Finally, Canada is known for its general secondary school .... VET, such as apprenticeships and school-based vocational and technician training programs).
Pathways enabling educational success for vulnerable immigrants in Switzerland, Canada and France Christian Imdorf, Maarten Koomen, Thomas Meyer (University of Basel) Canisius Kamanzi (University of Montréal) Jake Murdoch, Christine Guegnard (University of Burgundy) Introduction This paper defines educational success as getting enrolled in a higher education program after completion of upper secondary education. We are especially interested in analysing the causes for educational success of students from vulnerable immigrant groups in France, Switzerland and Canada. Despite their different histories and policies as countries of immigrations, the three countries have a sizeable immigrant population, some of which do experience obstacles in their educational and professional careers (Boyd, 2002; Fibbi, Lerch & Wanner, 2006; Frickey, Murdoch & Primon, 2006; Thiessen, 2009; Hupka & Stalder, 2011; Brinbaum & Guégnard, 2012). On an institutional level, the paper aims at identifying institutional pathways which foster higher education access for vulnerable immigrant students in the three respective countries. The educational systems in France, Switzerland and Canada are indeed very different. France has a more school-based educational system and a greater tradition of prestigious tertiary education institutions. In France, vocational education does not have a very high status and therefore fails to attract a large proportion of well-performing students. The situation in Switzerland is more or less reversed with less people following academic education and over two thirds of students enrolling in a variety of vocational (VET) programs. Finally, Canada is known for its general secondary school system (without formal academic/vocational tracking) followed by postsecondary academic and vocational programs. Over the past decades, educational policy implementations in France, Switzerland and Canada have increased the eligibility of those completing (upper- or post compulsory) secondary education to access higher or tertiary education, by introducing vocationally orientated programs on the upper secondary level that offer access to higher education. Such policies should help to elevate some of the well-known inequalities in the educational system by improving the educational achievements of disadvantaged groups such as students with an immigrant background. New pathways to higher education in France, Switzerland and Canada In France, as far as the gateway to higher education institutions is concerned the baccalauréat is the standard final diploma of upper secondary education. There are two particularly important decision stages in the secondary system for both families and their children. The first occurs at the age of 15 at the end of lower secondary (collège), where the choice is between lycée général et technologique and lycée professionnel. The second arises when students are 18 years old and concerns access to tertiary education. The latter has expanded considerably as a result of the increasing number of pupils in secondary education and the increasing number of baccalauréat holders. In the context of the democratization of secondary education and the expansion of higher education, first and second generation immigrants have become more numerous to access higher education in France. Another measure that has increased the access to higher education is the creation of a vocational baccalauréat, which offers new opportunities, particularly to children of working-class or immigrant background. After the end of lower secondary school, youths can first follow a short vocational course for two years (CAP/BEP) and then access baccalauréat professionnel for two years. Today, 58% of young people from immigrant families and 69% of French natives obtain a baccalauréat (Brinbaum & Kieffer, 2009). Around 40% of the former access higher education compared to over half for the latter. Immigrants, especially a significant proportion of youths of North African origin, have a preference for selective short vocational tertiary programs but are diverted towards to the non-selective university sector. This in turn leads to higher dropout rates for these youths (particularly for baccalauréat professionnel holders). This unequal access to higher education impacts on degree completion and the subsequent entry into the French labour market (Frickey, Murdoch & Primon, 2006; Brinbaum & Guégnard, 2012).
