PASADENA UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT: The Abandonment of a ...

Mulherin, Hernandez / THE ABANDONMENT OF A PUBLIC INSTITUTION

89

PASADENA UNIFIED SCHOOL DISTRICT: The Abandonment of a Public Institution STEPHEN MULHERIN Department of Geography and Urban Analysis California State University Los Angeles MONIQUE N. HERNANDEZ Department of Geography and Regional Studies University of Miami

ABSTRACT The city of Pasadena, California, has most of the appearances of a healthy, economically successful Southern California community. Commercial activity thrives there, crime rates and unemployment are low, cultural institutions are numerous, and property values rise as people move to this desirable location. While the general condition of the city appears to be healthy, one of the city’s main institutions, the school district, has languished. The performance of students in Pasadena’s public unified school district seems surprisingly low given the economic and cultural health of the city. Although poorly performing school districts are frequently associated with cities facing decline or economic hardship, this is certainly not the case with Pasadena. This article examines the school district’s performance in comparison with school districts in California cities that are experiencing decline, explores the possible reasons that Pasadena’s schools function at lower levels than one would expect, and discusses the possibilities for change. A government-mandated school-busing program in the early 1970s seems to be a significant factor in understanding the current condition of Pasadena’s schools. Quantitative data from the U.S. Census Bureau and the California Department of Education, as well as interviews with individuals associated with the school district, provide the main sources of information for this study. INTRODUCTION The city of Pasadena, California, has most of the appearances of a healthy, successful community. Commercial activity thrives there, crime rates and unemployment are low, and property values rise as people move to this desirable location in Southern California. In opposition to most signs of a successful city, the school district stands out as a significant detraction from the otherwise robust community. The performance of students in Pasadena’s public unified school district seems surprisingly low, given the economic and cultural health of the city. While poorly performing school districts are frequently associated with cities facing decline or economic hardship, this is certainly not the case with Pasadena. This article examines the school district’s performance in comparison with school

90

CALIFORNIA POLITICS & POLICY / June 2006

districts in California cities that are experiencing decline, explores the possible reasons that Pasadena’s schools function at lower levels than one would expect, and discusses the possibilities for change. TTHE CITY OF PASADENA Incorporated in 1886, Pasadena is an old city by Southern California standards. Initially developed as an agricultural community specializing in citrus production, by the 1890s the city had developed into a winter resort for the wealthy inhabitants of the American Northeast and Midwest. The presence of an affluent population encouraged the growth of a local arts community, and by the early 1900s, Pasadena was a cultural center for Southern California (Page, 1964). Pasadena maintained its cultural richness through the twentieth century, supported by many artistic, intellectual and commercial organizations. Pasadena is home to the educational and research institutions such as the California Institute of Technology, the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, the Art Center College of Design, and Pasadena City College. Cultural institutions that call Pasadena home include the Norton Simon Museum, the Pacific Asia Museum, and the Rose Bowl/Tournament of Roses organization. Corporate headquarters for Parsons Engineering, Overture.com, and Genzyme Genetics are just a few of the companies located in Pasadena. Along with the wealth and culture that existed in Pasadena, residential segregation emerged as well. African American workers were employed in the resort hotels that flourished in the 1890s, and that population lived in segregated neighborhoods in the northwest part of the city (Page, 1964). This population remained in the city even as the large resort hotels declined in the early twentieth century. The northwest part of the city remains the part of town were the highest levels of the African American population reside. PASADENA SCHOOL DECLINE The wealth and cultural institutions of Pasadena, in combination with residential segregation, set the stage for conflict over the school district as time went on. In 1970, Pasadena became the first non-Southern city ordered to integrate its school district by the federal government (Mantle, 2004; Hayasaki, 2004). The mandate was an attempt to reduce school segregation by busing school children from different areas of Pasadena to achieve a diverse environment for learning (Zahniser, 2000). During a time of racial polarization and discrimination, the effect of school busing became divisive, creating contention within the community and school board (Honowitz, 2004; Lutkemeier, 2004). As a result of continued racist attitudes, fear of placing good public schools in jeopardy (Zahniser, 2000), and concern about potentially lengthy bus rides for school children (Honnowitz, 2005), many White, middle-class families fled the system creating a vacuum to be filled by working-class and ethnic minorities. Over a period of time, this trend became increasingly pronounced as private school enrollment of Pasadena’s White school-aged children reached remarkably high levels (Honowitz, 2004). In 1970, Whites “made up a little more than half of the enrollment” of


91

Pasadena’s public schools and “now they account for 16% even though they constitute 53% of the population [of the district]” (Hayasaki, 2004). This process has been observed in some other school districts in the United States. Although “busing plans have generally operated in cities with relatively few White school children,” cities that “had a white majority in the school population when busing began saw that majority quickly turned into a rapidly dwindling minority” (Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 2003, p. 180). While middleclass and upper-income families in Pasadena had the ability to afford private education for their children, working-class families, primarily consisting of ethnic minorities, were left to occupy the public schools in the district. In spite of the efforts made by federally mandated integration in Pasadena, the outcome achieved the opposite effect of what was originally intended. The process of abandonment of the public school system on the part of White middleclass families was similar to the “White flight” phenomenon occurring in many urban residential neighborhoods in the United States during the same period of time. What is noteworthy, however, is that many of these families did not leave Pasadena. They merely left the school district. With all the amenities of a popular, growing, and institutionally rich city, Pasadena enjoyed a high level of attraction and has remained an increasingly appealing place to live. With the availability of many private schools in the community as well, there was little reason for people to leave. Currently, 33% of eligible students within the district service area do not attend public schools (Lutkemeier, 2004), a level of nonattendance that is significantly higher than the national average of 10% (Kahlenberg, 2004). ELEMENTS OF DECLINE While explicit links between urban decline and public school system quality are not typically articulated, the connection between the two topics seems clear. Downs identified “poor quality public schools” as an indicator of late twentieth-century urban decline in the United States (2000), and Orfield (2002) stated, “Schools are a powerful indicator of a community’s current health and its future well-being.” It is therefore important to understand the connection between urban decline and public schools, and how Pasadena fits into this picture. URBAN DECLINE

Decline in American cities has been noticeable in the post-World War II era. Numerous analyses have been conducted on declining cities, and a number of general characteristics have been associated with these types of places. In this article, some of the more common attributes of cities in decline are used to identify California cities that have been experiencing these trends in the late twentieth century. The school districts of these cities are then compared with Pasadena’s schools. Decreasing population is a frequently cited measure of urban decline (Northam, 1963; Elliott, 1997; Downs, 2000). A decrease in population suggests that the city may be becoming less desirable as residents begin moving elsewhere to seek their livelihood and are not being replaced with newcomers. Declining average income levels for a city’s families, as

