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Southern Forests 2008, 70(3): 247–254 Printed in South Africa — All rights reserved

SOUTHERN FORESTS ISSN 2070–2620 EISSN 2070–2639 doi: 10.2989/SF.2008.70.3.8.669

Perceptions of forest resource use and management in two village communities in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa NM Gugushe1,2, IM Grundy3*, F Theron4 and PW Chirwa1 Department of Forest and Wood Sciences, Stellenbosch University, Private Bag X1, Matieland 7602, South Africa Current address: SANParks, Golden Gate Highlands National Park, Private Bag X3, Clarens 9707, South Africa 3 CSIRO Sustainable Ecosystems, Australian Tropical Forest Institute, PO Box 12139, Earlville BC, Qld 4870, Australia 4 School of Public Management and Planning, Stellenbosch University, Private Bag X1, Matieland 7602, South Africa * Corresponding author, e-mail: [email protected] 1

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Rural communities in South Africa are similar to communities in other parts of the developing world in terms of their use and management of natural forest resources as a means of sustaining their livelihoods. Participatory surveys were conducted with communities living near a communal woodland and a State Forest in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa, to determine the use and extent of management of woody resources under different tenure regimes. The results showed that all the respondents considered fuelwood as the most important wood product, followed by fencing material. More respondents living next to the State Forest felt that they could still easily find the products they needed from the forest compared to those living next to communal woodland, but respondents in both study areas believed they would not be able to easily find these products in future. Neither group was aware of current or future management strategies for the woody resources nor any well-defined natural resource management authorities at either village committee or government level. There were differing opinions as to who should be in charge of woodland and forest management in future, depending on the villagers’ experience of government practices in the past. This study concluded that rural communities in the area will continue to use the forest and woodland resources in future, mainly for fuelwood, fencing, medicine and traditional ceremonies. Participatory resource management strategies for the two areas would encourage sustainable ways of using and managing the forest and woodland resources, including local cultivation of the most preferred indigenous tree and shrub species for the production of medicinal products, poles and other wooden commodities. Keywords: community participation, forest products, natural resource management, participatory research, rural communities, South Africa, sustainable use

Introduction South Africa has extensive and valuable indigenous forest and woodland resources. Some are used for commercial timber production (DWAF, 1997; Arnold, 2001; van Lieshout, 2002) or rural household cash income (sensu Cavendish, 1999; Rangan, 2001; Shackleton and Campbell, 2001; Wunder, 2001), while others are valued for their biological diversity for medicinal and local uses (Cunningham et al., 1988; Cocks et al., 2002) and their aesthetic and spiritual values (Arnold, 2001). Archaeological evidence reveals that because of their importance to human kind, woodlands were the most preferred areas of settlement in the past. This suggests that human use of woodlands is not a recent phenomenon and that harvesting, livestock grazing and browsing, as well as human-ignited fires, were a significant part of the disturbance regime that led to the woodland structure and composition observed in the colonial period (Hoffman and O’Connor, 1999). However, woody resources that provide livelihood resources for rural people and important habitats for plants and animals have been generally undervalued

until recently (Vogel and Fuls, 1999; Chipeta and Kowero, 2004; Clarke and Grundy, 2004). Forests and woodlands provide rural communities with a diverse and valuable array of resources that are used to maintain rural livelihoods and sustainable development (Wollenberg and Ingles, 1998; Lawes et al., 2004). Research has shown that the rate of use of forest products in South Africa is increasing and in some instances has already become unsustainable (Nomtshongwana, 1999; Cocks et al., 2004). This can be illustrated by the rarity and local extinction of some highly valued medicinal species (e.g. Ocotea bullata, Siphonochilus aethiopicus and Warburgia salutaris), which has been accompanied both by a switch to replacement species (such as Cryptocarya species in the case of Ocotea bullata) and more widely by the importation of products and the opening up of new harvesting areas (Mander, 1998). There is also an anticipation of diminishing local use of forest resources in future, reduced indigenous knowledge about their utility, fewer income opportunities for the