In Switzerland, unlike in France, only one out of five students enrol in general baccalaureate schools to receive an academic baccalaureate (Matura, maturité), granting the student access to higher education institutions – to universities in general, or, after an additional year of work experience, to a university of applied science. With a participation rate of 13 percent in baccalaureate schools (SKBF, 2011), foreign nationals are considerably underrepresented in schools granting the traditional higher education entrance qualification. The majority of students that finish compulsory education at age 15 enrol in some form of vocational training (VET) that typically last between three to four years (Cortesi & Imdorf, 2013). A majority of these VET programmes (87% in 2010 according to SERI, 2013) are ‘dually’ organised, where apprentices divide their time between vocational school and a training company. In case apprenticeship places are in high demand (e.g. in the early 2000s), training companies can recruit very selectively. Previous research has indicated that this recruitment progress is to the disadvantage of school leavers with an immigrant background if competition for apprenticeship places is high (Imdorf, 2010). To increase the permeability between VET and higher education, a double-qualification that enables the simultaneous or subsequent acquisition of a VET qualification and a higher education entrance qualification was introduced in Switzerland in 1994 (Gonon, 2013). This so called Federal Vocational Baccalaureate (Berufsmaturität, maturité professionnelle), which grants access to universities of applied sciences, requires enrolment or completion of a school or company-based vocational study program. The opportunity to obtain a Federal Vocational Baccalaureate is strongly linked to certain (academically more demanding) training professions. Even so Schmid and Gonon (2011) did not find any direct effect of immigrant background on access rate to tertiary education of those holding a vocational baccalaureate, Swisseducated foreign nationals remain underrepresented both at conventional universities and at the universities of applied sciences (6% and 7% respectively in 2007 according to SKBF 2011). One possible reason for this might be that access to the vocational baccalaureate is mostly restricted to those who are recruited as apprentices by training companies. Such obstacles might affect the educational pathways of immigrant students, some of them facing employer discrimination hampering access to company-based apprenticeships which offer vocational baccalaureate careers. In the case of Canada, the majority of students who finish compulsory secondary school at age 16 enrol in higher education. Research shows that most of those who go to higher education enrol at university rather than at a college (Finnie & Mueller, 2008). If there is no formal academic/vocational tracking secondary school in Canada, there are two types of preparatory courses that students can take during secondary school: university preparatory courses and college/work preparatory courses. Most of students take university preparatory courses in language, mathematics or sciences in order to maximize their chance of being accepted in their desired program. These preparatory courses aim to increase the performance of students who aspire to higher education. They can therefore be considered as a functional equivalent of baccalaureate programs in Switzerland and France. In Canada, immigrants are generally overrepresented in higher education. Recent studies conducted by Picot (2012), and Mc Andrew, Ledent and Pinsonneault (2012) show that youths with an immigrant background (first and second generations) are more likely to participate in higher education than those whose parents are of native backgrounds, no matter their academic performance. According to Finnie and Mueller (2008), around 80% of female immigration youth access higher education compared to 68% for female native Canadians. The gap is similar for males, 68% and 55%. However there are inequalities among immigrants depending on their ethnic or cultural origin. The participation rate for access to university is higher for Asians than the native majority, while it is relatively lower for Latin American, Caribbean and Sub-Saharan African youths (Abada, Hou & Ram, 2009; Thiessen, 2009; Anisef, Brown & Sweet, 2011). The possible unequal access of vulnerable immigrant students to higher education in the three countries raises the question of how the institutional settings in in these countries enable those vulnerable groups to enrol in higher education. Which educational pathways enable educational success for first and second generation immigrants in France, Switzerland and Canada, and what are the underlying mechanisms? Because of the different educational systems it is likely that ‘vocationalised’ pathways to higher education will play out differently for different groups of students in each country. We therefore ask how educational institutions shape pathways from secondary to tertiary education for male and female students of immigrant origins. We are primarily interested in
