby regionwithincountries. A broad range of class and curricularemphasesisstill commonamongsecondary-institutionstrata in manyThird World countries. Statesubsidylevels usuallygo disproportionatelyto the most selective schools to maintain their high quality. These institutional patterns are deeply entrenched, often in the guise of legitimatelyand meritocraticallysorting out the most able students and young professionals.
Howare nationalcurricula,officialknowledge,and nomative teachingpracticesdefined, and by whom? The content and social rules of the classroom-indeed, accepted indicatorsof school "quality'-were cast under colonialregimes. The form and content of nationalsyllabi and examinationshave persisted in many developingcountries. The authority of the teacher and didactic norms of 'proper teaching' have been imposed iteratively over time. Departing from a Cambridge-style exam, or chalk-and-talk instruction, connotesa departurefrom high standards.
What role does the secondary school play in the transition of youths to adulthood? Historicallyin the West, secondaryeducationexpanded when industrial wage jobs for youths became more scarce." Over time, the normativepath to adulthood became dominatedby attendancein secondaryschool. To leave school and enter the labor force was an unusual path, stigmatizing youths who followed it. Debate continues in industrializedcountriesaboutwhetherkeepingyouthsin schoolso long-postponing adult work roles-intensifies labor-forcealienationand retards the acquisitionof job skills."
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Context 5: Government Priorities and the Political-EconomicConstruction of Opportunity 2.28 The size, quality, and differentiationof secondaryschoolsand streamsare shaped by govermnent priorities externalto education. The surroundingpolitical context influenceshow economicand social opportunities are constructed-and how education reinforces or subverts the intended range of opportunities. For instance, since independence,Kenya has not linked the expansion of secondary schoolingdirectlyto labor demands. Wideningaccessto the subsectorhas signaledthat the opportunity structureis becomingmore open-at leastwhile one is young. In the sameregion, Malawiand Tanzania have constrainedaccessto secondaryeducationmore tightly. They have placed greater priority on the expansionof primary schooling,and have coupled the structuringof wage-laboropportunity (provided through secondaryschooling)explicitlywith (slow)growth in wage-sectoremployment. III. ISSUE A: THE FUNCTIONOF SECONDARYEDUCATION: DO THEY SUPPORT EXPANDINGTHE SUBSECTOR, AND WHO BENEFITS FROM THEM? A3.1 How should secondaryschoolingbe positionedwithinnationalor local priorities-that is, within the five countrycontextsdiscussedin Section2. Addressingthis questioninvolveslong-run institutional questionsaboutthe subsector'soptimalsize, role in society,and specificfunctions-again, its positioning. In turn, the current positioningof secondaryschools withina given country stems from two long-term forces. First, planners and political leaders hope to fit secondaryschools rationallyinto economicand social agendas: for example,to prepare youths to fill wage-sectorjobs, to raise the proficienciesof aspiringuniversityentrants, or to reinforce nation building. These objectivestranslateinto the function of the secondaryeducationsystem. A3.2 Second, however, the school often behaves as an insular institution with a life of its own, operating according to its own objectives,habits, and rituals independentof stated national objectives. The organizationalform of secondaryschoolpassed on by colonialregimes-often retaining credibility in postindependenceeras-is not necessarily functional, nor is it grounded necessarily in cultural commitments and local economic demands. In predominantlyagrarian societies, for instance, the residentialsecondaryschool may emphasizeacademicinstructionthat is appropriateonly for the small slice of youths who will find jobs in the urban wage sector. The functionsof educationand its quality in the school institutionare not easy to alter: witnessparents' rising preference worldwidefor academic secondaryeducation, rather than the vocationaltrack. This trend is even more remarkable, given that manygovernmentshave attemptedto 'diversify' the curricula, movingit away from the academic,urban bias.' In the remainderof this section, we examinethe primary functionsof secondaryeducationand discusstheir intendedbenefits relative to whether the size of the subsector should be expanded. As in the other major sectionsof this paper, we list 'Areas of Ignorance" for issuesthat should be the focus of additionalresearch (also see Annex 1). ALTERNATIVE FUNCTIONS OF SECONDARYEDUCATION A3.3 Unlike primary education,the intended functionsof secondaryschools vary substantiallyamong countries. The diversity of institutionalstructures across and within nations is reflected in separate streams for different students, variations in educational quality, and the diversity of curricula.' Tradeoffsin four functionalpriorities are commonlyobserved:
FunctionI (TeachingMission). Direct preparationfor the demandsof labor-marketentry based on a curriculumemphasizingspecificvocationalskills, versus a broad liberaleducationbased on a curriculumfocusing on general literacy, academicdisciplines,and moral/religiousvalues. Function 2 (SocialTransition). A school organizationand patterns of activitiesthat attemptto ease the transitionof adolescentsinto adulteconomicand socialroles, versusthe absenceof these organizationalelementsbased on the assumptionthat the labor marketwill addressthis transition automatically. Function 3 (Selectionof Beneficiaries). A social selectionmechanismfor identifyingthe most able white-collarworkers,versus an overall institutionalmechanismto providea broader, usually terminal educationalopportunityfor nearly all youths. Function4 (Mobilizationof Providers). The secondaryschoolas an agencyof the state, financed by the public treasury and administeredby civil servants, versus a free market of providers in which the state is one amongseveralproviders and funding sources. A3.4 Typical sectoral analyses,of course, often address debatesover these competingfunctions. At times, questions about how institutionalfunctionscan be adjusted are at the heart of policy dialogue programs. For instance,Kenya's shift to a North American-style,mass secondarysystem (abandoning selectionexams at the junior secondarylevel) holds enormousimplicationsfor educationalquality and equity.21 The intentionsof the govermnentsof Indonesiaand Pakistanto make lower secondarygrades part of "basic education"stemfrom similar shifts-from definingsecondaryschoolingas a selective-based institutionpeggedto labor demandsto a subsectorthat promisesmass social opportunityindependentof economicneeds. Thesefundamentalinstitutionalchangesmayoccurindependentlyof centralpolicies-as in Pakistan, in which local primary schools (allegedlyunder provincial control) commonly convert themselvesinto middleschools.2? HOW FUNCTIONS DEFINE ACROSS COUNTRIES A3.5 Governmentplannersand donorsoftenhavebasic structuralmodelsin mind:the mass secondary school found in the UnitedStates; the more selectivesecondaryschool schemeoriginatingin France; or dual tracks for academic versus vocationalstudents or apprenticesas still operates in Germany. In reality, secondaryschoolsystemsvary in more textured ways-along the four functionaldimensionjust enumerated. Cases for specific countrieshelp illustratethese points of variation in the functionsof the subsector. Function 1: Preparation for Adult Work Activity A3.6 Historicallyin the West, secondaryschoolswere designedto serve the interestsof the church or the university, not the labor market. France's early nineteenth-centuryadvent of the lycEeand local college focused on training young bureaucrats. Only much later did industrial growth in the United Kingdomand the UnitedStates-along with correspondingsocialunrest and then a sharp declinein labor demandfor young workers-push those governmentsto diversifytheir secondaryschool curricula so as to encompassa larger range of subjects, includingexplicitlyvocationalones. Only in the United States were these pressures-along with an egalitarianfaith in wide social opportunity-sufficient to lead to mass secondary-educationsystem. In Europe, the subsector remains detached from labor demands, oriented toward university entry requirements,and enrolling fewer than two-thirdsof all youths.
A3.7 The transformationof the North American high school into a mass institution, serving the majority of youths, is a quite recent phenomenon. Importantly,the expansionof secondaryschools was not an essentialingredientof early commercialintegrationand later industrialrevolution. In the United States, secondary-educationenrollment rates did exceed 20 to 30 percent prior to the industrial revolution-yet the risingdemandof factoryownersfor youngworkersactuallyslowedschoolexpansion. In westernEurope, commercialexpansionin the eighteenthand early nineteenthcenturiesoccurred while secondaryenrollmentswere at about 10 percentof the age cohort. Industrialrevolutionsin Englandand Prussia came and went without secondary enrollmentrates ever exceeding 30 percent. Figure 3.1 illustratesthe case of Germany, in which low enrollmentlevels have persisted even during periods of sharp economicgrowth. Typically, in both the VinitedStatesand Europe, gains in real family income and the increased scarcity of entry-leveljobs for youths-following economicexpansion-have fueled 2 ' The reciprocalinfluence of school expansionon subsequenteconomic secondaryschool enrollment. growth has been the subjectof much empiricalresearch. We return to this topic shortly. A3.8 Direct historical comparisonsbetweenEurope and developingcountries are problematic, since adult literacyrates commonlyexceeded50 to 60 percent in manyregions of westernEurope by the early nineteenthcentury. In contrast, developingcountrieshavebeen temptedto expandsecondaryeducation rapidly before the widespreadadoptionof such cultural commitmentsto literacy or quality primary schooling. Figure 3.1. Economicand EnrollmentGrowthin Germany. EconomicExpansion withLow Secondary Enrollments,1985-1975 Enrollment Rates (%)
- - --
GNP (constant prices) + Elite Sec. Schools * Mass Sec. Schools Source: M. Garnier endJ. Hage (1991) Education and Economic Growth in Germany.
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A3.9 AligningSecondaryEducationwith ComplexLabor Demands. Given the subsector's links with universityaccess and the industrialworkforce,secondaryschoolspredictablyfocus most heavily on the requirements of the urban wage-sector. Conversely, lower-secondary schools in rural areas are increasinglyattractivetargets of subsectorexpansion. Govermnentswishing to consolidateliteracy and numeracygains fromprimaryschoolingare increasinglyoptingto fold lower-secondaryschoolsinto their basic educationsystems.This positioningof the subsectoroftentargets rural familiesand the urban poor. of schooling.25 A3.10 However, the increasinglycommonplaceview that general secondary education is the best preparationfor entryinto labormarketsandforfurther trainingis not well understoodin poor countries with highyouth and ruralunemployment.Whetherthe labor-marketutilityfunctionof general secondary schoolingwill replacethe traditionalview that vocationalschoolingholds the key to addressing youth unemploymentremainsan enormousquestion.' [Area of Ignorance #1: We have few descriptionsof the types of secondaryschoolingthat seek to serve families and youths who work outside the wage sector.] A3.11 Another complexitylimits the capacityof govermmentsto tighten the link between secondary educationand labor demands: trends within the formal wage sector and the informal economy-the numberof jobs and the types of skills required-are difficultto estimate. Twin assumptionsencourage secondaryeducatorsto imposegreater vocationalizationon the curriculum: (1) that modernizationis creatingmanymorejobs that requiremorespecializedskills, whetherthe need is for morelathe operators or more chemistsp; and (2) that providing these skills within secondary schools is cost-effective. Evidence on the first assumptionshowsthat, during early periods of economicdevelopment,unskilled and semi-skilledjobs in trade and industry grow most quickly, not skilled occupationsthat require secondary-educationpreparation.' In addressingthe second assumption,the World Bank and others have undertakenextensive empiricalwork which suggeststhat specialized skill training is best left to employers(exceptin areaswherelabor shortagesare acuteand persistent). We return to this issue later. A3.12 MeetingSocial and InstitutionalPriorities. Fine-tuningthe fit betweensecondaryeducationand economicgoals often is not the primaryconcern of governmentsor families. Frequently,the function of the subsectorto serve social and institutionalgoals is of paramount importance. Two social agendas are quite common. First, the expansion of secondary schooling holds enormous symbolic power-signaling the expansionof social opportunities. The individualfamily hopesto raise the school attainmentof its children, which, in the aggregate,creates enormouspressure on governmentsto expand the subsector. In the eyes of parents, such expansionincreasesthe chancesthat their children will find a place at the universityor a goodjob. Thesepopulardemandsbuild whetheror not Governmentis able to expandhigher educationor whetherlabor demandis sufficientto absorb more graduates. Here, the expectationof socialopportunitydrives schoolexpansion;the functionof secondaryeducationis to signal that mass opportunitiesare openingup. A3.13 The second social agenda is that governments and families often have faith that secondary schoolingwill advancethe socializationof children. Finding a wage-sectorjob is obviouslyimportant. In addition,secondaryschoolingcanyielddesirablesocialbenefits: inculcatingloyaltyto the nation-state, encouragingthe use of a commonlanguage, or reinforcingculturalvalues. Sometimes,social aims are more specific:encouragingfamilyplanning and modernhealth practices, teachingagriculturalskills, or acquaintingyouthswith scienceand mathematics.The explicitteachingof moral valuesand social norms remainsstrong in manyeast Asianand Islamicsocieties. For example,govermmentschoolsin Indonesia and Taiwanhave formal curriculain moral-spiritualareas of study. An emphasison moral socialization may increase as private schoolsexpand,pushedby religious-institutionsupport and by parents dissatisfied with homogenousforms of secular schooling.' [Area of Ignorance #2: We know very little about how - 17 -
moral-spiritualtopicsare taught in secondaryschoolsand whethertheir teachinginfluencesorganizational cohesionand studentachievement,as suggestedby initialwork on Catholicschools in the United States and secularizedIslamic schools.'] Function 2: Institutionally Easing the Transition of Adolescentsinto Adulthood A3. 14 In a growing number of middle-income countries, the major question facing education policymakers is not whether secondary education should be expanded, but whether the subsector excessivelydominatesthe lives of youngpersons-warehousing pupils in schools that isolate them from actual work experienceand adult social roles.0 Since the 1950s, analysts within Europe and North Americahave arguedaboutwhetherthe institutionalconstructionof a self-contained"adolescentsociety" has intensifiedthe alienationof teenagers. This debate has heated-upin southern and eastern Europe, where youth unemploymentis againon the rise. Remediesin the West havevaried widely. The German apprenticeshipmodel tracks youths into a vocationalstream, linkingthem with private firms. Britain's revamped youth training scheme is a conventionalschool-basedvocationaltraining program. Australia 3 now pays disadvantagedyouths to remain in, and to graduate from a general secondaryschool. ' A3.15 Governmentsin developingcountriesrespondto the "transitionto adulthood"issue in one of three ways. First, they simply expand the secondary-educationsubsector, hoping to meet rising social expectationsand reduceimmediateemploymentdemandsby youths. Second,they continueto formalize and expandvocationaltraining programs, despite decliningpopular demand for nonacademictraining. The extentto whichprivatefirms are involvedin trainingapprentices-as opposedto a vocationaltraining program that occurs far from any real workplace-is a critical determinant of the success of these programs. (We return to empiricalanalyses in this area later.) Third, many countries now institute formalyouth service programs, which providepractical experiencefor youths after they completetheir secondaryschooling. Secondary-schoolgraduatesin Botswanaand Nigeria, for instance,serve in a rural villagefor one year before they can applyfor admissionto the university. A3.16 In the UnitedStates, manyhigh schoolsawardacademiccreditsto studentsparticipatingin work experienceprograms, involvingjobs with private employersor social service agencies. The influence of these "cooperativeeducationprograms' on the school performanceand future employmentsuccessof pupils is the subjectof considerableempiricalresearch. Their effectscan be positive, dependingon the 2 Whether such "youth transition' programs are feasible quality of the job in which the pupil is placed.3 within developing countries is another issue on which we have almost no evidence. The extensive evaluationwork on Colombia'sSENAjob-trainingprogram does suggestthat, when apprenticeshipsare organized within firms, future employmenteffects can be positive.3 [Area of Ignorance#3: We know little about the cost-effectivenessof youth service programs that have operated for some time in many developingcountries.] Function3: SelectivityversusMass Opportunity A3.17 Secondaryeducationhas traditionallybeen a selective institution: sorting a small proportionof youths for wage jobs in the church, military, bureaucracy, or private firms. Despite steady rates of expansion,the subsectorin many developingcountriesremainshighly selective, especiallyat the uppersecondarylevel: studentspaces are limited, class sizes remain small, and students competefiercely for the even fewer number of spaces availableat the nationaluniversity. A3.18 Figure 3.2 reports the share of primary school graduates who win a space in secondaryschool. This proportionexceeds80 percent in Asia-but falls below 40 percent in Sub-SaharanAfrica. Primaryto-secondarytransitionrates vary enormouslyamongcountries, and even across nationswithin the same
Figure 3.2. Opportunityfor EnteringSecondaryEducation. TransitionRates by Region
% Primary Grads Entering SecondarySchool 100
60 - - -
Source: Unesco (1991) World Education Report
region. In Malawi,for instance,just 7 percent of primary-schoolgraduatesfind a place at the secondaryschool level. This proportionis 90 percent or more in the Philippinesand Venezuela. These differences represent enormousvariabilityin how broadlyor narrowly educationalopportunitiesare structured. A3.19 The selectivityof secondaryschools(or particularstreamswithinthe overallsubsector)obviously has implicationsfor the equity with which educationaland job opportunitiesare allocated. Governments often decide that access to secondary schoolingmust be opened more widely to signal that society is becomingmore equitable-thus the strategy of makinglower-secondaryforms part of the mass school system. In most developingcountries,upper-secondaryschoolsretain their selectivecharacter. Making the entire subsector free of selection constraints is simply not cost-effective. Many countries have attemptedto createseparate tracks: high-quality,'government-maintained'secondaryschools, and lowstreams. Equallyimportant,thosefew countriesthat havemade secondary quality, community-secondary schoolinguniversal-as have Japan and the United States-have discoveredthat sorting and selectivity still occur via the educational structure. It simply becomes a function of either the status of the graduate's particularsecondaryschool, or the graduate's own performanceon standardizedmeasuresof performance. In some cases, universitiesbecome stratified to protect the status advantagesof certain socialgroups (and the quality of certaininstitutions). This phenomenonof shiftingthe credentialingand labor-allocationprocess upward may intensifyas more private secondaryschools enter the market. A3.20 Policy adjustmentsoften seek to situate secondaryeducationin a compromiseposition, searching for a middle ground between selectivityand the preservationof quality versus wideningaccess to more -
primary school graduates. This dilemmais wrapped within a larger question: Can secondaryschooling provide more equitablesocial mobility,independentof the family backgroundand prior social class of youths? Therules for enteringhigh-qualitysecondaryschools(or even low-coststreams)shouldbe valid, not influencedunfairlyby the ascribedcharacteristicsof youths. (Evenwhen wage-sectorgrowth is slow or access to secondaryschool remains constrained,motivationis presumably higher when educational opportunitiesand incentivesare allocatedwithoutregard to social-class.) A3.21 The issue can be broken down into two empiricallytestable questions. First, is access to secondaryschoolingdeterminedby familybackground,or has primary schoolinghelped even-outsocialclass advantagesand earlier differences in achievement? Then, second, does actual achievement in school, rather than family background,influenceoccupationalmobility? An extensivelongitudinalstudy in Chile, for instance,found that accessto secondaryschoolwas influencedpartiallyby children's family background,but that, after graduation,the qualityof the secondaryschool and the achievementlevels of its studentsshaped occupationalstatus and wage gains. Similar evidenceis now availablefrom Brazil, Colombia, and Ghana.4 Conversely,a careful study in Zimbabwefound that social-classbackground both stronglydetermineswho gains accessto high-qualitysecondaryschoolsand shapesthe achievement levels of graduates.35In Kenya, three types of secondaryschools(government-maintained,governmentsupported,and local self-help)serve youthswho are often of quitedifferent social classes.6 Here, too, amongthosestudentswho enter, achievementlevelsand eventualwagegains of secondary-schoolstudents are a function more of differences in the quality of schools than of their family background. By comparingschoolingand jobs in Kenyaand Tanzania,this study also reveals how the structureof labor (public versus private-sectorjob demand and wage constraints)conditions whether wage effects and 37 mobility are likely due to the secondary-schoolperformanceof pupils. A3.22 In sum, efforts to broadenaccessto secondaryschoolare well intentioned. But slightadjustments in the subsector'spositioning(expandingthe size or modifyingthe functionalbalancebetweenquality and wider access) will not likely be effective at overcoming social-class advantages. However, the achievementand subsequentmobilityof youths who are able to secure a secondary-schoolspace depend less on family origin and more on the qualityof schoolsthey attend. Area of Ignorance#4: Additional research in other developing countriesmust be undertakento inform the heated policy debates about whethersecondaryeducationcan truly broaden equity. Function 4: CommonSchoolingversusa Mixed Marketof Providers A3.23 Secondaryschoolingis often controlledby central government,even in societies where primary schoolinghas been a local responsibility. Secondaryschoolsare typicallyquiteexpensive. The selection of elite membersof society-managers and professionals-is a task closely watchedby political elites. Intellectualsand their scholarly organizations,academicjournals, societies for the advancementof the scholarly disciplines, and the integrityof a nationallanguage are all advanced by a commnonform of secondaryschooling. For these reasons, the central state has retainedclose controlof the subsector. But can the governmentsof developing countriesfeasibly supply secondary schools at the pace at which popular demand is growing? A3.24 In many developing countries, the private sector already enrolls a sizeable proportion of all secondarypupils, rangingupward to 38 percent in Colombia,to 41 percent in Nigeria, and to 49 percent in India (see Figure 3.3). This 'private sector' is very diverse, including low and high-quality proprietary schools, as well as schools sponsored by churches and non-profit organizations.' Developmentagencies generally support an even greater role for private school providers. This drift toward encouragingprivateprovision and financing-often based on limited evidence-raises three issues associated with the positioningof the subsector: 20 -
Will a greater diversity of providers increase or reduce any economic benefits from secondaryschooling?Where privateschoolsare more effectiveat boostingachievement, productivitygains may be higher. Where the quality of private schools is low or local social agendasdominatefamily choices,gains in technicalskills may actuallybe lower. Encouraging greater private investmentin schooling in an unrestricted fashion may simplyfeed the process of credentialism.