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rural poor and increased burdens on forest-dependent households meeting their basic needs in a sustainable way (Zschocke et al., 2000; Obiri, 2002). The challenge facing foresters and managers therefore is to develop sustainable harvesting practices as part of the conservation and management of forests and woodlands (Cocks et al., 2002). One approach to sustainable harvesting has been the emphasis on both the commercial potential and participatory management options of indigenous forest resources in new government social and community forestry initiatives (Horn, 2000; Ham and Theron, 2001; Horn, 2002). Research by Chambers (1997, 2005) has indicated that participatory activities involving social issues with local communities, as well as empowerment of local institutions, are ways to facilitate integration of traditional and local government structures. It remains a major challenge to facilitate participatory planning processes with local communities in South Africa, in an attempt to establish a more sustainable use of forests and woodlands (Horn, 2002). Foresters need to capacitate themselves to act as enablers and facilitators of participatory development initiatives as well as forestry practitioners (Grundy and Cocks, 2002; Ham et al., 2008). The main objective of this study was to document the use and management of the forest and woodland resources in two communities in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa and predict their impact on future sustainability. Materials and methods Study area The study was conducted in two areas of the Eastern Cape province of South Africa, a province that contains some of the poorest people in South Africa (Grundy and Cocks, 2002). The first site was located at Woodlands village (33°12′25″ S, 27°7′15″ E) in the Peddie district. The Peddie district is situated between the Great Fish and Keiskamma Rivers, 65 km east of Grahamstown and 50 km south-west of King William’s Town. Woodlands village is surrounded by communally owned Valley Bushveld, now classified under the Albany Thicket biome (Hoare et al., 2006) as a dense thicket of woody shrubs and trees (Acocks, 1988; Low and Rebelo, 1998) and called ‘woodland’ in this paper. The village contains an estimated 800 people, all of whom use and depend on the woodland around them and have equal access to the resource (Ainslie et al., 1996). The second study site was located next to State-owned Amatole Mistbelt Forest (von Maltitz et al., 2003), previously called High Mountain Forest (Acocks, 1988; Low and Rebelo, 1998), at Pirie Mission village (32°49′59.88″ S, 27°13′59.87″ E), which is about 25 km west of King William’s Town. Pirie Mission village is a rural village of about 1 400 people bordered by two townships, Dimbaza and Alice (van Lieshout, 2002). The forest, State-owned but managed by the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF), is characterised by tall closed-canopy evergreen tree species that can reach 30–40 m in height. Trees, shrubs and herb layers form distinct strata (Grundy and Cocks, 2002). In both study

