Primordial Call of Land or Journey of Faith? The

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4.3 Primordial Call of Land or Journey of Faith? The Ultimate Concern of German Canadians of St. Peter's Colony, Muenster, Saskatchewan,

1903-26 Terence J. Fay, SJ, St. Augustine's Seminary, Toronto School of Theology, UT, 508, 10 St. Mary Street, Toronto, ON M4Y 1P9 I.

INTRODUCTION

German American Catholics founded settlements during the first decades of the 20th century in the Northwest Territories in a locality which has since become known as the Province of Saskatchewan. Was their ultimate concern economic or spiritual improvement? Were they seeking an environment for the transmission of life, that is, adequate land, good schools, health care for their families, or were they in pursuit of religious freedom and spiritual transcendence? This analysis will proceed from the acquisition of land, to the practice of religion, the establishment of educational opportunities, and finally the pursuit of universal vision to arrive at the conclusion that both the primordial drive for land and economic security as well as the ultimate transcendental concern ·were operative in the lives of these new Canadians. The settlers founded St. Peter's Colony and received the cooperation of the Benedictine Fathers and the Sisters of St. Elizabeth and St. Ursula. They believed in a Christian community of loyalty to their customs, family, and nation. Education was a high priority to provide the youth with secular science, religious education, and literacy in English and German. By personal sacrifice, the colonists cooperated with the Benedictine Fathers in the founding of schools to the university level. The ultimate reality for the settlers was not only their primordial needs of transmitting life and culture, but also included a transcendent universal vision. They lived in the omnipresent shadow of their God who steered their lives through the instrumentality of the Catholic Church. For this ultimate meaning, they arrived in Canada and built homes, schools, churches, and hospitals, and educated their children. They gave thanks to God and were pleased to see what they had wrought under His guiding light. To preserve their ultimate transcendental vision, the settlers had hoped to create a protective garden of Eden and then insulate themselves from contemporary modernism. It was in the areas Bruno, Humboldt, and Watson that the settlers of St. Peter's Colony began to plant their crops and raise their children in harmony with God and nature. Being familiar with the religious needs of German-Americans, the Benedictine Fathers from the College of St. John's Abbey, Collegeville, Minnesota, scouted avail-

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able land in Saskatchewan where German Catholic migrants could lead a good life in splendid isolation. The colonists hoped to preserve their belief in the transcendental by building churches and constructing educational institutions. Through their pursuit of suitable agricultural land, they sought the economic freedom to maintain their religion and culture. A determined and focussed people, the German-Canadian Catholics at St. Peter's Colony strove to find the ultimate meaning of their lives.

2.

ADEQUATE LAND

The primordial drive of the settlers was to find a large section of fertile land to create a German Catholic settlement. For their fami lies they sought bountiful soil to supply the wherewithal for the transmission of life and the preservation of their culture (Grosby 1996, pp. 142-5; 1999, pp. 372-6). 2.1 Both Land and the Catholic Mass At the end of the 19th century, the western lands in the United States were closed to new settlement, but the agricultural lands of the Canadian Prairies were becoming available. The completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1885 offered settlers transportation to these new lands and the possibility for export crops. The small population of 250,000 habitants in Manitoba and 180,000 in the North-West Territories beckoned to new homesteaders to direct themselves to the last best west. The Canadian Minister of the Interior, Clifford Sifton, favoured the family values and work ethic of Germans and encouraged their immigration to the Canadian West (Friesen 1984, p. 245-7). German-Americans in the first years of the 20th century were among those who packed their household belongings and hitched their wagons to trek north to Saskatchewan (Giesinger 1974, p. 365). They spoke English and German when arriving at their homesteads on the Canadian Prairies, but they suffered the disappointment of the loss of the Catholic Mass and the ministry of Catholic clergy. They wrote their priestly contacts in the United States and asked for assistance in Canada. The rector of St. John's College, Collegeville, Minnesota, Bruno Doerfler OSB, along with three German-Americans formed a scouting party in August 1902 to go to the Canadian Prairies and search out a suitable place for a German Catholic colony. They travelled by rail through southern Saskatchewan to Calgary and Wutaskewin but did not find the right location (Weber 1949, pp. 38-9). By wagon, they wandered to Saskatoon, north to Rosthern, and then, east and south for 40 miles. Father Bruno with exhilaration describes what he next saw: Our way led up the slope toward the northeast for several miles, and as we proceeded, our enthusiasm increased over the found treasure, for we found the soil to improve continually. When finally we arrived at the summit of the slope, we were greeted by a gently rolling plain, studded with beautiful groves and crystal lakes. The soil on this plain was the very choicest, for it was a deep black humus .... At its foot we found a long, narrow lake containing good drinking water.... The soil in this vicinity was still unsurpassed in quality ( Prairie Messenger 3 October 1928).

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This report pleased the German community in Minnesota. A German-American land company was set up to purchase 100,000 acres ofland and sell parcels to German Catholics. The Canadian government granted the land company 50 townships each containing six square miles of land, or 300 square miles (Hepp 1998, pp. 6-9). St. John's Abbey expected to look after the spiritual welfare of the settlers, but events intervened. Alfred Mayer OSB, the new Prior of the Benedictine Abbey at Cluny in southwestern Illinois, felt that his monastery was poorly located for its ministry. A friend, Abbot Peter Engel of St. John's Abbey, suggested that the Cluny community move to Saskatchewan with the German-Americans and tend to their spiritual needs. Assembled in chapter in December 1902, the Cluny Benedictines affirmed their transfer to Canadian prairie. The name of the monastic community was changed in transit from Cluny to St. Peter's Priory in respect to Abbot Peter Engel who suggested the relocation. An arrangement was soon reached with the Bishop of Prince Albert, Albert Pascal, whereby the Benedictines would accept spiritual responsibility for Catholics in the colony. The first group of Benedictines arrived at St. Peter's Colony in May 1903 which included Prior Alfred, and Fathers Bruno, Balfrey, and Meinrad, Deacon Rudolph Palm, Brother Adolph Steiger, novice Brother Bruno Fuchs, and postulant Brother, Alois Gleissner. 'Attractive land, almost eight miles square, was allotted to these missionary workers for colonization (St.Peter's Messenger 3 October 1928). In August the settlers helped the Benedictines erect a log chapel for the dai ly offering of the Mass, recitation of the Divine Office, and the teaching of children. A small frame house was constructed as the first monastery and spiritual centre for St. Peter's Colony. The first impressions they received were inviting: 'Still, St. Peter's Colony was a regular paradise already in 1903 - lots of wild flowers, lots of game, lots of wood for fuel and building, lots of water, Mass every Sunday, neighbors (although at first it might be 30 miles between tents on the way to Rosthern)'. When winter arrived, the temperature proved to be surprisingly cold, and the railhead far removed from population centres. Undaunted, 'George Muench and his boys, George and Philip, sang the Mass every Sunday in the log church even in 50 below zero' (Colony Post May 1978, p. 13). The following spring, a furnace was installed in the monastery, and 'No more frozen ink!' (Chronology, Hoffmann File, 1903-1911, Box 1). Monastic spirituality generated a love for the land and expressed God's stewardship over the earth in harmony with nature. For the monks, nurturing their gardens, manuring the fields, and keeping the animals was sharing in God's love of the universe. They intentionally left aspen groves in their natural state. After a time, farms in the area grew larger, and farmers became wealthy (Hubbard 1983, pp. 158-9). 2.2 Personal Accounts of the First Years in the Colony The government of Canada offered 'great inducements' to settlers from outside the country who wished to find homes in Saskatchewan. The settlers arrived from Rosthern 'in vehicles and wagons of all descriptions'. Oxen were a common means of conveyance and hauled many in old fashioned prairie wagons. 'Here settlers could come and receive a quarter section of land [160 acres] for the nominal fee of ten dollars' (St. Peter's Messenger 24 May 1923).

