The relationship between police officers’ acceptance of community policing strategy in Israel and their attitudes toward the Arab minority
Amikam Harpaz School of Political Sciences University of Haifa, Haifa 31905 Israel Tel: 972-4-824-0152 Fax: 972-4-825-7785 E-mail:
[email protected]
and
Sergio Herzog Institute of Criminology, Faculty of Law The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem 91905 Israel Tel: 972-2-588-3791 Fax: 972-2-588-1725 E-mail:
[email protected]
January, 2011
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The relationship between police officers’ acceptance of community policing strategy in Israel and their attitudes toward the Arab minority
Abstract Discriminating police practices (e.g., by racial profiling) are thoroughly studied in order to understand their underlying sources. It is argued that police racism and prejudices against minorities impede police agencies’ ability to supply policing services based on equality. One factor that influenced police agencies throughout the world to adopt community policing was their will to ameliorate relations with minorities’ communities. Community policing and Allport’s “contact hypothesis” share some common assumptions that are discussed in this article. This hypothesis is tested in the environment of the Israeli National Police (INP). A sample of 643 police officers and police managers completed attitudinal questionnaires regarding their attitudes towards Israeli Arab citizens and community policing. Findings showed that positive attitudes towards community policing correlated with positive attitudes towards Arab citizens. The implications of these findings are discussed. Key words: community policing, contact hypothesis, police cynicism.
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Introduction The advent of community oriented policing (henceforth, COP) is a milestone in modern policing. A significant body of literature has explored this policing style since its inception.1 The need for a new and different policing style has been profoundly discussed, one of the reasons repeatedly mentioned being to improve the relations of the police with ethnic minority communities. As Skogan and Hartnett put it, “Cities that search for progressive and innovative police chiefs – who will be sensitive to racial tensions – find that a commitment to community policing is an attractive credential.” (1998: 9).2 In spite of this view, the knowledge of whether and how COP really changes police officers’ attitudes towards members of minority communities is very limited. This study aims to help fill the void in this domain. We suggest that COP, if implemented properly, can make the difference. We surveyed police officers’ attitudes towards COP and other facets of police culture, one of which was attitude towards ethnic minority members – the Arab minority members in Israel in this case. We predicted that a positive attitude towards COP would be related to positive attitudes towards minority members. Accordingly, this study proposes a new theoretical construct to explain the mechanism of the predicted change.
Literature Review The most popular and new approach in policing today is COP. COP is a philosophy of policing that emerged in the 1980s and 1990s in the U.S. for improving the manner in which police services were provided.3 It emerged as a result of a series of crises in
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policing, including the police-community relations crisis of the 1960s, especially towards minority ethnic-racial populations.4 During this turbulent period, as the police force was perceived as being seriously dependant on citizens both for reporting crimes and in requesting help in dealing with disorder and crime,5 experts on policing began to recognize the importance of citizens as co-producers of police services. It has been argued that law enforcement agents must establish an open dialogue with the communities, deliver comprehensive services, take advantage of emerging technologies, and re-examine the traditional police organizational structure and processes. Nowadays, despite the still-many unknowns concerning COP, the potential for implementing it appears bright, and it has been already defined as the norm of policing in the U.S. as well as in many other Western countries.6 Basically, although COP takes many different forms and has a variety of applications,7 its proponents agree that the police should work closely with the community residents instead of being an inward-looking bureaucracy, that they also should emphasize crime prevention as opposed to law enforcement, and that they should decentralize the decision-making authority to rank and file officers as opposed to working within a top-down military-style organization.8 Therefore, COP officers have been described as planners, problem solvers, community organizers, and information exchange links.9 It is commonly known that the COP philosophy has become the most popular policing approach, applied in many countries, such as the UK, Germany, and Canada,10 as the main alternative to the former military model. 11 Following several decades of sharp increases in crime level and drug trafficking, as well as a deteriorating relationship between the police and the communities they served, police
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administrators, politicians, and scholars began to understand that the then-applied military model had failed and that a different solution was needed. In this regard, COP was suggested as the solution that had the best chance of succeeding. 12 Despite its popularity, COP has been questioned as a coherent strategy since its inception. According to Bayley, this concept is perceived differently by different people, or as Fielding put it: “… community policing is somewhat of a chameleon concept”.13 Nonetheless, some common characteristics are widely accepted by its proponents: Community policing is a philosophy and an organizational strategy that promotes a new partnership between people and their police. It is based on the premise that both the police and the community must work together as equal partners to identify, prioritize and solve problems ... with the goal of improving the overall quality of life in the area.14
One of the reasons for police managers to enthusiastically adopt COP was the potential it held to improve police relations with minority communities. 15 In this regard, police organizations in democracies are formally committed to performing their duties in an unbiased manner, a basic principle of justice that requires that arrestees, suspects, defendants, and sentenced offenders be treated equally. Despite this obligation, a vast amount of theoretical and empirical research suggests that, in practice, this is not the case.16 Most of this literature reports police discrimination and prejudice against disadvantaged social groups such as members of racial minorities. 17 Generally speaking, prejudice against these groups evokes attitudinal reactions, e.g., emotions and feelings, which may precipitate behavioral reactions, i.e., discrimination. As a result, prejudice is an emotionally aversive attitude, formulated
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with reference to objects, persons, groups, or values on the basis of limited information, association, or experience with them because of certain characteristics that are deemed to be objectionable. Not surprisingly, there is evidence that the police have treated people, especially members of ethnic minority groups, in a discriminatory manner. The gap between a formal policy of equality in police work and racist prejudices prevailing in the field needs to be explained, the key concept in this regard being occupational subculture. Occupational socialization creates occupational subcultures. In this article, we will define subculture as the meanings, values, and behavior patterns that are unique to a particular group in society. 18 However, in many cases the police subculture, which tends to prevail among rank and file officers, threatens to undermine this aforementioned policy against prejudice in police work. Generally, police subculture supports the police officer in performing his/her duty (Paoline, 2003: 200), but parts of these values are negative in essence.19 Among them, racism, especially against racial minorities, is seen as institutionalized oppression. While individual police officers may or may not be racially prejudiced, they are inevitably part of the oppressive apparatus of the dominant classes of society. 20
Police Subculture The picture depicted in the aforementioned studies suggests that COP has the capacity to improve police relations with the public in general, and with minorities in particular, and to reduce overall fear of crime among all citizens. 21 Nonetheless, police relations with members of ethnic minority groups are usually characterized by alienation, suspicion, racial profiling, and criminalization. The notion that police
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officers are racially biased is common to the literature and it is considered part of the police subculture.22 In this regard, an important manifestation of police attitudes toward racial minorities is the “driving while Black” (DWB) phenomenon, by which AfroAmerican drivers are disproportionately stopped and searched by police officers for a simple reason: this practice helps police officers catch criminals.23 TomaskovicDevey and others explain that DWB occurs mainly because police officers may be racially biased.24 Official criminal statistics in multi-ethnic societies, such as U.S., U.K., Australia, and other countries with large immigrant populations (e.g, Israel), show that participation of members of minority groups in reported crime activities is higher than their share in the general population.25 Does it suggest that criminal justice systems are racist? Probably not, as the following two examples demonstrate the extent to which anti-racist policy reigns supreme in both the U.K. and the U.S. First, Jack Straw, as the British Minister of Home Affairs, expressed concern, saying that “In my foreword last year I said that our vision was for a society in which everyone is treated equally. Tackling racism is a fundamental part of that job.”26 Second, the American Attorney General’s office has instructed police units how to deal with racial profiling, defining it as “… any police initiated action that relies on the race, ethnicity or national origin, rather than the behavior, of the individual”. 27 In this regard, it should be added here that both equity and equality are cornerstones of each democratic criminal system and police departments’ policies adhere to them; however, below the surface, police racism seems to exist. Chan uses Castle’s definition of police racism: “(it) refers to the process whereby police authorities stigmatize, harass, criminalize or otherwise discriminate against certain social groups
