PRIVATE BROADCASTING AND THE CHALLENGES ...

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PRIVATE BROADCASTING AND THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIZATION OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA IN NIGERIA

By Ciboh Rodney

ABSTRACT This paper examines the difficulties in the growth of independent broadcasting in Nigeria and concludes that the unwieldy government network monopoly over broadcasting, which is expanding is a major threat to the national quest for democratisation of the country. The paper observes that government abuses of public stations are a consequence of this monopoly. And unless public monopoly is dismantled, government denial of citizen access to broadcasting will continue to erode one of the important conditions of genuine democratisation of society. INTRODUCTION Global trends in political pluralism and international market economy are largely responsible for the inevitable decentralization of broadcasting and the telecommunications sectors in Nigeria. This new world order of free market economy as spearhead by Western industrialized countries has basis in the doctrine of free private enterprise, or the "liberal model", as against the "trusteeship or paternalistic model". The latter model presupposes government control, and is predicated on the principles of "public interest, convenience and necessity" (Meomeka in Adabat, 1996: 12-19). Major premise here is that the airwaves are a natural resource of the citizens, and thus public property. Government, as an ideal guardian of the public interest, is in best position to regulate and supervise their utilization to ensure they are used for the common good. This model emphasizes the social control of the media by government for the democratic functioning of the society. The broadcasting spectrum is therefore public, not private and media decentralization is seen as licensing of the public good to private operators. International

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Relevance of the trusteeship model or media monopoly which, for a long time made up the main frames of social communication in Third World countries, has become highly limited. Prevailing forces of free trade and liberal democracy fuelled by information technology have compelled such countries to decentralize their economies by commercializing, privatizing and deregulating major industrial, agricultural and service sectors. The free market economy or liberal democratic model emphasizes end of heavily centralized state or government controlled media system, and favours development of a more plural and fully private market where market forces move broadcasting to 'its highest and best use'. Market liberalism insists that market competition of the media is the most important pre-condition for their freedom. Pluralism in media content serves strict principles of free flow of information and audio visual services. Free enterprise is a concomitant of democracy and the democratization of' communications is a synonym for political democratization and market economy. Genuine democratization of communications according to Ildiko'k (1999: 18-19) means that the "media be separated from the state, the government and their total independence guaranteed". Independent media are one of the most important conditions for democratization of society. Mass media play a very big part in social communication processes in modern societies. Genuine democratization of whole society and genuine democratization of communications are therefore inseparable. The relationship between communication and democracy Hamelink in Philip Lee (ed 1995: 15) says exists at two levels; "the democratic organization of public communication and the contribution of public communication to democratic organization of society. The new climate of democratization and change in global economy have swept away the broadcast industry in Nigeria that has over the years enjoyed exclusive government monopoly. Nigeria's entry into the world of free trade and information technology started with partial commercialization of state owned public stations in the late 1980s. Full deregulation commenced with establishment of National Broadcasting Commission (NCC), under Decree 38 of August 1992, as a regulatory agency for the broadcast industry. The National Communications Commission (NNC), established by Decree 75 of 1997 has exclusive authority over the telecommunications sector. Commercialization of communication processes follows from the National Mass Communication Policy of 1989. The NBC decree which charges the NBC with the supervision and regulation of the broadcast industry marked the beginning of a new phase in the media system. Between 1993-1995 the commission licensed two private radio stations, 14 television stations and 18 satellite retransmission stations for operations. Nine more radio stations were licensed between 1995-1997 for operations. In February 2002 government licensed 16 more radio stations. The expected democratization and pluralization of broadcasting in Nigeria is still unfolding but the operations of private broadcast stations for over a decade now is not without difficulties. What then are the major challenges of genuine democratization of broadcasting in Nigeria? This article An interdisciplinary Journal a/Communication Studies

3 CIBOH RODNEY examines the broadcast environment, focuses on some of the difficult areas in the operations of private stations, and suggests prospective changes that can help in the democratization ahead.

PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING Deregulation and the related phenomenon of privatization came out of global trends in the 1980s as part of global strategies ofTransnational Corporations (TNCs), "to break down public sector broadcasting monopolies for market expansion", (Collen Roach in Uche L.D, 1996:25-16) and ensure a guaranteed role for private sector initiatives. New international market trends to liberalise, deregulate and democratize key institutions forced the loss of over sixty years of government monopoly of broadcasting in Nigeria. Government resistance to agitations for private ownership of and participation in the broadcast industry became protracted but as Uche (1999:533-535) observes, "the government was blackmailed into deregulating the broadcasting industry" by International Monetary Fund and World Bank as one of the conditionalties for advancing Western loans. Government ownership and monopoly of broadcasting facilities in Nigeria dates back to the 1932 BBC Empire Relay Service which was facilitated by post and telegraph department of the Ministry of Communications. Also called Radio Rediffusion Service, RDS, this system of wired broadcasting developed into wireless broadcasting early 1950s with establishment of Nigeria Broadcasting Service, NBS radio. By 1957 when the NBS became a corporation, government ownership of radio broadcasting had become synonymous with government monopoly. The military made this monopoly absolute in 1975 by taking over the management and control of all television stations and centralizing programming and administration. Uche (1989:81) says "the monopoly ownership of broadcasting media in Nigeria by the national government and its states counterpart is so extensive and total that the laissez- faire philosophy that operates in the American broadcasting industry is just the antithesis of what obtains in Nigeria ... " Public affairs programming followed the common normative framework of public service broadcasted, PSB, and centered on education and culture PSB underlined the dire need to unite Nigeria's disparate ethnic nationalities for national development. Television broadcasting was specifically introduced "to provide adequate services in education, social and economic development" and "to transmit both the Nigerian and African cultures, traditions, politics, literature, drama and entertainment' (UNESCO in Uche, 1989:63). Though initial television programmes relatively emphasized on culture and education, public stations Prof. Uche observes, soon became "just big foreign cultural transmission houses in Nigeria from 1959 to 1975, especially". At the close of the 1970s, government control re-emphasized the need "to provide, as a public service in the interest of Nigeria, independent and impartial broadcasting" (Uche, 1989:65-66). Broadcasting was re-organized in the national International

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4 interest of unity and cohesion of Nigeria's diverse social, economic, political and religious configuration. Most of the arguments favouring public service broadcasting bordered on self-preservation and the need for security of the nation, which can be breached by unfriendly broadcasts and propaganda. Many saw the need therefore, for government to secure the airwaves against what Adaba (1996:12-l3) called "unfriendly foreign powers". Broadcasting became priority project and state monopoly mainly for its "immense potency as means of social, cultural and political influence and power" (Bums Tom in Uche, 1989:67). But by the early eighties, much of the justification of state monopoly could hardly be defended. As Agber Kwaghkondo (1994: 114) observes government monopoly became "a major constraint to the rapid development of the nation's media" and the democratization process. Broadcasting transformed into a ward of status for authorities, and was not used for the common good but as extension of the struggle for and conquest of political power. Again, Uche (1989:47) says broadcasting "played a role that is second to none in the political power struggle of the country". He continues that "stations without exception, became megaphones of the political parties in power, suppressing or grossly distorting information to suit the whims and caprices of politicians and consequently fanning the ambers of disunity, disaffection and disorder". Contemporary political office holders, Adaba (1996: l3) adds, ... felt quite justified to deny access to their opponents, interfere in editorial policies, rise and fire whom so ever they admitted as managers and professionals in stations. PRIVATE BROADCASTING

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Public broadcasting stations became political institutions. As mass access to, and participation in broadcasting became more and more stilted, the general public developed an attitude of mistrust and general lack of confidence in these stations. Many Nigerians became dissatisfied with programmes of the government controlled media especially with their distorted versions of reality. More often than not, they have had to rely on foreign media like BBC, VOA, CNN etc for details about events happening within the country. Riots, demonstrations, natural disasters civil strife etc are hardly mentioned ... (Agber, 1994: 116). With demise of trust and confidence public service stations increasingly lost their value and credibility as they became what Uche (1989: 17) calls "instruments of insult and falsehood to be used against political opponents". The increasing worry and apprehension attending prolonged government monopoly of public media, coupled with the growing clamour for political pluralism and democracy on the home An interdisciplinary