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William Ludwig relates how his mother with seven children from Kansas in October, 1903 followed her husband by train to Rosthern, Saskatchewan, where he had gone weeks earlier to prepare their homestead. They were renters in the State of Kansas after the American frontier had closed and could never afford to buy a farm. Arriving at the rail station in Rosthern, they still had to travel with their family possessions sixty miles to their homestead. This location would put them out of range of a doctor or church. After a difficult trek over uncharted fields, forests, and sloughs, the Ludwigs camped in the open as they began construction of their sod house. Three of their four horses died intensifying the problem of sod busting and opening the new farm. William's father busted sod on other farms and did carpentry to earn money to buy food and replacement animals (Colony Post October 1977, p. 8). The snow and cold of winter was a shock, but the children loved it. The snow covered the sod house so that a 50-foot tunnel was needed through the snow bank to leave and return to the house. In those days we saw many people with frozen noses and some with frozen feet. These were hard trips for them to make, and sometimes the weather was -30 to - 50 degrees F, and people only had open sleighs. Sometimes we had 18 people staying with us, and they all slept on the dirt floor (Colony Post October 1977, p. 8).

But the shock and troubles of the first two years turned around quickly. By 1905, Ludwig reported that 'we had a pretty good crop and threshed with a steamer'. Things went better, and the family was able to haul their grain to the railhead at nearby Bruno. The following year he disclosed that most of the 1800 homesteads were occupied, and 'everything seemed more civilized' . William related that the only kind of entertainment were parties among the neighbours. However, for the boys, hunting and trapping was a year-round sport. He and his friend John went duck hunting every time it rained. His sister, Mary, often went along to help drag home the game, which sometimes might include a deer. Although they missed school the first years, they had to make it up. In 1906, school went on for ten months, and in 1907 for six months. Although William confesses he had a good start at school in Kansas, he had to start all over again. Yet some children failed to be educated at all (Colony Post 1977, p. 9). A second story of German Americans journeying to Saskatchewan was told by another son Otto Lutz. His mother, widow Mrs. Theresa Lutz was born in Wuerttemberg, and following the death of her husband in 1893, immigrated to Nebraska. After reading an advertisement for uninhabited land in 1902, she was inspired to move on to the Northwest Territories of Canada. Having passed her 50th birthday, she felt this was her last chance to gain land for her family and to take her two children away from 'the lure and temptations of the city' transplanting them to a virgin county. She planned to take her married daughter and son-in-law and her two remaining children to Canada so that they could live securely in the Faith and among good country folk. Her oldest son was a priest of the diocese of Lincoln. Arriving at Rosthern station in the early Spring, they learned that their land was 100 miles away to the east across bog and highlands and beyond the Saskatchewan River. After several botched attempts, Mrs. Lutz, with a

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burst of strength, inspired her family to launch out again. By indirection, they ended up in the shadow of St. Peter's Monastery where they received help. With great difficulty and with little money, a sod home was constructed, sod was busted, and the homestead was secured. (Lutz 1977, pp. 6-13). During the Winter of 1904, in the midst of their struggle, Otto Lutz picked up the first issue of St. Peter's Bote which contained an abundance of interesting information about the colony and world affairs. He exclaimed, 'we fell in love with the little paper instantly'. Despite their very limited resources, his mother produced a dollar for the subscription price. Henceforth it was read aloud every week by Mary or myself, while mother and we children were sitting around a brightly glowing fire, with the lamp's soft rays falling around us. Those were indeed blessed hours! For the time being we forgot the lonesomeness and gloominess of our situation (Lutz 1977, p. 44) The isolation was also eased in October 1904 when the Canadian Northern Railway steamed through the villages of Bruno, Muenster, Engelfeld, Dana, St. Gregor, and Carmel to connect them with the cities of Montreal, Winnipeg, Saskatoon, and Edmonton. For the first time, the settlers were connected with their families in the outside world. Their harvest of wheat, oats, barley, flax, creamery butter, cattle, and hogs could get to market, and more settlers, mail, lumber, building materials, stock, and furnishings could return on trains (Lutz 1977, pp. 49-50). At this time 1500 homesteads from a maximum number of 1800 were taken (Hoffmann 1903-1911, p. 16).The hardest part of settlement and sod busting was over. 'In those pioneer days the homesteaders all showed great hospitality, honesty, and helpfulness' (Hoffmann 1903-1911, p. 4). In a history, Joseph Bonas related how from their farm on the way to Rosthem, he would take the trail to Dead Moose Lake, then 16 miles west 'to the Ludwigs (they had a large sod house and barn, enough for eight teams of horses and oxen) or, if the Ludwigs were full, to Suers, a mile north'. At other times at Fish Creek, he stayed with the Metis who were 'very kind to settlers from the colony'. Another place of hospitality was the Huls house on the Annaheim Trail. 'The 20 or so Annaheim settlers would warm up at Mother Huls' and be served coffee and bread and butter. The coffee pot was always on in the Huls home'. Mother Huls was a real Samaritan and even nursed the sick. In fact, 'the whole Huls family practised brotherly love. We should never forget them for the good deeds they did in the pioneer days' (Colony Post May 1978, p. 14). Pioneer fellowship offered some compensation for the hardships which imposed themselves on the lives of the colonists. Most settlers were far from any medical, ministerial, or even the help of close friends. In 1903, 'three young mothers, Mrs. Groppe, Mrs. George Nenzel, and Mrs. Stammen died in childbirth'. They were buried in a small knoll near St. Peter's Monastery (Colony Post May 1978, p. 13). Also the mosquitoes were 'awful' at certain times of the year. When colonists drove through the prairie grass, the mosquitoes swarmed up and punctured their targets again and again until 'all available space had already been punctured'. Even the animals were driven to

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desperation, and one traveller related how 'the captain's pony showed sign of agony, my dog howled with pain and rolled himself amongst the baggage with useless writhing' (Hoffmann 1903-1911, p. 4). 2.3 Ecclesial Establishment During the first year, immigrants claimed 1000 homesteads in the area, and, within three years, the population has blossomed to 6000 (Weber 1949, pp. 40-42). Many away from home and their friends suffered loneliness during the long cold winters (St. Peter's Messenger 24 May 1923). Nevertheless, their sturdy detennination created first-class farms which were comparable with the best equipped fanns in the United States. They were equipped with 'all the modern conveniences imaginable like the telephone, the electric light, bath-rooms, tractors, and so forth'. Multiple grain elevators in the towns were as many as six, and were vertical "signs of fertility", revealing the quantity of grain raised in the district' (St. Peter's Messenger 28 June 1923). The abundance of the yearly crop with few failures revealed God's blessing to the colonists. The descendants in the colony today number about 12,000 Catholics while another 20,000 have moved to other parts Western Canada. (Hubbard 1983, p. 156). German-speaking colonists poured into the colony, and various settlements erected humble shacks for the priest's residence and log churches to provide them with sacraments and spiritual consolation (St. Peter's Messenger 24 May 1923). In the early years parishes were erected at Leofeld, St. Peter, Annaheim, Marysburg, Bruno, Watson, Englefeld, and the missions at St. Benedict and St. Joseph. After a few years, the first crude chapels were generally replaced with large and beautiful churches. St. Peter's replaced its monastery in 1906 and its church in 1909. To communicate Catholic culture and to unite the German community, a German weekly newspaper, St. Peter's Bote, was launched by the monastery in February 1904 ( Weber 1949, pp. 43-4). During the First World War, the newspaper was forced to publish for a year in English. After the war, subscriptions to the weekly were dwindling as the new generation was not sufficiently conversant with German. The monastery in 1923 published in tandem both St. Peter's Bote in German and St Peter's Messenger in English until 1948. Seeking a fresh look and to acknowledge a wide readership across Western Canada, the English newspaper in 1928 was renamed The Prairie Messenger (Windschiegl 1954, pp. 34-5). The Sisters of St. Elizabeth from Klagenfurt, Austria, arrived in May 1911 to open a hospital the following year in Humboldt. In the first year of the hospital, 281 patients were nursed, and 128 patients received surgery. By 1913, 13 sisters were nursing in the hospital. Under the supervision of Bishop Pascal, a motherhouse, independent of Klagenfurt, was erected to receive its first Canadian novices who were to be trained for service in the colony. As the number of nursing sisters increased, hospital admissions grew, and by 1919, reached 557. The hospital was expanded in 1920, and its size was doubled ( Windschiegl 1954, pp. 47-9). Fourteen Ursuline Sisters from Haseluenne arrived in 1913 and 1914. They promptly opened schools in Muenster, Bruno, Leofeld, and Marysburg. After the outbreak of the First World War, the Ursuline Sisters became independent of their German mother-