Will the expansion of private secondary schools erode meritocratic and equitable incentives? The stratificationof school quality, apparent when private schools serve affluent families(or offer low-qualityeducationto poor families),may reinforce socialclass inequities,rather than equalizeopportunities.9
How will the expansionofprivate schoolingadvancenationaland localsocialobjectives? Koranicschools, for instance,do effectivelyabsorb "excessdemand"for schooling,but how do they advancethe nationalinterest in establishinga commonlanguage? Private schools are rarely effective at advancing public interests-for example, encouraging family planningor maternalhealth practices.
Figure3.3. Share of Enrollmentsin Private Schools (Primaryand SecondaryEnrollments)
% enrollment in private schools 70 60
Source: James, Estelle (1991) PublicPrivate Mix of Education Services
We will return to a discussionof the relative effectivenessof some private schools. Our point here is simply that the efficacy of policies that seek to adjust the size and functions of secondary
education-toward serving nationwide interests-will increasinglybe constrained as nongovernnent schoolsexpandand detach from state regulation. DOES SECONDARYEDUCATIONDELIVER INTENDED BENEFITS? A3.25 When educational policies are debated-attempting to position secondary education more effectively-we would assume that the contemplatedchanges will yield additionaleconomic or social benefits. When government constrains the expansionof enrollment in an effort to maintain school quality, for instance, it does so in the expectationof higher economicreturns. But what empirical evidenceactuallyexists to substantiateclaims that modifyingpositioningdelivers its intended benefits? Overall, the size of the subsector-specifically, its expansion-would stem from a clearer understanding of the functions(or "positionings")that wouldmaximizethe intendedbenefits. Does Expansion of Secondary Education Boost EconomicGrowth? A3.26 This fundamentalquestion underliespolicy debates about the optimal size and function of the subsector. Occupationalor economicbenefits accruing to individualyouths were reviewed briefly in para. A3.21. That is, secondary schoolingmay help determine which individualyouths experience greater success in the labor market or gain greater access to the university. Two additional findings associatedwith individualreturnsto secondaryschoolingshouldbe highlighted. First, the rates of return among youths who finish secondaryschool remain over 8 percent in most industrialized and middleincomecountries. In developingcountrieswhosesecondary-educationsystemsare highlyselective-and in which the supplyof graduatesremainsscarce-rates of return canbe upward of 20 percent. But wage benefits from secondary educationhave been falling; they are already the lowest in industrialized countries. In the UnitedStates,for instance,the private rate-of-returnamonghigh school graduateshas declinedby 40 percent during the past two decades.' Male high school graduates in the United States currently earn 25 percent less than did their fathers 15 years ago (in constantdollars).'1 Althoughless dramatic, individualreturns from secondaryschool are falling in many developing countries as labor scarcitiesease and wage-sectordemandlevelsoff. Duringthe past 15 years, for example,privatereturns have fallen from 11 percent to 7 percent in Pakistan; from 18 percent to 12 percent in Venezuela;and from 18 percent to 13 percent in Taiwan.< A3.27 A related issue is whetherthe growth of secondaryeducationreduces income inequality. This topic has received considerableattentionby researchers. Current evidence suggeststhat during early periods of secondaryexpansion,incrementalenrollmentgains have no effect on, or even worsen, the distributionof cash incomeamongindividuals. But during later periods, as the subsectorbroadens access and as the supply of literacy and other skills is distributedamongmore youths, income inequalitybegins to diminish. This latter effect is confoundedwith the diversityof wagejobs and capital investmentacross different economic sectors.43 The extensive study of income returns among graduates in Kenya and Tanzaniahelps disentanglethe independentinfluenceof labor-force compositionand school attainment on incomeequity. When variationin wage andjob structuresis held constant,secondarygraduates with higher achievementlevels did earn more. The distributionof incomein both countrieswas determined jointly by the structure of jobs, wages, and secondary-schoolperformance." [Area of Ignorance#5: Yet, as labor structures and capital investmenthave stagnated in low-incomecountries during the past two decades,more research is requiredto understandthe specificinfluenceof secondary-schoolexpansion on income inequality.] A3.28 These empirical findings pertain to how secondary educationcontributes to the mobility and relative income of individualsmovingthrough the opportunitystructure. But how does the size of the subsectorand its rate of expansioninfluencenationalproductivity and growthr - 22-
A3.29 To addressthis issue, researchershave estimatedthe economiceffects of secondaryeducationby studying longitudinalvariation both across nations and within particular countries. Using the former strategy, a recent World Bank study foundthat secondaryenrollmentsin developingcountrieshave been positively related to GDP levels during the past three decades-with the importantexceptionof South Asian nations, in which an excess supplyof graduatesmay diminish the marginal effects realized from additional enrollments.4' A similar study found that economiceffects from secondary schooling are attributablemore to male, rather than to female, enrollments. This finding may be due to the fact that female enrollments sometimes rise faster than labor demand-especially when customs or formal discrimination limit the educational access of young women.' Focusing on variation among subSaharanAfricancountries,anotherrecent study found a reciprocaleffect between school enrollmentand GNP per capita, revealingthat declinesin familyincomehelp explain the static or decliningenrollments now observed in several countries.' Cross-nationalmodelshave been constructedfor larger samples of developingand industrializedcountries. Secondaryenrollmentscontinueto show positive economic effects, but only during periods of global economicgrowth. During worldwide economicslowdowns, secondaryeducationenrollmentsare not significantlyrelatedto GDP levels (for example, during 19291950 and 1970-1985). In such eras, enrollmentsoften continueto grow in many countrieswhile capital investmentand labor demandslacken, alongwith decliningterms of trade.' A3.30 Historical studiesof economicgrowth withinspecificcountries are also illustrativeof the longterm effects of secondaryeducation. Researchon the U.S. economysuggestsa curvilinear association betweensecondaryschool enrollmentand economicgrowth. When enrollmentrates are low (under 30 percent) or high (over 70 percent), no associationwith economicoutput over time is observable. But during the middle years of enrollmentexpansion(such as the first half of the twentieth century), an associationwith GDP growth is seen, after the independenteffects of labor supply, capital investment, and technical innovationare controlledfor.' Once the labor force is saturated with adequatenumbers of graduates, marginalenrollmentincreasesyield no discernibleeffect on economicgrowth.5 ' A3.31 Two institutionalforces conditionthe potentiallink betweensecondaryeducationand economic growth. First, the quality of schoolingmust be sufficientbefore economiceffectsare observable. This findingcomes from historicalstudiesof economicgrowth in both Europe and Latin America.' Second, govermnenteconomicpolicies may conditionthe economicsectors in which secondary educationhelps push productivitygrowth. For example,a recent study found that secondaryschoolinghas contributed to South Korea's economic growth since 1955, but primarily in the agricultural sector, not in manufacturing. This trend appearsto be due to the Korean government's investmentin technological improvementsin the farm sector; manufacturedexports, such as textiles, shoes, and plywood, have not required skill improvements. Does Expansion of Secondary Education Yield SocialBenefits? A3.32 Evidence is scarce on the possible social effects that flow from secondary education. We do knowthat under some countryconditionssecondaryschooling: (1) increasesthe labor-forceparticipation of young women, which likely supports positive maternal practices, including a reduction in birth rates;5 ' and (2) lowers fertility rates by increasinggirls' time in school, and, in turn, by raising literacy rates and postponingthe age of marriage. More literate mothers (but not necessarily fathers) display positive maternal health practices and, over time, invest more heavily in the education of their own children.' Note that the quality of secondary schooling plays a critical role in each of the two processes. Increasing the time that girls and boys spend in school is effective only when instruction significantly influences the forms of achievement,beliefs, and skills that are related to these social outcomes.-6
Figure3.4. SecondaryEducationEffectson Women's Fertility (FertilityFates by Year of Schooling)
Total fertility rate 8
U 1-3 Years E 4-6 Years M 7+ Years Source: Schultz, T.P. (1989) Retums to Women's Eduction
A3.33 The most recent world fertilitysurvey focused in part on the fertility effects of different levels of schooling. Primaryschooling,evenjust three years of attendance,has some effect on reducingfertility (exceptin parts of Africa). Completingprimary schooland enteringsecondaryschoolhas stronger effects on actualbirth rates and desired family size in all regions (Figure 3.4). These effects are particularly strong when family planning servicesare more widelyavailable.' SUMMARY AND PRIORITY ISSUES A3.35 Government leaders and donors act incrementallyto expand or limit the size of secondary education. The aims and role of the subsector is also is adjusted through policy reforms or even haphazarddecisionsmade over time. If these basic issues are to be addressed more explicitly, several questionscan guide the positioningof secondaryeducation. We offer a preliminaryset of questionsto spark further discussion: 1.
Are secondaryschools positionedto produce graduates with skills that have economic utility, or is the subsector's first priority to prepare pupils for higher educationor to round off their basic general education?
Is the subsector effectively delivering alleged benefits under either agenda: skills or values that meet labor demandsor which help enhancethe social quality of life? - 24 -
What is the current size of the subsector? What are current levels of unemploymentand underemploymentamongrecent secondary-schoolgraduates? What is the estimatedrate of growth in the wage sector?
Where do inequities in social and job opportunities exist? Do current forms of secondary-schoolselectionand expansionmitigate or reinforce unequal access (felt by young women, certain ethnic or languagegroups, and low-incomefamilies)?
Have historical rates of growth in the subsector undercut levels of school quality? Do current forms of institutionalstratification(government-maintained,local self-help, or private schools)balanceselectivity/qualityversusmass-opportunityobjectives? Do these different layersof secondaryschoolsreinforce inequality?
Who benefitsfrom private secondaryschools? What types of familiesare served, what is the quality of differentschools, and how do achievementand labor-force outcomesof private-schoolgraduatescomparewith those of government-schoolgraduates?
A3.36 No magic recipesexistfor positioningsecondaryeducationmore effectively. These six questions represent a beginningset that might enrichthe dialogueover policyalternatives. They imply that much must still be learned about how the subsectorfits into a country context-not only how policymakers claim it fits, but also what effects actuallystem from secondaryschooling. 4. ISSUE B: HOW CAN GOVERNMENTSRESPOND TO TILERISING DEMANDFOR SECONDARYEDUCATION? B4.1 Many governmentsface one salientproblem: how to keep pace with the rapidly rising demand for secondaryeducation. In paragraph2.12, we summarizedrecent growth in enrollmentrates. Rising demand, of course, is a functionof both populationgrowth and a growing proportion of children who completeprimary school. The pace of expansionis even more remarkablein light of the accelerating raw numbersof youths enrolling in secondaryschools. Table 4.1 illustratesthese trends. B4.2 Levels of unmet demand for secondary schooling-families trying unsuccessfullyto find a placement for their child-are difficult to estimate precisely. Family demand is constrained by govermnentcontrol over spaces and by other institutionalfactors. One way to assess unmet demand is to examine the rates of transition from primary to secondary schools. Figure 4.1 illustrates the wide variation in this key rate of transition among nations. In Malawi, just 7 percent of primary-school completersfind a place at the junior secondarylevel. The rate is 39 percent in Senegal, 61 percent in China, and 93 percent in the Philippines. B4.3 How can governmentscope with rising demand? Very few governmentscan afford to respond fully to the rising popular demand for secondaryeducation. Nor would doing so always by a rational use of public resources even if they were plentiful. The unit cost of secondaryschoolingis quite high in most countries. Thus, if governmentsare to conserveresources (for basic education)and to protect or enhance educationalquality, they must attemptto moderatepopular demand.
Table 4.1. Increase in Enrollment,by CountryPopulationGrowth AnnualPopulation GrowthRate (%), 1980-89 Argentina Bangladesh Botswana India Malaysia Mali Mexico Peru Tanzania Zimbabwe
Annual Growthin SecondaryEnrollments(%) 1975-88
1.4 2.6 3.4 2.1 2.6 2.5 2.1 2.3 3.1 3.5
3.2 3.3 9.1 5.9 3.4 1.5 6.7 4.4 4.7 18.7
Absolute Secondary Enrollments 1988 1,862,325 3,340,120 4,306 49,440.814 1,432,699 66,431 6,865,763 1,427,261 113.546 651,772
Source: UNESCO sawisticalycarbooks. World Bank, World DeveloomentReport, 1991.
Figure4.1. OpportunityforEnteringSecondaryEducation. TransitionRatesfrom Primary > Secondary School
% Primary Grads Entering Secondary School 100
40 - -
- - ------
Source: Unesco (1991) World Education Report
- 26 -
B4.4 Yet they must do so in ways that: (1) achievea more equitable balance between those who benefit from and those who pay for secondaryeducation(via fees or tax structures); (2) halt the erosion of school quality; and (3) channel demand into high priority, cost-effectivestreams. We address four questionsin this section: *
Which govermmentor privateresponsesto "excessdemand' enhanceequity among secondary educationrecipients?
What alternative, cost-effectiveforms of secondaryschool have been devised to cope with rising demand? What are their effects on equitable access to quality education?
Is a tradeoff betweenexpandingthe subsectorand reducing quality inevitable?
Can governmentcontrolthe growthof secondaryeducationeffectively? What are the effects on quality and equity when private schools absorb social demand?