the possible reinforcement or elevation of educational inequalities arising from educational policies designed to increase the enrolment in tertiary education and programs that increase the flow from upper-secondary vocational educational tracks to higher tertiary ones. Data and method Using panel data from France (DEPP), Switzerland (TREE) and Canada (YITS) we analyse the pathways to higher education in the three countries in more detail, looking specifically at the accessibility of higher education through different educational tracks, while taking into account different characteristics of the students. As far as vulnerable immigrant youth are concerned in each country, we focus on 1st and 2nd generation young adults coming from Turkey and former Yugoslavia who study in Switzerland, comparing their pathways with the educational trajectories of the Swiss students. In the French sample we look at 1st and 2nd generation youths from North African origin (Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia) comparing them with French natives. For Canada, the comparison is between 1st and 2nd generation Latino and Caribbean youths and Canadian natives. Using statistical analysis (multinomial logistic regressions), we analyse how the placement in different educational pathways to higher education can be explained by immigrant status (model 1), controlling for early individual school characteristics in model 2 (e.g. grades, reading skills, competence levels etc., depending on country specific education system and available variables). Model 3 additionally controls for social background, gender, and aspirations. Tables 1 to 3 show descriptive social and school characteristics for immigrant and non-immigrant students with regard to their educational achievement and their social and educational family background for each country. Parent’s higher education diplomas are not equivalent in the three countries. They encompass 27% for France, 38% for Switzerland (including university and higher professional diploma), and 65% for Canada (16% university degrees and 49% non-universitary postsecondary diploma). Still, the figures highlight the social vulnerability of the chosen immigrant categories. In all three countries considerably higher educated parents, more advantageous socioeconomic background and better academic achievements of students of the native groups compared to Table 1. Social and schooling characteristics in secondary school of students for France Country of parental origin Parents higher education diploma High socio-economic status Low socio-economic status Belated entry in secondary school Above average marks (language) Above average marks (math) Aspirations to study in HE N
North Africa
France
2% 2% 90 % 42 % 27 % 23 % 45 % 890
27 % 26 % 50 % 18 % 59 % 58 % 53 % 13’806
Source: panel d'élèves du second degré, recrutement 1995- 1995-2011 (2006) [fichier électronique], DEPP | INSEE [producteur], Centre Maurice Halbwachs [diffuseur]. Table 2. Social and schooling characteristics in secondary school of students for Switzerland Country of parental origin Parents higher education diploma High socio-economic status Low socio-economic status Basic requirements lower secondary school track Above the mark (language) Above the mark (maths) High future job aspirations N
Turkey/former Yugosl. 20 % 10 % 62 % 47 % 59 % 55 % 18 % 328
Source : TREE (Transition from Education to Employment) 2000-2010
Switzerland 38 % 37 % 23 % 22 % 74 % 64 % 25 % 4’430
Table 3. Social and schooling characteristics in secondary school of students for Canada Country of parental origin
Caribbean, Canada Latin America Parents higher education diploma 33 % 65 % High socio-economic status 4% 24 % Math average under 80 % 81 % 65 % Language average under 80 % 91 % 61 % General average under 70 % 35 % 29 % Student’s aspirations to study in HE at 15 62 % 55 % Parental aspirations to study in HE 63 % 58 % N 737 10’947 Source: YITS (Youth in transition survey) 2000-2008 of Statistics Canada
immigrant students. Immigrant students furthermore score lower with regard to their aspirations in France (educational aspirations) and Switzerland (occupational aspirations), but higher educational aspirations in Canada compared to the respective native groups. We use the concept of educational pathways to compare the available access routes to higher education in France, Switzerland and Canada. We apply a broad concept to define higher education (HE), comprising various educational programs classified on level 5 according to UNESCO’s International Standard Classification of Education. French HE contains universities, short vocational tertiary programs (IUT/STS) as well as other types of HE programs1, Swiss HE contains universities and universities of applied science (excluding higher vocational education and training), and Canadian HE contains universities and colleges (cégep in Quebec and community college in the rest of Canada). We do not distinguish between the different tertiary tracks of each country in our analysis. On the upper secondary level, we distinguish (a) academic routes to higher education (France: baccalauréat général and Switzerland: academic baccalaureate; Canada: university preparatory courses in language and math), (b) vocational routes to higher education (FR: baccalauréat professionnel and baccalauréat technologique; CH: vocational baccalaureate2; CA: college and work preparatory courses), and (c) educational pathways without HE entry qualifications (vocational education and training VET, such as apprenticeships and school-based vocational and technician training programs). For our analysis, we distinguish four different pathways (three in the case of Canada): (1) academic pathways to higher education; (2) vocational pathways to higher education; (3) non-tertiary pathways despite of available HE entry qualification; (4) non-tertiary pathway, without HE entry qualification. Table 4 gives an overview of the four respective three pathways by country. Table 4: Construction of educational pathways Academic pathway to higher education (Pathway 1) fr ch ca
Baccalauréat général Academic baccalaureate University preparatory courses (language & math)
! Tertiary education
Vocational pathway to higher education (Pathway 2) fr ch ca
Baccalauréat professionnel or technologique Vocational baccalaureate College / work preparatory courses
! Tertiary education
Non-tertiary pathway, with HE entry qualification (Pathway 3) fr ch ca
All baccalauréats All baccalaureates All preparatory courses (university / college / work)
! No tertiary education
Non-tertiary pathway, without HE entry qualification (Pathway 4) fr ch 1 2
Other (none baccalauréat) upper secondary diploma (VET only) Other (none baccalaureate) upper secondary diploma (VET only)
! No tertiary education
Preparatory schools for business and engineering schools, schools of art, architecture, nursing, social work etc. Including students graduating from an upper-secondary specialized school.