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house and, in 1916, began to welcome Canadian novices who would be trained in the Canadian motherhouse established at Bruno (Weber 1949, pp. 45-6). The arrival of European religious orders to Saskatchewan enriched the spiritual and cultural life of Catholics. The newly-created diocese of Prince Albert looked forward to the additional priestly ministry the Benedictine Fathers promised to the Catholic community. The aging bishop appointed the prior (and after 1911 abbot) of St. Peter's to be vicar general of the diocese, and later, administrators of the diocese with the power to confirm. On festive days at Muenster, to accommodate the French-Canadian bishop and clergy, sermons were preached in English, French, and German (Hubbard 1983, p. 156). At the sudden death of the 52-year old Abbot Bruno, in July 1919 the monks elected Michael Ott OSB of St. John's Abbey, Minnesota, as Abbot to guide St. Peter's Abbey into the future. A college professor and published scholar, Ott was primarily concerned with upgrading education in St. Peter's Colony which included opening a university college. Upon his arrival, the monks, the parishes, and the Knights of Columbus immediately began raising funds to erect a college building and the first classes began in November 1921. Rome concluded the abbey's pioneer period by naming it an abbatia nullius, that is, a territory directly under the Holy See and independent of the diocese of Prince Albert. The Abbot-Ordinary of St. Peter's Colony supervised the spiritual direction of the parishes within its ecclesial jurisdiction (Weber 1949, pp. 46-8). The settlers were happy to celebrate their German-Catholic heritage annually in Katholikentag, Catholic Day. 'The settlers assemble once a year in one big family group [about 2000), to commemorate victories of the past, to honour the memory of the leaders who have gone to a better life, and to render thanks to God for the blessings so abundantly bestowed upon them and the Colony' (St. Peter's Messenger June 28, 1923). The families gathered in the outdoors with food. Friends discovered the day was 'something really beautiful and attractive' . Prior Bruno initiated Katholikentag in 1908 by inviting all German-Catholic families to Muenster. The Volksverein, a Catholic men's organization, sponsored subsequent Catholic Days which met at Winnipeg in 1909, Humboldt 1910, St. Joseph's Colony in western Saskatchewan 1911 and 1912, Winnipeg 1913, and Humboldt 1914. After the war, these festivities were renewed but divided into six districts, each of which organised its own Catholic Day. This division was made so that all German Catholics in western Canada, without travelling far, could attend the yearly festivity (St. Peter's Messenger June 18, 1925; Windschiegl 1954, pp. 3-42). The ultimate concern of keeping the settlers of this diaspora in touch with their Catholic roots through a day of ethnic rallying worked well. Catholic Day became a popular event for German Catholics to speak their language, eat their food, share their religious faith, and enjoy their culture. Katholikentag continued at St. Peter's Colony until 1933 and at St. Joseph's until 1935. 3. LIBERTY OF RELIGIOUS PRACTICE

The characteristics of Catholicism the colonists envisioned was that it be one, pious, loyal, and intelligent. The editor of St. Peter's Messenger pointed to the great need for

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unity in the church of Western Canada. In his call, he was asking, not for external uniformity, but ' the spirit of Catholic unity'. He cited the example of the missionaries who 'cast aside all personal feelings and petty jealousies' so they might win all to the banner of Christ. In the chaos and confusion of pioneer life, the need among French, German, and English-speaking Catholics for unified action became more apparent (St. Peter's Messenger 12 July 1923). True Catholics, wrote the editor, not only professed their faith but practised it. That Catholicity permeated their actions was seen in their faces and heard in their speech. They were 'obedient and docile' to the parish priests. They were generous in the service of the community, and their names were not bruited abroad from the housetops nor were they numbered among 'prominent Catholics' (St. Peter's Messenger 13 November 1924). They volunteered 'a soldier's loyalty' to the church because it offered them eternal salvation. The church had a world-wide mission and needed able people preaching the Gospel at the four corners of the globe. Marching in the ranks of church, the volunteers would be willing to sacrifice their 'own interests for the good of Mother Church'. They offered to combat evil and to win souls for Christ, a service which demanded their personal commitment and financial support (St. Peter's Messenger 27 September 1923). In contrast, some Catholics who criticised the church, talked about priests, and minimised the works of religious orders were hard to recognise from those born outside the church. These 'Prominent Catholics' lacked 'the spirit peculiar to our Lord, namely meekness and humility. They are the Lay-Popes of the Church'. Although baptised Catholics, they were 'impregnated with the Protestant doctrine of private judgment' and masqueraded as Catholics. They were 'our modern Lay-Popes' who interfered with the prerogatives of the hierarchal Church (St. Peter's Messenger 13 November 1924). The Catholic Church was what it was - accomplishing wonders in the physical and spiritual realms with growing parishes, respected faith, bright outlook - because Catholics were comparatively free of the 'Prominent Catholic' and the 'crepe-hanger' mentality. But great marvels would truly be accomplished in the church 'if all Catholics were first of all Catholics, and not self-seeking, [and] timorous, cringing time-servers!' (St. Peter's Messenger 24 April 1924). 3.1 Family Life But the heart of Catholic loyalty and the religious tradition was family life. Yet in rural Saskatchewan, the family was in disarray and 'family life is a thing of the past'. There were Catholic homes with the father and mother as the center, homes wherein the children were content to remain until they departed to build home nests for themselves. There were Catholic homes in which the virtues peculiar to Christians were cultivated, where family prayers were said, where Catholic books were read, where Catholic practices reigned, wherein tranquility of the mind held sway (St. Peter's Messenger 14 August 1924). The life of the family, that is its inspiration, its love, its entertainment, must come from