RESPONDING TO SOCIAL DEMAND: CAN POLICY ADJUSTMENTSIMPROVE EQUITY? Who Benefits from Secondary Education? B4.5 Surprisinglylittle evidenceis available on the types of families and youths who benefit most. One clear fact is that boys disproportionatelygain access to lower-secondaryschoolsrelative to girls. How the school and/or home environmentsshape this key primary-to-secondarytransition is not well understood, and severalfactorsseemto be at work. Onestudy from Botswanaindicatesthat examination scores are the major determinant,not institutionaldiscrimination. That is, girls outperformboys until they reach junior-secondaryschool, yet, at this point, the representationof young women in the seniorsecondarylevel begins to erode.' Family preferences also play a role in many societies. (Earlier we briefly reviewed empirical studies which indicate that children from more affluent families disproportionatelygain access to secondaryschool.) Too, initial evidencefrom the Philippines and Malaysia suggeststhat expandingthe supply of schools in rural areas does help enhancethe equity of access (althoughthe cost of boardingfacilitiesis high). Strategicforms of school construction,including boarding facilities and single-sex schools for girls, may also boost equity between the genders, but probably at a higher unit cost.5 Overall, however, we have much to learn about the relative influence of family backgroundversus institutionalpractices(examsor selectionprocesses)on who benefits from secondaryeducation. [Area of Ignorance#6: Much is to be learned abouthow family and institutional factors operateamongdifferent countriesand secondary-schoolsystems(varyingin their size, selectivity, tracks, and quality).] Who Pays for Secondary Education? B4.6 We knowevenless aboutthis importantquestion. Initialpolicy adjustmentprograms seek to raise cost-recoveryin the secondary-educationsubsectorby increasingtuitionsand fees, reducingsubsidiesfor boarding facilities, and stinting on some instructionalmaterials.60 These measures are based on the assumptionthat most families are able to afford any cost increases, and that the cost constraint will not severely slow social demand.6' Very little longitudinalevidence is available, however, on the equity effects of such increases in private costs. We also lnow very little about social groups who support secondary educationvia a regressive or progressivetax structure, relative to who benefits. In some countries,working-classfamiliesprovidesubstantialtax supportfor high-qualityschoolsfrom which their - 27 -
children rarely benefit.' Focusing only on those who gain access to secondary schools may underestimatethe true level of inequalityin the provisionof education. RESPONDING TO SOCIAL DEMAND:STRATIFIED STREAMS AND ALTERNATIVE INSTITUTIONS B4.7 One way that many governmentsrespond to social demand is to break secondary-education systemsdown into differentstreams or types of schools. This policy option is driven by two concerns. First, higher-qualitysecondaryschoolsare oftenprotectedby, even incorporatedinto, a "governmentmaintained' segmentof the overallsystem. Second,public resourcesoften are insufficientto expand the number of schoolplaces at traditionalunit-costlevels. Thus, rising social demand is absorbed through the expansionof low-cost secondaryschools or less-formalizedprograms (such as, correspondenceor distance-educationschemes). Until the 1960s, European governmentssimilarly protected the few secondaryschoolswhich served more elite groups.63 B4.8 Earlier, we cited work on Kenya's three-tiered secondary-educationsystem (para. A3.22). Evidenceis quite clear that girls overall and children from poorer familiesdisproportionatelyenroll in the harambee communityschools; males and relativelymore affluent familiesbenefit from the highersecondaryschools. Conversely,evidencefrom Nigeriaand India suggests qualitygovernment-maintained that some local self-helpschoolsand innovativestructures(such as nightschools) mayprovide accessto girls and rural youths who are unlikely to enter conventional institutions.6' And other low-cost programs are yielding more equitable effects, whereby the achievementlevels of their pupils are approachingthose of pupils enrolledin high-costschools. Distance-educationprograms in both Malawi and Thailand report that over one-third of their students eventually graduate (with at least a junior certificate). This graduationrate is low, but in some casestheir cost-effectivenessis actually higher, as measuredby the average amountof resources requiredto graduate one pupil.' B4.9 The dilemmafacingsome governmentsis whetherto reduce the allocationof resources to highquality secondaryschools in order to equalizethe distributionof resources across stratified schools and family beneficiaries,or whetherto maintainreasonablyhigh quality in the favored share of secondary schools. The former strategycontradictsexistingevidencewhich suggeststhat the qualityof secondary schoolinghelps determineeconomic(and perhapssocial)benefits. The latterstrategy reinforces existing social stratification,to the extent that family backgroundis driving who gets into secondary school. [Area of Ignorance#7: We must learn muchmore aboutthe cost-effectivenessof how low-costforms of secondaryeducationeffect actualachievementlevels.] B4. 10 Policy adjustmentscan respond to social demand, advance equity, and impede the erosion of quality. For example, spending policies often subsidizemiddle-classfamilies by providing boarding facilities in urban secondaryschools For thesepupils, little evidenceis availableto suggestthat boarding facilities lead to higher levels of achievement.61Resources could be used more cost-effectivelyby pricing boarding privilegesmore appropriatelyand by openingup spaces for day students (Bank policy programs with governmentsin Malawi and Senegal encourage such shifts).' Secondary schools are often rich with other symbolsof educationalquality: low pupil:teacherratios, high-priced instructional materials, and expensivescience labs. We must know more about whether such inputs are actually related to achievement. If they are not, they can be reconfiguredto generatecost-savings-savings that can be allocated to additionalschoolspaces or that help equalizethe distributionof quality.
TRENDSIN THE QUALITY OF SECONDARYSCHOOLS: A TRADEOFF WITH EXPANSION? B4. 11 The low quality of primary schoolsin manydevelopingcountriesis well known. But is quality a problemoverall withinsecondaryschools? We havealreadyseen that pupil:teacherratios are quitelow in manysecondarysystems. Even low-incomecountrieshave successfullymaintainedan elite layer of high-quality secondary schools. [Area of Ignorance #8: A pressing issue is how quality and its components(per-pupilspendinglevels, the quality of teachers,and instructionalmaterials)are distributed among different schools. Few data are available-even on per-pupil spending levels-across different forms of secondary schooling, or between the public and private sectors.] Evidence is available to suggestthat the distributionof key qualityelementsis uneven. For example,the qualityof teachingmay be low even when schoolshave a sufficientsupply of instructionalmaterials.' Are Expanding Enrollments Eroding School Quality? B4. 12 One commonmeasure of educationalquality is spending per pupil. (The few studies that are availabledo show a positiverelationshipbetweenper-pupilexpendituresand actuallevelsof achievement, after they controlledfor the influenceof family background.) Comparisonsof per-pupilspending across countriesand over time do suffer from validityproblems.9' Yet simplecomparisonsremain informative. Protecting Secondary Education Spending B4.13 Despitehard economictimes for many countriesduring over the 1980s,the subsector's budget has been well protected (unlike primary education). As shown in Figure 4.2, real spending per secondary-schoolteacher (for illustrativecountries)has remained constantor has increased since 1975. This analysisshould be completedfor a broader set of nations. But the sharp erosion in per-teacher spendingat the primary-educationlevel (in low-incomecountries)is not observedat the secondarylevel. Much of the subsector's budgetremainsdiscretionary-that is, not tied to teachersalaries. The share of spendingnot going to teachers (but allocatedinsteadto studenthousing, administration,the maintenance of facilities, and instructionalmaterials)does vary greatly amongcountries(Figure 4.3). And note that secondary-schoolspending per pupil has traditionally been higher than for primary-school pupils. Differentialsin unit costs betweenthe two subsectorsare substantialin some countries(Figure 4.4) B4.13 A recent study of 89 countries found that from 1960 to 1980, secondary-schoolspending has declinedin countrieswhosefertilityrates are moderateto high. On average, for each 10percent increase in the size of the (secondary)school-agecohort, per-pupilspendingwas 17 percent less (drivenby rising pupil:teacherratios). High fertility rates also cut into averagesalary levels, as the total salary bill failed to keep pace with the hiring of new teachers necessaryto cover the growth in enrollment. In short, traditional govermnent controlson the supply of secondary-schoolplacementswere stretchedby rising child populationsand social demand."
- 29 -
Figure 4.2. Ozangein RecurrentReal Spendingper Teacher (Index = 100 for 1975-78period) Real spendingindex 800
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -_-
Source: Unescodaza.Note: Spending figuresadjustadby World Tables priceimdcx. Hyper-inflationin Latin America precludes such calculations. Currency changes over the period may distort figures in Bangladesh andMalaysia.
Figure4.3. Teacher WageBill as Shareof RecurrentSpending % of totalsubsector spending 100 0o
Source:Unesco daat - 30 -
Figure4.4. Per Pupil Spendingon Primary and SecondaryEducation. IllustrativeCountries,1988 Recurrent Spending as % of GNP Per Capita 1.6 1.4 - -------------
1.2 - -------------
--------------------------- - -- - -- - -- - -- -- - -- - -- - -- -
1 - -- - -- -- -- - -- -
| PrimaryEducation * SecondaryEducation
Source: Unesco (1991) World Education Report
CAN GOVERNMENTCONTROL DEMANDFOR SECONDARYEDUCATION? B4. 14 Designersof policyprogramsoften assumethat the centralstate can influencethe level of family demandfor secondaryeducation. Basedon their Europeantraditions,colonialregimescloselycontrolled the supply and the quality of secondaryschools. Most postcolonialgovernmentshave retained central control of government-maintainedschools, although the proportionatesize of this type of secondary schoolis shrinkingin many countries. Where decentralizationschemesare delegatingmore authorityto provincial governments,or where private educationis being deregulated,the center's influence over school supply will likely diminish. B4. 15 Two empiricalquestionsare promptedby these trends: (1) What is the Government'sinfluence on school expansionrelative to other economicand institutionalforces (emanatingfrom firms, technical change, families, and competitionamongreligiousand ethnic groups)? Considerablehistoricalevidence is now availableon this questionfrom many different countries;and (2) [Area of Ignorance#9: When the capacityof the central governmentto moderate demandor shape educationalquality declines, what is its effects on educationalequity and effectivenessat the local level? Very little evidenceis available on this issue-a critical one if we seriously believethat public policies make a difference.]
When Can Government Effectively Influence the Pace of School Expansion? B4. 16 Under certainconditions,centralstateshavebeen able to hasten or limitthe growth of secondary education. Governmentcan address a variety of constraintsthat limit a family's capacity to enroll its children in secondaryschool-providing more (or fewer) school placementsand teachers, reducing (or increasing)private costs, or manipulatingopportunitycosts by regulatingyouth employment. The central state also caninfluencefamilypreferencesfor moreschoolingby legitimatingformal secondaryeducation as the higher-statuspath along which youths should travel. Postcolonial labor markets have been dominatedby employmentin government,white-collar,and semiskilledcommercialjobs-forms of work that government explicitly links to secondary education. And the government of many developing countriesaffectsthe labor structureby encouraginggrowthin public-sectoremployment,raw commodity exports, and urban forms of work in general.7 ' Government'sLimitedInnuence Over SocialDemand B4.17 Other economic and institutionalforces frequently counteractthe state's attemptsto alter the expansionof secondary-schoolenrollment.The influenceof theseforces dependson the history of central state control and on contemporaryconstraintsfacing governmentitself. For instance, where churches or municipalcouncilshave operated secondaryschoolsunder loose central regulations, enrollmentwill likely grow with fewer political constraints. Four major external forces have historically influenced secondaryenrollmentlevels: Familyeconomy,opportunitycosts, and socialcommitments. Families with higher incomes generally demand more schooling. Some important exceptions exist: where farms are particularlyproductive or labor demand in manufacturingpulls youthsout of school. In both cases, the opportunitycost of staying in school is too high.' Opportunitycosts and labor roles partially reflect socially constructed preferences-for instance, the 'social cost' of having a daughter with too much schooling. *
Labor demandsand technologicalchangein the wage sector. Proponentsof human capital modelsassume that technologicalchange and the demand for more highly skilledworkersdrive familydecision-makingand enrollmentgrowth. During early periods of commercialexpansion(when secondaryenrollmentrates were typically low in the West), technologicalchange did appear to spur family demand for secondary education.' But when technologicalchanges lag behind, the creation of low-skilledtrade and factory jobs suppresses enrollmentgrowth, as discussed earlier. Later, when entry into secondary school became a normative path for middle-classyouths, fluctuationsin aggregatelabor demand appearedto hold little influenceon expresseddemand.7 '
Competitionamong social groups. Under some conditions, competitionfor jobs among religious or ethnic groups will contribute to enrollment growth. This pattern can be observed in parts of Africa and south Asia, where governmentand Islamic schools vie for students. The central state may support, or simply be unable to regulate enrollment in, Koranic schools or more secularized Islamic schools.' The same competitiveprocess exists where Catholic or minoritylanguage groups seek to expand enrollmentin their own schools, independentof government controls. Especially when government can afford only a limited
- 32 -
numberof secondary-schoolplacements,churchesand other groups, competingfor wage jobs and social status, are likely to build their own schools. *
Theschool institution. Not surprisinglythe strongestpredictor of secondaryschool enrollment is growth in enrollment in primary schools. The spread of basic education sparks greater popular demand for secondaryschooling through two importantprocesses. First, as primary-schoolenrollmentbecomes universal, a school-leavingcertificate has little value in the job market. A junior-secondary certificatebecomes the more discriminatingcredential. Second, the educational levels of parents drives intergenerational preferences for more schooling, independentof fluctuationsin labor demand and economicforces.?6 Thus, more secondaryschoolingcontributes to the job-marketabilityand the social status of young graduates.
Does Popular Demand Always Outpace Secondary-SchoolSupply? B4.18 During the past decade, social demandfor secondaryschoolingappearsto be faltering in some cases. In parts of Indonesiaand Mali, for instance, enrollmentrates have leveled off or have declined in absolutenumbers. In eastAsia, where the labor demandfor youthshas grownsubstantiallyin certain urban areas, the opportunitycost of staying in secondaryschool has become quite high. The opposite situation exists in parts of sub-SaharanAfrica, where the number of wage-sectorjobs has shrunk. In more typical cases, the actual level of the 'pent up" demandfor secondaryschooling is difficult to estimate. Governmentmay closelycontrol the numberof Form 1 spaces, thereby dashing the hopes of familiesof getting their child into secondaryschool. Additionalresearchwould supportbetter estimates of the levels of excess demand. SUMMARY AND PRIORITY ISSUES B4.19 Patterns of social demandfor secondaryschoolingvary across regions and countries. Where enrollmentrates are low and fertility rates are high, popular demand will continueto climb. We are beginningto learn about how different governmentsare respondingto social demand-and how these responses shape equity and quality effects. Whether the central governmentis likely to moderate or hastenthe growth in enrollmenteffectivelyis an open question. Historicalevidencesuggeststhat the state can play a strong role, but only when economicand other institutionalforces are relativelyweak. Efforts to decentralizeor privatizesecondaryeducationwill likely weakencentralauthorityto shape the pace of enrollmentgrowth, to addressinequitiesin spendingand finance, and to raise educationalquality. Thus, the question is: along what functionsand lines of control should governmentdecentralize? 5. ISSUE C: HOW CAN SCHOOILSBE ORGANIZED EFFECTIVELY TO RAISE ACHIEVEMENT AMONG PUPILS? C5. 1 Governmentsand donorsspendmuchtime trying to sharpen the functionsof secondaryeducation and respondingto burgeoninglevels of social demand. Endless debatesaboutthe appropriatesize of the subsectorcontinue (see SectionIII). The third set of issues receivessurprisinglittle attention: How can we raise pupils' levels of achievement? Recent analysesreveal that the actual achievementlevels of youths do indeed lead to positive economicand social outcomes, as reviewed earlier. But what local factors withinschoolsand familiescontributeto greater learning? How cancentralGovernmentorganize, or provide incentivesfor, effectiveschools? Significantevidencefor primary schools is accumulating - 33 -
on these two issues.77 But we are just beginningto understandhow local factors and organizational practicesfrom the center can enhancethe effectivenessof secondaryschools. C5.2 These issues pertain to constraintsthat operate at two different organizationallevels. First, we discuss factors and processes which unfold locally-within classrooms, schools, local families, or communities. Second, we discuss how central policies and professional leaders might enhance the performanceof local teachers and pupils more effectively. Each level consistsof specific questions: Organizational Level 1: Classrooms, Schools, and Families *
What school factors contribute to effective schools, classrooms, and teachers? What investmentstrategies are more likely to yield gains in the achievementof pupils?
How can teachingpractices be improved (in a manner sensitive to socialization preferencesat the local level)? How can schools be organized more effectivelyto enhancethe professionalcommitmentof teachers?
How can the teachingof math and science be improved cost-effectively? What form of curriculain these areas is optimal(under different country contexts)?
Shouldsecondaryschoolsserve a predominatelyurban agenda? Do discontinuities betweenhome and school constrainachievementamongpupils?
OrganizationalLevel2: Central Policiesand Institutions How can managerial improvements at the center improve the quality and effectivenessof local schools? How can incentivesfor local headmasters and teachers be strengthened? How might threads of decentralizationyield gains in pupil achievementand advanceequity? *
How can the central government encourage local accountability and parental choice? Are private and single-genderschools more effective, and what are the organizationalforces that influenceachievementadvantages?
Do national examinationseffectively advancethe priority functions of secondary education-in terms of what is learned and how it is achieved within local classrooms? How can student selection processes and exams provide more appropriateincentivesfor stronger performanceamongteachers and pupils?
What are the major cost elements of secondary education? How can costs be containedwithout depressingachievementamong pupils? What are recent trends in teacher salary levels?