Gugushe, Grundy, Theron and Chirwa

areas women and children dominate the resident population and the level of formal employment is less than 25%, with about another 20% having occasional employment. The major source of income in both areas is the State pension: approximately one-fifth of villagers is eligible for an old-age pension while relatively few villagers depend on agriculture for their livelihood (Grundy and Cocks, 2002). Methods Participatory research methods including gendered resource mapping, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews were used, based on Chambers (1997), Slocum et al. (1998), Babbie and Mouton (2001) and Theron and Wetmore (2005). A social contract to establish a research partnership was agreed with relevant community members before the research process began (Burkey, 1993; Chambers, 1997; Evans et al., 2006). Gendered resource mapping provides a practical focus for discussion with the community to help outsiders understand how villagers perceive their own resources, including infrastructure and agricultural resources (Slocum et al., 1998). Focus group discussions (Babbie and Mouton, 2001; Bless et al., 2006) enable outsiders to explore and define the relationship between the community and the surrounding areas in terms of availability and access to resources such as fuel, medicines and construction wood (FAO, 1994). However, focus group discussions were only conducted at Woodlands village. At Pirie Mission village attempts to organise group discussions failed because many people in this village, especially the youth, were unwilling to participate in activities that were organised by researchers. As a result, information was only gathered from elderly people when they were asked to narrate the history of their forest. In Woodlands village, with the aid of local community leaders, groups of 15–25 people who were known to be frequent users of the forest and woodland were selected for focus group discussions. Questions about current and future woodland use and management were asked. Key informants such as community leaders were also approached to identify the current challenges and opportunities facing managers of the woody resources, if these existed. Semi-structured interviews are used to collect qualitative data by setting up a situation that allows a respondent the time and scope to talk about their opinions on a particular subject that is chosen by the interviewer (Slocum et al., 1998). The semi-structured interview approach used in this study was similar to the one used in a 1991 study to gather data on household fuel use, preferences and socioeconomic status (Griffin et al., 1992). A representative sample of 75 households in Woodlands village and 92 in Pirie Mission village, about 40% of the total households in each village, was surveyed. Interviews were conducted in every second house along a predetermined transect line, which ensured that the households surveyed were independently selected and representative of the community (Palm et al., 1993; Jayaraman, 2000). The qualitative responses from the questionnaires were coded for quantitative analysis using SPSS version 14.0.

Southern Forests 2008, 70(3): 247–254

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Results and discussion Forest and woodland ownership and access Most of the land in the former ‘homelands’ of the Eastern Cape, apart from urban areas and some farms, is State-owned but managed by tribal or community leaders (Adams et al., 2000). Respondents from Woodlands village said that in the past they had utilised the woodland under the supervision of rangers employed by the ‘homeland’ government, who had not been as strict as the guards employed by the Department of Forestry, but that at the time of the discussions access was completely open. As a result, there were almost no medium to large trees left, except unwanted species such as Euphorbia. Almost all of the rest, apart from the inaccessible trees on steep slopes or in gullies, had been harvested (Gugushe, 2006). Villagers could still buy poles and fuelwood from harvesters who owned carts that enabled them to transport wood from these inaccessible places in the woodland. Elders in Pirie Mission village said that although the forest near their village was still State-owned, which meant that it was patrolled by forest guards and local people were officially restricted to certain parts of the forest, village members used the whole forest freely for various purposes. Species preference In Woodlands village respondents said that trees were often used for more than one specific purpose, depending on their usefulness to the rural dwellers. A few species had multiple functions and were favoured by both men and

women. Species that were often collected for fuelwood and kraal (a livestock enclosure) construction included Ptaeroxylon obliquum (umThathi), Gymnosporia buxifolia (until recently called Maytenus heterophylla; umQaqoba), Olea europaea subsp. africana (umNquma), while O. europaea subsp. africana and Acacia karroo (umNga) were also used for medicines and fuelwood (Table 1). Forty-eight percent of respondents in this village indicated that, of the different functions wood fulfils, fuelwood was regarded as the most important. Twenty-one percent said that fuelwood was followed in order of importance by poles and 15% of respondents indicated that fencing and kraal building components formed the third-most important product, followed by medicines and cultural uses (12%). Respondents said that different-sized trees were used for different purposes. Construction poles were normally cut from more mature, larger stems rather than from branches, which were used for fencing. Respondents from Pirie Mission village also indicated that they collected forest products for various purposes and in similar proportions to respondents in Woodlands village (Table 1). As before, the most important use of the forest was fuelwood, followed by poles, then fencing and medicines. The most popular species from the forest were Apodytes dimidiata (umDakane) for poles and Podocarpus falcatus (umKhoba) for poles and fuelwood. Acacia mearnsii, a species used by villagers at both study sites, is an alien species planted to help alleviate harvesting pressures on the existing indigenous woodland and which

Table 1: Uses of preferred natural woody species in Woodlands and Pirie Mission villages, Eastern Cape Woodlands village Category of use