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within the family. Instead of family solidarity, however, various clubs and societies for the young and old extended their influence, and in the process were 'surely destroying family life'. The truth was that the number of outside activities was destroying this basic unit of society. Catholic family life, the Benedictine editor exhorted, was 'the only sure remedy for the evils afflicting society today', and Catholic families should be in the lead of this reformation. Animating the Catholic family, the mother and father must be fully committed to their vocation of guiding their children. The Catholic mother must 'direct her family by love and affection', as the Catholic child honours, obeys, and respects his parents. The Catholic father was to teach his children the catechism, the rosary and angel us, prayers before and after meals, and the spirit of Catholicity. The parents were to sanctify Sundays by going to Mass with their offspring encouraging them to participate in the sacraments of Confession and Holy Communion. They were to sacrifice their personal and family pleasures to provide their children with good literature and send them to Catholic schools (St. Peter's Messenger 27 September and 13 December, 1923). German Catholics, enhancing and strengthening their family, were frightened by what they saw happening in Mexico. Freedom of religion was seriously restricted. President Plutarco Calles was in control of a revolutionary government in 1926 and, by presidential decree in a country which was 90% Catholic, reduced the sacrament of marriage to a civil contract. The Christian commitment to raise a family and be faithful to one's spouse until death was reduced to a legal contract from which either party could walk away without any provision for the children. The Messenger feared it would destroy the family as the basic unit of society (St. Peter's Messenger 4 and 11 Aug., 20 Oct 1926). Against these injustices to the family, Mexican Catholics promised a demonstration of popular will, including petitions, parades, and circulars, which would teach the faithful, not to waver, but to prepare for the bitter struggle (St. Peter's Messenger 13 Oct. 1926). Renewing the family at St. Peter's Colony had much to do with good reading for the youth and by encouraging them to adopt a modest life style. Catholic writers must be willing to work for God by providing intellectual food for the thousands who clamour for the truth and who defend the church from those who were its assailants (St. Peter's Messenger 6 Dec.1923). Music was also an activity to preserve the family and a community spirit. Joseph Bonas noticed that 'every village had music groups'. Families were especially involved in forming musical bands for both sacred and civil occasions: the Wirtz and Worms bands at Fulda, the Martinka band at St. Benedict, the Bunz orchestra at Muenster, Fr. Bernard's bands at Watson, Annaheim, and Bruno, the Mike Frank 30-piece band and the Jaeb brothers orchestra at Dead Moose Lake, as well as many others in the various parishes (Colony Post May 1978, p. 14). Both literature and music were considered important entertainments to keep the adults and the youth at home, thinking positive, and acting within their community. In contrast to these community building activities, St. Peter's Messenger reprinted the address of a New York Supreme Court justice who complained that 'young girls [are] seen on Fifth Avenue in Flesh-coloured stockings, with bobbed hair and painted lips'. The justice asked, 'What kind of mothers will they make'? He believed that the

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ideals of prostitution were peddled on the theatrical stage corrupting the youth. (St. Peter's Messenger 8 May 1924). The Bishop of Crookston published a pastoral letter expressing shock at the 'enormous quantity' of atheistic, suggestive, and immoral books which pour forth from the presses. 'Their stories are worthless, sensual, degrading, yea, often obscene'. The disastrous results of such deplorable literature was that it destroyed religion, soiled morals, and plunged 'youth into the mire of iniquity' (St. Peter's Messenger 19 February 1925). 3.2 Catholic Culture As the renewal of the family was the cornerstone of Catholic life, the revival of religious orders was crucial in the Western World. For instance, 'the people of England, against their will, or at least without their knowledge, were divorced from their Roman allegiance' owing to the amorous desires of Henry VIII (St. Peter's Messenger 17 July 1924). Nevertheless in England recently, 'a land of the broadest tolerance and the widest opportunity', religious life was renewing itself. The religious orders increased their numbers, houses, and personnel. Twelve hundred religious houses ranged 'from stately abbeys with acres of territory to modest missions served by a single priest'. Men religious occupied 300 houses, whereas women religious 900 houses. Many of them were from England, but some were from other countries. The Benedictines had 100 houses, including Downside, Ampleforth, Woolhampton, Ryde, Aamsgate, Caldey Island, and Farnborough - some with schools which can accommodate up tol300 students. Among the contemplatives, the Cistercians, Austin Canons, Carthusians, and the Poor Claires had returned to English soil. The active orders, as the Jesuits, Franciscans, Little Sisters of the Poor, and Sister of Charity were heavily engaged in apostolic ministries. The Benedictines, Franciscans, and Jesuits were involved at Oxford University and were often 'subsidized by the government or local authorities to carry out their work' (St. Peter's Messenger 23 October 1924). Part of the traditional ministry of religious orders was the operation of Catholic hospitals. In Saskatchewan, Catholic hospitals had humble beginnings but achieved a respected and enviable status through much self-sacrifice. 'Far from being with great wealth, they are obliged to maintain a constant struggle against poverty, while at the same time improving their service.... But the[ir] moving force ... may be summed up in one word - charity - the charity of Christ' (St. Peter's Messenger 12 July 1923). Yet at a Provincial Hospital Association meeting, the secretary of the Saskatchewan Hospital Association sounded the alarm that secular hospitals needed to look alive to compete with Catholic hospitals for the latter 'will have won for themselves control of all the best hospital patronage of the continent'. Despite their commitment to service of all citizens, especially the poor, it was evident, from this statement, that Catholic hospitals in Saskatchewan were alive, well, and outperforming the secular hospitals (St. Peter's Messenger 12 July 1923). In Catholic schools and hospitals, it was important, according to the newspaper, that devotional life be expressed by such symbols as crucifixes, rosaries, Corpus Christi processions, and devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus (St. Peter's Bote, 23 June 1906). The Catholic world rejoiced when St. Peter's Messenger was able to report that Musso-

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lini and the Italian Fascists had restored the crucifixes in Italian schools which the Bolsheviks had taken down. It seemed for a while that the Catholic Church and the Italian State were standing side by side, and that Mussolini had transformed himself from an anti-church, anti-monarch ist 'radical Socialist' to a conservative in support of Church and Monarchy. The devotional victory was short-lived, however, for Mussolini conscripted the Italian youth for military exercises away from weekend family and religious observances. The recitation of the daily rosary was likewise considered a key Catholic devotion and a binding force for Catholic families. The Messenger romantically pleaded 'let us return to the good old days when Mary's praises sounded from every home, when there was more contentment in the family, and less unhappiness in the individual' (St. Peter's Messenger 12 July 1923). In the Catholic tradition, the Messenger pointed out, June is dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus when parishioners were inspired to a harmonious love of their neighbour. By contrast, Catholics, when they looked to world affairs, found: pride, greed and hatred reigning supreme; selfishness is exercising a tyrannical rule over the peoples of the world.... Glancing over unfortunate Europe, what do we find? Nations are crumbling into dust; kings are being dethroned and sent into exile. Unmindful of the dread results of the last awful war, the great powers are again glaring at one another Like infuriated beasts of the jungle, ready once again to tear each other to pieces. Societies, instigated by some diabolical, inexplicable motive, are conspiring to crush the power of Almighty God and to hurl to destruction the established government of the earth (St.

Peters Messenger 7 June 1923).

The antidote to such a world heading for destruction was the love of the Saviour, Jesus Christ. He was a shining example 'of humility, of charity, of brotherly love'. This devotion was timely, necessary, and productive of beneficial results. Families were urged to renew their devotion to the loving heart of Jesus and recommit themselves to a transcendent world of ultimate reality. The German-Can adians were in the process of creating a Catholic culture in a fertile valley of Saskatchewa n which identified them with the German-Cath olic culture. 4.