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5 CIBOH RODNEY front, and the ragging gale of globalization on the international front, ultimately made deregulation of the broadcast sector inevitable. MARKET REGULATION AND PRIVATE OWNERSHIP OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA. Deregulation started with partial commercialization of public stations for selfsustenance in the early 1980s. Full privatization commenced with promulgation of Decree No. 38 of 1992 establishing the National Broadcasting Commission NBC, as sole agency for regulation and control of broadcasting in Nigeria. The NBC has responsibility to allocate broadcast frequencies, issue, renew and revoke broadcast licences, and enforce standards in content and quality of materials broadcast by stations. Broad objectives recognize the right ofevery Nigerian to partake of ideas, ideals and experiences by means of broadcasting to enrich his life and enable him live in a complex, dynamic and humane society. These objectives affirm the need for media democratization to provide opportunities for relatively equal access for all citizens to the media. Specifically, political broadcasts are to be made in decent language with the aim to inculcate in the people the spirit of tolerance of differing shades of opinion, and provide "equal opportunity and airtime to political parties or views with particular regard to amount of time and belt" (National Broadcasting Code, 1994:9). Broadcasting is thus to uphold the highest standards of ethical practice and redefine "the character and profile of the public interest in order to save the airwaves from the decadence of yesteryears and secure it as a reservoir and purveyor of public patrimony of future generations" (Gana, 2001 :76). Liberalization of electronic media has placed broadcasting at two levels: fully private stations co-exist with partially commercialized government owned stations. First licences were tribute to public sensitivity to the democratization process. Most of the arguments in favour of democratization are justified on the basis that "deregulation would mean a dramatic increase in choice for listeners" (Uche, 1999:535). That is, privatization would mean free choice among media and content and stimulate competition and demand for qualitative programmes that satisfy audience requirements. Thus in the context of privatization, the electronic media according to Uche (1999:534:535), would provide "a new interpretation of social responsibility and challenge both journalists and media owners to adopt the tenets of 'new journalism' that emphasizes both profitability and community service". One of the criteria for genuine democratization of communications is "civil society's active participation in communication and its control. That is, the participation of "groups of people, communities, outside and separated from state power means, united and organized to achieve different aims or enforcement of interest" (Ildoko, 1999: 19) in the political and economic development of the society. According to Hamelink( 1995: 18), "there is a broad consensus about a definition of the democratic ideal as a political decision-making procedure that enables all those concern a participate on the basis of equality". Major expectation in genuine International Journal of Communication No. 1 March, 2004

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democratization Okunna & Omenugha (2001:95) maintain, that private broadcasting "extends access and participation to the rural dweller in addition to the marginalized urbanite". Greater expectations are that the media "shift emphasis from urban centers to rural centres where the large population of media consumerreside". The dominant proposition here is that "large-scale, centralized, urban-based most medial cannot offer third world populations the opportunity for participatory communication which they need for development" (Ibid, p. 96). In genuine democratization "the individual becomes an active partner not a mere object of communication and broadcasting becomes" less an urban and elite phenomenon and those of a rural and populist phenomenon". To better serve the interests and needs of the great majority of Nigerians in disadvantage and rural areas, Okunna & Omenugha (2001 :97) suggest a kind of decentralization that would: democratize broadcasting by granting broader popular access to their existing airwaves through upholding the people's right to reply and appraise both the media and the elected government. .. decentralize the broadcast media through the establishment of community based and rural radio, and even television stations. Encourage the participation of media consumers in management decision making report more stories on the right and entitlement of the poor, the deprived the weak and other disadvantaged groups. In Nigeria, restrictive legislations and political pressures prohibit the granting of broadcast licences to such groups particularly to religious organizations and political parties. Media pluralism is jeopardized by the risk that the main channels of public access may eventually be controlled by a small number of strategically placed and minimally accountable gatekeepers. Uche (1999:536) observes that the granting of licences to money bags means "the hijacking of democracy in Nigeria and the perpetuation of exploitation, slavery and feudalism". But granting of licences to community interest groups would guarantee their participation in the political and economic development of Nigeria and ensure democratization of the broadcast media. Last batch of licences in 2002 was criticized as having political undertones and motivation and that for "some of the stations are weapons for political battle instead offor social orientation" (The Guardian, February 18,2002:76). Launching of private radio started with Ray Power 100.5 Fm, the first private radio. Minaj Systems Radio MSR 89.4 Fm came on the heels of Ray Power in 1995. Silverbird's Rhythm 93.7 Fm, the third private radio, commenced operations in November, 1997, Choice Fm, Cool Fm, Murhi International's Star Fm all operate in Lagos. The presence of private radio has not entailed significant changes in the organization of public radio. The four national stations of FRCN have not taken An interdisciplinary