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on the basis of phenotypical or cultural markers, or national origin through the use of their powers.”28 In another context, Zauberman and Levy (2003: 12) also admitted that French police officers hold racial prejudices that have been acquired during their police work. They inferred that people did not enter the police force because they are racist; rather, they acquired racial prejudice through a process of professional socialization.29 Cynicism is another negative facet of police culture that might impede their relations with the general public. Cynicism can be defined both as a general and specific attitude, characterized by frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment as well as contempt toward and distrust of a person, group, ideology, social convention, or institution.30 Niederhoffer contributed greatly to understanding cynicism among police officers. In a police work setting, when police officers lose faith in human beings, their enthusiasm, pride, and integrity, and have lower job satisfaction and a negative view of relationships with superiors, peers and subordinates, it can be said that they have become cynical.31 Niederhoffer dichotomized police cynicism into two categories: the first is aimed against life and the second against the police system, existing mainly among rank and file officers. Niederhoffer believed that the more cynical the police officer is, the less committed s/he is to the social system and its values. O’Connell and his associates found that police officers that work in complex and enriched jobs, such as COP assignments, tend to develop lower levels of cynicism.32 So too, Hickman and his associates believe that police officers assigned to COP positions are less prone to being cynical than their counterparts because COP has been found to enhance job satisfaction.33
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In this study we use 11 items from Regoli et al. ‘police cynicism scale’ to measure cynicism.34 Is there a theoretical construct that the police are relying on in their endeavor to ameliorate relations with minority groups? It seems that Allport’s “contact hypothesis” has the answer.
Allport’s “Contact Hypothesis” Kessler suggested that COP has the capacity to diminish racial prejudice among police officers.35 This notion is an expansion of Allport’s insight about relations between majority and minority members’ groups, implemented in a police work setting.36 Kessler suggests that: “The contact hypothesis, which states that in certain circumstances members of different groups can develop friendlier relationships, is consistent with community policing.”37 How does the contact hypothesis explain the reduction of prejudice? Certain conditions foster the reduction of prejudice, whereas others inhibit it or even act counterproductively. Conditions that enable the reduction of prejudice are summarized by Amir as follows: (a) when equal status exists in contacts between the members of the various ethnic groups, (b) when the contact is between members of a majority group and higher status members of a minority group, (c) when an “authority” and/or the social climate are in favour of, and promote the intergroup contact, (d) when the contact is of an intimate rather than a casual nature, (e) when the ethnic intergroup contact is pleasant or rewarding, (f) when the members of both groups in the particular contact situation interact in functionally important activities, or develop
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common goals or super ordinate goals, that are higher ranking in importance than the individual goals of each of the groups. 38 How can the “contact hypothesis” be related to COP strategy? One of the core elements of COP is to develop new partnerships with key elements of the community.39 These fundamental changes from the standard policing models have brought about increasing police-community, and also police-minority, interactions.40 For example, one of the first experiments in implementing COP was conducted in Flint, Michigan, in 1979.41 At that time, foot patrols of police officers were deployed in disadvantaged socio-economic neighborhoods and were asked to initiate contacts with citizens. The findings indicated about 40% more police-citizen contact, with almost all contact being non-adversarial and contributing to the reduction of hostility between police officers and citizens. This experiment contributed to the conception that the more interaction officers have with citizens, the more responsive they are to citizens’ concerns.42
The Present Study Generally speaking, some characteristics have been proposed in the literature for identifying a minority group, such as: ease of identification of its members, slowness with which it is assimilated into the total population, the irritation of the majority by its constant presence, and the threat felt by the dominant group due to its own superior status.43 However, very little has been said until now about the link between police officers’ attitudes toward COP and their attitudes toward minorities. Accordingly, this study hypothesizes, for the first time, that proper implementation of COP might bring about a reduction of police officers’ racial prejudice against minorities. Based on
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Allport’s “contact hypothesis”, 44 it is argued in this research that where COP is implemented officers would be less prone to hold and express racial prejudices towards members of minority groups in comparison to police officers who act under the traditional policing strategy. As a result, this research, conducted in Israel with the Israeli National Police force (henceforth, INP), investigates the correlation between police officers’ attitudes toward COP and their prejudices against Israeli Arab citizens. In many Western countries, tension and conflict exist between the police and visible racial minorities. This conflict is explained by conflict theories, suggesting that culturally dissimilar minority groups are tended to be perceived as a diffuse threat to the social order and that the criminal justice system is one mechanism used by majority groups to control such threats.45 Minorities usually complain about racial stereotyping, unfair targeting, and sometimes harassment and violent treatment by police officers.46 These kinds of complaints also exist between the INP’s officers and Arab citizens in Israel, where relations between these groups are also characterized by mutual suspicions and mistrust.47 It is important to state here that from time to time there have been violent eruptions in these relationships, even with deadly consequences – as in 1976 and 2000, with six and 13 Israeli Arab citizen casualties, respectively, as a result of police fire. However, it should be added that the INP has made serious attempts to ameliorate their relations with the Arab community over the last decade, mainly by delivering police services closer to Arab neighborhoods through COP centers – currently there are 65 of them.48 The study of the prevalence of prejudice among police officers against minorities is relatively new, even though the phenomenon has been recognized since
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the 1960s.49 However, little research has been conducted on public perceptions of racially biased policing despite the fact that such perceptions may have important consequences. The perception of police practices as unfair, or as racially motivated, may lead to more frequent and severe confrontations between police and citizens and to greater distrust of the police.50 The focus on the issue of police racism intensified when the concept of “racial profiling” was first coined to express police misconduct in their contacts with members of minority groups (mainly African Americans). This issue has evoked a wide range of responses, some of them involving the police, including legislation, political commentaries, and community protests, as well as empirical studies.51 In Israel, as in the United States, racially biased police practices (mainly towards Arab citizens) did not capture the public’s attention until the year 2000, when a series of violent demonstrations by Israeli Arab citizens erupted following the visit of Ariel Sharon, then a member of the largest opposition party, to a place very holy to both Muslims and Jews – the Temple Mount (Haram el-Sharif). The consequences were devastating – 12 Israeli Arab citizens and one Palestinian were killed by police fire in attempt to restore order. The Or State Inquiry Commission, established to investigate the events, commented in its report that INP officers’ prejudices against Arabs were part of the problem, saying that: ... it is important to uproot negative prejudice prevailing among senior and appraised police managers against the Arab sector. Police officers must be instilled with the notion that the Arab public, in general, is not their enemy and should not be treated as such.52
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It should be emphasized here that the Or Commission was the first official Israeli authority to admit the existence of racial prejudice among Israeli police officers, but no evidence whatsoever to support this statement was introduced. Since then, not even a single study has been conducted to explore this issue, probably due to the sensitivity of Israel’s political situation and the continuous struggle of the INP against Palestinian terror.