92


well as increasing levels of poverty, suggest a weakening of a city’s tax revenues and social fabric (Downs, 2000; Orfield, 2002). These can be seen as indicators of decline as more of a city’s population is living on less income, or is slipping into poverty. Overall declining income levels can also herald an increase in demand for city services. Change in racial and ethnic composition, including the commonly referred to “White flight” process, is also considered an indicator of urban decline (Dooley, 1997; Downs, 2000; Orfield, 2002). This reflects part of the American urban development process, which creates “strong pressures for many poor minority group households––especially African Americans–– to live concentrated in older parts of big cities…” (Downs, 2002, p. 1). Dooley stated that older neighborhoods “invariably decline and move toward blight as they filter into the hands of poorer residents.” Additionally, “change in racial makeup of a neighborhood is a precursor to [this] decline” (1997, p. 507). A decay of the housing stock of a city through the process of filtering is also associated with decline (Dooley, 1997; Orfield, 2002; Madden, 2003). Aging housing, low rental values, and low sales prices of homes are indicators of the downward filtering of the housing stock through socioeconomic groups, which then tends to concentrate poor individuals in such locations. Other social measures of declining cities include an increase in singleparent families, increasing crime, and unemployment rates due to a lack of high-tech skills (Downs, 2000). An increase in single-parent families and increasing levels of crime can indicate a weakening of the social fabric of a city, and increasing unemployment rates reflect an increasing financial burden placed on the city. URBAN SCHOOLS

Poorly functioning school districts can be associated with declining cities. One of the main ways that urban schools are affected by urban decline is by merely being located in a distressed area. In particular, the area surrounding a school can affect the educational atmosphere. “Many of the intractable problems that plague city schools are deeply rooted in poverty, unemployment, crime, racism and human despair that pervade the neighborhoods around them” (The Urban Challenge, 1998). Declining neighborhoods not only affect the safety of children as they make their way to and from school but they also affect the atmosphere of the classroom. Educators report the growing challenge of educating urban youth who are increasingly presenting problems such as poverty, limited English proficiency, family instability and poor health (Lippman, Burns & McArthur, 1996). These issues must be addressed on top of the normal requirements to cover basic academic subject matter. A second way that declining cities impact schools in California is through reduced state revenue. In particular, if school-age population is declining, as is the case in Pasadena, the amount of funding available to school districts decreases and the ability of local schools to educate the city’s children decreases as well. This manifests itself noticeably in the area of “economies of scale.” Central cities frequently have an older school infrastructure that must be maintained, adding another layer of burden onto these districts. This is the case with the Pasadena Unified School District (PUSD), as large, in-place built facilities remain open despite declines in enrollment (Lutkemeier, 2004). The city then loses the


93

benefits of economies of scale operations as the cost of operating the district is spread over a smaller group of students. Gradual reductions in the use of the physical infrastructure cannot easily be achieved in response to modest decreases in enrollment. Abrupt adjustments through the closing of whole facilities would be the response, which could result in politically undesirable, high-profile neighborhood protests. Urban schools must also contend with “the larger size and burdensome centralized bureaucracy” of urban school districts (Lippman, Burns & McArthur, 1996, p. 3). Just being located within a declining city can have an adverse impact on schools throughout urban districts. DECLINING CITIES AND SCHOOLS

Declining urban areas and declining school districts are phenomena that typically occur together in the United States, and the link between these issues can be seen in the overlap of attributes associated with each condition. Attributes of urban decline such as population loss, declining family income levels, the filtering of housing stock, and declining social fabric lead to declining school systems. While this is a typical scenario in the United States, this is not what has been occurring in Pasadena. The school system there shows evidence of decline in areas such as low standardized test scores and student demographic indicators of high poverty rates and skewed racial composition, while the city itself does not exhibit the typical signs of decline. RESEARCH DIRECTION, DATA, AND METHODOLOGY

An important component of this study involves identifying declining cities in California and comparing Pasadena’s school district with the districts of those cities. Are Pasadena’s schools really performing poorly? If so, then Pasadena’s student outcomes should be comparable to those of school districts from cities that are experiencing decline. Data from the California Department of Education were used to address this issue. Numerous attributes have been identified as indicators of urban decline, and data from the U.S. Census Bureau were used to identify declining cities. After examining Pasadena in this manner, the balance of this article will then examine how and why Pasadena and its schools stand out from these other declining cities in California, and what changes can be made to improve the situation in the city. It should be noted that Pasadena Unified School District includes the city of Pasadena (population 133,871) as well as the adjacent areas of Altadena (42,550) and Sierra Madre (10,578) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). While the city of Pasadena itself will be used in the analysis of declining cities, all discussion of demographics related to Pasadena Unified School District includes students from these areas. When the population in the entire district is compared with the population of the city of Pasadena itself, the racial and ethnic compositions are quite similar, and no major differences are apparent. The proportion of “White alone” is 53% in both cases. The school district has a slightly higher “African American alone” population (17% vs. 14%) and a slightly lower Hispanic population (29% vs. 33) than the city itself. The non-Hispanic White population is 39% of the city’s population and 41% of the school district’s population. The adjacent communities have higher income levels than the city of Pasadena. Me-

94


dian family income levels for Altadena, Sierra Madre, and Pasadena are $66,800, $79,588, and $53,639, respectively. When examining higher education levels, however, Pasadena falls between the other cities. The percentage of the population over age 25 holding bachelor’s degrees for Altadena, Sierra Madre, and Pasadena are 39%, 50%, and 41%, respectively (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). Overall the adjacent communities appear to be fairly similar to Pasadena. SELECTION PROCESS FOR DECLINING CALIFORNIA CITIES The following guidelines were used to select a set of California cities that have indications of decline. The 1990 STF3 and 2000 SF3 U.S. Census reports were used for selecting cities that are recently experiencing this phenomenon. Incorporated cities with populations in excess of the median population of places in California for each of these Census years (30,000 people) constitute the set of eligible cities for this study. This eliminates small places that may not be comparable to Pasadena, which had a population of 133,871 in 2000. Variables measuring decline were extracted for the 209 cities that meet the above criteria for both 1990 and 2000, and the cities were sorted based on the level of decline for each variable. Cities were then identified as declining places and as possible candidates for comparison with Pasadena, if they consistently fell within the top group of declining cities for the variables measured. To be considered in the top group of declining places, a city needed to fall in the top 15% of any variable of decline. The 15% level was chosen so Table 1. Elements of Urban Decline CATEGORY

DESCRIPTION

1) Single Parent Families Increase in percent female

ATTRIBUTE NO.