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CIBOH RODNEY

advantage of deregulation to begin 24-hour-broadcasting services. Instead, FR has embarked on physical expansion and establishment of Fm stations in all states or the federation. Strong political pressures are still resulting in frequent changes among national radio and television executives. The private radio stations, however, have considerably diversified the structure of programmes. Audiences have gained the privilege not only of alternative sources of information but also considerable specialization in station content. Liberalization of television broadcasting parallel radio with launching of several channels: Africa Independent Television AIT, Minaj Systems Television, MST, Channels TV, Degue Broadcasting Network DBN, Murhi International Television MITV, all in Lagos. Private channels made good use of deregulation to claim their market shares in a relatively short time. Ray Power is credited with "capturing 35 percent of Lagos radio listeners in terms of first choice station and moved up to 49 percent by January, 1995" (The Guardian, January 15, 1996:29). Rhythm 93.7 Fm also sat pretty well on Lagos audience with "80 percent of traders at Yaba, Idumota, and Alaba International Market tuning daily" (Ibid). MSR, MST and AIT all started initial transmission in a rich variety of programmes in the areas of sports entertainment, news and current affairs. The scope of private initiatives is expanding, but rapid democratization is slowed by the still existing state monopoly over national telecasting, the uneven economic landscape, the nature of the industry requiring heavy capital outlay in state of the art technology to operate efficiently, the not enough profit to boost public image, sub-standard programming, the' many legislations and policies instituted over the years by arbitrative military governments, inefficient management and corruption, and outdated equipment. Ongoing liberalization permits the receipt of satellite and cable programmes. But establishment of individual satellite and cable redistribution stations present additional problems of infiltration of foreign audio-visual products which have visible impact on national broadcasting and culture.

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THE DEMOCRATIZATION CHALLENGES. The problems facing the democratization process of electronic media can be specified along several lines. In The domain Of Programming Standards Much of programming is characterized by substandard and unwholesome and unacceptable programmes. Top is the presence of foreign programme materials that offend and violate cultural sensibilities. Some private stations were observed early to "regale their audience with libidinous programmes" (The Punch, August 12, 1997: 18). The programming air slot on ITV Benin, for instance, 'was collected by a viewer both date and airtime, and name of the main character' The Guardian, (June 1, 1998:30) says that "put the station on heat during public hearings for renewal of licences in Benin" early 1998. The regulatory agency, NBC sought to enforce standards and once threatened to shut private air and cable channels transmitting International