Hypotheses Based on the premise that police racism exists, not as a formal policy, but at the latent level of the occupational police subculture in the INP, it is essential to strive to minimize this phenomenon. Employing COP profoundly changes the relations between the public and the police by means of civilian participation and partnership to attain police goals, by introducing a different type of contact between the two. As mentioned, Allport’s contact hypothesis predicts that, under certain conditions, contacts between members of both the majority and minority groups might reduce prejudices. It is argued in this study that COP strategy provides the essential conditions for this reduction. Accordingly, the main hypothesis of this study was: Hypothesis #1: A negative and significant correlation would be found between police officers’ acceptance of COP and their prejudicial attitudes toward members of the racial minority; i.e., the more accepting of COP they would be, the lower their prejudice toward the Arab minority would be. Furthermore, police cynicism and alienation were also tested in this study. It was hypothesized that these variables were related to the acceptance of COP by police officers, as follows:
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Hypothesis #2: A positive and significant correlation would be found between the level of police cynicism and their prejudice against the Israeli Arab minority; the higher their level of cynicism, the higher their level of prejudice against the Israeli Arab minority. Hypothesis #3: A negative and significant correlation would be found between police officers’ acceptance of COP and the level of their cynicism; the more accepting of COP they would be, the less cynical they would be.
Method COP was first introduced in the INP in 1995 as an experimental project, limited in its scope. In 1999 it was expanded to become an official obligatory policing strategy. Weisburd and his associates evaluated the pilot experiment and its first steps of implementation, finding that it encountered serious problems due to its slow deployment, a conflict between the existing traditional military policing style with the demands of COP, and a lack of organizational commitment.53 Except for one single study about the effectiveness of the COP mini-stations,54 COP in the INP setting has not been studied thoroughly. Further, very little is known about the impact of COP strategy on police officers’ attitudes towards minority groups. Accordingly, this study aims to fill the gap in understanding Israeli police officers’ attitudes on this delicate issue. The importance of this knowledge cannot be underestimated, as in multi-ethnic societies the relations between police and minority groups tend to be sources of instability and concern. This is true in Israel as well, where the Arab minority is known to feel deprived of national rights. Their demand for collective national rights
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and power-sharing may seem to be extreme in nature, but their struggle to achieve these goals is being conducted via legal means and from within the Israeli system. 55 The Arab community in Israel is a significant minority that comprises nearly one-fifth of the total population and does not accept the Jewish nature of the state. The adoption of COP strategy by the INP in 1999 signaled to the public, particularly to the Arab minority, that a change had occurred. Because this research dealt with attitudes of actual police officers, obtaining formal permission from the INP to conduct this research was a prerequisite; fortunately it was given by the INP’s chief commissioner, a rare achievement. Generally described as a national hierarchical organization, the structure of INP is based upon districts, sub-districts, and stations. Their personnel are comprised of almost 26,000 sworn police officers and police managers. About half of the personnel are deployed in police stations and sub-districts that have direct contact with the public; this was the study’s target population. Most Israeli police stations provide similar police services; therefore, they can be regarded as clusters representing the INP population in a good approximation.
The Research Design The total number of police officers serving in INP stations at the time this research was conducted was 13,230 men and women, of whom 643 participated in the study. Data were collected between January 2006 and May 2006. To ensure randomized layer sampling of the police officers in the stations, the commander in charge of each station was requested to gather all the available personnel that were present upon the
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arrival of the data collector. The participants were then asked to voluntarily fill out attitudinal questionnaires that were collected on the spot. Anonymity was guaranteed. Table 1 compares the research sample to the population group. Of note, a small percentage of the 643 respondents refrained from providing some details about their gender, status, ethnicity, and/or roles. [Insert Table 1 about here] In general, the research sample appears to represent the population group in a good approximation. However, we note that there are some gaps between the two groups. Firstly, the groups of police managers, detectives, and investigators were underrepresented in the respondent group. This was because the latter comprised only police station personnel, whereas headquarters, where police managers, detectives, and investigators were overrepresented, were excluded. Secondly, the group of COP officers is overrepresented in the respondent group, as community policing mainly exists in the field units. We have taken this into consideration, but since the deviation is minor we estimate that it will not affect the results greatly. The distributed questionnaire comprised 51 items measured on a Likert-like five-point scale. The questionnaire included four statistical measures: Attitudes toward Israeli Arab citizens: 20 items, Alpha Cronbach = 0.89; Police cynicism, based on Regoli and others:56 18 items, Alpha Cronbach = 0.83; Attitudes toward COP, based on Adams and others:57 13 items, Alpha Cronbach = 0.83; In addition, 10 dichotomous statements were listed on the questionnaire, reflecting supportive behavior of police officers toward COP. It was suggested that the more in
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favor of these statements a respondent was (reflected by higher values on an interval scale), the more supportive he/she was of COP.