1

headed household, 1990 to 2000 2) Declining Population

Percent population decline, 1990 to 2000

2

3) Declining Income

Income: Declining income levels, 1990 to 2000

3

Increasing poverty, 1990 to 2000

4

Filtering: Old housing 1990

5

Old housing 2000

6

Low rental values 1990

7

Low rental values 2000

8

Low housing value 1990

9

Low housing value 2000

10

4) Decay of Housing Stock

5) Change in Racial & Ethnic Composition

Percent Racial change: 1990 to 2000 Decreasing white population

11

Increasing Hispanic population

12

Increasing black population

13


95

that the number of cities compared with Pasadena would be of a manageable size. This cutoff point provided a group of 11 cities whose school districts were compared with Pasadena’s. Table 1 indicates the variables extracted from the Census. Overall, there are five different categories, containing 13 individual attributes in total. Each category represents an aspect of urban decline mentioned in the literature, and this information is shown in Table 1. Attributes that measure change, such as an increase or decrease, are used to make comparisons between 1990 and 2000 data. Of the preceding five different traits, categories 3 to 5 contain more than one indicator of decline. This was taken into consideration in the selection process. Cities that were selected for examination had to register in the top group of California cities in at least three of the five different categories. Selected cities, then, always rank in the top group of cities for certain individual measures of urban decline, but they will be experiencing this in at least three different categories of decline. The cities that were selected as declining places for this study are shown in the first row of Table 2. This figure also indicates the attributes of decline on which each city was highly rated highly, as well as the total number of times each registered in the top group of declining cities. Attributes from Table 1 are indicated by number in the first column of Table 2. In addition to information extracted from the Census summary files, data items from the county and city data book (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000b) were also extracted. Rates of serious crime for 1999 and the unemployment rate for 2000 were obtained for Pasadena and the other cities in Figure 2. These attributes are both measures of deTable 2. Selected Declining Cities, Pasadena, and Attributes of Decline

96


Table 3. Crime and Unemployment rates for California, Pasadena, and selected Declining Cities RATE OF SERIOUS CRIME PER 100,000 ENTITY

RESIDENTS, 1999

UNEMPLOYMENT ENTITY

RATE, 2000

1.

Hawthorne

4785

Victorville

6.6

2.

Victorville

4472

Colton

6.1

3.

Colton

4326

Moreno Valley

5.9

4.

Upland

4288

Apple Valley

5.1

5.

Long Beach

4152

Lancaster

5.1

6.

Rialto

4004

Rialto

5.1

7.

Bellflower

3914

Hawthorne

5.0

8.

California

3805

Long Beach

5.0

9.

Palmdale

3805

Palmdale

5.0

10. Pasadena

3650

California

4.9

11. Apple Valley

3503

Pasadena

4.6

12. Moreno Valley

3476

Bellflower

4.3

13. Lancaster

3415

Upland

3.2

clining cities. The data reveal that Pasadena had lower rates than the state average for both of these measures, indicating a lack of decline. This information is shown in Table 3. All of the declining cities from Table 2 exceeded the state average on one or both measures these measures. Cities that exceeded the state average on both measures were Long Beach, Palmdale, Rialto, Victorville, Colton, and Hawthorne. The remaining cities exceeded the state average on at least one of these measures. Bellflower and Upland had crime rates above the state average, and Apple Valley, Lancaster, and Moreno Valley had above average rates of unemployment (U.S. Census, 2000b). PASADENA AND DECLINING CITIES

How does Pasadena compare with these declining cities on the measures obtained from the U.S. Census? With 209 cities eligible for examination, to fall within the top 15% of the categories of decline, a city would need to be ranked from 1 to 30 in comparison with other cities in the state. Table 4 shows Pasadena’s rankings for the various measures that were used in this study. Of the 13 categories measured, Pasadena falls in the bottom half of decline on 7 measures, 4 of which are in the bottom quarter of state rankings. Pasadena can then be considered among the “least declining” cities on these measures, suggesting a lack of decline. The city has 6 measures that fall in the top half of the rankings of decline, 3 of which are in the top quarter. Having some


97

Table 4. Rank of Pasadena on Measures of Urban Decline VARIABLE

RANK

RELATIVE RANK

Old Housing 2000

8

Top Quarter

Old Housing 1990

11

Top Quarter

Population change 1990 to 2000

44

Top Quarter

Median gross rent, 2000

84

Top Half

Median gross rent, 1990

86

Top Half

Increasing Hispanic population

101

Top Half

% change in median family income, 1990-2000

117

Bottom Half

% change in poverty levels, 1990-2000

118

Bottom Half

Value of owner occupied housing, 2000

150

Bottom Half

Declining white population

157

Bottom Quarter

Value of owner occupied housing, 1990

173

Bottom Quarter

Increase in % female headed households, 1990-2000

193

Bottom Quarter

Increasing black population

197

Bottom Quarter

measures fall within the top quarter of the rankings could suggest that decline is occurring, so a brief discussion of these variables is appropriate. Two of the three variables falling in the top quarter of decline measure old housing, an indicator of decline, resulting from the filtering of housing stock. While Pasadena has some of the oldest housing stock in the state, it is also an older city with a fully built housing environment. Local groups, such as Pasadena Heritage, have successfully advocated for historic preservation guidelines to protect older structures, including housing. As a result, a large number of older houses in the city are protected from demolition and are inhabited, but this does not necessarily indicate that filtering is occurring. The third variable registering highly in the rankings of decline, the percentage change in population between 1990 and 2000, reflects slow growth of the city relative to others in the state. As previously mentioned, Pasadena is a fully built city with little room to add new housing. Recent construction typically is in the form of condominiums constructed on lots that were previously occupied by single family housing or commercial activity. The slow rate of growth in population for the city is more the result of a lack of available housing than a decrease in desirability of the city. Despite the scarcity of new housing opportunities, the city still managed a small increase in population between 1990 and 2000, suggesting a “packing in” of the population. For the most part, Pasadena frequently ranks near the bottom of the 209 cities’ tests for measures of urban decline. These data suggest that Pasadena is not in a state of decline.