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8 pirated world pornographic materials. Opening of airwaves to spurious and unverifiable claims to magical cures by traditional medicine, and religious programming, violate both NBC and APCON codes of professional practice. The Guardian (June 24,2002:64) reports that both issues generated so much debate in the industry that the NBC reviewed and changed strict clauses in its code which "prohibit religious broadcasts promoting unverifiable claims" and which forbade use of "the peculiar advantage of broadcast medium to mislead the public". Media is public commodity, that has to be monitored to conform with professional standards, social and cultural values as well as good taste and decency. But strict compliance with regulations on programming is difficult to attain in the industry. NBC law requires a minimum of 60 percent local content on open broadcast stations and at least 20 percent on satellite retransmission stations. The enabling law insists that broadcast be interlaced with one hour local programme every five hours. But compliance with the percentage local programme requirement is hardly achieved. Instead private stations "have seeming interest in transmitting foreign programme" are in "pursuit of what goes on in Hollywood, New York, London, Paris" The Guardian, January 19, 1998:40). Much of this is attributed to high cost of production and procurement of local programmes which sadly are poor in quality and hardly attract sponsorship or enthusiasm of subscribers. Unwholesome activities such as non-payment of royalties to the creators of most creative works used on air force many artistes out of business and worsen programming standards and ethics. The greatest challenge to programming remains that private broadcasters make the deregulated market conducive for broadcasting Through careful formation and creation of progammes which would appeal to all tastes and culture. A balance between social responsibility to the viewer, broadcast of commercial programmes, comments and analysis of government policies and entertainment must be established. The style and programme formats which should cut across all tastes should be made different from the styles in government media (The Guardian, November 2,1998:51). In the Domain of Technology The industry requires heavy capital outlay in state of the art technology to operate efficiently: transmitters, computerized control rooms with tele-promoters, comp-graphic switches, studio cameras, recorders, cassettes and tapes, players and mixers, editing suite, OB vans, digital studios, websites, generating plants etc. High cost of importation of these equipment and lack of regular power supply became problem early in the life of stations. Many stations were unable to secure enough foreign exchange from Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), to procure equipment, and most challenged the imposition of import duties on broadcast equipment. Power instability from the public NEPA supply force most stations to use generation plants PRIVATE BROADCASTING

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9 CIBOH RODNEY round the clock. The Guardian (March 10, 1997:35) reports that a "sudden surge in power supply" by NEPA "caused a spark in some cables" ... "ignited a fire which burnt for five hours without help on October 21, 2001", and destroyed an "estimated N 500 million worth of equipment" belonging Daar Communications. Privatization of NIT EL permits effective use of vanguard technologies in the media and enhances the interrelation of information technologies, electronics and telecommunications within the overall production circle. Desktop publishing systems, production and distribution of news by the news agencies, digitization of communication processes, wide range of radio and television programmes, cable casting as well as a variety oftele-services (fax, cellular phones, database, tele-text, video text, internet etc) have significantly influenced media production and creative processes. But globalization of communications may cause significant additions to existing problems for Nigeria in the near future such as disparagement of national identity, creation of cultural inequality and accentuation of informational dependence on the technological highly developed countries.

In the Economic Domain The high cost of procuring foreign exchange for purposes of broadcasting, spare parts and allied equipment and maintenance became problem early in the operations of stations. Owing to the uneven socio-political and economic landscape, the management of stations soon became characterized with financial problems of staff remuneration and welfare, debts, dwindling revenue and profits. Huge wage bills threatened job security early 1997 and put many stations in serious crisis. Some stations owed salaries of between two and three months. Channels TV according to The Guardian (April 15, 1996:25), "owed staff salaries for three months" and "laid off unspecified number of staff'. DBN laid off25 staff, while AIT and Ray Power laid off over 100 staff for various reasons. Galaxy TV owed up to N13 million in debts by January 1996, two years after it began transmission. Indebtedness of Daar Communications forced the closure of AIT, Ray power 1 and 2 for over one year by a consortium of banks on account of "breach ofa N600 million loan syndication" (The Guardian, October 26, 1998:5). Imposition of official charges and fees by NBC worses financial conditions of private stations. Bankole writes in The Guardian (February 24, 1997:5) that NBC increased licence renewal fees of private operators "from N400,000 in 1993 to N3 million for those in Lagos and Port Harcourt, and N2.25 million to those in Benin, Ibadan and Kaduna" and suspended operations of several private air and cable channels in 1997, for "non-payment of fines ranging from N 50,000 to N lOO,OOO". Private stations are required by law to pay 2.5 percent of their gross annual turnover to NBe. But this aggravates "operational exigencies and capital obligations of the electronic houses" (The Guardian, October 26, 1998:51). These levies and fines appear unilaterally and arbitrarily fixed without "some form of dialogue, negotiation International

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10 or consensual agreement with, or without taking cognizance of the economic background or peculiar financial constraints of private owners" (The Guardian, June 16, 1998:37). The uneven economic conditions and high cost of operations including procurement and maintenance of equipment make the payment of such charges difficult. PRIVATE BROADCASTING AND THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIZATION

In the Domain of Professional Standards.