ORGANIZATIONALLEVEL 1: Raising the Effectivenessof Schoolsand Classrooms C5.3 What InvestmentsIncrease the Achievementof SecondarySchool Pupils? Much evidence has accumulatedon school-and classroom-relatedfactorsthat consistentlyraise pupil achievementwithin primary schools. One review found that, in general, the same types of inputs and human -34 -
resources-those associated directly with classroom instruction-are also related to achievementin secondaryschools: textbooks, exercisebooks, the length of the instructionalprogram, and the socialclass background, total years of schooling, and language proficiency of teachers. Symbols of quality-teacher salaries, the qualityof facilities, and the presenceof science labs-are not consistently related to greater achievement.' Effective inputs, of course, hold more or less influence on achievement,dependingupon specific countrycontexts. And where selectioninto secondary school is driven by the social class of adolescents,or where the subsectorhas highly stratifiedstreams, marginal improvementsin, for example, instructionalmaterialsmay have little effect on achievement.' C5.4 Recent research further supports the basic finding that inputs directly linked to classroom instructiontend to raise achievementlevels. Currentwork in Ghana, for instance, show that pupils do better in middleschoolsthat containmore chalkboards(after a variety of pupil backgroundvariablesand other school inputs are controlledfor). The Ghanastudy also disentanglesthose facets of school quality that encourageparents to keep their children in school for more years, versus those indicators that are related to greater achievement. For instance, the quality of classroomfacilitiesis related to length of schoolattendanceamongyouths,but not to achievementlevels(withinany one year). A Zimbabwestudy confirmedthat textbooks,teachertraining, and the stabilityof the school's staff are related to greater achievementamong pupils. These influentialelementsof quality vary systematicallyaccording to the status and (widelyvarying)levelsof governmentfinancingamongdifferent types of secondaryschools. The IEA "classroomenvironmentstudy" providesrich data on the pedagogicalpracticesof teachers in Nigeria, the Republicof Korea, andThailand. Teacher-centeredroutinestendto dominateclassroomlife. More complexformsof instruction(forexample,instructionalgrqups, lateraldiscussionsamongstudents, or analytic exercises)are rarely observed.' C5.5 Teaching Practices and Achievement. Researchersare beginningto focus on the sources of variability in classroomteaching, especiallywhy some teachers construct more complex pedagogical routines-by using a variety of instructionaltools, askingquestionsmore frequently,and structuringmore 1 In general, the pedagogicalscripts diverseways in which pupils interactwith materialand each other." of teachers in North Americanand European secondaryschoolsare not particularlycomplex. Initial comparativework indicatesthat teachers' script may even more routinizedand simple, at least in parts of east Asia and Sub-SaharanAfrica.' Conversely,natural variationdoes exist among teachers within particular countries. One investigationin Nigeria, for instance, focused on the patterns of verbal interaction between Form 3 pupils and teachers. Learning gains were higher among students whose teachers asked recall and probing (discussion)questions more frequently. Lecturing at youths was negativelycorrelated with achievement." One cross-nationalreview documentsvariation in teaching practiceswithincountries, and findsthat limitedpreservicetraininghelps boost pupil achievementwithin secondary schools.'3 A major policy issue is how this variation in teaching practices can be built upon-to encourageteachers to reflect criticallyon their own routines. [Area of Ignorance#10: Much workremainson buildingour understandingof howsecondary-schoolteachers go abouttheir work inside classrooms.] C5.6 Are Teachers Mobilizing Instructional Materials? Spendingon new curricularand instructional materialsis a major cost componentof secondaryeducation. Based in part on convincingresearch that shows the effects of textbooks,governmentsand donors have increased investmentsin basic materials. But do teachers actuallyuse these materialseffectively? (We must distinguishbetween the allocational efficiencyof buying more textbooksand the technical efficiencywith which these inputs are actually used.) A longitudinalstudy of Botswana's secondaryteachers reveals that their applicationof textbook material is highly variable and is often unimaginative-for instance, simply guiding sessions of oral recitation.' Similar evidence comes from a qualitativestudy of textbook use by Gambian teachers.
Teachers reported dissatisfactionin the supply available;a few also expressed concern about how the textbookconstrainedthe range of "legitimate"pedagogicalpractices.' C5.7 Social Rules of Classrooms and Curriculum. Evidencefrom the UnitedStatesshows that how pupils are grouped in classrooms can significantlyinfluence gains in achievement.' Yet very few descriptionsexistof how studentwork is organizedinsidesecondaryclassrooms. We do know that many classroomsin developingcountriesare not participatory,nor are studentsactivelyinvolvedin the lessons. Teachersmay demandthat pupils recall factualinformationbut rarely encouragethem to think through more complexideasor to tackleappliedproblems. In science, for instance, evidencefrom Africareveals how teachers place priority on memorizing terms in English, rather than on encouraging the comprehensionof actual processes.' Variation amongdifferent classroomsis significant, and it may be drivenby differencesin subject-matterand curriculartraditions (whichcould be manipulatedthrough policy and project interventions). For instance, one recent study found that pupils were more active in social studies classrooms,due to more activequestioningby teachers relative to math teachers in their classrooms.90
C5.8 Classroom Rules and Family Socialization. Project interventionsoften assume that teaching practicesin developingcountriesshouldresemble"effectiveteaching' in the West. It is possible that the Western school-an institutional form so pervasive and insular-can adopt universally effective pedagogical practices. But indigenousforms of socialization-and the expected social behavior of teachers and children-likely interact with the classroom's own norms to shape achievement. Recent evidencefrom Japan, for example,shows that middle-schoolteachers devote considerablymore time to lecturing at the entire class relative to teachers in the United States who assign more group work and silent exercisesby individualstudents. Note that, in Japan, 'lecturing' often involvesa greater variety of manipulativeexercises and engagingapplicationsthan in North America. Yet, within the Japanese cultural context, the Japaneseform of lecturingyields greater achievementthan the more varied social rules appliedby North Americanteachers." This differencemay be explainedin part by the traditional, more hierarchicalroles betweenadults and childrenin Japan relative to those in the United States. C5.9 The convergenceof or dissonancebetweenthe classroom's social rules and those of the family (or peer group) also help explainwhich youthspersist throughoutsecondaryschool and achieveat higher levels. In industrializedcountries, much is known about how peer groups develop norms that act in contradiction to the school's official norms and rewards.' [Area of Ignorance #11: We know surprisinglylittle in developingcountries about how such external cultural influences (from family or peers) encouragemany youths to leave school.) We do know that labor demandsand social obligations pull youthsout of secondaryschool, includingparents' expectationsthat teenagechildren will contribute to cash earnings, farm production,and the care of youngersiblings, or becomemarried. We know little abouthow adjustmentsin the form or contentof the conventionalsecondaryschoolmight counteractthese contradictionsY. C5.10 Gender Differences, Classroom Rules, and Family Socalization. Sharpculturalconflictsoften occur for young women who are attemptingto completesecondary school. The economicand social opportunitycosts of stayingin schoolcan be quitehigh. Youngwomen are often expectedto contribute to the householdeconomy, or to begin their own families. [Area of Ignorance#12: In many countries, the level of achievementand school completionamonggirls begins to declineduring thejunior-secondary years. We know little about the relative influence of family and school practices in explaining this marked decline in school performance relative to boys. We do know that curricular materials often portray females in traditional, subordinate roles." Initial empirical evidence from the United States suggests that male students speak out in class and are asked questions by the teacher more frequently (includingqueries of greater complexity).' In developingcountries, girls do at times outperformboys -
in languagesubjects,giventhe greater proportionof femaleteachers. Female studentsmay perceive that thesesubjectsare more legitimatesettingsfor higherachievement,modelingtheir performance after their femaleteachers.96 How Can Teachers' Skills and Professional Commitment Be Enhanced? C5. 11 Who Enters SecondaryTeaching? Very little is knownaboutthe backgrounds,aspirations,and motivationalfoundationsof youngpersonswho becomesecondary-schoolteachers. Some evidencealong these lines is available for primary school teachers.'' [Area of Ignorance #13: Where secondaryeducationsystemscontaindifferent streamsand types of schools,the backgroundsand qualificationsof teachers can vary substantially. Other than governmentnumbers on 'unqualified' teachers" or subject specialists, even basic demographicinformationor more detaileddata on skill levels is lacking.' C5.12 How Are Secondary School Teachers Selectedand Socialized? In many countries, teaching at the secondarylevel still holds significantstatus and pays a good salary. Little is knownwhetherthese basic incentivesare effectiveat attractingstrong graduatesinto the teachingoccupation. We could find no countrystudiesthat haveexaminedhowthe pool of applicantsto teacher-trainingprograms is changing over time. At the primarylevel, availabledata suggestthat teachingis not the first choice of occupation amongnew teacher-candidates.Is this situationthe samefor secondarygraduatesor university students who decide to enter secondary-levelteaching? We do know that the preservice training of secondary school teachers is very expensive, since it usually involves university-levelcourses. But do these expensiveincrementsof training generatestrongerpedagogicalskills?' C5. 13 Incentives to Raise Professional Commitment. [Area of Ignorance #14: The motivationand commitmentof teachers likely vary across different types of secondary schools-depending on the school's level of resources, the types of children it serves, and its cohesion and professionalnorms. Little evidenceis availableon the factorsthat motivatesecondary-schoolteachers.] Work at the primaryschoollevel suggeststhatthe followingincentivesare importantdeterminantsof professionalcommitment: e
Salariesare erodingin some countries,particularlyin south Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Again, cross-nationaldata on secondary-schoolteachers are lacking, and salarylevels vary within countriesaccordingto the type of school and stream. In some nations, the salaries of secondary-schoolteachers have not declined in real terms-certainly not to the extent felt by primary-school teachers (see data in Figure 4.2 in Section4).
Working conditionsin high-qualitysecondary schools are quite good. In other schools,teachersreport littlesupportfrom headmastersand colleagues,the absence of inservice training to upgrade their skills, and erratic supplies of instructional materials.l' Moves to decentralize education (for example, in China) or to privatize education call into question whether moving authority downward will spark stronger strategies for improvingworking conditionswithin schools.
Despite their status, secondary-schoolteachers typically report low feelings of efficacy or influence over their work. Teachers may be isolated in separate departments;they may be required to followthe curriculumprescribedby national syllabi and exams; and discussionabout how teaching practices can be improved or how knowledgeof subjectspecialtycanbe expandedis rare. One recent survey of teachers in eight countriesfoundmixed levelsof morale; most felt little control over their work. Less than half of all teachers surveyed said that they were - 37 -
importantactors in decidingwhetherstudentsadvancedthroughgrade levels. Only one-quarterreported that they had significantinfluenceover what they themselves taught.1 0 '
C5.14 Signs that teacher morale is low or mixed are plentiful in many countries. Two constraints, however, limit the capacity of central agenciesto attack low motivationand commitment. First, after teacher salaries, few recurrent resources are available to reward higher performance by meritorious teachers. Central ministries often have little experience in allowing local headmasters to establish incentivesfor outstandingteaching. We return to whether accountabilityand incentivesmight be more effectivewhen "allocated"by local actors, includingparents. C5.15 Second, the link betweenthe motivationof teachers and their teachingbehavioris not altogether clear. Alleged associationsbetweenhigher salaries and stronger pedagogicalpractices has rarely been evidenced(exceptto the extent that teachers with more schooling,and thus who are usuallyhigher paid, tend to be more effective). A recent studyof 350 secondaryteachers in Botswanafound that their overall job satisfactionincreasedif they receivedmore supervisionand feedbackfrom their headmaster,greater encouragementfrom parents and the community,and additionalinservice training. But none of these factors actuallyled to pedagogicalpracticesthat differed from those of teachers who were less satisfied with their work."a Teaching Science and Mathematics: The Search for Cost-EffectiveStrategies C5.16 Educatorshave long seen science and mathematicsinstructionas essential curricular elements. The World Bank recently completed a major study of science instruction in developing countries,
includingan examinationof alternativecurricularforms and their relative costs.l" The study concludes by urging governmentsand donorsto movecautiouslybefore increasingspendingon science instruction. As overall demand for secondary educationgrows, spending on science laboratories, materials, and teacher training also rise. The new Bank study puts forward several importantarguments: *
No country has achieved "basic science literacy" among all students. Many countriesattemptto spread scientificknowledgeto secondary-schoolpupils without a careful considerationof the content, priorities, and costs of these programs.
If the goal is to achieve a common understandingof scientific or technological approaches to problem-solving,effective, low-cost materials can be designed to avoid the unnecessaryexpenseof single-purposeclassroomlaboratories.
Managerialissues associatedwith designing,producing, and distributing complex science materials are often addressed inadequatelyby education ministries and donors.
Science teachers often are ill-prepared for delivering the curricular package intendedby well-intentioneddesigners. Experimentaland discovery elementsof curricula (which are expensive)are often swamped by conventionallectures and pedagogicalroutineswhen teachers find the curriculumtoo complex.
C5.17 Sciencecurricula can serve importantfunctions: providing studentswith an empirical approach for problem-solving; acquainting them with innovations associated with agricultural and rural development; sensitizing them to pressing problems in their natural environment and to the fragile ecologicalbalancesurroundingthem; or introducingthem to novelsocial practicespertaining to health, -
nutrition,and familyplanning. The WorldBank studydiscussesstrategiesfor how governments,private educators,and donorscan examineand assess these alternativeobjectives,and then design realisticand cost-effectiveinstructionalstrategies. C5. 18 Less researchhas beenundertakenon how nathematicsinstructionunfoldsin classrooms. Initial evidencesuggeststhat math teachers are better trained and displaymore complexpedagogicalpractices, encouragingstudentexercises,themanipulationof materialcontainedin textbooks,and practicalproblemsolving." As with science, debate persists about whether math courses should emphasizeacademic objectives(linkedto national examinations)or be brought into line with the practical problems facing young adults. Gender inequitiesassociatedwith the study of math and science in secondaryschoolsare common. How this problem can be addressedeffectively-via policy or project interventions-has yet 05 To date, the antecedentissue-how girls can be kept in schools-has eclipsed studies been resolved." of how courses of study can be pursued equitablyby female and male pupils (in turn, enhancing universityand labor-forceoutcomesfor youngwomen). ORGANIZATIONALLEVEL 2: POLICIES AND MANAGERIALSTRATEGIES FOR ENHANCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF SCHOOLS C5.19 Many teachers receive immediate professional feedback from their headmaster or school colleagues. These networks of encouragementmust be built among teachers and the school-level managers with whom they interact each day. Yet teachers and headmasters work within a broader organizationalstructure-often mechanicalinstitutionalpressuresthat emphasizeteachingsubjectmatter specificto the nationalexam, followingroutinizedteachingscripts, and abidingby the dictatesof school inspectorsand district educationofficers. Whether this broader organizationalstructure can encourage teachersto reflecton how they teach, and stimulatethem to constructmore engagingforms of pedagogy, remains an open question. C5.20 In both industrializedand developingcountriespoliticaland civic leaders increasinglyargue that this bureaucraticschoolstructurerarely empowerslocal headmastersor promptsteachersto improvetheir practices. Thus, recent debate has focused on whether central managementshould be improved or whether schoolsshould be decentralizedinto free marketsof public and private schools. Central Management Improvements C5.21 Organizational Supports for Schoolimprovement. Studiesof the effectivenessof local schools often point to organizationalforces that operate beyond individualschools: (1) how headmasters are chosen and how their performance is evaluated; (2) the role of school inspectors,either as coachesfor school improvementor as traditionalmonitors of school records and inputs; (3) the effectivenesswith which essentialinstructionalmaterials, staff positions, and paychecksare distributedto schools; (4) the frequencyof staff turnover,especiallykey teacherswhobuild and reinforcea feelingof camaraderieover time; and (5) whetherpaths for professionaladvancementare clear and supportedby ongoing training programs."* C5.22 Organizing Infrastructure of Schools at the Central and Local Levels. The organizational supports to improve schools, shaped by different levels of the system, may help enhancethe motivation and performance of teachers. But what are the actual effects of these organizationalsupports on the achievementof students? Clearcases in which this basic infrastructurebreaks down are available,where teachers fail to show up for work, headmastersspend much time going to town in search of books and searching for paychecks. [Area of Ignorance#15: Whether infrastructureswould be strengthenedby - 39 -
decentralizationor privatizationremains a large questionuninformedby evidence.] We do know that religiousschools,infusedwith commonvaluesand commitmentsamongstaff membersand parents, often construct strong local infrastructures. Whether these models can be replicated across other forms of nongovernment schooling is unknown; empirical evidence on these related issues is scarce in both industrializedand developingcountries. C5.23 National Exams as a Manipulable Policy Lever? Two centralizedmechanismshave long been tools for improving schools: national syllabi and examinations. Even governments that advocate privatization argue that centralized exams can play a strong role in: (1) unifying (some claim, homogenizing)the curriculum;and (2) providingfeedbackto schoolsand teachers on their measurable performance. Notably, current school reform initiativesin the Englandand the United Statespush for decentralizing school inputs while advocatinga stronger centralizationof examinationsand a "core curriculum." The strategyis to push for centraluniformityof achievementoutcomes, whilemaximizing local choice abouthow school inputs are organized. C5.24 In developingcountries, manygovernmentsare attackingseveral issues associatedwith national examinations. Theseefforts seekto: (1) encourageteachers to addresshigher-ordercognitiveskills, not just rote memorization;(2) mitigatebiases in the contentof examswhich work againstlanguage-minority groups; (3) move beyond assessingknowledgethat is applicableonly to urban settings; and (4) improve the efficiencywith which examsare administered,whilestill encompassinga range of cognitive skills. Some governments, such as China, are striving to alter conventionalforms of their exams, or to decentralize assessmentresponsibilitiesto local educationagencies. National examinationsare often developedanew each year. Thus, examresults cannotbe used as an assessmenttool, but merely, as is typical, as a selectiondevice. Few governmentscan thendeterminewith any technicalvalidityhow well local schoolsand teachers are doing from year to year. An enormouslevel of technicalassistancein the assessmentfield is necessary.Y" C5.25 Benefits from CentralizedReformEfforts? Initiativesto boost the effectivenessof schools are usuallymountedby central agencies. Beforejumpingto decentralizedremediesas the new panacea, we might take stock of empiricalevidenceabout the effectsof centralizedefforts:' Building suppornivelocal organizationsfor teachers. Several countries have undertakencentrallyguided effortsto establish,for instance, school clusters. The extentto whichschool-clusterarrangementsactuallycontrolbudgetresources, offer amongteachers, and involveparentsvaries. The training and information-exchange inspectoratesof some countries also are attemptingto emphasizea "pedagogical counselor' role. West Africancountrieshave a long history with the strengthand limitationsof this approachto local support. Given the infrequencyof professional inservice training for teachers (in public and private sectors), some form of collaborationamongproximateschoolsis desirable. What is the central state's role in helping organizethese forms of professionalsupport?'° Length of instructionalprogram and the intended curriculum. Recent research suggeststhat Japanesechildren outperformpupils (in math) in other countries due to: (1) a longer school year; and (2) a centrally "controlled' curriculum which requires that Japaneseteachers cover more topics than those offered in secondary
This section is greatly informedby David P. Baker'sreview of organizationalissues, 'Effective Secondary Education: WhatIs Possible in DevelopingCountries?'CatholicUniversity,Washington,D.C., 1991. - 40-
schools in Europe and the United States. Japanese teachers appear to use instructionaltime more effectively,perhaps yieldingstronger achievementeffects than gains attributed specificallyto the gross length of the school year. U.S. childrenlearnaboutthe sameshare of what is taughtas do Japanesechildren. U.S. teachers simply cover much less material. Beyond Japan, more centralized educationalsystemsin generalrequire that moretopics (at least in mathematics)be covered.109
The control of selectionpoints and sorting. Several countries are beginning to reduce the number of selectionpoints. For instance, the incorporationof juniorsecondaryforms into the basic educationcycle-accompanied by the elimination of the primary-schoolleavingexam-sharply increasesthe transition rate between primary and secondaryschool. Similarly, several countries have abolishedthe junior certificateexam. Recent work suggests that movement away from these sequential selection points may enhance the involvement of parents in their children'sschool work, sinceprogressthrough schoolis tied less to these selection hurdles."'