Dependent Variables It was hypothesized in this study that police officers’ attitudes toward ethnic minority members would be correlated with their attitudes toward COP. Kessler was the first to suggest this correlation based on Allport’s “contact hypothesis”, but it has not been empirically put to test.58 Studies measuring police officers’ attitudes toward minority members are very rare, though the issue is studied in the context of police culture since the 1960s.59 Attitudes of Israel’s general Jewish populace toward Israeli Arabs used to be surveyed on an annual basis at Haifa University. 60 Some items from these surveys were used in this study (see the Appendix). In addition, an internal survey was conducted within the INP, aimed to measure Israeli police officers’ attitudes toward members of the country’s Arab minority. This survey has never been published, but a few items from the survey were used in this study. Attitudes toward Israeli Arabs were divided into three subscales: police officers perceive them as law breakers; police officers perceive them as equal citizens; and police officers perceive the Israeli Arab minority as an enemy.
Independent and Control Variables Two independent variables were employed in this study: first, the extent of acceptance of COP strategy by Israeli police officers, and second, police cynicism, which is considered part of police subculture. With regard to acceptance of COP
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strategy, two independent variables reflect its acceptance by police officers. The first one, “attitudes toward COP strategy”, was based on Adams and others. 61 The second variable was behavioral support for COP strategy as reported by the respondents. Since there is no such scale in the literature, a 10-item list of dichotomous questions was converted into an interval scale following interviews with high-ranking police managers. For each respondent, positive answers were accumulated. In addition, four control variables were used in this study: status, tenure, role in COP, and ethnicity. As detailed below, these variables are mentioned in the literature in relation to the acceptance of COP strategy by police officers: Status – Respondents were divided to two subgroups: police managers (sub-inspector and above) and ranks below sub-inspector (non-commissioned officers [NCO]). It was hypothesized that the first subgroup would be more supportive of COP strategy because of its innovative approach and its potential to improve police performance.62 Tenure – Rosenbaum and Lurigio found that police officers who had not yet been in service for 15 years were less supportive of COP strategy than their longer-tenured counterparts.63 Lurigio and Skogan (1994) found that police officers older than the age of 50 expressed more optimism about the potential for COP success than their younger counterparts.64 Role in COP – Police officers given COP assignments would be more supportive of this strategy than any other group of police officers.65 Ethnicity – Police officers that belong to a minority group tend to express a more positive attitude to COP than other officers. Novak and his associates explained that these police officers were more sensitive both to minority groups’ concerns and the need to lessen discrimination and hostility towards them.66 Lurigio and Skogan found,
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that African American police officers in Chicago were more favorable to COP strategy than their White counterparts.67
Results As mentioned, the study’s hypotheses dealt with the expected correlations among variables. As the population of police officers was varied, we started by dividing the study group into five subgroups in order to find differences among them. These subgroups were: role in COP (COP officers and others), status (police managers and other ranks), ethnicity (Jews and non-Jews), tenure in police service (divided by above and below 12 years of service, which is the median period of time), and a subgroup of police officers in police stations serving the Arab minority population (yes or no). An independent sample t-test was employed to analyze the data and the differences among these subgroups. Table 2 details the means and the t-test among subgroups of the independent variables “attitudes toward COP strategy”, “behavioral support in COP”, and “cynicism”. [Insert Table 2 about here] As for the variable “attitudes toward COP strategy”, significant statistical differences were found in the subgroups “role” and “tenure”. In the first subgroup, it was found that the mean of “attitudes towards COP strategy” of COP officers was 3.98, whereas for other police officers it was 3.29 (p < 0.05, t = 12.3). This indicates that attitudes towards COP strategy of COP officers were significantly more positive than those of their counterparts. In the “tenure” subgroup, the mean for longer-serving officers was 3.56, which was significantly higher than the mean found for their
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younger counterparts, which was 3.28 (p < 0.05, t = 5.80). This indicates that attitudes towards COP strategy of officers serving more than 12 years were significantly more positive than those who served less than 12 years. These results coincide with the findings of Rosenbaum and Lurigio and Lurigio and Skogan. 68 It is explained that attitude toward COP is about being service oriented; a senior, experienced police officer gains a more complex job attitude and behavior during his/her career and becomes more service oriented. This trait yields better cooperation with citizens and legitimacy that enable the police officer to solve problems in an efficient and less adversary manner. This pattern of behavior is encouraged by COP strategy. In the other subgroups, no statistically significant differences were found. Police officers were also requested to report whether they had performed, in the six months prior to the survey, certain activities typically classified as COP activities, e.g., participating in community meetings to tackle local crime problems. Engaging in these activities was an indicator of behavioral support of COP strategy. Ten dichotomous statements that indicated behavioral support for COP strategy were converted into an interval scale – the higher the value given by the respondent, the more supportive of COP strategy the officer was. For the variable “behavioral support in COP” in the subgroup “role”, the mean of the COP officers (8.98) was significantly higher than the mean of the other officers (5.14) (p < 0.05, t = 20.90). In the subgroup “status”, the mean of managers (7.14) was significantly higher than the mean for other ranks (5.73) (p < 0.05, t = 5.30). In the subgroup “ethnicity”, the mean of Jews (5.76) was significantly lower than the mean for non-Jews (6.95) (p < 0.05, t = -2.80). In the subgroup “tenure” the mean of officers having served for more than 12 years (6.64) was significantly higher than for
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officers who served for less than 12 years (5.11) (p < 0.05, t = 6.98). These findings suggest that COP officers, police managers, and police officers who served for 12 years or more are involved in COP activities and are in the forefront of implementing COP strategy. Their involvement in COP activities is due to the fact the INP encourages contacts with community members, especially with schoolchildren, volunteers and business owners, but not always under the rubric of COP, which means that involvement in such activities occurs during normal policing activity. For the variable “cynicism”, significant differences were found in subgroups of the variables “role”, “status”, and “tenure”. The mean of police cynicism among COP officers was 3.12, which was significantly lower than that found for other officers (3.25) (p < 0.05, t = -2.6). The mean of cynicism among police managers was 2.90, which was significantly lower than that found for other ranks (3.28) (p < 0.05, t = -5.40). The mean of cynicism among police officers who served for 12 years or more was 3.13, which was significantly lower than the mean for their younger counterparts: (3.33) (p < 0.05, t = -4.80). These findings suggest that COP officers, police managers, and police officers who served for 12 years or more are less cynical in performing their police duties. Table 3 elaborates the means of the subscales that comprise attitudes toward Israeli Arabs. This table included three subscales: police officers perceiving Israeli Arabs as law breakers, as equal citizens, and as enemies. In order to reveal significant differences among the subscales, paired-sample t-tests were employed. [Insert Table 3 about here] The mean of the subscale “Arabs as law breakers” (3.56) was the highest and the most negative. The mean of the subscale “Arabs as enemies” (3.35) still suggested
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a negative attitude, but the mean of the subscale “Arabs as equal citizens” (2.77) was the lowest. The difference between the subscales “Arabs as law breakers” and “Arabs as equal citizens” was significant (p < 0.001, t = 30.6). A significant difference was also found between the subscale “Arabs as equal citizens” and “Arabs as enemies” (p < 0.001, t = -26.5). These results suggest that police officers perceived the members of the Israeli Arab minority as equal citizens in the most positive manner, compared to other subscales. Why are Arabs perceived very negatively in the first two scales (law breakers and enemies) while their image as equal citizens is more positive? The representation of Arab citizens in the criminal statistics is much higher than their share in the general population. According to the INP annual report for 2009, their share in the in the total arrestees was 50% while they comprise less than 20% of the total population. The more positive perception as equal citizens is due to vigorous steps taken by INP to educate its personnel according to democratic values. Table 4 presents the Pearson correlations between the variables. [Insert Table 4 about here] Significant correlations were found between study variables as detailed below. Between attitudes toward COP and rank, a positive but weak correlation was found (p < 0.01, r = .157), suggesting that the higher the rank of the officer, the more positive his/her attitudes toward COP were. This finding can be explained by Vroom’s expectancy theory.69 Rank reflects promotion in the organization and suggests that the higher the rank is, the more identified the employee is with the goals and strategies of the organization (such as COP). Between attitudes toward COP and tenure, a positive, medium correlation was found (p < 0.01, r = .272), suggesting that the longer the officer was in service, the more positive his/her attitudes toward COP were. Between