98


Table 5. Academic Performance Index for Pasadena and Decling Cities SCHOOL DISTRICT

API 2002

SCHOOL DISTRICT

API 2003

1

Rialto

599

Colton

629

2

Hawthorne*

603

Lancaster*

634

3

Colton

603

Moreno Valley

634

4

Lancaster*

621

Palmdale*

637

5

Palmdale*

621

Rialto

638

6

Moreno Valley

624

PASADENA

648

7

PASADENA

635

Hawthorne*

651

8

Bellflower

642

Bellflower

671

9

Victorville

644

Victorville

676

10 Long Beach

648

Long Beach

682

11 Apple Valley

680

Apple Valley

699

12 Upland

726

Upland

760

* Elementary Schools Only

Table 6. Percentage of Students Eligible for Free and Reduced Meals SCHOOL DISTRICTS

FARM ELIGIBILITY

Hawthorne Elementary

84

Palmdale Elementary

67

Long Beach

65

Rialto Unified

64

PASADENA UNIFIED

62

Lancaster Elementary

62

Moreno Valley Unified

60

Bellflower Unified

51

Colton Joint Unified

50

Victor Valley Union High

48

Apple Valley Unified

*

Upland Unified

*

* Data unavailable


99

With the set of declining cities now selected, how do the school districts of these cities compare with Pasadena’s? The Academic Performance Index (API) for each school district was obtained for the academic years ending in 2002 and 2003 from the California Department of Education Web site (CDE, 2004a), and these figures appear in Table 5. This information reveals that the API scores for Pasadena’s school district fall right in the middle of the scores for the group of declining cities for both of these recent years. This supports the idea that something unusual is going on in Pasadena. Its schools seem to be neglected and have performance ratings similar to cities that are experiencing urban decline. Additionally, the economic status of the students in Pasadena’s public schools is similar to that of declining cities. Table 6 shows the percentage of students eligible for free and reduced meal (FARM) programs in Pasadena and the declining cities used in this study (CDE, 2004c). The percentage eligible for FARM in Pasadena is rather high at 62% and lies in the midst of the results for the group of declining cities. This suggests that the majority of students in the district are coming from low-income households. EXAMINING PASASDENA’S SITUATION While Pasadena’s schools are comparable to those from the group of declining cities in California, other attributes of the city are not. This is particularly evident when examining the richness of the city’s cultural and commercial organizations. In a recent visit to the city, Richard Kahlenberg noted these attributes. He stated, “I’m really struck by how unusual Pasadena is,” describing the city as “wonderfully vibrant” with great ethnic, racial, and economic diversity. The issue he sees is that the “public schools are not currently capturing all those elements of diversity” (Kahlenburg, 2004). A main issue for the city, then, seems to be understanding how the city and its public schools system have become disconnected. By identifying the processes behind this disconnection, it may be possible to initiate positive change to correct the current situation. PASADENA DEMOGRAPHICS

The city of Pasadena has a diverse population with significant numbers of non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Latino residents (Figure 1). The public school district, however, contains a disproportionate number of low-income students and students of color. Figure 2 indicates differences in median family income for Pasadena by racial/ ethnic group and reveals that non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic families have much lower income levels than non-Hispanic Whites. Figure 3 indicates the proportion of school-age students living in the city of Pasadena and shows that there is no majority racial or ethnic group. Hispanics are the largest group, with non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks ranking as second- and third-largest, respectively. Figure 4 shows how these three groups are represented in public and private schools. Over 50% of all non-Hispanic White school-aged children in the Pasadena Unified School District attend private schools, accentuating non-White concentrations in the public school district (U.S. Census, 2000a). The racial and socioeconomic segregation creates disparities among Pasadena’s school children and highlights the ongoing need for integrative efforts.

100


Figure 1. Main Racial and Ethnic Groups for Pasadena

Figure 2. Median Family Income for Pasadena Racial/Ethnic Groups, 1999


101

If Pasadena’s schools could become more integrated, the result could be a diverse learning environment where all involved would benefit through daily exposure to students from home environments different from their own. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTIONS

Socioeconomic characteristics of Pasadena such as income and race do not exist evenly across the city. Concentrations of poor populations may make parts of the city more difficult to integrate with middle-class populations, and concentrations of racial and ethnic groups may exacerbate this problem. Figure 5 shows the distribution of family income levels across the city, with inset maps indicating the location of Los Angeles County within California, as well as the location of the Pasadena Unified School District within the county of Los Angeles. This map of family income reveals an uneven distribution of this phenomenon, with an impoverished central area of the city ringed with more affluent neighborhoods on the edges. Figure 6 shows the distribution of the Hispanic population in the district, which is concentrated in the center of the district. When compared with Figure 5, it appears that high levels of Hispanic population are closely associated with low levels of family income. Figure 7 shows the distribution of non-Hispanic Whites in the district, and when compared with Figure 5, it reveals that areas with high levels of this group are typically found in areas of high income, along the edges of the district. Figure 8 reveals that the non-Hispanic Black population is concentrated in the northwest part of the district. When this map is compared with Figure 5, it appears that Black families occupy areas ranging from low- to moderate-income areas, adjacent to Hispanic and White areas. These maps reveal that economic or racial integration in public schools in Pasadena may be hindered by the residential location of students, and they suggest that transportation of students may still be an issue with which the city will have to contend.

Figure 3. Racial/Ethnic Distribution of School Age Students in Pasadena

102


Figure 5. Distribution of Family Income Levels in Pasadena

Figure 6. Distribution of the Hispanic Population in Pasadena


Figure 7. Distribution of the Non-Hispanic White Population in Pasadena

Figure 8. Distribution of the Non-Hispanic Black Population in Pasadena

103

104


Table 7. Characteristics of Pasadena and Similar Cities MED FAMILY INCOME, 2000

% NONHISPANIC WHITE, 2000

% NONHISPANIC BLACK 2000

% HISPANIC 2000

% FEMALE HEADED HOUSEHOLD, 2000

% POP BELOW POVERTY, 2000

API SCORES, 2003

Hayward

54,712

29

11

34

10

10

623

Moreno Valley

48,965

32

19

38

13

14

624

Pittsburg

54,472

31

18

32

11

11

604

Vallejo

56,805

31

23

16

12

10

623

Pasadena

53,639

39

14

33

11

16

635

COMPARISONS WITH SIMILAR CITIES

When Pasadena is compared with other diverse cities with similar attributes, the city still stands out as a unique place. This study selected a group of California cities that had a similar combination of characteristics to Pasadena in terms of median family income, social, racial and ethnic characteristics, as well as presence in a metropolitan area. Relevant information about Pasadena and these cities appears in Table 7 (U.S. Census, 2000a). Even among these comparable cities, Pasadena stands out in some details of the adult population, as well as the characteristics of its public school students. The non-Hispanic White population in Pasadena has twice the level of educational attainment of the other cities in this group (Figure 9), and its income levels are significantly higher than nonHispanic Whites in the other cities as well (Figure 10). When examining public school student attributes, Whites in Pasadena are attending private schools at a much higher rate than in the other cities (Figure 11) (U.S. Census, 2000a). Standardized test scores for Pasadena’s public schools are comparable to the other cities in this group (CDE, 2004b), but it seems that much of Pasadena’s educated and affluent population is not participating in the public school system. OTHER ISSUES IMPACTING THE SCHOOL DISTRICT