EDUCATION AL OPPORTUNI TY

4.1 Private and Public Schools To pass the rich mix of German and Catholic culture down to the coming generations, it was important that schools be established to produce an inspired and literate youth. Private schools were the first type of schools to be erected at Leofeld and Muenster. Heavy immigration in 1903 demanded the .construction of St. Boniface, St. Peter, and St. Henry Schools and also a public school. A school building boom developed after 1906 and continued for three years when more than half of the private schools of the region began operations. These schools included St. Bruno, St. Joseph, St. John, St. Bernard, and a school at Dana, St. Leo, St. Paul, St. Gregory, and St. Henry School was restarted. Two separate schools were also built at Humboldt and Watson, but after this

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period only seven more schools were added in the colony (White 1978, pp. 84-5; Windschiegl 1954, p. 39). For the first three or four years, it turned out that private schools were the convenient vehicle of education throughout the colony, but after this initial phase of school building, the public schools became the main vehicles (White 1978, pp. 84-85). The American Germans, being family people with children, were anxious to open schools in their new settlements to see that their children were properly educated. They were 'people fluent in at least two languages, German and English, and well versed in the operation of politics and government' . They investigated the options of public, separate, and private schools. Public school boards were formed, but it soon became apparent that they were too clumsy a format with too many requirements to get schools up-and-running quickly. The fact that 17 groups of taxpayers had sought to establish public school districts revealed that public schools received strong initial support among both parents and clergy. In the years 1904 and 1905, many considered private schools as temporary arrangements (White 1978, pp. 86-7). A principal problem involved in operating public school boards was first how to attract and hire teachers, and second, how to obtain departmental approval for the few teachers who showed interest. It was much more feasible to hire colonists who, while having an educated background and facility in English and German, were available to teach at that time. A petition in 1905 to the department protested that 'we have plenty among our people that could teach our children .... Why we tell you this is that we want you to help us secure a teacher or permit us to choose one among our people, and pay her or him the salary out of the taxes ... just the same as the government teacher'. Qualified teachers were hard to find in rural communities, and German-Catholic teachers from outside the community were even harder to find. The point was that, in the colony, were German Catholics who were available to teach (White 1978, pp. 86-8). Other difficulties which militated against a public schools system were Catholic textbooks which were used in the separate schools but not allowed in public school classrooms. The province continued to insist on approved textbooks although, on occasion, others were more appropriate. Nor in a public school classroom were crosses allowed to be hung on the wall, nor pictures of the Lord. Yet operating within existing budgets, private schools proved to be less expensive for the rate-payers and easier to operate. The non-German and non-Catholic administrators who set the public school curriculum would not adjust to the Catholic and German culture. Thus German Canadians turned their minds to creating private schools which, with their resources, were physically and politically more manageable (White 1978, pp. 86-8). 4.2 Controversies over Private Schools Yet, the advantage of private over separate and public schools was not totally clear by any means, and both separate and public schools were opened in Humboldt during this period. But the establishment of public and separate schools boards polarised the taxpayers between Protestants and Catholics. As one Catholic spokesperson, Fred Heidgerken, wrote in 1906, 'Under the existing conditions and in view of the difficulties our Catholics have had with the other party, they feel that they cannot conscien-

14


tiously send their children to the Public school' (White 1978, pp. 91-2). In rural areas Catholics united to gain separate schools while in the villages Protestants were in control. One observer reported to the department on a community struggle for a school board: 'some wanted a private, others a separate, and then again Public. Now we are all agreed for a Public school' (White 1978, p. 93). In I 909, the Benedictines tried to find a way for Catholics by proposing the formation of a Parish-School Commission which, including the abbot, regulated and inspected parish schools, examined and certified teachers, and supervised school expenditures and German instruction. The goal was to have a well-run school maintained in each parish. Although the proposals provided for strong central control over parish schools, yet in fact, the local school committees acted with great autonomy in spite of the Parish-School Commission (White 1978, p. 94). Another factor that stimulated the growth of private schools was the arrival of Ursuline Sisters from Germany in 1913. During the next year, the sisters opened parish schools in Muenster, Leofeld, and Bruno, and, the third year, in Dead Moose Lake (Maryburg). The Ursulines, fourteen in number, opened in 1916 a Canadian motherhouse to receive Saskatchewan girls who wished to give their lives to teaching in the service of the community. Four Canadian women entered, and other young women soon followed to augment the number of teachers in the Catholic schools of the colony (Windschiegl 1954, pp. 55-8). In Catholic thinking, Benedictine Father Chrysostom explained, spirituality 'must enter into the child's flesh and blood. It can do that only when all the text books are Catholic and the teacher is Catholic and the children are taught to pray'. To Chrysostom, half an hour at the end of the school day when the children are tired, as permitted in the public school, was useless and self-defeating. The private school option was maintained in Catholic hamlets like Bruno, whereas the public school option was maintained in Protestant villages like Humboldt (White 1978, pp. 96-7). The private school alternative produced good students and was successful by any normal standard (White 1978, pp. 98-9). A Presbyterian school educator, Reverend E. H. Oliver, president of the Presbyterian Theological College of Saskatoon and vice-president of the Saskatchewan Public Education League, challenged the Catholic primary schools in 1915 to be unilingual and open to inspection. After a cursory visit to a few schools, he described the instruction in the Catholic schools in the Humboldt area as being half in English and half in German, 'their language and outlook are German', and they were operated by 'German speaking teachers, and recently added one that could speak English'. He concluded that the German colonists organized private school districts to evade the law. Other wild stories abounded about the German Catholic schools. The Orange Lodge appealed to the government, as it would for years to come, for English-only instruction in primary schools and an end to separate schools (White 1978, pp. 81- 2; St. Peter's Messenger 25 June 1925). Reverend Oliver claimed that 'there are at least 45 private schools and possibly 1,200 school children not under the Department of Education who treat German rather than English as the language of instruction. In over two thirds of these, not a word of

15


English is ever taught'. In December of 1915 and January 1916, Abbot Bruno Doerfler wrote articles to the Saskatoon Phoenix and the Saskatoon Daily Star questioning the false statements of Oliver. In his investigation of the matter, he discovered that Oliver had not been 'in any of them [the four schools referred to] during the school hours or that he had [not] personally examined any of the children'. Abbot Bruno assured the reader that German was not the language of instruction in any of the colony schools and 'the proficiency in English of the pupils of these private schools is not inferior to that of the neighbouring Government schools'. He pointed out that the parents and children should be honoured as 'public benefactors' for providing bilingual speakers to the community at no extra cost. He asked Oliver to explain 'such sweeping charges against a whole class of people' (St. Peter's Abbey Archives, Separate Schools, 1906-60, I. D. 6, Box 4). Dr. 0. D. Skelton of Queen's University wrote to the Minister of Education in May 1917 that the 'prejudice and misinformation' expressed in the daily press should not be taken too seriously as 'I suppose that its connection with racial and religious prejudices is what gives the agitator his opportunity'. While the Saskatchewan legislature was slow to act, in 1918 it did restrict the use of languages other than English in both public and separate schools. Abbot Bruno perceived that the Orange attack had been successfully aimed at Catholic schools which had instruction in German or French (White 1978, pp. 82-3). In the fall of 1918, the Minister of Education, W. M. Martin, continued to demand that Catholic private schools conform to the demands of the province. He reiterated his request that only authorized textbooks be used, English be the language of instruction, the school buildings be of a quality equal to those of the public schools, and teachers be qualified 'according to our law'. Following further investigation, Abbot Bruno responded to Martin's letter in December that the only unauthorized set of textbooks used in the colony schools were The New Century Catholic Readers published by Benziger Brothers of New York City which were approved by the Province of Quebec and were replacing 'very ancient' forty-year old Excelsior Readers. He sent a copy of these textbooks to the minister which he believed were 'superior to any other Catholic English readers used in Canada'. Abbot Bruno agreed with the Province on 'the importance of using English only as the language of instruction' and added that the parents also agreed with this policy. First class school buildings in the colony were being erected as fast as conditions permit. All teachers would have government certificates within four years. In general, Abbot Bruno added, the schools have 'attained a high standard' and were improving from year to year (St. Peter's Abbey Archives, Separate Schools, 1906-60, I. D. 6, Box 4). 4.3 Catholic Thinking on Education Catholic theology has consistently taught that the parent's right to teach and establish schools was independent of and 'prior to the State'. The father of a family sent his children to a teacher whom he chose as qualified to provide a suitable education for them. The Messenger stressed the father's trust was similar to a family inviting an instructor into their private home (St. Peter's Messenger 21 August 1924). The schools taught the