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attitudes toward COP and cynicism, a negative, medium correlation was found (p < 0.01, r = -.320), suggesting that the more positive the attitudes toward COP of the officer, the less cynical s/he was. Between the variables rank/cynicism and tenure/cynicism, negative correlations were found (p < 0.01, r = -.241; -.224, respectively), suggesting that the higher the rank of the officer, or the more years the officer was in service, the less cynical s/he was. Between the variables rank/attitudes toward Arabs and tenure/attitudes toward Arabs, negative correlations were found (p < 0.01, r = -.173; -.220, respectively), suggesting that the higher the rank of the officer, or the longer the officer was in service, the more positive his/her attitudes towards Israeli Arabs were. The correlation between rank and positive attitudes toward Arabs is weak but significant and can be explained by Allport’s “contact hypothesis”. Police managers are responsible for implementing COP strategy that requires them to be in intensive contact with the community, especially its officials, and to establish partnerships. According to this hypothesis, contacts on the basis of attaining common goals can change prejudices. In addition, a positive and strong correlation was found between attitudes toward Arabs and cynicism (p < 0.01, r = .540), suggesting that the more cynical the officer was, the more negative his/her attitudes toward Arabs were. Between attitudes toward COP and COP behavioral support, a positive and strong correlation was found (p < 0.01, r = .507), suggesting that a correlation between attitude and behavior seemed to exist. Between attitudes toward COP and attitudes toward Arabs, a negative and medium correlation was found (p < 0.01, r = -.205), suggesting that the more positive the attitudes of the officer toward COP, the less negative his/her attitudes toward Arabs were.
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Certain subgroups of police officers (i.e., COP officers, police managers, and police officers serving in police stations with Arab populations) have more contacts with Arab minority members than others. According to the “contact hypothesis”, it was expected that significant differences would be found between matched subgroups, so that the attitudes of subgroups with more contact with the Israeli Arab minority would be more positive towards them. Table 5 presented a t-test for differences among those subgroups. [Insert table 5 about here] Within the variable of status, a significant difference was found between the subgroup of police managers (mean = 2.95) and of other ranks (mean = 3.17), which suggests that the attitudes of police managers towards Israeli Arabs were significantly more positive (p < 0.05, t = -3.2). With regard to the variables of role and whether a station served an Arab minority community, no significant differences were found between any of the subgroups. Furthermore, the mean of the subgroup with more than 12 years of service was 3.01, whereas the mean of the other subgroup was 3.26. Although not substantial, this difference was found to be statistically significant (p < 0.05, t = -5.0), suggesting that police officers who served for more than 12 years were significantly more positive in their attitudes towards Arab minority members than their counterparts who served for shorter periods of time. The impact of the independent variables on the dependent variable “attitudes toward Arab citizens” was also tested by a multivariate OLS regression. The main independent variables that were employed were: attitudes towards COP, behavioral support in COP, role in COP (yes/no), cynicism, tenure (more and less than 12 years of service), and status (manager/non-manager). Table 6 presents these data.
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[Insert table 6 about here] Two variables were found to be significant. The variable with the highest impact on attitudes toward Israeli Arabs was “cynicism” ( β = .544). The variable with the second-highest impact was “role in COP” (β = -.091). The other independent variables in the model were not found to be significant. As for the R2, its value was relatively high (.322), but this was mainly due to the impact of the variable “cynicism”.
Discussion COP strategy is considered a new stage in the evolution of policing. It developed following the failure of police agencies to achieve their goals of effective crime control and the maintenance of public order. Part of this failure was a consequence of the traditional/professional policing model, which did not provide for inadequate collaboration with the public and which increased alienation.70 Furthermore, recent studies suggest that there is still much room for improvement in police relations with African American and other ethnic minority communities. 71 The results of this study, conducted in Israel, indicate that a significant and negative correlation exists between the variables of acceptance of COP strategy (attitudes towards COP strategy and behavioral support in COP strategy) and attitudes toward Israeli Arab citizens (see Table 4). Even though the correlations were weak, their significance and directions supported the study’s first hypothesis that a correlation would be found between police officers’ acceptance of COP and their prejudicial attitudes toward members of a racial minority. Kessler suggested that COP strategy seems to work because it employs the mechanism of Allport’s “contact
25
hypothesis” that explained the reduction of prejudice against members of a minority among the majority (the police officers).72 This study’s findings also show a significant, strong and positive correlation between cynicism and attitudes toward Israeli Arab citizens (see Table 4). In addition, regression analysis showed that cynicism was a powerful predictor for attitudes toward Israeli Arabs (see Table 6). These findings strongly support the study’s second hypothesis, namely that a positive and significant correlation would be found between the level of police cynicism and their prejudice towards the Israeli Arab minority. Hickman and his associates suggested that officers assigned to COP positions who believe in their mission should report lower levels of cynicism due to an increased level of satisfaction with policing and better job performance.73 This study’s results supported this hypothesis. We also found a significant, medium and negative correlation between attitudes toward COP strategy and cynicism, as well as a significant, weak negative correlation between behavioral support on COP strategy and cynicism (see Table 4). These findings support the study’s third hypothesis that the more accepting of COP police officers would be, the less cynical they would be. The data also suggest that Israeli police officers perceive Arab citizens as law breakers in the most negative manner. Police officers’ viewing Israeli Arab citizens as enemies coincides with the general feelings of the Jewish population in Israel, suspecting them of being a disloyal “fifth column” and identifying them with the Jewish state’s enemies.74 Contrary to this finding, police officers’ perception of Israeli Arab citizens as equal citizens was significantly more positive. It should be noted that nowadays the INP invests a great deal of effort to educate officers in the spirit of civil rights and equality, especially since being strongly criticized by the Or State Inquiry
26
Commission, which determined that INP officers possessed negative attitudes towards Arabs. Police managers held more positive attitudes towards members of Israel’s Arab minority than did lower-ranking officers (see Table 5). The extent and quality of exposure of police officers to members of minority groups in the environment of COP strategy apparently plays an essential role in shaping their attitude toward them. As previously detailed, Amir categorized the conditions in which contacts between groups were taking place into “favorable conditions”, which fostered reduction of prejudice, and “unfavorable conditions”, which inhibited it.75 The six “favorable conditions” that were mentioned by Amir coincided with the principals of COP strategy.76 It also should be noted that the nature of contacts of police managers with community members is quite different from those of other lower-ranking police officers. While police managers seek cooperation with key figures of the minority community in order to promote police goals, lower-ranking police officers are mainly concerned with law enforcement. As Reuss-Ianni put it: Street cop culture believes in local crime reduction through strong ingroup ties and the reliance on one’s own experience to make decisions, while management cop culture believes in citywide or system-wide crime reduction through efficient organization, rational decision making, cost efficient procedures, and objective accountability at all levels of policing.77
The contacts police managers have with community members enable the mechanism of the Allport’s contact hypothesis to work and they also act to reduce prejudices towards minority members. Furthermore, following the conclusions of the
27
Or State Inquiry Commission, which strongly criticized high-ranking police managers in Israel for holding negative prejudices against Arabs, a Knesset ministerial committee, headed by former Justice Minister Yosef Lapid, ordered the INP to institute correctional measures in this regard.