Compliance with international copyright standards and respect for broadcastrights are hardly achieved in the industry. Public stations seem to enjoy official protection and violate the rights of other private operators at will. Rights over coverage ofNFA preliminary matches to 22nd African Cup of Nations Nigeria eohosted with Ghana generated much heat between private broadcasters and public stations. The NTA claimed exclusive broadcast rights over these matches and used its federal might to bar private stations from showing the matches. But the NFA actually granted the rights of all its matches to Minaj at a cost of USD 350,000 per year. It became unfair The Guardian (January 21, 2002:52) reports, "for any organization to work hard, spend her money to ensure it gets something only for another to simply collect it and use it at will believing it has the federal might". Both NTA and FRCN by their nature as public stations were allowed to freely transmit NFA international matches live but devoid of commercials and subject to negotiations with private stations which pay these events. During live coverage of the 23rd African Cup of Nations in Mali 2002, the NTA again refused to negotiate with TV Africa (a South African based company which secured the sole rights), and insisted on clean signals devoid of identification marks, and even went ahead to "block out all logos, including TV Africa's logo, competition organizers and major sponsors, in violation of copyright standards" (The Guardian, October 22,2001 :64). TV Africa acquired the rights and sold to its affiliate stations comprising of 30 government owned stations and five private stations. Slavko (1999:3-8) says in such free market practice of "capital concentration and centralization, the 'free' media market is largely oligopolised, and 'free' choice is severely limited by forced supply". The tendency is to limit citizen access to the media and the democratization process, abuse the deregulation process, place more power and control over the media in the hands of foreign commercial and political actors, and strengthen state broadcast monopoly. In the Domain of Legislation

Comprehensive regulation of electronic media in line with contemporary international standards remains unfulfilled. The National Broadcasting Commission Decree No. 38 of 1992 charges the commission with supervision and regulation of the broadcast industry in Nigeria. But the NBC Decree prohibits the granting oflicences to religious organizations or political parties or groups and communities. Such prohibition removes one fundamental criteria for genuine democratization which is All

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11 CIBOH RODNEY active participation of civil society in communication and its control. This decision is perhaps influenced by the deep seated mistrust among Nigeria's ethnic groups that often erupts into bloody clashes. The NBC has no regulatory authority over NTA and FRCN. The NTA Decree No. 24 of 1976 and the FRCN Decree No. 34 of 1978 both give the organizations exclusive rights to broadcasting, especially in the short wave and very high frequency channels. Until the NBC Decree No. 38 is amended to reflect the total licensing of the entire broadcast spectrum, NBC can neither license nor sanction the FRCN and NTA and state government owned stations. This informs the exemptions of public stations from series of public hearing seasons for renewal of licences of private operators in 1998. In the enforcement of conduct and application of sanctions for compliance with ethical regulations and standards, government stations have no respect for the principles of fairness and equity and do not operate in accordance with National Broadcasting Code. The state still lacks an overall concept of the media and rather unwillingly approaches the granting of independence, especially to the public electronic media. The ruling political elite still fail to overcome their tendency to control certain activities long ago left in developed open societies to develop on their own, independent of the state. Only the NTA and FRCN have the monopoly to operate a network of broadcasting stations. The FRCN network comprises of five national stations, five national Fm stations located in the areas of the national stations, and 35 affiliate stations owned by state governments. Government is presently expanding this network with plans to establish 32 more FM stations. The NTA has a similar network and plans are underway to build 67 more stations for NTA. Some of the new stations have commenced broadcasting operations. But private operator is allowed to run a network "because of the sensitive nature of broadcasting" whose "imprudent management could result to harm" (The Guardian, October 26, 2001:64). Government denied Daar Communications Limited licence for network because a "network and global satellite transmission carry very enormous responsibilities that probably are too sensitive and risky to be entrusted to the decision making process of the man" (The Guardian, October 26, 1996:51). This policy The Guardian (April 2, 2001 :77) reports, structure, is a "fundamental deviation from international standards and policy of broadcasting without frontiers or barriers" and a denial access of citizens access in the socialization of the central mass media and communication infrastructure. Both the FRCN and NTA are funded by government. Government funding "rose from N4.5 billion in 1999 to N20 billion in 2001 budget" (The Guardian, January 19, 1998:40). The NBC charges licence fees and wide ranging lives for private broadcasters and exempts public stations. The Guardian (February 24, 1997:35) reports that the commission increased licence "renewal fees from N400,000" paid by private stations in 1993 to "N3 million for those in Lagos and Port Harcourt" and "N2.5 million for those in Ibadan and Kaduna". In November 1997, International Journal of Communication No. I March, 2004