Equitable distributionof achievement. By controllingthe national curriculum, topics and pace of instruction, and selectionprocesses, centralizedsystems can theoreticallycontrol large variationsin achievement. Work from Japan confirms this claim, although similar achievementlevels among children can also be attributed to a cultural tradition of encouraging the enhancement of group performance(as opposedto Westernemphasison individualisticcompetitionamong students),not causedsimplyby centralpolicy."'
Links betweenlabordemandand secondaryeducation. Whereaccessto wagelabor is more accessibleamongyoungwomen, femalepupilstend to displayhigher levels of educationalattaimment.In addition,unequalschool achievementin mathematics is relatedto genderinequitiesin the labor structure. Where accessto technicaljobs is not gender-biased,femalepupils are representedmoreadequatelyin math courses 2 Central states can influence labor rules in ways (in lhailand, for example).11 which reduce gender inequities. It appears that such measures could directly influencegirls' levelsof school attainment.
C5.26 Conversely, opponents of central regulation argue that state controls will merely erode the motivationof teachers, lower achievementamongpupils, and limitthe abilityof parents to influencetheir local schools. We now discusslocal choice, beginningwith this question:Do private schools, variously defined, yield greater achievementamongpupils than public schools, and why? Private and Single-GenderSchools: More EffectiveForms of SecondaryEducation? C5.27 Rising disaffectionwith uniformand homogenoussecondaryschoolshas sparked interest in more innovative,less secularforms of schooling. The budgetaryconstraintsof manycentralgovernmentshave kindled this interest further. The current debate focuses on whether private or single-genderschools (governmentor private) are more effectiveat increasingstudentachievementoverall or the achievement of certaingroups (working-classor femalepupils). Early evidencefrom the United Statesand Australia suggeststhat certainprivate schoolsmaybe more effective,afterthe effectsof pupils' family background are controlledfor. For Catholicschoolsin the UnitedStates,the magnitudesof these differences are not large, in part because pupils learn very little overall in many secondary schools."3 Findings on -41
absolute gains in achievementin some sets of private and single-gender schools in some developing countriesare more encouraging. C5.28 Variation in the Quality of Private Schools. Defininga single "private school subsector" is problematic in most countries, since the pupils served and the quality of education provided by nongovernmentschools often vary dramatically. Nongovernmentschools in Tanzania, for example, include village-built "bush schools," long-standingchurch academies, and even schools started by municipalcouncilsthat are not supportedby the central government.11' Becauseaccess to government secondaryschools is limited, a significantprivate-schoolsubsectorhas sprouted, serving one-thirdof all pupils. In Mexico City, private schools whose quality is highly variable serve youths from 15 In Colombia, the quality of private secondary correspondinglydiverse social-classbackgrounds.' schoolsis generallylower thanthe qualityof governmentschools,and serve youthsfrom poorer families. In contrast, the family background of pupils who attend Tanzanian private schools does not differ 1 ' [Areaof Ignorance#16: Only a few thorough descriptionsexist of how the quality and significantly." character of nongovernmentschools may differ from those of conventionalsecondary institutions."' In most countries,even basic data on diverselevels of quality and types of studentsserved are scarce.] C5.29 How Effective are Private Schools in DevelopingCountries? Evidence is just beginningto emerge to answer this question, includingresearch on primary and secondary schools. For example, focusing on math achievementamongjunior-secondarypupils in the Dominican Republic, researchers found that, after differencesin youths' entry characteristicsare controlledfor, students in two types of private schoolsoutperformedgovernment-schoolpupils. This gap in achievementlevels was explained partly by the existenceof better trainedteachers. The major influencestemmedfrom a peer effect; that is, especiallyin elite private schools, classroomsin which individualshad higher average pre-test scores also showed higher post-test scores among the pupils (after their family backgroundwas controlled for)."' Following Chile's decision to provide capitation grants to private schools, the number of primary and secondaryinstitutionsdid increasesharply. But the performanceof students in these newer private schools does not exceed the achievementof government-schoolpupils, after family background is held constant. Children from poor familiesactuallyperformedbetter in public primary schools than did those who attendedprivate schools. Similarresults are reportedfrom Uruguay, suggestingthat the private sector may provide inferior schoolingto childrenfrom poorer families."9 C5.30 Less evidenceis available on why private schools are sometimes more effective than public schools. In the United States, we do know that Catholic-schoolstudents enroll in more challenging academic courses than do pupils who attend public schools."2 It also appears that teachers and managers in church-sponsoredschools share a core set of social values and educational goals (often missing in large secular schools). In turn, teachers report feeling a greater sense of control over their work. They more frequentlyfeel that their effort makes a difference in enhancing achievementamong 21 This school-cohesionargument also helps explain why girls sometimesdo better in singlepupils." gender schools, as found in a recent study of mathematicsachievementin Nigeria. In single-gender schools, girls were taught (in mathematics)more frequentlyby femaleteachers and held fewer genderbased stereotypes about who does well in math, compared with both boys and girls who attended 1 [Area of Ignorance #17: Future work should more clearly focus coeducationalsecondaryschools.' schoolsare sometimesmore effectiveand why they are often single-gender or private why on explaining times not.] Initial findings which show that poor youths perform worse in private schools suggestthat unrestrictedgrowth of low-qualityprivate schools will reinforce social-classinequities. C5.31 Early research has been undertakenon differences in how central governments subsidize and regulatethe private-schoolsector. Wheredemandfor secondaryschoolingis high and governmentsupply is low, private schoolsoften flourish with little or no public subsidies. In middle-incomecountries, in - 42 -
which the costs of instruction and teacher salaries rise along with subsidies for public schools, governmentgrants may be necessaryto ensure thatprivate-schoolprices remain competitiveand that at least minimalstandardsof qualityaremaintained. Manydevelopingcountrieshave partially incorporated nongovernmentschoolsby providingteachers or instructionalmaterials,requiring that the schools cover the nationalcurriculum, and allowingprivate graduatesto sit for nationalexams.'23 SUMMARYAND PRIORITY ISSUES C5.32 Issues associatedwith the educationalquality of and the effectivenessof secondaryschools are more complexthan those associatedwith the same characteristicsof primary schools. Governmentseven in low-incomecountries,where the quality of primary-schoolshas erodedduring the past decade, have protected their high-quality, well-funded secondary schools. The primary issues associated with secondaryeducationpertain to: (1) highly unevenquality amongdifferent layers of public and private schools; and (2) inequities in who benefits from quality schooling, thereby reinforcing social-class inequalityand distortingmeritocratic(school and labor-force)incentives. Policydiscussionsmight start at the school level, focusing on the motivation and skills of teachers. Then, moving up from school headmastersto local educationoffices, and to the central ministry, we must rethink current spending allocations,including relative spendinglevels for instructionalmaterials, inservice training and salary incrementsfor teachers, and even locally allocatedincentivesfor high-performingteachers. A related policyquestionis whetherdonors shouldfocus greater attentionon helping governmentsderegulate and assist the private subsector, especiallywhen these schools are serving low-incomefamilies or groups underrepresentedin governmentschools(youngwomenand languageminorities). We knowmuch about the typesof changesin school-levelorganizationthat canspark greater commitmentamongteachers. But as the diversityof both governmentand private secondaryschoolswidens, we have much to learn about how the centralstate's role might be adjustedto enhance improvementsin schools at the local level. 6. ISSUE D: EFFECTIVE CENTRAL MANAGEMENTOF THE COSTS OF SECONDARYEDUCATION AND CURRICULAR STREAMS D6.1 Most public secondary schools are expensive to operate. Teachers command reasonably competitivesalaries. Instructionalmaterials are in fairly good supply. Facilities-both capital and recurrent maintenancecosts-are substantial,particularly when boardingfacilities are subsidized. The final set of issues focuses on how these costs can be containedand how resources can be conservedfor more effective investments: *
How can major cost itemswithin secondaryeducationbe contained? What trends characterize the costs associated with teacher salaries, instructional materials, teacher training, and administration?
How canhigh-coststreamsand programsbe made more effectiveor reducedin size where disappointingeffectsdo not justify the cost? We focuson preserviceteacher training programs and vocational tracks often contained within the secondary subsector.
What is the potential for low-cost, mass tracks, such as distance educationand so forth.
- 43 -
THE COST OF HUMAN RESOURCES Teacher Salaries D6.2 This componentcomprisesthe major cost item,althoughit representsa smallerproportionof total spendingthan is found in primary education(as shown earlier in Figure 4.4). We have already shown that total subsectorspendingper teacher is holdingsteady (in real terms) in many countries. Thus, the real earningsof teachers in the subsectorare not erodingin general. However, wages are decliningin some low-incomecountriesrelativeto other laborsectors and aggregateearnings. One recent study from sub-SaharanAfricafoundthat real prices for hiringsecondaryteachershave fallen in recent years (Figure 6.1).124
AdministrativeCosts D6.4 This cost componentis oftenhigher for secondaryeducationthan for primary education. Data from the Ministryof Educationof Hungary recentlyrevealedthat almostone-thirdof all school staff are administrators. We have already pointed out that the share of secondaryschool spending allocated to teacher salaries varies considerably-from just 40 percent in Botswanaand Tanzania to over 80 percent in India, Malaysia, and Peru (see Figure 4.3 earlier). This range suggests that expenditures on administration,materials,andboardingsubsidiesareconsiderable. [Areaof lgnorance#18: Specificdata on spending for administrativestaff are difficultto find, especiallyfor trends over time. Additional subsectoralwork might focus on this topic, and suggesthow these more discretionaryresources could be more effectivelyspent at the school level.] Figure 6.1. Relative Pricesof SecondaryTeacher (per TeacherSpending), 1960-1980
Current spendingper teacher/ GNPper adult 40
0 _7 = 1960
1965 Tanzania Algeria
+ Cate d'lvoire * Kenya Singapore
Source: Schultz, T.P. (1989) School Expenditures and Enrollments -U44-
EfficientResponses to Social Demand D6.5 Pupil:teacherratios remain relatively low at the secondarylevel. Incrementalincreases would yield substantialcost-savingsand wouldnot likely diminishachievementlevels amongpupils (see Figure 2.5 earlier). Other cost-effectiveways to accommodateincreasing enrollmentare available. Current policy programsfocus, for example,on increasingcost-recoveryfor boardingfacilities. Many countries havenow movedfrom traditionalpracticeby admitting"day students" intoschoolsthat previouslyserved only boardingstudents. Double-shiftingis commonat the primary-schoollevel, and declines in pupil achievementhave yet been observed."t Little is known about the impact of scholarshipsfor female pupils. THE COST OF DIVERSIFIEDCURRICULARSTREAMS D6.6 Diversifyingsecondary-education curricularemainsa temptingreform. It signalsto working-class and rural parents that the secondaryschool is not training exclusivelyyouths to fit urban, white-collar jobs. Yet seriousvocationalizationof the curriculumis very expensive. Figure 6.2 displaysthe relative unit costs of general-academic,agricultural,and technicalcurricula for five illustrativecountries. In all five cases (for which solid cost data are available)general secondarycurriculaare the least expensive. Curricularprogramsthat containindustrialor agriculturalcourses can be 50 percent more expensiveper pupil, and the labor-marketperformanceof their graduatesis indistinguishablefrom the performanceof graduatesfrom generalsecondaryeducation. Figure 6.2. Secondary Curnicula: Relative Unit Costs (1980s)
Unit Cost Index 250
Colombia Tanzania Malaysia
General* Agriculture Industrial
Source: Psacharopoulos, G. (1986). To Vocationalizeor Not
The Quality and Cost-Effectivenessof Vocational Training Within Secondary Schools D6.7 The WorldBank's recent reviewof vocationaltraining providesfurther evidenceof the high cost of diversifiedsecondary and separate vocationalschools (serving pupils directly in primary or juniorsecondaryschools). Rarely have these programs been cost-effective-only when the cost of instruction is kept comparableto academic instruction,when the contentof programs respondsflexibly to shifts in labor demand, and when growth in labor demand is sustained over long periods of time. Of course, meetingthese conditionsis difficultgiven the institutionalrigiditiesof most vocationalprograms at the secondary level.'2I
D6.8 The Bank's analysisconcludeswith several importantpolicy guidelines: (1) that investmentin flexibleand skilledworkersis importantfor industrialwagejobs, agriculture,and small-scaleenterprises; (2) that both private employers and the public sector should play a role in raising the quality of the workforce; (3) that, in many cases, training withinspecific enterprises,financed by private resources, is the most efficient form of human capital investment; and (4) that focusing public investmenton improvingthe quality of primary and general secondary educationis frequently a more cost-effective strategy than creatingseparatevocationaltracks. Making Curricula More Inclusiveand Practical D6.9 Giventhe high cost of diversifyingcurriculartracks, governmentsare searchingfor waysto make the contentof secondaryschoolingmore 'practical." Attemptingto do so is difficult:govermnentsmust often changethe visiblecharacterof curricularmaterials(for example,'prevocationalcurricula') or move to clear academicand vocationalstreams. These demandsare particularlyacute in the presence of high underemploymentamong graduates. [Area of Ignorance#19: Donors have not been well equipped to advise governmentson how curriculacan be linkedto practical concernswhile the costs associatedwith diversificationare minimized.] This major area is worthy of future analysisand policy dialogue. HIGH-COST PRESERVICE TEACIIER-TRAINING PROGRAMS How Effective is Preservice Teacher Training? D6. 10 Governmentsand donorsspend enormousresources on buildingand supportingteacher training colleges or on secondary-schoolprograms that prepare pupils for the teachingprofession. We assume that preservicetraining makes a difference, and that programs are constructedcost-effectively. But the effectivenessof classroomteachersdependsfirst on a broad rangeof school-leveland institutionalfactors, not only on the particular skills providedthrough formnaltraining. The status of teaching and incentives must be sufficientto ensure that capableyoung persons are attracted to the occupation,that they show up at schools and are committed, and that they are encouragedby school headmastersto improve their pedagogicalpractices. D6.11 Assuming that these contextual conditions are met, is variation in the length and quality of preservice training a determinant of the performance of teachers and the achievementof their pupils? Then, if preservice training does make a difference, what type and location of training is most costeffective? The World Bank's recent study of primary educationaddressed these two issues in some depth.2' At the secondary level, these questions pertain to the subsector's own role in preparing primary school teachers and to how secondaryteachers can be trained more effectively.