Compounding the problem of public school abandonment was the disenfranchisement of the Pasadena Unified School District from city government since the time of forced integration. While these are two separate governmental entities, school districts with a close relationship with their city council may be able to more easily obtain general assistance from the city in areas such as placing supportive measures on the ballot. In Pasadena, however, the school district has become increasingly isolated and loosely connected to the priorities of the city council since the 1970s (Lutkemeier, 2004; Dreier, 2004). Consequently, collaborative efforts to address the many issues confronting the district were limited. Additionally, the lack of a strong political organization representing families of public school district students minimized political pressure on city council members. It is often the presence of a strong parental and communitywide constituency that causes a city government to pay more attention to issues involving public education. For


Figure 9. Education Levels for Selected Cities by Racial/Ethnic Group

Figure 10. Income Levels for Selected Cities by Racial/Ethnic Group

105

106


Figure 11. Private School Attendance Levels for Selected Cities by racial/Ethnic Group

many working class families, however, it is difficult to find the time to employ, or learn how to maneuver through, the political system. Parents in poor urban areas are “less likely to be involved in school affairs, to ensure high standards and to put pressure on administrators to fire or transfer bad teachers” (Kahlenberg, 2001, p. 8), and many teachers have to deal with “lack of parental support…” (Lippman, Burns & McArthur, 1996, p. 1) when dealing with their student bodies. Consequently, there is no impetus or pressure on city government to prioritize educational issues. This partly accounts for the many problems facing the Pasadena public school district. Another area of concern involves the declining enrollment figures for the school district. A shrinking student population means a reduction in state funding, which is based largely on student attendance. The recent drop in student enrollment is primarily due to the expensive housing market in Pasadena. Many families, especially those at the lower socioeconomic level, are moving out of the city to find affordable housing in other areas (Lutkemeier, 2004). While fewer low-income students may make the district more attractive to middle- and higher-income families, realistically this is not an attribute that the school district would officially emphasize. A significant concern is that the trend of declining student base, combined with the large fixed costs of the school district, could restrict new investment into educational programs. The district could be shackled to a large infrastructure of buildings and facilities while receiving less revenue to pay for it if nothing changes. Declining enrollment, however, has continued to be a serious issue in


107

Pasadena and the district has recently taken a drastic step to address the matter. Beginning in fall 2006 the PUSD has decided to permanently close four of its elementary schools. Allendale, Edison, Linda Vista and Noyes elementary schools have been selected for closure based on enrollment levels, density of students in the surrounding neighborhoods, and proximity to other schools. The district expects to save $1 million in the 2006-07 academic year by this action (Hoffman, 2005). In addition to declining enrollment, an overall lack of funding is a more general problem of the district. This is a typical issue for most California public school districts considering the highly publicized recent state budget crisis. Compounding the problem for Pasadena, however, is the shortage of soft money generated within the community. According to Kahlenburg, between 4% and 15% of school budgets in California are provided by outside donations from educational foundations, businesses, and nonprofit organizations (2001). Although seemingly minor, the large range of contributions among districts can make a sizable impact. For Pasadena, soft money contributions comprise 4% of total revenues and are significantly smaller than contributions received in the adjacent school districts, such as La Canada Unified School District (12%) and San Marino School District (17%) (CDE, 2004b). Efforts to increase soft money funds could help offset current declining revenue based on enrollment. This may not be immediately feasible since it may be hard to get affluent parents to support raising these kinds of funds. This might be the situation if their children are not attending public schools and if they feel less affluent parents are not doing their part. This type of “soft money” fund raising may need to be used in conjunction with the implementation of magnet schools, where affluent parents could feel that those funds could put to good use. SCHOOL FINANCING

Any suggestion for changes in Pasadena’s school district must be viable within the complicated and rather restrictive system of school financing that exists within California. Beginning in the1970s, legislation was enacted to equalize revenue limits per student in districts across the state. This, combined with other legislation that limited property tax, has made the options for schools trying to improve their financial situations quite limited. Equalization of per pupil revenue across school districts in California has its roots in the Serrano v. Priest cases of 1971 and 1976. These cases fought for the equalization of school expenditures across public school districts in California. California courts found the then current system of public school finance to be unconstitutional. After Serrano v. Priest II, no wealth- based system could be used to generate revenue for public schools, and new rules allowed only a $300 band of difference between district expenditures statewide. These court cases, many argue, reduced school funding by 20%, while they decoupled local taxes and local school expenditures. Any local district that found it difficult to match expenditures of other districts would receive funds from the state to reach the target level. In brief, most tax revenue generated for public school funding went directly to the state, where the money was reapportioned to level out overall school expenditures (Grubb & Goe, 2002).

108


Following closely on the heels of Serrano v. Priest came the well-known Proposition 13 legislation. Proposition 13 rolled back property taxes, while it limited taxing and spending. It capped the amount of increased property tax to a maximum of 1% a year, limiting city revenue. Prior to Proposition 13, in cities with a large tax base due to high property values, parents could feel that their tax dollars directly contributed to local school funding. They could vote to increase taxes, knowing that those funds would directly be applied to local schools. After Proposition 13, the ability to do this was virtually eliminated. Therefore, many parents in affluent communities no longer felt that their tax dollars were going directly into their local school system. Overall, local control became limited, as the majority of funds came from the state (Kiewiet, 1999). Property tax receipts to local governments fell by more than 50% as the average statewide property tax rate fell from 2.67% to a constitutional maximum of 1% (Legislative Analyst’s Office, n.d.). One of the few ways that schools can increase their spending is through the use of categorical funds. Categorical funding refers to money from the state and federal government that is targeted to special programs and children with special needs. Approximately one third of K–12 education’s total funding is earmarked for these special purposes. Three of the largest categorical programs are for special education, bilingual education, and Title 1 (funds for schools with high levels of low-income families). While this aid is in addition to the funding schools have received for their general education program, in general schools or districts must spend the money for its intended purpose (Ed Source, n.d.). A one-time distribution will be available for the Pasadena public schools as a result of the recently settled Williams v. California case. Williams argued that due to the inequities of classroom materials, teacher training, and school conditions across the state, the basic tools of a decent education are not provided to all. The main arguments were that all students should at least be provided with qualified teachers, enough materials, and decent facilities, and that all students have a right to an equal education. A settlement was reached out of court in 2004, and funds were committed by the state to address some of the issues at hand (UCLA, 2004). Pasadena Unified School district will receive $480,000 to address these issues that exist in seven of their schools (Lutkemeier, 2005). The use of the funds is limited to addressing the inequities described above. School financing in California is complicated and restrictive. School districts are fairly limited as to their flexibility in generating additional revenue. Creative solutions are necessary to generate more funds for districts that seek improvement, and this is discussed in our concluding section. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