ca
No preparatory course (almost non existant)
One has to keep in mind that the analysed pathways and national samples do not account for students without any upper/post secondary certificate. According to official education statistics, the ratio of youth without such certificates amounts to 10% in both France and Switzerland. The analysed immigrant groups may be considerably overrepresented among those without upper/post secondary certificates in both countries. Canada does not distinguish between upper secondary and tertiary education. In Canada, only 3 % of all students do not follow any university, college or work preparatory courses. Our analysis shows that all immigrants followed tertiary (university or college / work) preparatory courses. Note that there is no tracking before pursuing these courses. Findings Figure 1 shows how the majority and the migrant groups are distributed among the analysed pathways. Figure 1. Educational pathways in France, Switzerland and Canada
For France, the first pathway covers the 38% of the French natives and the 20% of the North African youth who obtain a general baccalaureate and enrol in tertiary studies (figure 1). In Switzerland the first pathway covers the 37% of native Swiss and the 26% Ex-Yugoslav and Turkish students who acquire an academic baccalaureate and enrol into higher education. Hence, in both countries the immigrant groups are considerably underrepresented in the pathway to higher education via the traditional baccalaureate. For Canada, the first pathway includes the 61 % of the respondents (equal shares for the majority and migrant group) who take a math or language university preparatory course before having enrolled in higher education.
The second pathway groups together the 22 % of youths with vocational and technical baccalaureates who continue onto tertiary studies for France (22% for French natives but 31% for youths of North African background). In contrast, the percentages of students accessing higher education with a vocational baccalaureate appear relatively lower in Switzerland than in the French case. Only 13% of native Swiss and 11% of Ex-Yugoslav and Turkish students follow this path. Comparably striking is the finding that the Swiss vocational baccalaureate does not allow for the immigrant group to partly compensate their exclusion from the academic baccalaureate track, as is the case in France. In Canada 13 % of all students took a college / work preparation course before having enrolled in higher education. This pathway is much more important for the majority students (14%) than for the immigrant students (3%). Indeed, in contrast to France and Switzerland, immigrant students do as good as Canadian students to access higher education through university preparatory courses, and there is no therefore no need for compensation through the college / work preparatory courses. However, the Canadian students manage to improve their tertiary education attainment through their more frequent use of the college / work preparatory track. The third pathway covers the 19% of youths who do not enrol in tertiary studies after their baccalaureate in France (19% for French natives and 22% for North African youths). In Switzerland, the share of students not using their baccalaureate diploma to access higher education is at a comparable level. Of both the native Swiss and immigrant students, 19% obtain a baccalaureate diploma without using it to access HE. In Canada, this pathway covers the 24% of students who took any kind of preparatory course but did not enrol in higher education. Whereas there are no social disparities with regard to the third pathway in Switzerland and France, immigrant students do more often (36 %) abstain from accessing HE despite having enrolled in a preparatory course to access HE compared with the majority students (23%). In France, the fourth and last pathway includes the 21% of the youths who are VET graduates without vocational baccalaureate (21% for French natives and 27% for North African youths). The share of students obtaining a none-baccalaureate upper-secondary VET diploma in Switzerland is relatively higher compared to France, especially with regard to the immigrant group (32% of the natives vs. 43% of the immigrants). On the one hand, this reflects the relative popularity and prestige attached to VET programmes in the Swiss educational landscape. On the other hand, immigrant students with upper secondary certificates seem to compensate through VET their exclusion from the academic track to HE. In Canada, the fourth pathway grouping those who do not take any preparation course and do not follow any higher education is negligible. Their proportion is 2 % for youth from native Canadian parents and almost null for the immigrants. To analyse if there remains a residual effect of country of origin with regard to HE access once we control for educational factors, family (educational and economic) background, gender and students’ aspirations, we applied three multinomial logistic regression models to predict the different pathways among upper-secondary graduates for each country. Model 1 takes into account the country of origin only and, hence, giving equivalent results as the above descriptive analysis of the distribution of