D6. 12 Researchin several countriesindicatesthat the total lengthof postprimaryschoolingattainedby teachers is related to their pupils' own achievement. Similarly,the verbal proficiency of teachers is related to higher performanceamongpupils, after the influenceof pupil backgroundand school inputs is controlledfor. But a discrete effect from the time spent in a teachertraining college (as opposed to longer general secondary schooling)is not consistentlyobserved. Recent work in Zimbabwe, for instance, found significantlyhigher levels of achievementamong for secondary-schoolpupils whose teachers were more highly trained. No such effect was observed in recent studies of junior-secondary teachers in Botswana and Ghana."' In addition, a richer mix of school inputs (textbooksand teacher guides) sometimessubstitutefor low levels of training, yieldingcomparablegains in achievement."2 The High Cost of PreserviceTraining D6.13 Teachertraining streamsmust be addressedunder any policy effortto containsubsectoralcosts. These streamsare very expensive. Figure 6.3 illustratesthe high recurrent cost of separate preservice training programs, as a multipleof general secondary-schoolcosts. For instance, the per-pupil cost of teacher trainingcolleges (TrCs) equals25 times the per-pupilcost of generalsecondaryschooling. The burden should be on governmentofficials and donor project-designersto demonstratethat TTC-based training wouldbe cost-effectivegiven the inconsistentevidencethat it is more effectivethen extending the time spent in secondaryschool amongyoungteacher candidates. Nor are commonpolicy moves to lengthenTTCprograms alwaysdefensible. Recurrentcoststhat are alreadyhigh increaseby 50 percent when programs increase from two to three years. Commensurategains in teaching effectiveness are questionable.
Figure 6.3. Cost of PreserviceTeacherTrainingPrograms. illustrativeCountries School Preservice TrainingCostas Multipleof GeneralSecondary 30
25 _________________ -______----___ -----
20 _________________ -______----___ -----
t5 _________________ -_____-----____-----
20--___________ I10 - -_____---____----
in DevelopingCountries primryEducation Vernpoor (l99l). Improving Source:Lowdcbecdand
- 47 -
How to Raise the Quality of Teachers Cost-Effectively D6.14 If the expansionof TTC programs is found not to be either effectiveor efficient, then how can teacher-trainingstreams be improved? One option is to attract young teacher candidates with longer periods of senior secondaryschooling. The effectivenessand cost of this policy strategy depends on the existence of alternativejob prospects for graduates and wage-differentialsin the teaching service. Whether the socializationof teachercandidatestoward professionalnorms and practicescan be addressed outside expensive 'rTCs is an issue that has not been addressed seriously (either operationally or via careful research). Overall salary increasesfor newteachers is a commonstrategy for raising the status of teaching. But little evidenceexists that this strategyactually enhancesthe effectivenessof teachers. In some countries,governmentsand donorsareturningto inservicetraining of secondaryschool teachers, oftenlinked to curricularreform efforts. But little evidenceexists to substantiatethe claimthat sporadic teacherworkshopsgeneratelong-termchangesin thebehaviorof teachersor gains in achievementamong pupils. Evaluationsof these expensiveprogramsare often absent or are of poor quality. GenderInequitiesin Teaching Opportunities? D6.15 Secondary-schoolteachingjobs have historicallygone to men-even as primary-schoolteaching has become a female-dominated occupation. In most developing countries, women remain underrepresentedamongsecondary-schoolteachers (Figure 6.4). Females comprisejust 15 percent of all secondaryteachers in Senegal;30 percentin China; and 41 percent in Ecuador. In contrast, in much of Latin America, the majorityof teachers are women, presumablybecause strong growth in the wage sector has lured youngmen awayfrom the teachingoccupation. [Area of Ignorance#20: One fascinating policy and research question is whether the increasingfeminizationof teaching leads to more equal secondary-schoolenrollmentamong female pupils.] Initial evidence suggests that female pupils do perform better in subjectsdominatedby femaleteachers, often languagecourses.lw Figure 6.4. Female SecondarySchoolTeachers. IllustrativeCountries,1980-1988 % SecondarySchoolTeachers,Female 70
40________________-…-_- _ 30
Source: Unexco (1991). World EducationRcport
SUMMARYAND PRIORITY ISSUES D6.16 Strongefforts to conserveresourceswithinthe secondary-educationsubsector are required if (1) basic educationsystemsare to improveand grow incrementally,and (2) the quality of secondaryschools is to be distributedmore equitably. Severalavenuesare availablefor conservingresources and containing costs. First, teachersalariesat the secondary-schoollevel havefared well in many developingcountries. Anypolicyto increasesalariesshouldbe precededby carefulstudy of trends in real earningsand whether increases would indeed lure stronger teacher candidates. Second, savings may be available if the proportionof recurrent spending on administrationwere reduced. Third, preservice teacher training programs should be evaluatedcarefullyto determinewhetherhigh costs are justified by the magnitude of the effectsof teachers' skills on pupil achievement. Fourth, many countriesnow have a wealth of experiencewith cost-effectiveresponsesto social demand-for example,distance-educationschemes. It is time that we carefullyassess the achievementand equityeffectsof these innovations,includingthe labor-force outcomes experienced by graduates. Finally, debate continues about the wisdom and efficiencyof diversifiedcurricula. Donors can do more to encouragecurricularmodels that emphasize locallyrelevantmaterialswhileavoidingunjustifiablyhigh instructionalcosts. 7. SUMMARY: POLICY ANDINSTITUrIONAL PRIORITIES E7.1 This paper has attempted to: (1) capture and describe the major issues facing secondary education;and (2) identifyfundamentalareas of ignorance-where policy guidance will be sound only if preceded by careful research and programevaluation. We have arguedthat operationaland analytic efforts should focus on four sets of issues: Positioning the subsector more carefily-adjusting its size, functions, and aims-to achievecountry-specificeconomicand social goals more directly. *
Responding to nsingpopular demand through a variety of school institutions, whethergovernment-fundedor private. Any drift toward market remedies should be accompaniedby a careful analysisof: (1) how the quality of schools varies across streams and public/privatesubsectors; and (2) what types of familiesare benefittingfrom higher-qualitysecondaryschools?
Policiesand projectsto enhance the effectivenessof teachers and schools can be informed by accumulatingempirical evidenceon the investments that are more likely to be effective. In contrast,as the diversityof secondaryschoolwidens, how centralgovernmentcan encouragelocal school improvementsis an unchartedarea. The qualityand learning effectsof low-costsecondaryschemesrequires immediate analyticattention-otherwise, these optionswill remain second-rateand illusory.
Resources must be freed within the education budget if: (1) the quality of secondaryschoolsis to be distributedmore equitably;and (2) the improvementsin basic educationto which many governmentsand donors are committedare to be realized. Resources can be conserved by containing the costs of expensive streams and budgetary elements. The burden should be on preservice teacher training programs and diversified schools to substantiatetheir cost-effectiveness. Currentspendingon expensiveauxiliaryitems, peripheralto teachers and classroom instruction, shouldbe questioned.
ANNEX 1. SUGGESTED RESEARCH: SUMMARY OF AREAS OF IGNORANCE
Area of Ignorance#1: We have few descriptionsof the types of secondaryschoolingthat seek to serve familiesand youths who work outsidethe wage sector. Area of Ignorance#2: We know very little about how moral-spiritualtopics are taught in secondary schools and whether their teaching influences organizational cohesion and student achievement, as suggestedby initial work on Catholicschools in the United Statesand secularizedIslamic schools. Area of Ignorance#3: We know little aboutthe cost-effectivenessof youth service programs that have operated for some time in many developingcountries. Area of Ignorance#4: Additionalresearch in other developingcountriesmust be undertakento inform the heatedpolicy debates about whethersecondaryeducationcan truly broaden equity. Area of Ignorance#5: As labor structuresand capitalinvestmenthavestagnatedin low-incomecountries during the past two decades,more researchis required to understandthe specific influenceof secondaryschool expansionon income inequality. Area of Ignorance#6: Much is to be learned abouthow family and institutionalfactors operate among different countriesand secondary-schoolsystems (varyingin their size, selectivity,tracks, and quality). Area of Ignorance#7: We must learn muchmore aboutthe cost-effectivenessof how low-costforms of secondaryeducationeffect actualachievementlevels. Area of Ignorance#8: A pressing issue is how quality and its components(per-pupilspending levels, the qualityof teachers, and instructionalmaterials)are distributedamongdifferentschools. Few data are available-even on per-pupil spendinglevels-across differentforms of secondaryschooling,or between the public and private sectors. Area of Ignorance #9: When the capacity of the central government to moderate demand or shape educationalquality declines, what is its effectson educationalequity and effectivenessat the local level? Very little evidenceis availableon this issue-a critical one if we seriously believethat public policies make a difference. Area of Ignorance#10: Much work remainson building our understandingof how secondary-school teachersgo about their work inside classrooms. Area of Ignorance#11: We know surprisingly little in developingcountries about how such external culturalinfluences(from family or peers) encourage many youthsto leave school. Area of Ignorance#12: In many countries,the level of achievementand school completionamonggirls begins to declineduring the junior-secondaryyears. We knowlittle aboutthe relative influenceof family and school practicesin explainingthis marked decline in school performance relative to boys. Area of Ignorance #13: Where secondary education systems contain different streams and types of schools, the backgroundsand qualificationsof teachers can vary substantially. Other than government numbers on 'unqualified' teachers' or subject specialists,even basic demographicinformationor more detailed data on skill levels of teachers is lacking.
Area of Ignorance#14: The motivationand commitmentof teachers likely vary across different types of secondaryschools-depending on the school's level of resources, the types of children it serves, and its cohesionand professionalnorms. Little evidenceis availableon the factorsthat motivatesecondaryschool teachers. Area of Ignorance #15: Whether infrastructures would be strengthened by decentralization or privatizationremains a large questionuninformedby evidence. Area of Ignorance #16: Only a few thorough descriptionsexist of how the quality and character of nongovernnentschoolsmaydiffer from those of conventionalsecondaryinstitutions. In most countries, even basic data on diverselevels of quality and types of studentsserved are scarce. Area of Ignorance#17: Future work should more clearlyfocus on explainingwhy private or single-sex schools are sometimesmore effectiveand why they are often times not. Area of Ignorance#18: Specificdataon spendingfor administrativestaff are difficultto find, especially for trends over time. Additionalsubsectoralwork mightfocus on this topic, and suggesthow thesemore discretionaryresources couldbe spent more effectivelyat the school level. Area of Ignorance#19: Donors have not been well equippedto advise governmentson how curricula can be linked to practicalconcernswhilethe costs associatedwith diversificationare minimized. Area of Ignorance #20: Initial evidence suggests that female pupils do perform better in subjects dominatedby femaleteachers, often languagecourses. One fascinatingpolicy and research questionis whetherthe increasingfeminizationof teachingleadsto more equal secondary-schoolenrollmentamong femalepupils.
ANNEX 2. ENDNOTES 1.
Several practitioners, Bank staff rnembers, and university analysts took the time to comment on this paper or contributed their current operAtionalor research papers, includingOebele Bruinsma,Nat Colletta,William Cummings,BirgerFredriksen,Torsten Husen, Estclle James, Noel McGinn, Merry Merryfield, Fcrnando Rcimers, Abby Riddell, Barbara Searle, D.G. Swift, Nelly Stromquist, and Don Warwick.
Our basic definitionsof effectivenessare as follows. An 'effective school' is one that enhancesthe learning potential of pupils, independently of children's family background. More 'efficient schools' are those that boost achievement at lower cost. *Higher quality schools' are those that demonstrate higher effectiveness: they possess resources, instructional materials, and teachers who can raise achievement, after variability in the a priori fanily background of childrcn is accounted for. Of course, the form and charactcr of preferred Iearningand socializationmay vary sharply across societies and local communities.
Middleton, J., A. Ziderman, and A.V. Adams (1990). Skills for Productivity:Policies for Vocational Education and Traininz in Develoving Countries, WashingtonD.C.: World Bank, PHREE (draft manuscript); and World Bank (1991), Vocational and Technical Education and Training: A World Bank Policy Paner, Washington, D.C.
The passage of compulsory attendancelaws has historicallyfollowed the rise of school enrollments. Many developingcountries, after gaining indepcndence,have passed mandatory attendancerules. But the direct effects on social demand are questionable. See Ramircz, F., and M. Ventrcsca (1992), Building the Institutionof Mass Schooling, in B. Fuller and R. Rubinson (eds.), The Political Construction of Education, New York: Praeger.
Lockheed, M. and A. Verspoor (1992), Imorovins Primary Education in DevelopingCountries: A Review of Policy Options, New York: Oxford University Press (World Bank).
In Ethiopia, for exarnple, one survey found that most participantsin the national litcracy campaign were functionally illiterate one year afttr completing the program. Hoben, S. (1991), The Politics of Literacy: The Ethiopian Literacy Canimaign, Carnbridge, MA: Bunting Institute Lecture Series (December).
We begin here with a basic household economicsframework. See, for example: Becker, G. (1976), A Treatise on the Family, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress.
On the general convergence of secular schoolingin developingcountries, see Trow, M. (1961), 'The Second Transformation of American Secondary Education,' InternationalJournal of Comparative Sgcioloy, 2:144-166; and Benavot, A et al. (1991), 'Knowledge for the Masses: World Models and National Curricula, 1920-1986,' American SociologicalReview, 56:85-100.
See project documents from USAID's Improving Efficiency of Educational Systems (IEES) project. This project is helping Balitbang Dikbud-an education ministryplanning unit-to respond to demographicshifts.
For reviews, see Walters, P. and P. O'Connell (1988), 'The Family Economy,Work and Educational Participation,' American Journal of Sociolozy, 93:1116-52;and Horan, P. and P. Hargis (1991), 'Children's Work and Schooling in the Late Nincteenthcentury Family Economy,' American Sociolosical Review, 56:583-96.
On Islamic schools in Pakistan and the manner in which Nigerian families in the north push their children to achieve in both Koranic and government schools (or an integrated school), see Morgan, W. and J.M. Armer (1988), 'Islamic and Western Educational Accommodationin a Wcst African Society,' American Sociological Review, 53:634-639.
Stevenson, H., and S. Lee (1990), Contexts of Achievement: A Study of American. Chinese. and Jananesc Children, Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development,vol. 55, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
The historical origins of secondary schools-and the lack of fitcdonal linkage with the wage sector-arc discussed in several historical studies: Trow, M. (1972), 'TheTransitionofAmerican SecondaryEducation,' American Socioloeical Review; Prost, A. (1968), Histoiredc l'Enseisnementen France. 1800-1967,Paris: Presses Universitairesde Francc; and Gamier, M., J. Hage, and B. Fuller (1989), 'The Strong State, Social Class, and Controlled School Expansion in France,' American Journal of Sociology 95:279-306.
Fora review of empirical evidenceonthis issuc, see Rubinson,R. (1986), 'ClassFormation, Politics and Institutions: Schooling in the United Stases,' American Journal of Sociology, 92:519-41.
- 52 -
A recent planning statement by the Africa Policy-Dialogue Collaborative reported wide frustration with the influence of Cambridgeexans on conceptionsof knowledge and teaching practices. But among the seven countries represented, serious moves away from the Cambridge structure could not be observed fMannathoko,C., et al. (1991), 'Summary of the Planning Meeting," Gaborone: Universityof Botswana).
For reviews of the strengths and weaknessesof Kenya's new 8-4-4-4 system, see Sifuna, D. (1990), Developmentof Education in Africa: The Kenya Experience, Nairobi: Initiatives Pub.; and recent World Bank staff appraisal reports.
For review of this evidencefrom Europe, the United States, and developingcountries, ee Fuller, B., and R. Rubinson (1992), 'Does the Stte Drive SchoolExpansion? Review of the Evidence,! in The Political Construction of Education, B. Fuller and R. Rubinson (eds.), New York: Praeger.
When youth unemploymentis high, debate intensifiesaboutthe negative aspect of institutionallycreating an 'adolescent society' among young persons who are segregated from workplacesand adult social roles. For a current review of this issue in OECD countries, see Northdurft, W. (1989), School Works: Reinventing Public Schools to Create the Workforce of the Future, Washington,D.C.: GermanMarshall Fund; Vickers, M. (1991), Buildin a NationalSchool-to-WorkTrnsition: Lessonsfrom Britain and Australia, Somerville, MA: Jobs for the Future; and Haddad, W., G. Stevenson, and A. Adams (1987), "Youth Unemploymentin the EMENA Region,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank [EDT Discussion Paper 761.
Sec Figure 2.2 and Benavot, A. (1983), "The Rise and Decline of VocationalEducation,' Sociolocy of Education, 56:63-76.
Recentwork reveals a convergencein the structure and curricularcontent ofprnmary schooling among many countries: Inkeles, A., and L. Surowy (1983), 'Convergent and DivergentTrends in NationalEducation Systems,' Social Forces, 62:303-333;and Benavot, A. ct al. (1991), "Knowledge for the Masses: World Models and National Curricula, 1920-1986," American Sociolosical Review, 56:85-100. However, greater diversity in government-statedobjectives,actual organizational structures, and curricular content is apparent at the secondary level. For a review of country cases, meeMalkova, Z.A. and B.L. Vulfson (1988), InternationalYearbookof Education: Socondary Educationin the World Today, Paris: UNESCO/InternationalBureau of Education.
For descriptionsof heated debates over the new '8-4-4 System," see the sources listed in note 16.
On Indonesia, see EES Project (1984), IndonesiaEducation Sector Assessment,Tallahassee, FL: Florida State Universityand USAID. On Pakistan, see Holsinger, D. et al. (1990), Pakistan: Lower Secondary Education in Puniab, Washington D.C.: World Bank; and World Bankand Asian DevelopmentBank(1991), Pakistan: ReviewofSecondarvand Intermediate Education, Washington, D.C.