16


youth arts and sciences, but it was also important that they formed young people's character and made them upright, honourable, affectionate, and courageous. In the Christian tradition, the schools related to students the supernatural end of the Gospel, instructed them in the teachings of Christ, and formed them to think and act according to Jesus' teaching and example (St. Peter's Messenger 14 August I924). Catholic parents were obliged to entrust their children to the Catholic school, or under the pain of sin, furnish an equivalent training. As most parents were not able to supply their children with an equivalent training, it was better for them to send their children to a Catholic school. By contrast at public school, the faith of the children soon deteriorated (St. Peter's Messenger 9 August 1924). Every spring thousands of Catholic schools and colleges issued forth as 'a mighty army of the young prepared to do battle with the world'. These young men and women graduates were 'prepared for life combat. But more than this - they have received a training of the heart ... a training which inculcates the love of God and country, a training based on the moral and divine law ... which developing the intellect, does not neglect the fact that man is created to serve God and to save his immortal soul'. For Catholic families there was clearly only one solution: 'Every Catholic Child in a Catholic School!' (St. Peter's Messenger 21 June 1923). When arriving at the university level, Catholic students must be encouraged to attend a Catholic college. Enjoying the benefit of the wisdom of ages, the Catholic college was 'a far shrewder educator than the non-Catholic college'. Catholic colleges will not only educate students but will develop character, cultivate their intellects, and deepen their appreciation for life. This education will make the student more responsive, more understanding, and more alert to the world about them. It will also provide the student with a 'better understanding of the Faith' (St. Peter's Messenger 20 September 1923). A specific institution which St. Peter's Messenger had in mind was St. Peter's College which was housed in 'a most stately building, valued at approximately $200,000 as one of the best institutions of learning in Western Canada' (St. Peter's Messenger 28 June 1923). To provide a Catholic education for the children of this 1800 square mile community, the parents had pursued a mixture of public, separate, and private schools. They desired bilingual schools for their youngsters in which the language of instruction would be English, but German would also be taught. Disagreeing with Protestant nationalists who wanted English-only instruction in primary schools, they wanted their children to be competent in both English and German. A debate broke out about separate schools in the summer of 1925 when the Messenger published an editorial, Orangemen Dabble in Politics. The Messenger criticized Conservatives Dr. J. T. M. Anderson and George A. Cruise for making war on the separate schools and initiating an English-only policy in the public schools. The Messenger believed, through the Orange Lodge, these politicians threatened 'vengeance' on those candidates who refused to subscribe to the Orange principles by condemning Catholic liberties of separate schools and French-German language instruction (St. Peter's Messenger 25 June 1925). The Saskatoon Reporter countered that the Catholic newspaper staged 'an unworthy attack on Conservative Candidates' to revive the divi-

17


sive Separate School Question. The Saskatoon newspaper explained that separate schools existed for both Protestants and Catholics, and it hoped this divisive issue would not be raised again (St. Peter's Messenger 6 August 1925). The Messenger retorted that those in the last election who cast their votes for these two Conservative candidates were not acquainted with the stand Anderson and Cruise had taken 'in regard to the School and Language Questions'. Once their position was known, a subsequent election would produce 'a marked change in the results'. The Catholic weekly denied that it was fanning division among communities in the area, but truly sought the harmony of 'different races and creeds' (St. Peter's Messenger 6 August 1925). Concerned about the myths of religious and language instruction in the German Catholic schools, Clinton White launched eight research projects into untouched primary sources of German-Canadian schools in Saskatchewan and discovered a clear profile of the schools. His research reveals that, by 1914, 50 public schools existed in the colony in contrast to only 14 private schools. Only two separate schools were set up during this period. 'A conclusion to be drawn is that by 19 I4, probably as early as 1907', writes White, 'most children were attending public institutions'. In regard to the curriculum in these schools, White categorically states that 'the weight of evidence suggests that practically all schools used the provincial curriculum' (White 1985, p. 9). Through his extensive research on schools in the colony, White has demonstrated that the German Catholic community, while striving to achieve it own cultural goals, did not resist assimilation but cooperated with the Canadian desire for overt cultural conformity. In a similar context, Doug Owram has explained in Promise of Eden that the seed bed of British institutions was thought to be the sturdy farmer and 'the twin pillars of education and religion'. These components of frontier life, in fact, provided a stable goal to direct the new Canadian nation (Owram 1992, p. 21). The German colonists of St. Peter's instinctively embraced this hopeful formula of Canadian nationalism and revealed their ability to transcend it for ultimate meaning. 5.

UNIVERSAL CATHOLIC VISION

The ultimate concern which the German Canadian community was seeking included land, educational opportunities, and religious freedom. Yet this did not mean that their outlook was insular. St. Peter's Messenger revealed an interest in national and international affairs. The colonists were interested in the advancement of women, Catholic events across Canada, and events throughout the world. 5. l The Catholic Women's League The Catholic Women's League was founded in the diocese of Edmonton in 1912. The need of women immigrating from Europe to Western Canada demanded that a network of hostels be created to provide for them a secure place to stay and where they might be assisted to find work. Bishop Emile Legal, Abbe Casgrain, and author Katherine Hughes sought out Catholic women of Albertan cities who could meet the trains arriving from the east and take women to homes and hotels set up to assist them. By the end of the second decade, branches of the Catholic Women's League were established in Montreal,

18


Toronto, Ottawa, Halifax, Regina, and Sherbrooke. A national organization came together in 1920 at Montreal to coordinate the various houses across Canada and to promote Catholic social action, education, and ethnic harmony (Ross 1996, pp. 89-96). Catholic women of 30 nations gathered at Rome in the fall of 1925 for the sixth annual Congress of the International Union of Catholic Women's Leagues. Cardinal Gasparri, Secretary of State, welcomed the delegates at the Palace Marquize Patrizi. Cardinal Rafael Merry del Val, the Cardinal Protector of the International Union, delivered the opening address at the first session, providing a reflection on proposed amendments to the constitution of the Union. The sessions concluded with a papal audience in which Pius XI commended their profound understanding of Catholic life which gave stability to their families and to their campaign against immoral fashions which caused many women shame (St. Peter's Messenger 12 November 1925). As an example of Catholic action in which the Canadian Leagues were involved, the Winnipeg branch of the Catholic Women's League in 1926 was proud to announce the opening of a new residential house with 20 to 26 beds accommodating women immigrants and travellers. Street cars passed this location which was close to the railway station and five minutes from the downtown area. The Catholic Women's League assumed financial responsibility for this new house which was administered by the Sisters of Service (St. Peter's Messenger 5 May 1926). The League raised money for these good works by bazaars, teas, concerts, home-cooking sales, and tag days (St. Peter's Messenger 12 November 1925). In June, 1926, the Sixth Annual National Convention of the Catholic Women's League was inaugurated at the ball-room in the Chateau Laurier at Ottawa. The Archbishop of Ottawa, Joseph Emard, and the Apostolic Delegate, Pietro Dei Maria welcomed the 500 delegates, expressed deep interest in the works of the League and voiced the belief that Canadian culture and Catholicity could go hand in hand. The mayor of the city and the Chief Justice of Canada praised their work of assisting immigrants and teaching citizenship. The national president of the League, Mrs. R. C. McCann of London, Ontario, spoke of the steady growth of membership and that the goal of the CWL was to enrol every Catholic woman in Canada. The meetings continued for a week and reviewed their various works of child welfare, day nurseries, pro-natal clinics, hospital visiting, and operating hostels (St. Peter's Messenger 30 June 1926). 5.2 St. Peter's Messenger as a Window of the Colony on the Wider World Among the Canadian events concerning St. Peter's Colony was the dedication of the Shrine of the Canadian Martyrs at Midland, Ontario, on the weekend of June 26-27, 1926. This was the site where Jesuits, in June 1648, while ministering to the Hurons lost their lives during an Iroquois invasion. Father J. Milway Filion SJ, Superior of the English-speaking Jesuits, supervised the construction of a church in 1925 and mounted within it high-quality stained-glass windows and a painting of the Jesuit martyrs by Neilus over the main altar. A three-storey hotel welcomed pilgrims from Canada and the world. The centrepiece of the Shrine was a twin towered church faced with Ontario limestone and decorated with a cottonwood interior from British Columbia. Cardinal O'Connell of Boston dedicated the church on Saturday, and seven Canadian bishops