nonimmigrant and immigrant students among pathways; in model 2 we introduce the schooling variables; model 3 finally adds the social characteristics, gender and aspirations. For each country, figure 2 to 4 show for each model the differential marginal effects between non-immigrant and immigrant groups of being in a respective pathway. We start comparing students who access tertiary education with a general (FR) or academic (CH) baccalaureate, or through a university preparatory course (CA) (see pathways 1 in figures 2 to 4): Whereas, in France, the gap of being in this pathway amounts to 18% to the disadvantage of immigrant students (model 1), this difference dissolves completely once lower secondary school characteristics are accounted for (model 2). When we additionally control for gender, social background, and aspirations (model 3), immigrant students are even more often (+12%) in pathway 1 than non-immigrants. Switzerland shows a quite similar but somewhat less pronounced pattern: in model 1, immigrant students find themselves 10% behind the non-immigrant peers, in model 2 (cont-
Figure 2: Marginal effects of immigrant background on access to pathways for France
Figure 3: Marginal effects of immigrant background on access to pathways for Switzerland
Figure 4: Marginal effects of immigrant background on access to pathways for Canada
rolling for school factors), the former are almost at level with the latter, and in model 3 immigrant students do 11% better than their Swiss peers. In contrast, the pattern looks very different in Canada: While there are hardly any disparities between immigrants and non-immigrants without controls (immigrants do 3% worse than Canadians), the disadvantage of the immigrants increases considerably once we control for school achievement (20% difference). This gap reduces to some degrees when gender, family background and aspirations are controlled for (14% difference). The gaps between groups to be a student who accesses tertiary education via vocational routes (pathway 2) do hardly change once we control for educational characteristics in all three countries. In Canada, immigrant students are 11% to 10% less often in this pathway compared with non-immigrant students, and the gap does not change in model 3. In Switzerland, immigrants are likewise to be less often on the vocational pathway to HE, the gap is however less pronounced. In model 3, the gap between the two groups amounts to 6%. By comparison, the pattern looks different in France, where immigrant students can be found 10% more often in pathway 2 than their French peers. However, once family background, gender and aspirations are controlled for, immigrant students decrease their advance from 10% to 3%. A comparison across models of those with any type of baccalaureate, who do not enrol into any tertiary institution (pathway 3), shows a linked pattern with pathway 1 for France and Canada, but not for Switzerland. Once school characteristics, aspirations and other variables are controlled for, immigrant students in France are less often allocated to non-tertiary pathway 3 than their nonimmigrant peers. In Switzerland, immigrant students’ representation in pathway 3 remains a few percentages over the natives’ presence in the same pathway across all three models. In Canada, we find again a surprising pattern, when we control for school variables. With equal school characteristics, immigrant students are considerably overrepresented in pathway 3 compared to their Canadian peers (difference of 31% in model 2, and still 25% in model 3). This category includes probably students who did not succeed their preparatory courses or obtained low scores and were not eligible to any higher education. Despite there is no tracking in secondary education, college and university entry is selective on basis of academic criterions including performances in preparatory courses. This criterion is determinant. In this perspective a number of fields of study like applied sciences, medicine or law are highly selective. Previous studies indicate Caribbean and Latin American immigrants perform less than native Canadian, which they probably do so in preparatory courses. Finally, the figures for all other upper-secondary diploma holders not eligible for higher education (pathway 4, not available for Canada) in France and Switzerland confirm the decisive meaning of school career characteristics to understand the students’ representations in the different pathways. In both countries, immigrant students reverse their formerly (model 1) advance in the ‘traditional’ VETpathway, once school variables and the remaining control variables are controlled for. Swiss and French students are now more often found in this ‘unsuccessful’ pathway than their immigrant peers. Conclusion Our analysis shows that as far as vocational routes to higher education are concerned, vulnerable immigrant students seem to benefit from professional and technical baccalaureate programs to compensate for their underrepresentation among academic baccalaureate holders in France. This said, the situation is variable among the three countries. In the Swiss case, such a compensation function of the vocational baccalaureate is not apparent from our data. This might be due to the difficulties of the particular immigrant groups we studied to get hired by employers for more demanding apprenticeships, which is a prerequisite to enrol in a vocational baccalaureate program in Switzerland. Their frequent relegation to bridge-year courses, where students often accept to decrease (“cool down”) their occupational aspirations to a level where a vocational baccalaureate is not anymore an option, may be provoked by employer discrimination. For Canada, students from Latino and Caribbean backgrounds are less likely than the majority native Canadians to enrol in higher education, mainly because they don’t make use of college/work preparatory courses to access HE. This is not due to parental socioeconomic status and secondary school background variables because the difference