For historical reviews of European and U.S. secondary school structures, see papers in Corwin, R. (1991), Research in Sociology of Education and Socialization. Volume 9, Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
For historical reviews, see Tyack, D. (1974), One Best System, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Pres; Bledsteut, B. (1976), The Culture of Professionalism,New York: W.W. Norton; Collins, R. (1979), The Credential Society, New York: Academic Press; and Gamier, M., and J. Hage (1991), 'Class, Gender, and School Expansion in France," Socioloev of Education, 64:229-250.
The efricacy of this rategy is evidenced by research findings which sbow that the effects of schooling on agricultural productivity re greater after six or eight years of schooling. For a review, se Lockheed, M., D. Janison, and L. Lau (1980), 'Farmer Educationand Farm Efficiency: A Survey," in Educationand Income,T. King (ad.), Washington, D.C.: World Bank, StaffWorking Paper 402. Recentwork in Ghana also showsthat, where the quality of primary schools is low, positioninglower secondary schools to strengthen basic educaion can yield significantwage retumnsin commercialjob sectors. See Glewwe, P. (1991), "Schooling, Skills, and the Retuns to Government Investmeat in EducLtion,' Washington. D.C.: World Bank, LSMS Working Paper 76.
T. Eisemon's work in Kenya raie serious questions about whether typical pedagogy and scarce instructionalmaterials-found in low-quality schools-enable rural youths to rcad and use informationthat holds promise for raising their productivity or the social quality of life. See Eisemnon,T. (1988), Benefitingfrom Basic Education. School Ouality and Functional Literacy in Kenva, Oxford: Pergamon Pres.
For empirical studies on how labor demands evolve during early periods of economic development, see Carnoy, M., and D. Marenbach (1975), "Returns to Schooling in the United States," Journal of Human Resources, 10:312-331;Blaug, M. (1976), "The Empirical Status of Humn Capital Theory: A SlightlyJaundiced Survey," Journal of Economic Literature, 14:827-856; - 53 -
Knight, J. and R. Sabot (1990), Education. Productivity,and Inecuality, New York: Oxford University Press; and Fuller, B., at al. (1990), 'State Action and Labor Structure Change in Mexico.' Social Forces, 68:1165-1189. 28.
Descriptive studies of this area are beginningto emerge: Harber, C. (1984), 'Development and Political Attitudes: The Role of Schooling in Northern Nigeria,' Comparative Education,20:387-403; Cummings,W., et al. (1988), The Revival of Values Education in Asia and the West, Oxford: Perganon Press; Malkova, Z.A., and B.L. Vulfson (1988), International Yearbook of Education: Secondary Education in the World Today. Paris: UNESCO, InternationalBureau of Education; and Harber, C. (1990), 'Education for Critical Consciousness? Curriculumand Reality in African Social Studies,' InternationalJournal of EducationalDevelopment, 10:27-36.
Coleman, J.S. (1990), 'Social Capital,' American Journal of Sociology;and Jimenez, E., and M. Lockheed (1991), Private vs. Public Education: An InternationalPerspective, special issue of InternationalJournal of Education, vol. 15.
A fascinating and mildly facetious paper on this topic was recently written by Professor William K. Cummings, Harvard University, entitled, 'Why not Terminate SecondaryEducation? An Exploratory Essay on Talent Development,' draft dated Nov. 21, 1991.
For reviews of this issue in European countries, se Haddad, W. et al. (1987), 'Youth Unemploymentin the EMENA Region,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, EDT Discussion Paper 76; Nothdurft, W. (1989), SchoolWorks: ReinventintzPublic Schools to Create the Workforce of the Future, Washington,D.C.: GermanMarshall Fund; and Vickers, M. (1991), Buildineza National System for School-to-WorkTransition: Lessons from Britain and Australia, Somerville, MA: Jobs for the Future.
See Stern, D., E. Greenberger, and L.D. Steinberg (1986), When Teenagers Work: The Psycholoaical and Social Costs of Adolescent Employment, New York: Basic Books. An overview of Nigeria's Youth Service Corps appears in Adesina, S., et al. (1983), Nigerian Education, Ile-Ife: Nigeria University of Ife Press. For a review of Great Britain's experience with how formal schooling fits into a youths' transition to adulthood,see Kerckchoff,A. (1990), Gettine Started: Transition to Adulthood in Great Britain, Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Jimenez, E., and B. Kugler (1987), 'Thc Earnings Impact of Training Duration in a Developing Country,' Journal of Human Resources, 22:228-247; and Jimenez,E., ct al. (1989), 'National In-Service Training Systems in Latin America: An Economic Evaluation of Colombia's SENA,' Economic Develoomentand Cultural Change, 37:595-610.
Behrmnan,J., and N. Birdsai (1983), 'Thc Quality of Schooling: Quantity Alone is Misleading,' American Economic Review, 73:928-946 [Brazil]; Psacharopoulos,G., and E. Vlez (1991), 'Education Qualityand LAborMarket Outcomes: Evidence from Colombia.' paper presented at the Comparative and International Education Society, Pittsburgh; and Glewwc, P. (1991), 'Schooling, Skills, and the Returns to Governmentinvestmentin Education,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, LSMS Working Paper 76.
Riddell, A. (1989), 'An Alternative Approach to the Studyof Effectiveness in Third World Countries,' Comparative Education Ravicw, 33:4.
The economic status and social commitments(for instance, literacy practices) of families can be related to youths' rate of entry into scondary school. For evidence from Kenya, ee Mwiria, K. (1990), 'Kenya's Harambee Secondary School Movement: Contradictionsof Public Policy,' ComparativeEducation Review, 34:350-368. Similar evidence is available from Nepal; mem Shcstha, G.M. (1986), 'Determinants of Educational Participation in Rural Nepal,' Comaative Education Review, Vol. 30.
Knight, J., and R. Sabot (1990), Education. Productivity, and Inecuality, New York: Oxford University Pres.
In many countries, private seondary schools are considered to be low-quality institutions, serving only youths who fail to win a place at higher-quality government schools. To the extent that achievement in primary school is determined by family background, the growth of private schooling may broaden access but also reinforce social-class inequities. For evidence from Zambia, se Kaluba, L.H. (1986), 'Education in Zambia: The Problem of Access and the Paradox of the Private School Solution,' Comparative Education,22:159-169. For Ghana,see Bibby, J., and M. Peil (1974), 'Secondary Education in Ghana: Private Enterprise and Social Selection,' Sociolofv of Education, 47:399-418.
Little evidence is available on this issue. But initial research does reveal that a sharp stratification of school quality between public and private schools is appareat in both Chile and Uruguay. See a brief review by Tedesco, J.C. (1991), 'Privatization Reforms: How Effetive Arc They in Latin America?' The Forum for Advancing Basic Education and Literacy, 1:10.
Psacharopoulos,G. (1985), 'Returns to Education: A Further InternationalUpdate,- Journal of Human Resources, 20:583-604; and Psacharopoulos,G. (1989), 'Time Trends of the Returns to Education: Cross-NationalEvidence," Economics of Education Review, 8:225-231.
For a review of returns from secondary schoolingin the United States, see Murnane, R. (1991), 'Why Do Today's High School Educated Males Earn Less than Their Fathers Did?' paper presented at Harvard University (September).
Researchers have also studied the influence of schooling on simple entry into the formal labor force (nonfarm employment). This economicoutcome is particularly telling for women in low-incomecountries, who may have limited access to cash income. A recent review of this work appears in Florio, M., and J. Wolf (1990), The Economic and Social Impacts of Girls' Primary Educationin DevelopingCountries, Washington,D.C.: USAID and Creative Associates, Inc. For a thorough treatment of the labor participation issue, includinggender differences, see the papers contained in Herz, B., and S. Khandker (1991), Women's Work. Education, and Family Welfare in Peru, Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Discussion Paper 116.
Mincer, J. (1970), *The Distribution of Labor Incomes: A Survey with Special Reference to the Human Capital Approach,Journal of Economic Literature, 8:1-26; Chenery,H., and M. Syrquin (1975), Patterns of Development 1950-1970,New York: Oxford University Press; Leipziger, D.M., and M. Lewis (1980), 'Social Indicators, Growth, and Distribution,' World Development,8:299-312; and Ram, R. (1989), 'Can Educational Expansion Reduce Income Inequality in Less Developed Countries?' Economics of Education Review, 8:185-195. For a review of empirical studies, see Tilak, J. (1990), Education and its Relation to Economic Growth. Poverty, and Income Distribution, Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Discussion Paper 46. For the case of Japan and the United States, see James, E., and G. Benjamin(1987), "Educational Distribution and Income Distribution through Education in Japan," Journal of Human Resources, 22:468-488.
Knight, J., and R. Sabot (1990), Education. Productivity, and Inequality, New York: Oxford University Press.
Individualrawe-of-returnstudies suffer from two major flaws. First, wages are used as proxy indicators of worker productivity. More recent work has usod multiple measures of productivity (see, for example, Knight and Sabot 1990, note 45), including studies of the effects of school anainment on agricultural productivity (for example, Lockheed, Jamison, and Lau 1980; and Moock, P. (1981), "Education and Technical Efficiency in Small Farm Production," Economic Development and Cultural Chanse, 30:723-739). Yet most individual-levelstudies simply assume that wages represent measures of productivity. This assumptionis difficultto substantiatein many countries where the wage-sector is dominatedby trade and government workers. Second, individual-levelstudies cannot capture benefits not accruing to specific individuals (externalities), which may lead to underestimatesofschooling'seconomic effects. Third, schoolingeffects may be overestimatedwhen the seor simply sorts more productive people into higher-payingjobs, absent any value-added effect from educational atainment per se. Since the work of Edward Denison in the late 1950s, researchers have constructed aggregate-growthmodels to estimate the discrete influence of education(sector size and school quality) on nation-leveleconomicgrowth. For methodologicalreviews, see Jorgenson, D. (1987), "The Contribution of Education to Economic Growth, 1948-1973,- in Education and National Productivity, E. Dean (ed.), Cambridge, MA: Ballinger; Jorgenson, D., et al. (1987), Productivity and U.S. Economic Growth, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; Blaug, M. (1976), "Human Capital Theory: A Slightly Jaundiced View,' Journal of Economic Literature, 14:827-855;and Lau, L., D. Jamison, and F. Louat (1991), "Education and Productivity in Developing Countries: An Aggregate Production FunctionApproach," Washington, D.C.: World Bank, WDR Working Paper 612.
Lau, L., D. Jamison, and F. Louat (1991), "Educationand Productivity in Developing Countries: An Aggregate Production Function Approach," Washington, D.C.: World Bank, WDR Working Paper 612.
Benavot,A. (1989), "Education,Gender,and EconomicDevelopment:A Cross-NationalStudy," Sociolosy of Education,62: 1432.
McMahon, W. (1992), "The Economicsof SchoolExpansion and Decline," in The Political Construction of Education,B. Fuller and R. Rubinson (eds.), New York: Paeger. A reciprocal model, examining the interaction between literacy and GNP per capita gains, is described in Wheeler, D. (1980), "Human Resource Development and Economic Growth in Developing Countries: A SimultaneousModel," Washington,D.C.: World Bank, Staff Working Paper 407.
Benavot, A. (1992), "Educational Expansion and Economic Growth in the Modern World, 1913-1985,- The Political Construction of Education, B. Fuller and R. Rubinson (eds.), New York: Praeger, pp. 117-134.
Walters, P., and R. Rubinson (1983), 'Educational Expansionand EconomicOutput in the United States, 1890-1979,"American Socioloeical Review, 48:480-493.
As secondaryschoolingbecomes a mass institution, its signalingvaluc also declines. Recent rcsearch disentangles wage effects stemming from simply gaining a secondary certificate versus actual achievement levels-what is actually learned independent of winning the credential (see Boissiere, M., J. Knight, and R. Sabot (1985), 'Earnings, Schooling, Ability, and Cognitive Skills,' American EconomicReview, 75:1016-1030). After educationalqualityis held constant, extending secondary certificates to more youths will erode the Borting function of schools, thus reducing the amount of information provided to potential employers about the relative productivitylevels of different applicants.
For France, see Hage, J., etal. (1988), 'TheActive State, Investmentin Human Capital, and Economic Growth: France 18251975,' American SociologicalReview,53:824-837. For Mexico, see Fuller, B., et al. (1986), 'The InfluenceofSchool Quality on Economic Growth in Mexico,' in The Ouality of Education in Developine Countries, S. Heyneman and D. White (eds.), Washington, D.C.: World Bank, pp. 32-54.
For a review of this recent empiricalwork, see Rubinson,R. (1992), 'Specifying the Effects of Education on National Economic Growth,' The Political Construction of Education, B. Fuller and R. Rubinson (eds.), New York: Praeger, pp. 101-115.
Schultz, T.P. (1989), 'Returns to Women's Education,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, WDR Working Paper 1.
See papers containedin King, E., and M.A. Hill (1991), Women's Educationin Developing Countries: Barriers. Benefits, and Policy, Washington,D.C.: World Bank, PHREE Paper Series 91/40. Also see Birdsall, N. (1985), 'Measuring Time Use and Nonmarket Exchange,' in Third World Poverty: New StrateRiesfor Measuring Development Pro_ress, W. McGreeve (ed.), LcxingtonMA: LexingtonBooks; and Wolfe, B., and J. Behrman(1987), 'Women's Schoolingand Children's Health,' Jounal of Health Economics, 6:239-254.
For a recent review of rescarch on the social benefits of primary and secondary schooling, see Floro, M., and J. Wolf (1990), The Economic and Social Impacts of Girls' Education in Develo_ins Countries, Washington, D.C.: USAID and Crcative Associates, Inc.
For a summaryof recent world fertility surveys, see Dcmographicand Health Surveys (1990), 'Women's Education: Findings from Demographicand Hcalth Surveys,' paper presented in Bangkok, March. For a review of fertility effects from varying levels of education, see Herz, B., et al. (1991), Letting Girls Learn: Promisine Approaches in Primar= and Secondary Education,Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Discussion Paper 133.
Duncan, Wendy (1989), Eneenderine SchoolLearnine, Stockholm: Institute for International Education.
King, E., and L. Lillard (1987), 'Education Policy and School Attaianent in Malaysia and the Philippines,' Economics of Education Review, 6:167-181. On the gender implicationsof increasing school supply, see Bellew, R., and E. King (1991), 'EducatingWomen: Lessons from the past,- in Women's Education in Develooin2Countries, Washington, D.C.: World Bank, PHREE Series 91/40, pp. 251-285. Some governmentsmay reinforce gender inequitiesby building more single-sex schools for boys than for girls. For evidence from certnainprovinces in Pakistan, see Kelley, G. (1987), 'Sctting State Policy on Women's Education in the Third World,' Comparative Education Review, 23:95-102.
For a review of early policy adjustmentprograms in Africa, see Fuller, B., and A. Habte (eds.) (1992), Adiustine Educational Policies to Conserve Rcsources and Raise School Ouality, Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Africa Technical Series.
On issues associates with families' ability to pay for schooling, we Tan, J.P. et al. (1983), 'User Charges in Education: Willingnessand Ability to Pay in Malawi,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, EDT Series. One recent study concluded that parents in Pcru-.cvenpoor parents-arnwilling to pay significantfeesto hlp open and operate new secondary schools: Gertler, P., and P. Glawwc (1989), 'The Willingnessto Pay for Education in Developing Countries: Evidence from Rural Peru,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, LSMS Working Paper 54.
Evidence for this claim is clear in one country-the United States. See Hansen, W., and Weisbrod, B. (1969), 'The Distribution of Costs and Benefits of Public Higher Education, Journal of Human Resources, 4:176-191.
For the historical case of France's class-structuredsecondary system, see Gamier, M., et al. (1989), 'The Strong State, Social Class, and Controlled School Expansion in France, 1881-1975,' American Journal of Socioloev, 95:279-306.
Okeyc, M. (1986), 'Community SecondarySchools: A Case Study of a Nigerian Innovation in Sclf-Help,' InternationalJournal of EducationalDevelopment,6:263-274. On India's innovativenight schools, see Naik, C. (1982), 'An Action Research Project on Universal Primary Education,' in Women's Education in the Third World, G. Kelly and C. Elliot (eds.), Albany, NY: State Universityof New York Prcss. -
Chinnanon, S. (1988), 'Distance Education in Thailand,' Bulletin of the Unesco Rezional Office for Asia and the Pacific, no.29:51-64. Malawi data come from the government, Malawi College of Distance Education.
Evidence on the distribution of subsidies in the subsector is scarce. One empirical study from Tunisia is informnativcon this issue: Jones, M.T. (1986), *RegionalDisparitiesand Public Policy in Tunisian Education,- ComparativeEducation,22:201-220: Unequallevels of governmentsubsidy between urban and rural schools in Sri Lanka are detailed in Kapferer, J. (1975), 'Four Schools in Sri Lanka: Equity of Opportunityin Rural Schools?' Comparative Education, 1:31-41. For the case of Namibia, see Florida State University (1991), Namibia Education Sector Assessment, Tallahassec, FL: IEES Project.
Shields, N., et al. (1989), 'Malawi Second EducationScctor Credit: Staff Appraisal Report,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
Snyder, C., Jr., and P. Ramatsui (1990), Curriculum in the Classroom: Botswana's Junior Secondary ImprovementProgram, London and Gaborone: Macmillan.