Pasadena’s public schools are in an unusual state of decline. This seems unusual for a city with a large middle-class population, as well as notable cultural, educational, and commercial assets. This decline can be traced back to the beginning of court-ordered busing in 1970 and the abandonment of the school district by middle-class families. Prior to 1970, Pasadena possessed a high-performing, yet unacceptably segregated, school district. As “white flight” from the district occurred during the 1970s and 1980s, parents who


109

were best able to advocate for the public schools left the system (Honowitz, 2005). Without any loud voices supporting the schools, the system became increasingly marginalized through the late twentieth century. What can Pasadena now do to improve its schools? Pasadena clearly needs to win back the students it has lost to private schools over the last 30 years. This is essential for two main economic reasons. The first is that public school populations in the city have dropped over the last several years as Pasadena has become an increasingly expensive place in which to live. Poorer families increasingly look to other, more affordable places to live, bypassing Pasadena (Lutkemeier, 2004; Honowitz, 2004). This trend seems likely to continue likely. Since a significant portion of school funding is based on student enrollment, the school district will face declining revenue if nothing changes. Bringing back middle-class students to the public schools will help offset the current declines in enrollment. The second reason that the district needs to win back private school students is so that their parents can be an effective force supporting the system, if necessary. In addition to the economic reasons for bringing back middle-class students to the district, there are other social reasons to increase diversity in the schools. Kahlenberg (2004) identified a valuable aspect of diversity in schools, whereby students of different backgrounds meet and interact with each other. He also mentioned an academic benefit of diversity, in that classroom discussion will be broadened and enhanced with a wider variety of students in the schools. These aspects of a diverse classroom will better prepare students for real world interactions in the increasingly diverse society that California and the rest of the United States is becoming. Winning back students and their parents is easier said than done, of course. “Negative reputations are hard to shake” (Kahlenberg, 2004), and three decades of behavior and attitude are not easily changed, especially when the performance of the district’s school is similar to what one finds in declining cities. Somehow the schools must be made appealing to families who send their children to private schools. One asset that the district can take advantage of is the diversity of the student population. This can be used as a selling point. Parents who are considering sending their children to Pasadena’s public schools cite this diversity as an attraction. “Free” tuition adds to the appeal (Hayasaki, 2004). The demographics of the city provide Pasadena with a valuable asset, in that a diverse student population is something that most private schools can’t offer (Kahlenberg, 2004). School choice is also an option that the district has recently begun offering. The district began an open enrollment program in fall of 2001, which allows children to apply to attend any school in the district. This gives parents a choice as to which school their children will attend and may make public schools more appealing. Applications to the public schools have increased slightly over the last couple of years (Hayasaki, 2004), but the increase has been relatively small. The open enrollment system might need some modifications to it, however. Transportation is probably the biggest factor affecting participation in open enrollment. The city provides public transportation to only 3 of the 31 schools in the district, unless a child is attending a neighborhood school assigned on residential location. This limits the numbers of students who can take advan-

110


tage of open enrollment (Honowitz, 2004). Ideally this situation needs to be addressed. In a relatively compact city such as Pasadena, versus nearby Los Angeles, the transportation issue may be solvable if additional funds could be obtained. MAGNETIZATION In addition to the issues of transportation, parents and students need strong reasons to even consider returning to the public schools. Diversity of the student population may not be enough to win back families by itself. Instituting themed magnet schools may be the best way for Pasadena to attract middle-class students to the public school district and to shore up its economic base. With the many institutions located in Pasadena, the establishment of themed schools associated with some of these organizations could increase the appeal of the district. Pasadena has “tremendous potential to act on magnet schools” (Kahlenberg, 2004). The local cultural and economic organizations provide a great resource to Pasadena that has been little used up to this point. Polling parents as to their interest in themes for schools is an important first step in the process that should ensure demand for programs (Kahlenberg, 2004). A school theme is an academic focus area such as science, the arts, or business operations, which much of the curriculum of the school would incorporate. Matching popular themes with local businesses continues the process. The district would then need to seek the cooperation of the appropriate local organization. While the idea of creating more magnet schools is an appealing way to make the district more attractive to private school students, the question of how to fund these specialized schools remains largely unaddressed. One concern is that spending money to establish magnet schools could result in the “creaming effect,” in which brighter students could be drawn out of nonmagnet schools. This could inhibit widespread support for the funding of magnet schools. If magnet schools could be established in a way that also adds benefit to other schools in the district, then the movement toward improving the district as a whole could get under way. We feel that the funding of magnet schools through the creative use of a parcel tax, combined with controlled choice enrollment based on family economic status, is the best way to achieve this goal. PARCEL TAX Creating magnet schools may be the most practical approach to bringing back middleclass and above students, but paying for these schools can be problematic. Using district or municipal funds for such an approach could be criticized, since students attending the magnet schools would benefit from the investment of public funds, while those students in the remainder of the district schools would see no benefit. Creative financing, which should be marketed as benefiting all, could address the issues of using magnet schools as part of Pasadena’s solution. We propose the establishment of a parcel tax to bring in additional revenue to the city, which would then free up funds within the district. A parcel tax