19


presided over the unveiling of statues of the martyrs. On Sunday, Archbishop Neil McNeil of Toronto sang the Pontifical High Mass, and Bishop Michael F. Fallon of London preached an eloquent sermon (St. Peter's Messenger 7 July 1926). St. Peter's Messenger also showed sympathy at the death of Canada's second cardinal, Archbishop Louis-Nazaire Begin of Quebec City. The newspaper marvelled at the rapid rise of the 27-year-old professor to the chancellorship of Laval University, then to become the bishop of Chicoutimi in 1888, and finally, ten years later the archbishop of Quebec. Rome honoured him in 1914 with the red hat of a prince of the church. A man of action, he visited regularly his 253 parishes and assisted in their religious services. He preached well and wrote pastorals. He published books on the infallibility of the pope and the veneration of the saints. But especially, in 1907, he founded a daily L'Action Catholique, to provide parishioners with a vigorous newspaper for the defence of the faith and to combat 'the pernicious influence' of secular newspapers. The western newspaper mourned the loss of this enterprising leader of the Canadian church (St. Peter's Messenger 30 July I 925). In a collegial spirit, the Messenger welcomed the union of the Methodist, Presbyterian, and Congregationalist churches into the United Church of Canada. The weekly hailed it as 'a victory for Western Canada.' The large number of Protestant churches caused an 'acrimonious rivalry' between congregations on the prairies, ministers had to preach in several places, and 'the multiplication of small churches in small communities was a dissipation of energy'. It would be much better for rural communities in Western Canada to have strong churches and qualified ministers. An Anglican student or a Methodist layman could be successful if they had a Bible and a hymn book, 'especially a hymn book', but they must also fit in and be a regular fellow. The qiinister must befriend the sick and dying and spend most of his time 'tramping from one isolated settlement to another'. In contrast, the Catholic priest was 'the agent of a powerful organisation' and received 'the respect given to a police officer or to a stipendiary magistrate'(St. Peter's Messenger 18 June1925). In the new religious alliance, the Methodists (414,047) and their friendly religious ways dominated. The Congregationalists (12,229) easily adapted to the administrative changes. The Presbyterians (266,111), suffering from the rigidity of Scottish theology, found the transition difficult and were 'strongly opposed to the popular Liberalism that has captured most non-Catholic Churches' . Many of the stronger Presbyterian congregations (1,143,296) elected to remain independent of the United Church representing 24 per cent of Protestants. The Messenger believed that these non-conforming congregations, including the Anglican and the Baptists, would recover their losses in a few years and 'be stronger than ever' . It concluded that the United Church, suffering from much dissension, was a 'misnomer', and it was not possible to formulate a creed by popular voting (St. Peter's Messenger 18 Junel925). Before the advent of ecumenism, the St. Peter's Messenger,, was straight-from-theshoulder in its comments on other churches. The headline of an editorial in September 1925 cavelled, 'United Churchmen in Mischief Again'. It protested against the United Church of Canada and the Saskatchewan School Trustees' Association attempting to impose the reading of the Protestant Bible on Catholics in public schools, and at the

20


same time, the abolition of Separate Schools. The Catholic weekly condemned the attitude of the Trustees' Association on bible reading and the separate school issue. At a convention of the Trustees' Association in Saskatoon, a resolution was proposed by Superintendent Sutton of the Moose Jaw School Board 'asking for the reading of the Bible in public school', and W. B. Doyle. chair of the Saskatoon Public School Board, supported the resolution. Although two delegates opposed the resolution, the convention passed it. Two days later, the same body further demonstrated its bias by passing a second resolution 'urging a national policy of non-sectarian, non-racial education, and the abolishment of the Separate School' (St. Peter's Messenger 17 September 1925). The newspaper warned that a coalition of the Moose Jaw Presbytery and the Saskatchewan Trustees' Association were prepared 'to force' on the public schools 'the private interpretation of the Bible for members of all creeds and denominations, Catholics as well as Protestants, Jews, and ... Mohamedans'. It was 'ridiculous', it seemed to the editor, because the Saskatchewan School Trustees' Association had made itself 'a laughing stock' when ' it wanted completely to reform our whole educational system, not only in Saskatchewan, but also throughout the entire Dominion'. The editor commented that United Churchmen, already 'causing chaos in the Protestant ranks', wanted 'to encroach on the religious tenets of other religious bodies'. The United Church knew this was displeasing to Catholics and non-Catholics alike. The editorial invoked a declaration of the Church that it was 'a sin to read the Bible in any other text than the approved Douay version'. The Church had no intention of imposing the Catholic Bible on others, but was happy that the Jews had their Bible and the Protestants theirs. The editor warned the United Church and the Saskatchewan Board of Trustee- 'keep hands off!' (St. Peter's Messenger 17 September 1925). St. Peter's Messenger was not only concerned with the Canadian Catholic vision, but also looked beyond international boundaries for inspiration. In June 1926 an International Eucharistic Congress was convened at St. Mary of the Lake Seminary in Chicago. On the final Sunday of the congress, over one million persons had streamed onto the seminary grounds and to take a stand in the green hills surrounding the outdoor altar and the scenic lake. At IO A.M. on this historic occasion, His Eminence John Cardinal Bonzano, the Apostolic Delegate, intoned the Pontifical High Mass. The seminary choir responded to the intonations. Cardinal Hayes of New York City delivered the sermon. Following the Mass, the procession formed to march around the lake. Forty bands, lay representatives, colourful floats, delegations from foreign nations, representatives from various Catholic societies, and finally 5000 priests vested in chasubles and religious habits. The flags of all the Christian nations fluttered, and hundreds of banners of Papal gold and white in the pageant were admired. Cardinal Bonzano carried the Blessed Sacrament in procession, and was accompanied by visiting cardinals in full regalia and attended by deacons and acolytes. This great procession of the congress came to a crashing halt when threatening clouds and flashes of lightening heralded a summer rain storm. Despite the dramatic ending to this week long event, the Eucharistic Congress was considered to have been a great success by any standard and a beacon of respectability to Catholics around the world (St. Peter's Messenger 30 June 1926). After the Peace Treaty of Versailles in 1919, following the Great War and establish-