Scientific name

Xhosa name

Ptaeroxylon obliquum Olea europaea subsp. africana Acacia karroo Gymnosporia buxifolia

umThathi umNquma

Branches

Pappea capensis Codia rudis Ehretia rigida

iliTye iNtsinde umHleli

Fencing

Ptaeroxylon obliquum Olea europaea subsp. africana Schotia afra Gymnosporia buxifolia

umThathi umNquma

Ptaeroxylon obliquum Olea europaea subsp. africana Pappea capensis

umThathi umNquma

Olea europaea subsp. africana Acacia karroo

umNquma

Fuel wood

Poles

Medicine

* Introduced tree species

Pirie Mission village Percentage of respondents (n = 75) 48

Percentage of respondents (n = 92) 51.0

Scientific name

Xhosa name

Olea capensis Gymnosporia capitata Cassine aethiopica Scutia myrtina Acacia mearnsii* Podocarpus falcatus

uGqwangxe umQaqoba umThiwabafazi isiPhingo umNga umKhoba

Codia rudis Ochna arborea

iNtsinde umThentsema

6.5

15

Gymnosporia capitata Olea capensis Ochna arborea

umQaqoba uGqwangxe umThentsema

16.0

21

Acacia mearnsii* Apodytes dimidiata Ochna arborea Podocarpus falcatus Olea capensis

umNga umDakane umThentsema umKhoba uGqwangxe

19.5

12

Acacia mearnsii*

umNga

umNga umQaqoba 4

umQonci umQaqoba

iliTye

umNga

7.0

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has now become naturalised (Palmer et al., 1997). At the time of the study it had become targeted for eradication, at the risk of increasing local harvesting pressure on indigenous species. There was a gender difference regarding the forest products collected. Women mostly collected dry wood, often from parts of dead trees that were accessible. They carried them home as inyanda (head loads) and stored them outside in woodpiles. Men did the contrary as they were said to fell whole trees, cut them into pieces and drag them out of the woodland or forest with cattle or donkeys. Some women also collected imifino (edible wild vegetables) and medicines for household use, while men collected poles and amahlahla (branches) and also used the wooded areas to graze their livestock. Girls and boys collected fuelwood during weekends and school holidays and boys also collected fruit. The respondents indicated that they collected twice as much fuelwood as usual during the coldest months of June and July, when additional wood was needed for heating. Present resource availability At Woodlands, about half of the respondents indicated that they could still find tall trees in fairly inaccessible patches in the low-lying areas of the woodland. However, about one-third of the respondents felt that they were faced with scarcity of resources while others were not sure whether the resources were available or scarce (Table 2). At Pirie Mission village, most respondents indicated that they could still find all the products they needed from the forest, although some respondents were not sure whether they could or not (Table 2). No-one from this village felt that they were unable to find the products they needed. The majority of respondents in Pirie Mission village were of the view that there would never be scarcity of forest products in the future. Commercialisation of wild resources One important aspect identified through focus group discussions and interviews at Woodlands was the commercialisation of woodland products (Table 2). Many respondents indicated that other villagers were selling wood products from their village and most said the products were being sold locally, although some were taken to King William’s Town. Some people thought there was no sale of woodland products in this village. Of those who said that sales were taking place, only 3% indicated that those with relatives living in other areas make arrangements with them to harvest wood products from the village, although this was unacceptable to many community members. To buy woody products locally, participants said it normally cost about R3001 per trailer of poles, R200 per trailer of branches, R150 per donkey-cart of poles, R140 per donkey-cart of branches and R15 per head load (±28 kg) (N Boniwe, pers. comm.2) of fuel wood. Most Pirie Mission respondents indicated that commercialisation of particularly medicinal plants occurred on an alarming scale in their village, with local harvesters as well as those from both nearby towns removing the bark from trees. Some of the respondents at this village were not sure, but suspected that there might be sale of forest products in nearby towns and to villagers who lived far from