Conclusion The relationship between acceptance of COP strategy by police officers and their attitudes toward minority ethnic groups had not yet been studied. Fielding asserted that one of the reasons to develop COP strategy was to ameliorate relations with minority communities and to reduce conflicts with them.78 A negative prejudice against minority groups, however, is well documented in police culture literature, as has been illustrated. It was hypothesized in this study that COP strategy had the capacity to bring about such changes by combining two theoretical bodies to a new theoretical construct. The first was the theory of COP, as presented by Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux.79 The second was Allport’s “contact hypothesis”, which argued that the existence of “favorable conditions” is a prerequisite for prejudice reduction.80 Kessler suggested that these are the same conditions necessary to implement COP strategy efficiently, but this notion had not been tested empirically. In this study, Kessler’s notion was put to empirical test for the first time in the setting of the INP.81 In Israel the Or State Inquiry Commission blamed Israeli police officers and police managers for being prejudiced against Israeli Arabs and hinted that their aggressive response towards this minority was partly due to this prejudice. It was expected, accordingly, that COP officers would hold more positive attitudes toward Israeli Arab citizens than their counterparts due to their extensive contacts with them
28
(at least at the police stations that serve Arab populations). Notably, however, no such significant difference was found (see Table 5). This suggests either that COP officers apparently do not exercise their duties according to the requirements of COP strategy or that the gap between the Jewish population and the Arab minority is still too large to the degree that COP strategy is not powerful enough to change the dynamic between the two. It is recommended that this issue be investigated in future research. This research also found that there was a negative and significant correlation between acceptance of police officers’ COP strategy and their attitudes toward minority groups. The practical implication is that COP strategy can be employed as a tool for reducing prejudices against minorities among police officers. Cynicism, as a negative facet of police culture, has been also identified in this study as strongly related to negative prejudices against minority groups. Hickman and his associates asserted that COP officers were less prone to being cynical due to the job enrichment features of COP strategy.82 It should be noted here that this study was conducted after COP strategy was already implemented in the INP, and therefore comparison of attitudes toward Arabs, before and after its implementation, was unfortunately not possible.
29
Table 1: Characteristics of the research sample and population Category
Subgroups
n
Percentage in the sample
Percentage in the population
Gender
Men
481
79.1
76.7
Women
127
20.9
23.3
Police managers
64
10.8
16.7
Other ranks
521
89.2
83.3
Jews
582
92.7
89.4
Non-Jews
46
7.3
10.6
Patrol officers
293
45.6
44.0
Investigators
116
18.1
30.4
Detectives
62
9.6
18.3
COP officers
112
17.4
7.2
Status
Ethnicity
Roles
30
Table 2: T-tests for the variables of COP attitudes, behavior, and cynicism Category Role
Status Ethnicity Tenure (median years) Station serves Arab minority
Subgroup COP officers Other officers Managers Other ranks Jews Non-Jews Above 12 Below 12
*p < 0.05
Yes No
COP Attitude Mean t 3.98 *12.30
Behavior Mean t 8.98 20.90*
Cynicism Mean t -2.6* 3.12
3.29
5.14
3.25
3.46 3.41 3.4 3.5 3.56 3.28
n.s.
3.43 3.39
n.s.
n.s. *5.80
7.14 5.73 5.76 6.95 6.64 5.11
5.30*
5.98 5.72
n.s.
-2.80* 6.98*
2.90 3.28 3.23 3.21 3.13 3.33
-5.4*
3.2 3.27
n.s.
n.s. -4.8*
31
Table 3: Paired-samples t-test: differences in attitudes toward Israeli Arabs subscales Paired samples
Subscale
Mean
Subscale
Mean
t
df
1
Arabs as law breakers
65.3
Arabs as equal citizens
7522
6.53*
347
2
Arabs as law breakers
65.3
Arabs as enemies
656.
65.3*
347
3
Arabs as equal citizens
7522
Arabs as enemies
656.
-735.*
347
* p < 0.001
32
Table 4: Pearson correlations between variables
Rank Tenure Attitudes toward COP Cynicism Attitudes toward Arabs COP behavioral support
* p < 0.01
Rank
Tenure
Cynicism
5727*
Attitudes toward COP -
-
Attitudes toward Arabs -
.544* .157* -5742*
-5774*
-567.*
-
-
-5226*
-577.*
-57..*
5.4.*
-
5766*
5626*
5..2*
-5762*
-5234*
33
Table 5: T-tests for police officers’ attitudes toward Israeli Arabs Category
Subgroup
N
mean
sd
346
6524
.534
COP officers
227
65.6
.534
Other officers
422
652.
.537
Yes
674
6527
.534
No
626
6523
.536
Managers
3.
756.
.53.
Others
.67
6522
.5.2
Jews
.22
6522
.533
Non-Jews
43
7533
.536
Above 12
6.2
65.2
.5..