21


ing the League of Nations, the Holy See, along with some Catholic countries, were excluded ,from the newly formed League. Brazil and Spain had tried to attain seats but were rejected for membership. Brazil appeared to be hostile to the League and its work, and the Holy See was blamed by the London Daily News for this intransigence. The Messenger protested that 'the Holy See has never demanded a seat in the League of Nations and has carefully abstained from doing anything that might interfere with the works of the League'. Rather it has directed its activities to spreading the peace, alleviating the devastation and famine of the war, and facilitating the work of the League. The Holy See would like to act as a helpful ally and take a positive role to obtain understanding among the nations and peace throughout the world. The Holy See, at the same time moreover, did not identify with the 'extravagant demands of that assembly'. The newspaper advocated a reconstituted League of Nations 'with the Holy-Father as president', as it was only the pope who was able to take 'an impartial and neutral view-point in international affairs'. The weekly believed that the Holy See should be supported to contribute further to peace and stability throughout the world. (St. Peter's Messenger 30 June 1926). To the Bolshevik threat, Cardinal Mercier of Brussels, according to the Messenger, challenged the Socialists to produce works that demonstrated that they were concerned with needy, downtrodden, and rejected people. With great bombast do they criticize the abuses of the economic system but 'do not lift a finger to relieve misery on any considerable scale'. Their funds go to propaganda to create discontent and financial sedition. They were seldom found giving succour to the afflicted or healing to the wounded, but they leave welfare work to the Church and the agencies of capitalist society. Gauged by any pragmatic standard, Socialism was found wanting as humanitarian .movements must reveal their good works. Socialism has remained 'a mere dream', and human solidarity to them meant nothing more but an empty word. The socialists sewed strife against various members of society and preached class warfare rather than human cooperation to relieve the hard-pressed. They did not spend funds to rescue suffering nations but preferred to use revenues to ferment strife and embarrass the various powers. The socialists were caught in the dilemma of endorsing high ideas but of performing few acts to relieve distress. (St. Peter's Messenger 6 December 1926). While Socialism stirred up strife and destroyed institutions, Christianity, the cardinal affirmed, created hospitals, schools, and orphanages around the world to care for the downtrodden. Christians began the task of 'regenerating the world' and relieving suffering wherever they found it. The secular world has imitated Christian example by building similar institutions so that the globe was dotted with charitable institutions. By contrast, Mercier asked, what have the socialists done? Socialism has offered promises, but humanity has tired of these (St. Peter's Messenger 6 December 1926). The Catholic vision that St. Peter's colonists sought included the service of women united in the faith, models of holiness such as the Canadian Martyrs, the honouring of distinguished church people, viewing faraway Catholic events as Eucharistic congresses and the relationship of the Holy See to the League of Nations, and lastly, concern for the competition which the Protestants and Socialists offered to Catholic charities both on the right and on the left.

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6.

CONCLUSION

The reward for German Americans was being realised in their pilgrimage to Canada. They discovered in their new land free homesteads, excellent soil, and abundant harvests. Three years after their arrival, John Konrad wrote back to Nebraska that his homestead in Saskatchewan meant more to him than being a renter in the United States. He was happy and prospered on his farm although he knew that friends in Nebraska could not appreciate this.' 'Recently a friend in Nebraska sent me four postage stamps and even writing paper, so that I could reply'. Konrad's only response was that his former friends should come to Saskatchewan without delay, see for themselves, 'otherwise all the best land will be gone' (St. Peter's Bote March 1906, p. 15). Frank Kroschmider from Dead Moose Lake wrote back to Manistique, Michigan that the soil in Saskatchewan was very rich. Last summer 'I saw beautiful wheat and oats on fields and I was there when it was threshed. So I know that here an acre brought 33 bushels of No. I wheat' (St. Peter's Bote March 1906, p. 10). A third witness of the rewards to be found for the homesteaders was from Henry Frocklage also of Dead Moose Lake. 'I can truthfully say, that I am happier here than in [Jasper, Dubois Co.] Indiana'. The summer was not as hot, nor were the winters as muddy. The dry air takes the sting out of the winter cold. He continued the temperature of -30° below in Saskatchewan was easier to take than -10° in Indiana. The temperatures were steady and less uncertain, and colds were few. The hunting was good - deer, rabbits, ducks, chickens, and pheasants. He bought a threshing machine and threshed for many settlers and had 'met no one who was not satisfied with his harvest'. The wheat crops ran from 30 to 37 bushels per acre and the barley ran up to 51 bushels. Henry Frocklage concluded his letter saying that his family had 'no desire ever to return to the States' (St. Peter's Bote March 1906, pp. 4-5). From their earliest years, a confidence and hope existed among most of the settlers that they would succeed in their spiritual quest and their labours would be rewarded. German American settlers trekking up from the United States to central Saskatchewan, and joined by a number of fellow nationals from Europe, sought adequate land, good schools, health care, and spiritual freedom. They received the cooperation of the Benedictine Fathers who invited sisters from Austria to nurse and from Germany to teach. They believed in a Christian community of loyalty to their customs, family, and nation. Catholic parents wanted to guide their children in learning and religious devotion. Education was a high priority to provide secular science, religious knowledge, and literacy in English and German. So hungry were they for learning that by their personal sacrifices the colonists cooperated with the Benedictine Fathers in the founding of schools to the university level. All these efforts were directed toward an international vision which included saintly models of life, women involved in the home and in life beyond the home, the good life being properly honoured, promotion of genuine social justice, and the sharing in Catholic achievements on the world scene. The ultimate reality for the Catholic Canadian Germans was not only their primordial need of transmitting life and culture, but also included a transcendent universal vision. They lived in the omnipresent shadow of their God who steered their lives through the

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instrumentality of the Catholic Church. For this ultimate meaning, they trekked to Canada and built homes, schools, churches, and hospitals, and educated their children. They gave thanks to God and were pleased to see what they had wrought under his guiding light.

REFERENCES

St. Peter's Abbey Archives, Muenster SK. The Roving Missionary: Father Chrysostom Hoffmann Diaries. 1903-1911. Chrysostom Hoffmann File Box I. Separate Schools, 1906-1960. I. D. 6, Box 4. Publications

n.a. 1996. A Journey of Faith: St. Peter's Abbey, 1921-/996. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. Friesen, G. 1984. Canadian Prairies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Giesinger, A. 1974. From Catherine to Khrushchev: The Story of Russia's German. Winnipeg: Adam Giesinger. Grosby, S. 1996. The Category of the Primordial in the Study of Early Christianity and SecondCentury Judaism. History of Religions 36 (2): 140-63. -1999. The Chosen People of Ancient Israel and the Occident: Why Does Nationality Exist and Survive? Nations and Nationalism 5 (3): 357-80. Hepp, M. J. 1998. The Legacy ofSt. Peter's Colony. Munester SK: St. Peter's Press. Hinz, M. T. 2001. Our Bruno: The Legacy of the First Abbot of St. Peter's Monastery. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. Hubbard, B .. 1983. St. Peter's: A Gennan-American Marriage of Monastery and Colony. Visions of the New Jerusalem: Religious Settlement in the Prairies, ed. by Benjamin G. Smillie. Edmonton: NeWest Press. Lutz, 0. 1977. A Mother Braving A Wilderness, Told By Her Son Otto. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Colony Jubilee Steering Committee. McLaughlin, K. M. 1985. The Germans in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association. Owram, D. 1992. Promise of Eden: The Canadian Expansionist Movement and the Idea of the West, 1857-1900. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. n.a.. 1988. Quest for A New Homeland: The Founding of St. Peter's Colony in Saskatchewan. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. Ross, S. 1996. For God and Canada: The Early Years of the Catholic Women's League in Canada. Canadian Catholic Historical Association Historical Studies 62: 89-108. Weber, J. 1949. St. Peter's Abbey, 1903-1921. Canadian Catholic Historical Association Report

16: 37-49. White, C. 0. 1978. Language, Religion, Schools and Politics among German-American Catholic Settlers in St. Peter's Colony, Saskatchewan, 1903-1916. Study Sessions 45: 81-99.

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1985. Ethnocultural Studies Necessary for Understanding Saskatchewan's Past. Caring for Our Past: Documenting Saskatchewan's Multicultural Heritage: No. 6. Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Archives Reference Series, No. 6. Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Archives Board. Windschiegl, P. 1954. Fifty Golden Years, 1903-1953. Muenster: St. Peter's Press.


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Newspapers:

Colony Post. December 1976-November 1978. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. Prairie Messenger. 1928-. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. St. Peter's Messenger. 1923-1928. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. St. Peter's Press. 1976-8. Muenster SK St. Peter's Bate. March to August, 1906. Translated from German by Fr. Werner Renneberg OSB in 2001. Muenster SK: St. Peter's Press. before the advent of ecumenism

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