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Table 2: Respondents’ perceptions about woody product use (past, present and future) in the two study villages, Woodlands and Pirie Mission, in the Eastern Cape (n = 75 and 92, respectively). Question

Woodlands Pirie Mission village (%) village (%) 1. Can you presently find all the woody resources you need? Yes 46.7 64.1 No 30.6 0.0 Not sure 22.7 35.9 Total 100.0 100.0 2. Is there commercialisation of woody products? Yes, to locals only 45.3 0.0 Yes, to outsiders only 18.7 38.0 Yes, to locals and outsiders 18.7 33.7 No 17.3 0.0 Not sure 0.0 28.3 Total 100.0 100.0 3. Will you use woody products for traditional purposes in future? Yes 69.3 66.3 No 20.0 17.4 Not sure 10.7 16.3 Total 100.0 100.0 4. Who is responsible for present forest/woodland management? Government 22.7 30.4 Local leadership 22.7 22.8 No management 46.6 21.7 Not sure 8.0 25.1 Total 100.0 100.0 5. Who should be responsible for future forest/woodland management? Government 20.0 27.1 Local leadership 41.3 29.3 Combined government/local 38.7 18.5 No management 0.0 18.5 Not sure 0.0 6.6 Total 100.0 100.0

the forest. This was not an activity that was openly talked about because villagers wanted to avoid being arrested in public for illegal harvesting, as has happened in the past. Of the products sold locally, the most common were said to be fuelwood or medicinal products found in the deeper parts of the forest where few villagers have access. When villagers needed alternative medicines besides those available from the forest, they bought them in a nearby town. Future use of forest and woodland products Less than half of the respondents from Woodlands village indicated that they would still use woodland products in the household in the future (Table 2). Of these, just over one-quarter said that they would only use the woodland for traditional purposes (fuelwood, fencing, medicine, traditional ceremonies) in the future. About one-fifth of the respondents said that they would not use these products at all because they would use purchased alternatives, while some were not sure if they would or not. Responses were similar at Pirie Mission village (Table 2); less than half of the respondents felt that they would still use forest products in the future and of these over one-quarter indicated that they will use the forest products for traditional purposes only. Just under one-fifth of the respondents from Pirie Mission felt that they

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would not use the forest at all in the future, while some were unsure whether they would or not (Table 2). From the findings of this study, it was evident that people living in both case study areas relied on forest and woodland resources for various purposes and that they would continue to do so in the future. This was confirmed by respondents from both sites. Despite the installation of electricity in these areas, they would still rely on the forest and woodland for fuelwood, poles, sacred and cultural uses and traditional medicines in future. This finding is corroborated by other work: Cocks and Wiersum (2003) found that one-third of the total indigenous species harvested in their study in the Eastern Cape were used for spiritual and ritual purposes in both rural and urban populations. The plants were used both as a means to sustain cultural practices and to maintain cultural identity and it was believed that these activities would survive as long as the indigenous species were still accessible. It was apparent from our study that the forest and woodland at both sites had been used unsustainably, because respondents indicated that even though they could still find all the resources they needed, a thorough search had to be made before some of the resources, especially large trees in Woodlands village, could be found. The scarcity of some of the resources in both case study areas was a result of the relatively high human population density in these rural areas, as well as the forest and woodland products being used as part of the inhabitants’ broader livelihood systems (Clarke and Grundy, 2004). In addition, due to poverty, local community members from the study areas fill the gaps in their income by selling products from the nearby forests and woodlands (see also Ainslie et al., 1996). Present forest or woodland management Most of the respondents in Woodlands village indicated that there was no institution responsible for management of their woody resources, although they would have liked to have had one in the near future (Table 2). These respondents also highlighted that presently there were no regulations that guided the management of the woodland. Therefore when problems occurred, such as resource overuse, local village community members took the responsibility of calling a meeting to address these problems. About one-quarter of respondents felt that the woodland was under the management of the government, while about another quarter felt that the responsibility fell to local village structures. Only a few respondents were not sure who managed the woodland presently (Table 2). They were last aware of woodland management being carried out prior to the 1994 elections, when traditional leaders and rangers acted as managers. Respondents at Pirie Mission village were divided over the responsibility for management of the neighbouring State Forest (Table 2). Under one-third of respondents indicated that they thought the government managed the forest, while one-quarter were not sure whether anyone was managing the forest at the time of the study. About another quarter of respondents thought that local users were managing the forest themselves, while others argued that there was no management of the forest at all.