Below 12
624
6573
.536
The sample Role
Station serves Arab minority community Status
Ethnicity
Median tenure in years
* p < 0.05
t
df
n.s.
n.s.
-3.2*
92
6.6*
56
-5.0*
613
34
Table 6: Multivariate OLS regression analysis Variables
Values
β
Attitudes towards COP
Interval 1–5
n.s.
1 – disagree, 5 – agree Behavioral support in COP
Interval 1–10
n.s.
1 – lowest, 10 – highest Role in COP
Nominal
n.s.
yes – 1, no – 0 Cynicism
Interval 1–5
.544**
1 – disagree, 5 – agree Tenure
Interval
-.091*
Years in service Status
Nominal
n.s.
manager: 1, non-manager: 0 Model data
* p < 0.1, **p < 0.01
R2
.322
Constant
4.21
df
534
35
Appendix: Items on 2004 survey of attitudes toward Israeli Arabs Subscale Arabs as law breakers
Items Israeli Arabs are less respectful of the law than Jews. The Arab society in Israel supports the committing of felonies against Jews. The Arab society in Israel is more violent than the Jewish society. The rate of crime inside the Israeli Arab society is very low. The committing of crimes by Israeli Arab criminals is a political struggle against the Jewish state.
Arabs as citizens
Israeli Arab citizens should be deprived of the right to political demonstrations. Arab citizens threaten the democracy in Israel. Israeli Arab citizens should not be allowed equal rights. Arab citizens threaten the Jewish nature of Israel. All Arab citizens must leave Israel. Many police officers in Israel hold prejudices against Arabs. Many police officers don’t like the idea of having an Israeli Arab manager as their direct superior. I’d like to know more about the culture of Arab citizens in Israel. Police officers in Israel are less polite to Arab citizens than to Jews.
Arabs as enemies
Arabs threaten the security of the state of Israel. Citizenship should be taken away from non-loyal Israeli Arabs. I am afraid that Israeli Arab citizens will become terrorists. Some police officers refer to Israeli Arab citizens as enemies. The high birthrate among Israeli Arabs endangers the security of Israel. Security control over Israeli Arab citizens is not efficient.
36
Endnotes
1
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Wesley Skogan and Susan Hartnett, Community Policing, Chicago Style (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1998). 3
Robert Trojanowicz and Bonnie Bucqueroux, Community Policing and the
Challenge of Diversity (Michigan: The National Center for Community Policing, Michigan State University, 1998). 4
George Kelling and Mark Moore, The evolving strategy of policing. Perspectives
on Policing (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1988). 5
Samuel Walker, The Police in America (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1999).
6
David Carter and Louis Radelet, The Police and the Community 6th edition
(Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1999). 7
John Eck and Dennis Rosenbaum, “The New Police Order: Effectiveness, Equity
and Efficiency”, in The Challenge of Community Policing, ed. Dennis Rosenbaum (London: SAGE Publications, 1994). 8
Jack Greene and Stephen Mastrofski, Community Policing: Rhetoric or Reality
(New York: Praeger, 1988).
37
9
Jerome McElroy, Colleen Cosgrove, and Susan Saad, Community Policing: The
COPOP in New York. (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993). 10
Heike Gramckow, “The influence of History and the rule of law on the
development of community policing in Germany”, Police Studies 18, no. 2 (1995): 17–32. 11
Robert Trojanowicz and Hazel Harden, The Status of Contemporary Community
Policing Programs (East Lansing, MI: National Neighborhood Foot Patrol Center, Michigan State University, 1985). 12
Susan Saad and Randolph Grinc, “Innovative neighbourhood oriented policing”,
in The Challenge of Community Policing, ed. Dennis Rosenbaum (London: SAGE Publications, 1994). David Weisburd, Stephen Mastrofski, Anne Marie McCnally, Rosann Greenspan, and James Willis, “Reforming to preserve: Compstat and strategic problem solving in American Policing”, Criminology and Public Policy 2, no. 3, (2003): 421–456. 13
David Bayley, “Community Policing: A Report from the Devil’s Advocate”, in
Community Policing: Rhetoric or Reality, eds. Jack Greene and Stephen Mastrofski (New York: Praeger, 1988). Nigel Fielding, “Concepts and theory in community policing”, The Howard Journal 44, no. 5 (2005): 460–472. 14
Robert Trojanowicz and Bonnie Bucqueroux, Community Policing and the
Challenge of Diversity (Michigan: 1998: 6).
38
15
Nigel Fielding, “Concepts and theory in community policing”, (2005).
16
Kathleen Daly and Michael Tonry, (1997). “Gender, race and sentencing”, in
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Samuel Gross and Debra Livingston, “Racial profiling under attack”, Columbia
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19
David Carter and Louis Radelet, The Police and the Community, (1999). Eugene Paoline, “Taking stock: Toward a richer understanding of police
culture”, Journal of Criminal Justice 31, (2003): 199–214. 20
Janet Chan, Changing Police Culture: Policing in a Multicultural Society
(Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1997: 38). 21
David Weisburd and John Eck, “What can police do to reduce crime, disorder
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Sandra Bass, “Policing space, policing race: Social control imperatives and
police discretionary decisions”, Social Justice 28, no.1 (2001): 156–176. David Bayley and Herold Mendelsohn, Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America. (New York: The Free Press, 1969). Simon Holdaway, “Constructing and sustaining ‘race’ within the police workforce”, British Journal of Sociology, 48, no. 1 (1997): 19–34.
39
23
David Harris, “The stories, the statistics and the law: Why ‘driving while black’
matters?” Minnesota Law Review 84, (1999): 265–325. Ibid 267. 24
Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, Marcinda Mason, and Mathew Zingraff, “Looking
for the Driving While Black phenomena: Conceptualizing racial bias processes and their association distribution”, Police Quarterly 7, no. 1, (2004): 3–29. Ibid 3. 25
Arye Rattner and Gideon Fishman, Justice for All? Jews and Arabs in the Israeli
Criminal Justice System (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998). Kelly Welch, “Black criminal stereotypes and racial profiling”, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 23, no. 3, (2007): 276–288. 26
Home Office UK, Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System (A Home
office publication under section 95 of the criminal justice Act 1991, 2000). 27
Deborah Ramirez, Jack McDevitt, and Amy Farrell, A Resource Guide on Racial
Profiling Data Collection Systems: Promising Practices and Lessons Learned (U.S. Department of Justice Washington, DC, 2000). 28
Chan, Changing Police Culture, (1997: 17).
29
Renee Zauberman and Rene Levy, “Police, minorities and the French republican
ideal”, Criminology 41, no.4, (2003): 1065–1100. Ibid 12. 30
Lynne Andersson, “Employee Cynicism: An Examination Using a Contract
Violation Framework”, Human Relations 49, (1996): 1395–1418.