111

intended to “…preserve the core curriculum in all grades…” (Santa Monica, 2003) won voter approval in Santa Monica California in 2003, so a precedent for this type of solution has had some success. This tax would be used for supplementing school activities such as music, sports, and after school and summer activities, as well as providing funding for citywide summer parks and library programs. Much of the city, including all of the city’s children, could benefit through summer parks and library programs. This may make such a tax levy appealing to a broad range of the population, not just public school parents. These funds could then be used to “free up” some resources that the district currently uses for its student activities, and this money could then be used for investment in magnet schools. All schools in the district would be better off since they would all see improvements in their activity and after school programs through the parcel tax. City council members would need to support this idea, since they would have to instigate this initiative for it to reach the ballot. An improved school district could add to property values throughout the city, and emphasizing this benefit might be the best approach when the idea is presented to the council and to the voters. Although a parcel tax can be difficult to pass since it requires a two-thirds majority vote, a number of cities in California have recently been successful in passing such a tax. While many of the communities that have passed these taxes tend to be affluent, such as Larkspur (Klein, 2003), Walnut Creek (Bell, 2001), and Palo Alto (Palo Alto, n.d.), less affluent cities such as Oakland (Cooler Heads Prevail, 2004) and Mojave (Maeshiro, 2005) have been successful as well. Pre-ballot surveys on the rates that citizens are willing to pay, as seen recently in San Mateo (Three of Four…, 2003) and Burlingame (Morente, 2004), can help in a successful ballot outcome. Additionally, while parcel taxes typically charge the same rate per piece of property and have been described as regressive, this is not always the case. The city of Piedmont, California, recently passed a parcel tax with rates on a sliding scale. Single-family homes pay different amounts based on the square footage of their lots, while condominiums, commercial properties, and undeveloped lots have their own fixed rates as well (Smartvoter, 2005). Pasadena Unified School district may want to consider using pre-ballot surveys and a sliding scale for the parcel tax to gain support for this measure. CONTROLLED CHOICE A potential problem with open enrollment options for magnet schools is the possible segregation of students as a result of applications to these schools. While “controlling” choice in the past has typically referred to maintaining a certain racial balance in schools, recent court cases have questioned the legality of this practice, which in part assigns students to schools based on race. We feel that attempting to control the mix of student economic backgrounds may help keep magnet schools from becoming too segregated. Schools whose students are primarily working-class and low-income tend to exhibit a set of socioeconomic conditions that inhibit academic achievement. Economic segregation may occur since “[c]hoice programs [can] select better-off and higher-performing

112


students and thereby depress both motivation and achievement among students remaining in the [neighborhood] schools” (Ascher, Fruchter & Berne, 1996, p. 92). It has been shown that social class differences between schools account for a majority of the achievement gap due to variations in childbearing, health, housing, and out-of-school enrichment opportunities (Rothstein, 2004). Socially mixed schools tend to counteract some of the shortcomings associated with schools that are primarily made up of lower-class populations (Kahlenberg, 2001). While controlled choice based on race of the student has been legally challenged, controlled choice based on student economic background does not seem to be problematic. When comparing racial and economic controlled choice options, Kahlenburg stated, “Ironically, the fact that economic segregation was never found unconstitutional means that voluntary measures addressed to class are constitutionally permissible” (Kahlenberg, 1999). At the school district level, there is currently an awareness that segregation in the two existing magnet schools could be a problem and that “[t]he program needs to be monitored to ensure that this does not occur” (Honowitz, 2004). Currently there are no methods to manage the diversity of the population of any individual school. Applications are received and assigned based on availability. If a school receives more applications than the number of spaces, acceptance is assigned through a computer-generated, random lottery process, with preference given to students with siblings attending the school and to students living in the immediate neighborhood (PUSD, 2004). Kalhenberg (2001) described a managed method of school assignment, controlled choice, whereby a district allows applications to schools but limits socioeconomic groups so that diversity is maintained. Incorporating this type of choice restriction could help balance diversity in all schools and make the schools and the district more desirable. CONCLUDING COMMENTS Pasadena’s school district has experienced a great amount of change over the last 40 years. The schools were high performing and highly segregated prior to 1970. Through the rest of the twentieth century, the schools experienced decline as they lost their middleclass student population to private schools. This process left the city in an unusual situation by the beginning of the twenty-first century: that of a wealthy, institutionally rich municipality with a school district that has the characteristics of districts in declining cities. More than thirty years after public school integration efforts began in Pasadena, the demographic composition of the student population remains segregated. The only difference now is that the segregation does not exist as much within public schools as it does between public and private institutions of education. The school district is aware of its situation and is beginning to take steps to make the public schools more appealing to middle-class residents. Pasadena Unified School District has already begun the process through the addition of some full-day kindergartens, open enrollment options, and magnet schools (International Baccalaureate) on two campuses (Merl, 2005). Some improvement on test scores at the elementary school level has been noted over the last three years (Lutkemeier, 2005). The district still has a big job


113

ahead of it, but it also “has more potential than most cities” to take advantage of its assets (Kahlenberg, 2004). If Pasadena can successfully take advantage of its many resources, then the schools could again become a source of pride for the citizens of Pasadena. The use of a parcel tax may be the best option for the city in its push to improve its schools. Using funds from such a tax to support school activities, as well as citywide activities, could not only free up money in the district to supplement the addition of themed magnet schools but could also be appealing to the whole community. Enhanced activities and improved schools could ultimately increase property values, and these potential changes could convince the whole city to more fully support Pasadena’s Unified School District. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank Edward Honowitz and David Lutkemeier, both of the Pasadena Unified School District, for their valuable commentary on the operations of the district. We would also like to thank Peter Drier of Occidental College in Los Angeles for his insights on the history of the PUSD and the effects of parental participation on the Pasadena Schools. Finally, we would like to thank Lois AndreBechely of California State University, Los Angeles, for her valuable input on some of the issues addressed in this article REFERENCES Ascher, C., Fruchter, N., & Berne, R. (1996). Hard Lessons: Public Schools and Privatization. New York: Twentieth Century Fund Press. Bell, E. (2001, March 8). Walnut Creek Voters OK Tax; Earnest Volunteers Carry School Measure. San Francisco Chronicle, p. A17. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from LexisNexis Database. CDE (California Department of Education). (2004a). Data and Statistics. Data Quest. Retrieved July 5, 2004, from http://data1.cde.gov/dataquest/ CDE (California Department of Education). (2004b). Data and Statistics. Ed-Data. Retrieved July 5, 2004, from http://www.ed-data.k12.ca.us/welcome.asp CDE (California Department of Education). (2004c). Data and Statistics. Student Health and Support. Food Programs. Retrieved July 5, 2004, from http://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/sh/sn/ freereduced0203.asp CDE (California Department of Education). (2005a). Data and Statistics. Ed-Data. Retrieved June 22, 2005, from http://www.ed-data.k12.ca.us/Navigation/fsTwoPanel.asp?bottom= %2Fprofile%2Easp%3Flevel%3D04%26reportNumber%3D16. CDE (California Department of Education). (2005b). Data and Statistics. Ed-Data. Retrieved June 22, 2005, from http://www.ed-data.k12.ca.us/Navigation/fsTwoPanel.asp?bottom= %2Fprofile%2Easp%3Flevel%3D04%26reportNumber%3D16