remains significant when social background and education and variables relative to school performance are controlled for. Our results corroborate prior research conclusions (Finnie & Mueller, 2008; Thiessen, 2009). Indeed, even if the majority of Latino and Caribbean youth access higher education, over a third of these youths appear to have their aspirations cooled down, as in Switzerland, towards the more labour market oriented pathways. In the French case, the North African youths are no longer less likely to access tertiary studies via a general baccalaureat once earlier school performance and career variables on lower secondary level are taken into account. The same holds true for Ex-Yugoslav and Turkish students in the Swiss case, once we additionally control for their socio-economic background, the cultural capital of their parents, as well as for their aspirations. Our results confirm recent findings for both France and Switzerland. In France, immigrant children are more likely to obtain the baccalauréat than the native French (Vanholffelen, 2013), when educational characteristics are taken into account. The higher probability of obtaining a baccalauréat for immigrant youths illustrates a higher level of ambition and a strong desire for social mobility (Brinbaum & Kieffer, 2009; Caille & Lemaire, 2009; Griga, Hadjar & Becker, 2013). Picot (2012) in turn concludes for Switzerland, that the post-secondary attendance gap in favour of non-immigrant students is due almost entirely to poorer secondary school performance among immigrant students (as measured by the PISA reading scores). Once secondary school tracking is considered, it is strongly associated with a significant part of the gap as well. This down-streaming of educational aspirations towards second-tier educational pathways (Arum, Gamoran & Shavit, 2007; Crul, Schnell, Herzog-Punzenberger, Aparicio Gómez, Wilmes & Slootman, 2012) seems more the case in Switzerland and Canada compared to France, once the socioeconomic background and educational performance in secondary school is controlled for. Hence, more recently introduced vocationalised pathways enable only limited educational success for first and second generation immigrants in Switzerland and Canada. In contrast, the democratisation of the French educational system, including the development of the vocational baccalauréat, has enabled more immigrant youths to access higher education, albeit unwillingly for them, via the non-selective university sector. When it comes to Canada, our results show that the academic courses to higher education are more helpful for immigrant students to access HE than the ‘vocational’ courses, despite their relatively weaker school performance. This points to effective integrative educational policies for some of the immigrant students in the case of Canada. Future comparative research should look at the inequalities that first and second immigrant youths face within higher education, with a shift from quantitative to qualitative inequalities (Arum, Gamoran & Shavit, 2007; Duru-Bellat, Kieffer & Reimer, 2008; Kamanzi & Murdoch, 2011). References Abada, T., Hou, F., & Ram, B. (2009). Ethnic Differences in Educational Attainment among the Children of Canadian Immigrants. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 34, 1, 1-28. Arum, R., Gamoran, A. & Shavit, Y. (2007). More Inclusion Than Diversion: Expansion, Differentiation, and Market Structure in Higher Education. In Y. Shavit, R. Arum & A. Gamoran (Eds.), Stratification in Higher Education: A Comparative Study, Studies in social inequality (pp. 1-35). Stanford: Stanford University Press. Anisef, P. S., Brown, R., & Sweet, R. (2011). Post-secondary Pathway Choices of Immigrant and Native-born Youth in Toronto. Canadian Issues, Winter, 42-48. Boyd, M. (2002). Educational offspring: success or segmented assimilation? International Immigration Review, 36, 4, 1036-1060. Brinbaum, Y., & Guégnard, C. (2012). Parcours de formation et d'insertion des jeunes issus de l'immigration au prisme de l'orientation. Formation Emploi, 118, 61-82. Brinbaum, Y., & Kieffer, A. (2009). Trajectories of Immigrants’ Children in Secondary Education in France: Differentiation and Polarization. Population-E, 64, 3, 507-554. Caille, J-.P., & Lemaire, S. (2009). Les bacheliers « de première génération » : des trajectoires scolaires et des parcours dans l’enseignement supérieur « bridés » par de moindres ambitions? France, portrait social - Édition 2009, Paris : Insee.