Two methodologicalissues are particularly troublesome: First, since teacher salaries comprise from 90 to 95 percent of school spending, unit cost estimates are highly sensitive to changes in the rcal earnings of teachers-which may not affect annual changes in the quality of teachers or their instructionalpractices (note that nonteacher salary spending is proportionatelymuch higher in some secondary school systems; see Figure 4.4). Second, pegging spending levels to real USS figures masksswidc variation in actual purchasing-powerlevels for teacher salaries across countries.
Schultz, T.P. (1988), 'Expansion of Public SchoolExpenditures and Enrollments: Evidence on the Effects of Income, Prices, and Population Growth,' Economicsof Education Review, 7:167-183.
For a recent review of how these various actions by the central government can influence social demand for schooling, we Fuller, B., and R. Rubinson (1992), 'Does the State Expand Schooling?' in The Political Construction of Education,New York: Pracger, pp. 1-28. For related evidence from East Asia , see King, E., and L. Lillard (1987), 'Education Policy and School Attainment in Malaysia and the Philippines,' Economicsof Education Review, 6:167-181.
See, for example, Fishlow, A. (1966), "Levels of Nineteenth-CenturyAmerican Investment in Education,' Journal of Economic History, 26:418-436; Harbison, R., and E. Hanushek (1991), School Achievement Among the Rural Poor: The Case of Northeast Brazil, Washington, D.C.: World Bank (draft manuscript); and Schultz, T.P. (1988), 'Expansion of Public School Expenditures and Enrollments," Economicsof Education Review, 7:167-183.
For historical evidence from the United States, see Rubinson, R., and J. Ralph (1984), 'Technical Change and the Expansion of Schooling in the United States, 1890-1970,- Socioloev of Education, 57:134151.
For historical evidencefrom Mexico, se Fuller, B., et al. (1990), 'State Aacionand Labor Structure Change in Mexico,- Social Forces, 68:1165-1189. For similar findings from the United States, se Walters, P.B. (1984), *Occupationaland Labor Market Effectson SecondaryEducationa Expansion,' American SociologicalReview,49:659-671. For England, se Mitch, D. (1982), The Spread of Literacv in Nineteenth-CenturyEngland, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, Department of Economics.
Thc case for northern Nigeria is reported in Morgan, W., and J.M. Armer (1988), 'Islamic and Western Educational Accommodationin a West African Society,' American SociologicalReview, 53:634-639.
For a post-War study of how fanily preferences for more schoolinghave become institutionalizedin many developingcountries, see Meyer, J.W., and M. Hannan (eds.) (1979), National Development and the World System: Educational. Economic, and PoliticalChange, Chicago: Universityof ChicagoPress. For an innovative discussionof how family preferences for schooling may vary sharply according to cultural and gender-related beliefs, se King, E., and R. Bedlew(1991).
Lockheed, M., A. Verspoor, ct al. (1991), Improving Primar" Education in Developinz Countries. New York: Oxford University Press.
Fuller, B. (1987), *WhatSchoolFactors RaiseAchievemnentin the Third World?' Review of Educational Research, 57:255-292. For a review of more recent empirical work on the determinants of achievement in primary schools, se Lockheed, M., A. Verspoor, et al. (1991), Improvine Primarv Education in Developing Countries, New York: Oxford University Press.
Riddell,A. (1991), *What Causes Diffcrencesin Achievementin Zimbabwe's SecondarySchools?' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, PHR Working Paper 705.
Glewwe, P. , et al. (I 991), 'Student Achievementin Low Income Countries: Evidence from Ghana,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank; and Riddell, A., and L. Nyagura (1991), 'What Causes Differencesin Achievementin Zimbabwe's Secondary Schools,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank, PHR Working Paper 705. IEA classroomfindings are reported in Anderson, L., et al. (1988), The Classroom Environment Study, Oxford: Pergamon Press.
Research on teaching in the United States and Europe is a huge field, with empirical evidence accumulating over the past 30 years. For a review, see Dunkin, M.J. (ed.) (1987), InternationalEncyclopediaof Teaching and Teacher Education, Oxford: Pergamon. Work within developing countries has emphasizedimporting Western models of teaching, not actually observing what teachers in developingcountriesdo and understandingthiswithin-country-specificformsof child socializationand teaching.
For empirical evidence, see Goodlad, J. (1984), A Place Called School, New York: McGraw-Hill; and Anderson, L., and R. Burns (1989), Research in Classrooms, Oxford: Pergamon.
One study in Botswana entailed observing Form 1 and Form 2 teachers repeatedly over a one-year period. The investigators found that, in general, these teachers displayedsimple and highly routinized pedagogicalpractices, relying on lecture, drill, and individual seatwork. The script is not dissimilar from teaching routines found in the United States (Stodolsky, S. (1988), The SubjectMatters, Chicago: Universityof ChicagoPress). However, the level of routinizationand simple consistencyduring the school year was significantly bigher in Botswana than in west European countries, based on a staistical indicator of teacher consistency. These comparative data are contained in Fuller, B., et al. (1991), 'Teacher Rituals and Organized Sacrilege,' Cambridge, MA: Harvard University (draft).
Chacko, I. (1989), 'Teachers' Verbal Behavior and Students' Achievement in Mathematics,- International Journal of Mathematics Education, 20:63-71.
Avalos, B. (1980), *Teacher Effectiveness: Research in the Third World,' Comparative Education, 16:45-54.
Fuller,B., and C.W. Snyder,Jr. (1991), 'Vocal Teachers,SilentPupils? Life in Botswana Classrooms,- Comparative Education Review, 35:274-294.
Sarr, B. (1990), 'Textbooks, Exams, and Definitions of SecondaryEducation,' London: London Institute of Education (draft).
For reviews of findings on cooperative-learningapproaches, see Cohen, E. (1986), 'On the Sociology of the Classroom,' in The Contributionsof the Social Sciences to EducationalPolicy and Practice, J. Hannaway and M. Lockheed (eds.), Berkeley: McCutchan, pp. 127-162; and Sharan, S. (1984), Cooperative Learnine in the Classroom: Research in Desegregated Schools, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
For qualitative evidence from Africa, see Prophet, R., and P. Rowell (1990), *The Curriculum Observed,' in Curriculum in the Classroom, C. Snyder, Jr., and P. Ramatsui (eds.), London and Gaborone: Macmillan, pp. 1-56.
Fuller, B., and C. Snyder, Jr. (1992), 'Teacher Productivity in Sticky Institutions: Curricular and Gender Variation,' InternationalPerspectives on Educational Efficiency, I). Chapman and H. Walberg (eds.), Greenwich, CT: JAI Pres.
Stevenson, H., et al. (1986), 'Classroom Behaviorand Achievementof Japanese, Chinese, and American Children,' Advances in Instructional Psychology, R. Glasa (ed.), Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum; and Schaub, M., and D. Baker (1991), 'Solving the Math Problem: Mathematics Achievementin Japanese and AmericanMiddle Grades,' American Journal of Education, August:623642.
For example, see Willis, P. (1977), Learning to Labour, Westmead: Saxon House; Everhart, R. (1983), Reading, Writing and Resistance, New York: Routledge; and Trueba, H., et al. (1989), What Do Anthropoloeists Know about Dropouts? New York: Falmer.
For a discussion of the dissonancebetween home and school forms of socialization,see LeVine, R., at al. (1991), Learning in Developinz Countries: Reconcevtualizin,the Educational Process, Paris: UNESCO and the World Bank (draft manuscript). Studentsof curricula in developingcountriesare attemptingto understand how the content of secondary education might be mnade more reevant to youths not bound for the urban wage sector. For example, see Kay, S. (1975), 'Curriculum Innovations and Traditional Culture: A Case History of Kenya,' Comparative Education, 2:183-191.
For example, see Herz, B. (1989), 'Women in Development: Kenya's Experience,' Finance and Development, June:43-45.
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For reviews of gender differences in how male and fcmale students are treated in U.S. classrooms, see Brophy, J., and C. Evertson (1981), Student Characteristics and Teaching, New York: Longman; and Sadker, M., ct al. (1991), 'The Issue of Gender in Elementaryand SecondaryEducation,' in Reviewof Research in Education.Volume 17, G. Grant (ed.), Washington, D.C.: American Educational Research Association,pp. 269-334.
Hua, H. (1991), 'Gender Differencesin Teaching Practices,' Cambridge,MA: Harvard University (draft manuscript for USAID and Creative Associates, Inc.).
For a recent review, 'Improving the Preparation and Motivation of Teachers,' Chapter 4 in Lockheed, M., and A. Verspoor (1991), Improvina Primary Education in Developinz Countries, New York: Oxford UniversityPress.
Already cited surveys have yielded a wealth of data on the characteristics of secondary-schoolteachers in several countries: Botswana, Brazil, Egypt, Indonesia, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, and Thailand.
Our research in Botswana finds that junior-secondaryteachers with two years of teacher training have a slight tendency to use more complex forms of pedagogy. But the effect is small. The recurrent cost implicationsof this rank are enormous (see Fuller, B., at al. (1991), 'Teacher Rituals, Organized Sacrilegc,' Cambridge, MA: Harvard University (draft)).
How secondary schools can be transformed into workplaces for professionals-as opposed to unresponsive, mechanical organizations-isa major issuewithin industrializedand developingcountries. Fora review of usefulincentives, see Rosenholtz, S. (1989), Teachers' Workplace: The Social Organizationof Schools, New York: Longman.
Thesc findings come from the recent teacher and classroom study carried out by the InternationalAssociation for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). Findings on teachers' morale and sense of control are reported in Bourke, S. (1990), 'Responsibility for Teaching: Some International Comparisonsof Teacher Perceptions,' International Review of Education, 36:315-327. Data are from Nigeria, South Korea, Thailand, Israel, and western Europe.
Chapman, D., et al. (1991), 'Teacher Incentives in the Third World,' Albany, NY: State University of New York (draft).
Ware, S. (1991), 'Secondary School Science in DevelopingCountries: Status and Issues,' Washington, D.C.: PHREE Draft Report.
Evidence is available from Botswanajunior secondary classrooms. See note 100.
Surprisingly little work has been undertakenat the school level to supportan understnding of how gender-basedtracking occurs. One studycomes from Nigeria: Jcgede, O., and lnyang, N. (1990), 'GendcrDifferencesand AchievementinIntegratedScience Among Junior Secondary Students,' InternationalReview of Education, 36: 364-368.
Studies of school effectiveness in England have demonstrated this link between strong school-level lcadership and the organizational support found at higher organizationallevels (whetherthe district office, local education authority, province, or central ministry). For instance, ae Rutter, M., et al. (1979), Fifteen Thousand Hours: Secondary Schools and Their Effects on Children, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; and Mortimore, P., et al. (1988), School Matters, Berkeley: University of California Press. Organizationalreforms applied to developingcountries are reviewed briefly in Haddad, W., et al. (1990), Education and Development:Evidence for New Priorities, Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Discussion Paper 95.
For reviews of the technical and normative isues associatedwithnationalexaminations,see Irvine, S.H., and J.W. Berry (1988), Human Abilities in Cultural Context, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Heyneman, S. (ed.) (1989).
School clusters, involving primary and econdary schools, are discussed in Bray, M. (1987), School Clusters: Making Them Work, Paris: UNESCO and UNICEF; and Wanasinghe,J. (1983), 'Cluster Schools and their Relevance to Educational Development in Sri Lanka,' Internationa Journal of EducationalDevelopment,3:247-252.
Stevenson, D., and D. Baker (1991), 'State Control of the Curriculum and Oassroom Instruction,' Socioloev of Education, 64:1-10.
When frequent, intense periods of seletion characterize the secondary education system, tutoring industries appear to grow, exacerbating inequitablerates of access to higher levels of schooling. Evidence on this process is recently reported for Japan, Turkey, Greece, and South Korea in Stevenson, D., and D. Baker (1992), 'Shadow Education and Allocation in Formal Schooling,' American Journal of Sociology, May.
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Schaub, M., and D. Baker (1991), 'Solving the Math Problem: Exploring Mathematics Achievement in Japaneseand
MiddleGrades,' American Journal of Education (August), pp. 623-642; and Baker, D., and M. Schaub (1992), *Learningfrom the Best: Effective Mathematics Instruction in Japanese and American Classes,' in In Search of More Effective Mathematics Education,D. Baker et al. (eds.), New Jersey: Ablex. 112.
Baker, D., and D. Jones (1992), 'Opportunity and Performance: An Explanation for Gender Differences in Mathematics,' in Education and Gender, J. Wrigley (ed.), London: Faliner Press.
For evidence on Catholic versus government schools in the United States, four papers covering both sides of the debate are includedin Sociolozvof Education,vol. 58, 1985; in that issue, empirical findingsare reported in Hoffer, T., A. Greeley, and J. Coleman, 'Achievement Growth in Publicand CatholicSchools.* The qualityof and types of pupils served by nongovernment schools in Australiavary enormously. Public fundssupportchurch-run schoolsthrough a capitationgrant scheme. For a review, see Anderson, D. (1990), *The Unstable Public-Private SchoolSystem in Australia,' NBEET conference, Canberra. Students attending small private secondary schools may be less likely to drop out than those attending public school. See Rosier, M. (1978), Early School Leavers in Australia: Family. School and Personal Determinants, Stockholm: Almqvisrtand Wiksell. In Japan, over one-fourthof all secondarystudents are enrolled in secondary schools. For a brief review, see Benjamin, G. (1991), 'Choices of Education in Japan,' in Parental Involvement and Public Choice in Education, E. Goldring (ed.), special issue of InternationalJournal of EducationalResearch, vol. 15, pp. 251-264.
Samnoff,J. (1991), 'The Politicsof PrivateSchooling in Tanzania,' in Private vs. Public Education: An International Perspective, E. Jimenez and M. Lockheed (eds.), special issue of InternationalJoumal of Education, vol. 15, pp. 445-462.
Figueroa-Unda, M. (1991), 'The Ideological Agenda in Class-structured Private and Public Schools: Case Study of Mexico City,' in Private vs. Public Education,E. Jimenez and M. Lockheed (eds.), special issue of InternationalJournal of Education, vol. 15, pp. 445-462.
Psacharopoulos, G. (1987), 'Public vs. Private Schools in Developing Countries: Evidence from Colombia and Tanzania,' InternationalJournal of EducationalDevelopment,7:59-67.
A survey of 372 secondary schools in Zaire attempted to focus on how the educational and social aims of these institutions differed according to organizational type and sponsorship. See Sheline, Y., et al. (1984), 'The Effect of School Sponsorship on Academic Achievement: Comparison of Catholic, Protestant, and GovernmentSecondary Schools in Zaire,' Comparative Education,20:223-236.
Jimenez, E., et al. (1991), "SchoolEffects and Cost for Private and Public Schools in the Dominican Republic,' in Private vs. Public Education, E. Jimenez and M. Lockheed (eds.), pp. 393410.
A brief review of these findings appears in Tedesco, J.C. (1991), 'Privatization Reforms: How Effective Are They in Latin America?' Forum for AdvancinLBasic Education Literacv, 1:10 (USAID and Harvard University).
Marsh, H. (1991), 'Public, Catholic,and Single-sexSchools in the United States," American Journal of Education, 99:320-348.
Rowan, B., et al. (1991), "OrganizationalDesign il High Schools: A Multilevel Analysis," American Journal of Education, 99:238-266.
Lee, V., and M. Lockheed (1990), "The Effects of Single-sex Schooling and Achievement and Attitudes in Nigeria,' Comparaive Education Review, 34:209-231.
Papers by E. James provide detailed informationon policy altenatives and country experiences with regulating private schools. See James, E. (1991), "Public Policies toward Private Education: An International Comparison," in Private versus Public Education:An InternationalPerspective, E. Jimenez and M. Lockheed (eds.), pp. 359-376; and E. James (1987), "The Political Economy of Private Education in Developedand Developing Countries,' Washington,D.C.: World Bank, EDT Series 71. For Japan, ee E. James (1988), Public Policy and Private Education in Japan, New York: St. Martin's Pres.
Schultz,T.P. (1989), "ExpansionofPublic SchoolExpendituresand Enrollments," EconomicsofEducationReview, 7:167-183.
Bray, M. (1990), 'The Economics of Multiple-shift Schooling: Evidence and Rescarch Gaps," International Journal of Educational Development, 10:181-187.
The Bank's extensivereview of research and in-countryexperienceswith vocational training at the secondary level appears in Middleton, J., A. Ziderman, and A. Van Adams (1991), Skills for Productivity: Policies for VocationalEducationand Training, Washington, D.C.: PHREE Report. The Bank's policy guidelinesappear in Vocationaland Technical Education and Trainine: A World Bank Policy Paver (1991).
See Chapter 4, Lockheed, M., and A. Verspoor (1991), Improvine Primar" Education in Develoriinz Countries, New York: Oxford University Press.
Riddell, A., and Nyagura, L. (1991), 'What Causes Differences in Achievement in Zimbabwe's Secondary Schools?' Washington,D.C.: WorldBank, PHR Working Paper 705; and Glewwe, P., et al. (1991), 'Student Achievementand Schooling Choice in Low Income Countries: Evidence from Ghana,' Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
Lockheed,M., et al. (1989), 'How TextbooksAffect Achievementin DevelopingCountries,' EducationalEvaluationand Policy Analysis, 8:379-392.
This empirical finding comes from Botswana: Kahn, M. (1988), 'Indicators of Equity in Junior Secondary Education in Botswana, in Botswana:Education.Culture, and Politics, Edinburgh: Centre for African Studies, pp. 119-136.
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