114


CDE (California Department of Education). (2005c). Data and Statistics. Ed-Data. Retrieved June 22, 2005, from http://www.ed-data.k12.ca.us/Navigation/fsTwoPanel.asp?bottom= %2Fprofile%2Easp%3Flevel%3D04%26reportNumber%3D16 CDE (California Department of Education). (2005d). Data and Statistics. Data Quest. Retrieved June 22, 2005, from http://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/SAT-I2.asp?cChoice= SAT2&cYear=2003-04&TheCounty=19%2CLOS%5EANGELES&cLevel= County&cTopic=SAT&myTimeFrame=S&submit1=Submit Cooler Heads Prevail in Schools’ Parcel Tax Fight. (2004 March 6). Alameda Times-Star. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from LexisNexis Database. [Realphabetize and change citations in text to (Cooler Heads, 2005) XX] Dooley, D. (1997, Sept). Countering Urban Disinvestment Through Community Building. Social Work, 42(5), 506. Downs, A. (2000, July). Suburban Sprawl, Urban Decline, and Smart Growth. Retrieved July 6, 2004, from www.anthonydowns.com/mdhomebuilders.pdf Dreier, Peter (Professor of Politics and Director of the Urban & Environmental Policy Program, Occidental College). (2004, July 27). Personal Interview. Ed Source Online: California Education Policy News and Data. (n.d.) Retreived Jan 23, 2005, from http://www.edsource.org/edu_fin_law.cfm Elliott, J. R. (1997, January). Cycles Within the System: Metropolitanisation and Internal Migration in the U.S., 1965-90. Urban Studies, 34(1), 21. Grubb, W, & Goe, L. (2002). The Unending Search for Equity: California Policy, the “New” School Finance, and the Williams Case. Prepared for the Institute of Democracy, Education and Access, University of California, Los Angeles. Hayasaki, E. (2004, June 6). Pasadena Schools Play up Diversity to Lure Families. Los Angeles Times, pp.B1. Hoffman, Gretchen (2005, Dec 25) Parents Irked at PUSD Board. Pasadena Star-News. Retreived May 16, 2006 from http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives Honowitz, E. (School Board President, Pasadena Unified School District). Pasadena, CA. (2004, Aug 9). Personal Interview. Honowitz, E. (School Board President, Pasadena Unified School District). Pasadena, CA. (2005, Jan 18). Personal Interview. Kahlenberg, R. D. (1999, March 31). Economic School Desegregation. Education Week, 18(29), 52-54. Kahlenberg, R. D. (2001). All Together Now: Creating Middle-Class Schools Through Public School Choice. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute Press. Kahlenberg, R. D. (2004, March 11). Socioeconomic Integration of Schools. Presentation made to the Pasadena Unified School District.


115

Kiewiet, R. D. (1999, November). Californians Can’t Blame Everything on Proposition 13. Public Affairs Report (Institute of Governmental Studies, U.C., Berkeley), 40(6), 13. Klein, G. (2003, June 4). School Parcel Tax Wins in Larkspur; West Marin Measure Losing. Marin Independent Journal. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from LexisNexis Database. Legislative Analyst’s Office (California non-partisan Fiscal and Policy Advisor). (n.d.). Retrieved Jan 23, 2005, from http://www.lao.ca.gov/1996/082196_prop_taxes/ property_tax_differences_pb82196.html#addendum Lippman, L., Burns, S., & McArthur, E. (1996). Urban Schools: The Challenge of Location and Poverty. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Education Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics. Lutkemeier, D. M. (Assistant Superintendent Planning, Research, and Evaluation, Pasadena Unified School District). Pasadena, CA. (2004, July 7). Personal Interview. Lutkemeier, D. M. (Assistant Superintendent Planning, Research, and Evaluation, Pasadena Unified School District). Pasadena, CA. (2005, Jan 27). Personal Correspondence. Madden, J. F. (2003, March). The Changing Spatial Concentration of Income and Poverty Among Suburbs of Large US Metropolitan Areas. Urban Studies, 40(3), 481. Maeshiro, K. (2005, June 19). Work to Start at Middle School. Los Angeles Daily News– Antelope Valley. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from http://www.dailynews.com/Stories/0,1413, 200%257E20943%257E2929152,00.html Mantle, L. (2004, May 17). Busing in Pasadena [Radio]. In KPCC (Producer). Air Talk. Pasadena: KPCC. Merl, J. (2005, January 9). School Search Is an Education. Los Angeles Times, p. B1. Morente, C. (2004, November 3). School Parcel Tax Wins. San Mateo County Times. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from LexisNexis Database. Orfield, M. (2002). American Metropolitics: The New Suburban Reality. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute Press. Page, H. (1964). Pasadena: Its Early Years. Los Angeles: Lorrin L. Morrision Printing and Publishing. Palo Alto, California. (n.d.). Parcel Tax (Palo Alto School District). Retreived July 10, 2005, from http://www.pausd.palo-alto.ca.us/community/fees/parcel_tax.shtml PUSD (2004). 2004-2005 Open Enrollment Brochure and Application. Pasadena CA: Pasadena Unified School District. Rothstein, R. (2004). Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic, and Educational Reform to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap. Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute. Santa Monica–Malibu Unified School District. (2003). Addendum to the Agenda, Special Closed Session: Semi Annual Board Retreat. Santa Monica, CA.

116


Smartvoter. (2005). Measure B School Parcel Tax Renewal, Piedmont Unified School District. Retreived July 10, 2005, from http://www.smartvoter.org/2005/06/07/ca/alm/meas/B/ Thernstrom, A., & Thernstrom S. (2003). No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning. New York and London: Simon & Schuster. Three of four parcel taxes pass. (2003, June 4). San Mateo County Times. Retrieved July 10, 2005, from LexisNexis Database. UCLA. (2004). The Williams Settlement: What Does It Mean for California Communities? Los Angeles: UCLA’s Institute for Democracy, Education and Access. The Urban Challenge. (1998, January 8). Education Week, 17, 6. U.S. Census Bureau. (1990). Population and Housing Reports, STF3. Retrieved July 5, 2004, from www.census.gov U.S. Census Bureau. (2000a). Population and Housing Reports, STF3. Retrieved July 5, 2004, from www.census.gov U.S. Census Bureau (2000b). County and City Data Book, Table C4. Retrieved July 5, from www.census.gov/statab/www/ccdb.html

2004,

Zahniser, D. (2000, January 23). Spangler Suit Started the Buses Rolling. Pasadena Star News, A1.