40
31
Arthur Niederhoffer, Behind the Shield: The Police in Urban Society (New
York: Anchor Books, 1969). 32
O’Connell Brian, Herbert Holzman, and Barry Armandi, “Police Cynicism and
the Modes of Adaptation”, Journal of Police Science and Administration 14, no. 4, (1986): 307–313. 33
Matthew Hickman, Nicole Piquero, and Alex Piquero, “The validity of
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Robert Regoli, Eric Poole, John Crank, and George Rivera, “The construction
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officers”, Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 15, no. 3 (1999): 333–372. 36
Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (New York: Addison-Wesley, 1954).
37
Kessler, “The effects of community policing”, (1999: 336).
38
Yehuda Amir, “Contact hypothesis in ethnic relations”, Psychological Bulletin
71, no. 5, (1969): 319–340. 39
Deanna Wilkinson and Dennis Rosenbaum, “The effects of organizational
structure on community policing”, in The Challenge of Community Policing, ed. Dennis Rosenbaum (London: SAGE Publications, 1994).
41
40
David Weisburd and John Eck, “What can police do to reduce crime”, (2004).
41
Robert Trojanowicz and Joanne Belknap, Community Policing: Training Issues
(East Lansing, MI: National Neighborhood Foot Patrol Center, Michigan State University, 1986: 11). 42
Kessler, “The effects of community policing”, (1999).
43
David Carter and Louis Radelet, The Police and the Community, (1999).
44
Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, (1954).
45
Brian Stults and Eric Baumer, “Racial context and police force size: Evaluating
the empirical validity of the minority threat perspective”, American Journal of Sociology 113, no.2, (2007): 507–546. 46
47
Chan, Changing Police Culture, (1997: 2). Badi Hasisi and Ronald Weitzer, “Police relations with Arabs and Jews in
Israel”, British Journal of Criminology 47, (2007): 728–745. 48
Abraham Ofek, Community Policing Centers in Israel: An Evaluation Research
(Ramat Hasharon: The Ministry of Homeland Security, 2004, in Hebrew). 49
Jerome Skolnick, Justice without Trial: Law Enforcement in Democratic Society
(New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1966). Ibid 80. 50
Ronald Weitzer and Steven Tuch, “Racially biased policing: Determinants of
citizen perceptions”, Social Forces 83, no. 3, (2005): 1009–1030.
42
51
Kathryn Russell, “Racial profiling: A status report of the legal, legislative, and empirical literature”, Rutgers Race and the Law Review 3 (2001): 61–81.
52
Or State Inquiry Commission, Official Commission of Inquiry Investigating the
Clashes between Security Forces and Israeli Citizens (Jerusalem: The Israeli Supreme Court, 2003, in Hebrew), Article 15, 6th Part. 53
David Weisburd, Orit Shalev, and Menachem Amir, “Community policing in
Israel:
Resistance and change, policing: an International Journal of Police
Strategies and Management 25, no. 1, (2002): 80–109. 54
Abraham Ofek, Community Policing Centers in Israel: (2004 in Hebrew)
55
Amal Jamal, “Strategies of Minority Struggle for Equality in Ethnic States: Arab
Politics in Israel”, Citizenship Studies 11, no. 3 (2007): 263–282. 56
Robert Regoli, Eric Poole, John Crank, and George Rivera, “The construction
and implementation of an alternative measure”, (1990). 57
Richard Adams, William Rohe, and Thomas Arcury, “Implementing
community-oriented policing: Organizational change and street officer attitudes”, Crime and Delinquency 48, no. 3, (2002): 399–430. 58
Kessler, “The effects of community policing”, (1999).
59
Jerome Skolnick, Justice without Trial, (1966).
43
60
Haifa University, National Security Studies Centre. Tendency for Extremism and
Violence. (Haifa, 2004 in Hebrew). 61
Richard Adams, William Rohe, and Thomas Arcury, “Implementing
community-oriented policing”, (2002). 62
Dennis Rosenbaum and Arthur Lurigio, “An inside look at community policing
reform: Definition, organizational changes and evaluation findings”, Crime and Delinquency 40, no. 3 (1994): 299–312. John Eck and Dennis Rosenbaum, “The New Police Order: Effectiveness, Equity and Efficiency”, in The Challenge of Community Policing, ed. Dennis Rosenbaum (London: SAGE Publications, 1994). 63
Ibid.
64
Arthur Lurigio and Wesley Skogan, “Winning the hearts and minds of police
officers: An assessment of staff perceptions of community policing in Chicago”, Crime & Delinquency, 40, no. 3 (1994): 315–330. 65
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Kenneth Novak, Leane Fiftal Alarid, and Wayne Lucas, “Exploring officers’
acceptance of community policing: Implications for policy implementation”, Journal of Criminal Justice 31, no. 1 (2003): 57–61.
44
67
Arthur Lurigio and Wesley Skogan, “Winning the hearts and minds of police
officers”, (1994). 68
Ibid.
69
Victor Vroom, Work and motivation (New York: John Willy & Sons inc., 1964).
70
Robert Trojanowicz and Bonnie Bucqueroux, Community Policing and the
Challenge of Diversity, (1998). 71
Douglas Sharp and Susie Atherton, “To serve and protect? The experiences of
policing in the community of young people from Black and other ethnic minority groups”. British Journal of Criminology 47, (2007): 746–763. 72
73
David Kessler, “The effects of community policing”, (1999). Matthew Hickman, Nicole Piquero, and Alex Piquero, “The validity of
Niederhoffer’s cynicism scale”, (2004: 11). 74
Azmi Bishara, “Reflections on October 2000: A landmark in Jewish-Arab
relations in Israel”, Journal of Palestine Studies 30, no. 3 (2001): 54–67. Sammy Smooha and Theodor Hanf, “The diverse modes of conflict-regulation in deeply divided societies”, International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33, no. 1–2, (1992): 26–47. 75
Yehuda Amir, “Contact hypothesis in ethnic relations”, (1969: 338).
45
76
Robert Friedmann, Community policing: Comparative Perspectives and
Prospects (New York: Harvester Wheat sheaf, 1992). 77
Elizabeth Reuss–Ianni,
Two Cultures of Policing (New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction, 1983). 78
79
Nigel Fielding, Community Policing (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). Robert Trojanowicz and Bonnie Bucqueroux, Community Policing and the
Challenge of Diversity, (1998). 80
Yehuda Amir, “Contact hypothesis in ethnic relations”, (1969).
81
David Kessler, “The effects of community policing”, (1999).
82
Matthew Hickman, Nicole Piquero, and Alex Piquero, “The validity of
Niederhoffer’s cynicism scale”, (2004: 11).