Cortesi, S., & Imdorf, C. (2013). Le certificat fédéral de capacité en Suisse – significations sociales d’un diplôme hétérogène’. Cahiers de la Recherche sur l’Education et les Savoirs. in print. Crul, M.R.J., Schnell, Ph., Herzog-Punzenberger, B., Aparicio Gómez, R., Wilmes, M. & Slootman, M. (2012). School careers of second-generation youth in Europe: Which education systems provide the best chances for success? In M.R.J. Crul, J. Schneider & F. Lelie (Eds.), The European Second Generation Compared. Does the Integration Context Matter? (pp. 99-165). Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Duru-Bellat, M., Kieffer, A., & Reimer, D. (2008). Patterns of Social Inequalities in Access to Higher Education in France and Germany. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 49, 347-368. Fibbi, R., Lerch, M., & Wanner, P. (2006). Unemployment and Discrimination against Youth of Immigrant Origin in Switzerland: When the Name Makes the Difference. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 7, 3, 351–366. Finnie, R. & Mueller, R. E. (2008). The backgrounds of Canadian youth and access to post-secondary education: new evidence from Youth in transition Survey. In R. Finnie, R.E. Mueller, A Sweetman, A. Usher (Eds.), Who goes? Who stays? What Matters? Accessing and persisting in PostSecondary Education in Canada (81-107). Kingston: Queen’s University Press. Finnie, R., & Mueller, R.E. (2010). They came, they Saw, they enrolled: access to postsecondary education by the children of Canadian immigrants. In R. Finnie, M. Frenette, R.E. Mueller, & Sweetman A. (Eds.), Pursuing higher education in Canada. Economic, social and policy dimensions (pp. 191-216). Montréal/Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Frickey, A., Murdoch, J., & Primon, J.-L. (2006). From Higher Education to Employment-inequalities between ethnic backgrounds in France. European Education, 37(4), 61-74. Gonon, P. (2013) ‘Berufsmaturität als Reform – Hybris oder Erfolgsstory? ’ In M. Maurer, P. Goron (eds.), Herausforderungen für die Berufsbildung in der Schweiz (pp 119-146), Bern: Hep-Verlag. Griga, D., Hadjar, A., & Becker, R. (2013) Bildungsungleichheiten beim Hochschulzugang nach Geschlecht und Migrationshintergrund: Befunde aus der Schweiz und aus Frankreich’, In A. Hadjar & S. Hupka-Brunner (Eds.), Geschlecht, Migrationshintergrund und Bildungserfolg (270-293). Weinheim: Beltz Juventa Verlag. Hupka, S., & Stalder, B. (2011) Jeunes migrantes et migrants à la charnière du secondaire I et du secondaire II’. In M. Bergman, S. Hupka-Brunner, A. Keller, T. Meyer & B. Stalder (Eds.), Transitionen im Jugendalter: Ergebnisse der Schweizer Längsschnittstudie (183-200). TREE, Zürich: Seismo. Imdorf, C. (2010). Die Diskriminierung “ausländischer” Jugendlicher bei der Lehrlingsauswahl. In U. Hormel & A. Scherr (Eds.), Diskriminierung. Grundlagen und Forschungsergebnisse (pp. 197219). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Kamanzi, C., & Murdoch J. (2011). L’accès à un diplôme universitaire chez les immigrants. In Kanouté F. & G. Lafortune (Eds.), Familles québécoises d'origine immigrante: Les dynamiques de l’établissement (pp. 145-158). Montréal : Presses de l’Université de Montréal. Mc Andrew, M., Ledent, J., & Pinsonneault, G. (2012). Le cheminement et le choix linguistique, au cégep et à l’université, des élèves du secondaire français issus de l’immigration, cohortes 19981999 et 1999-2000. Rapport de recherche inédit, Montréal: Chaire de recherche du Canada sur l’éducation et les rapports ethniques, Université de Montréal. Picot, G. (2012) Immigrant Status and Secondary School Performance as Determinants of PostSecondary Participation: A Comparison of Canada and Switzerland. OECD Education Working Papers 77. Paris: OECD Publishing. Schmid, E. & Gonon, P. (2011). Übergang in eine Tertiärausbildung nach einer Berufsausbildung in der Schweiz, bwp@Spezial, 5, HT 2011, 1–17. SERI, State Secretariat for Education, Research and Innovation (2013). Vocational and Professional Education and Training in Switzerland 2013. Facts and Figures. Bern: SERI. SKBF (Ed.) (2011). “Swiss Education Report 2010”. Aarau: Swiss Coordination Centre for Research in Education. Thiessen, V. (2009). The Pursuit of Postsecondary Education: A Comparison of First Nations, African, Asian, and European Canadian Youth. Canadian Review of Sociology, 46, 1, 5–37. Vanholffelen, A. (2013) Les bacheliers du panel 1995: évolution et analyse des parcours. Note d’information. 10.13. Paris: Direction de l’évaluation et de la prospective, Ministère de l’Education nationale.
Reussite scolaire, reussite professionnelle, l'apport des donnees longitudinales .X.X]es iournees d' etude sur les donnees longitudinales dans I'analyse du marche du travail, Diion, 19-20 iuin 2014
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