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This study shows that there was confusion over the existence of natural resource management institutions in the study areas after the 1994 elections. This could have been because the rangers who used to patrol the woodland areas in the Peddie district were not reinstated after 1994, which resulted in the removal of the fences surrounding the woodlands and hence open access to all. Fences were also removed from State Forests around the same time while policing of forest use in areas near villages was eased (particularly use for livelihood purposes), although the forest guards were still employed to protect the forest (Horn, 2000). At that time ‘democracy’ for many rural dwellers, after so many years of repression, meant they could do what they liked. Future forest or woodland management In both villages the respondents were divided in their attitudes to future management of the woody resources and there were differences between the two study areas as to the best future management practices, depending on their past experience with government policies (Table 2). Pirie Mission villagers had been excluded from the neighbouring State Forest until recently, while respondents from Woodlands village in the past utilised the woodland under the supervision of rangers, not forest officials. Both groups were well aware, however, that their woody resources were now fast diminishing. Over one-third of respondents from Woodlands village thought that the woodland should be managed by local community users themselves, while a similar number felt that a joint structure (that included community members and the government) would be the best arrangement. One-fifth of the respondents felt that the government alone should manage the woodland, as they believed that the government had better capacity to manage the woodland compared to the local community members (Table 2). At Pirie Mission village over one-quarter of the respondents thought that the forest needed to be managed by the local community members by themselves, while about the same number felt that it should be done by the government. Only one-fifth thought forest management should be done through a community– government partnership. These results showed the mistrust that existed between these villagers and the government foresters. Unlike the respondents in Woodlands village, nearly one-fifth of the respondents at the Pirie Mission village felt that there was absolutely no need for management of forest resources as they argued that the forest was ‘God’s creation’ and therefore belonged to everyone. A few respondents in this village did not know who should manage the forest in future (Table 2). Management by government alone was less frequently emphasised in both case study areas, perhaps due to previous negative experiences or the fear that the government might exclude local community members from forest and woodland activities. Some people in both case study areas stated that the government and local people should manage the wooded areas in partnership, with special emphasis that management should be suitable to both parties. This could be because they believed that the government had the resources to engage professionals

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who understand forest management dynamics. This finding confirms the need for comanagement that promotes the principle of equitable partnerships, drawing on the complementary strengths of the Department of Forestry and local users (DWAF, 1997). The State would thus become a facilitator and the community members the managers, thereby promoting collaboration rather than conflict (Arnold, 2001; Ham et al., 2008). The study showed that there was still a lack of knowledge about the role of chiefs and tribal authorities in the management and utilisation of woodlands because of the top-down planning and management approach that was used in the past. Uncertainty prevailed over the roles the chiefs, tribal authorities or local people had in the running or use of the woodlands and forests in the Eastern Cape in general (Grundy et al., 2004). In many instances respondents believed that woodlands and forests belonged to the government and that it was therefore its function to hire labour to manage, protect and harvest them. This confusion might have been the reason why some of the respondents, especially at Pirie Mission village, were not sure as to who currently managed the forest, as well as the negative feelings towards management of forests at large. Conclusions and recommendations Although community members are increasingly being integrated into the market economy in developing countries, it is clear that forest and woodland resources continue to be used and will always act as a ‘safety net’, a resource that people can draw upon during periods of agricultural shortfalls and unemployment (Arnold, 2001; Clarke and Grundy, 2004). The major use is as an energy source and will continue to be so in the future unless community incomes increase. Although rural electrification in South Africa is considered to be the most economical step forward in meeting rural peoples’ needs, this has not resulted in reduced fuelwood usage in most households in the two case study areas. Their main source of energy is still fuelwood, with the argument that electricity is expensive. In addition, South Africa for the foreseeable future is likely to be exposed to an unreliable electricity supply. This is likely to result in higher exploitation of local woody resources and severe consequences for their sustainable use. Commercialisation of natural woody resources was identified in this study as a major factor in the degradation of the forests and woodlands. In Woodlands village, villagers also indicated that from 1965 until the change in government in 1994 the woody vegetation had been disappearing because people were moved to that location as part of the government’s ‘Betterment Programme’ (see Yawitch, 1982). Thus without careful use and management in future, the State Forest at Pirie Mission village and the woodland at Woodlands village will continue to be degraded. To address this issue, villagers need to be encouraged to plant trees in community forestry initiatives such as woodlots, or in privately owned home gardens and windbreaks around cropping fields. Emphasis should be placed on fast-growing trees to provide fuel and poles, as well as the most preferred indigenous trees for medicinal

Gugushe, Grundy, Theron and Chirwa

and cultural use. This will help to relieve the overuse of the existing indigenous trees. In addition, financial incentives for tree planting on both private and communal lands should be encouraged on a regular basis, in a similar strategy to other developing countries (Grundy and Cocks, 2002). Various sponsored grant schemes could be made available, as was done in the forestry outgrower schemes (Howard et al., 2005). This would help to overcome the reluctance of villagers living near State Forests to be involved in replacement options when they perceive a seemingly limitless supply to be available on their doorsteps. It would also encourage villagers in the former ‘homelands’ to become involved in natural resource management even though they have been excluded from this activity by government policy in the past. Rural areas in South Africa have a legacy of restricted resources, forced settlement, lack of participatory development and poor education. These are issues to address through integrated rural development strategies and forestry has an important contribution to make (Horn, 2000; Ham et al., 2008). Because of the current transition in South Africa, people need to be given a direct stake in decision making, as they normally resist pressure from top-down government planning (Critchley et al., 1994; K Kameni, pers. comm.3). This study showed that communities had no clear indication of the current management status of the wooded areas in both case study areas. It will therefore be critical in future to include members of both communities in the decisionmaking processes, including planning and management of the forest resource, an approach that is already supported by the current South African Forest Policy (DWAF, 1997). The South African government, along with many others globally, is moving towards adoption of a comprehensive system of participatory forest management as part of an overall integrated rural development programme (DWAF, 2000; Alden Wily, 2001). Unlike in the past where control was exercised by an outside agent, usually a government or statutory body, local community participation should not only be encouraged at stages of project implementation and maintenance but also during the conception of planning (Alden Wily, 2003; Ham et al., 2008; Theron, 2008). Participatory Forest Management is an activity that depends heavily on joint responsibility and on fulfilment of clearly defined roles (Grundy and Michell, 2004). Clear roles in forestry activities (such as maintaining or utilising woodlots) should be given to chiefs, tribal authorities or local villagers in order to increase knowledge about the management and utilisation of valuable assets in their areas. In addition, local villagers need to be empowered to both use and manage their woody resources sustainably, using the principles of participatory development, planning and management (Alden Wily and Mbaya, 2001). Notes 1 2

3

R1 = US$0.126 at the time of study N Boniwe, Research Assistant, Fort Cox College of Agriculture, Eastern Cape, 2002 K Kameni, Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, Stutterheim, Eastern Cape, 2002

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Acknowledgements — The authors gratefully acknowledge funding from SANPAD and help with fieldwork from research teams from Fort Cox College and Rhodes University. Special thanks to the communities of Pirie Mission and Woodlands and to members of staff from the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF) at King William’s Town for their cooperation.

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