12 the NBC "suspended operations of five air and cable channels" (The Guardian, October 26, 1998:51) for their inability to pay levies. By law, the private stations are also required to pay "2.5 percent of their gross annual income to the commission as part of their obligation to the industry to operate legally" (The Guardian, January 21, 2002:52). \ Both the FRCN and NTA compete with private stations for commercial advertisements and broadcast rights. This practice does not conform with international standards. As Raymond Dokpesi observes, "in the United Kingdom, the BBC is funded by both the public and government but BBC does not go for adverts. C.F.I. and French owned stations do not go for adverts but they are being funded by government", and "the German owned stations do not compete for adverts" (The Guardian, April 2, 2001:77). This practice, private operators say, is 'destroying the deregulated broadcasting business and pushing private owners out of businesses. Government uses its huge network monopoly to temper with the growth of broadcasting standards and values, and prevents market forces from putting broadcasting to its highest and best use - profit maximization according to free market demands. Public stations enjoy exclusive rights under the law in their operations especially over coverage of official, public functions and events by government and its agencies. Private broadcasters pay for such rights of broadcasts transmission but are often barred from covering such events. The NTA used its favoured position to bar private stations from hooking up to it or transmitting the matches of Africa Cup of Nations Nigeria Ghana 2000. Murhi International Television which attempted to transmit NTA signals "was sued and had its station brutally sealed off' (The Guardian, June 16, 1997:37). During the African Cup finals in Mali 2002, NTAagain tried to usurp same rights from TV Africa which bought the rights off Minaj. At the beginning of live transmission of matches, NTA violated all copyrights standards to block out all logos, including TV Africa's logo, competition organizers and major sponsors. TV Africa switched NTA off the airwaves. NTA 'tried pirating a signal from Super Sport 2, a Multi-Choice channel but lost.' The overbearing influence of government through the minister of information and the NBC however compelled TV Africa to give NTAa decoder to transmit the matches. In the Domain of Public Dialogue Institutional autonomy and programme independence of national radio and television are still in the domain of wishful thinking. Deregulation has fragmented the audience and helped the public to opt for more competitive information sources but the low credibility rate of state-owned electronic media has continued its gradual but steady downslide. Even in this overbearing age of democratization, the electronic media, particularly radio, is still perceived as a powerful tool for public information and mobilization, only for those in power. Though established and run with public funds, state stations are first seen as owned by government in the person and party of who won elections. Plural voices Garba reports in The Guardian (December 3, PRIVATE BROADCASTING AND THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIZATION

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13 CIBOH RODNEY 2001 :84), "and certainly the opposition, if there is any such group, is regrettably or totally exempted from or blocked out of several radio and television stations in Nigeria today". Public broadcast stations have become megaphones of government officials at the expense of democratization, and have somersaulted into the unedifying practice of yesteryears, ... of remorseless sycophancy, misuse of electronic, immoral aggregation of media messages, abuse of the essence of deregulation of the broadcast media and, perhaps most appalling, the betrayer of public trust (The Guardian, April 2, 2001:77). News on public television and radio is now largely about what people in government do and where they and their families go. Politicians in power have hijacked public broadcasting channels, Bankole reports in The Guardian (April 2, 2001 :77), and "deny opposition parties their constitutionally guaranteed right of access to airwaves, the right to fair and equitable hearing". CONCLUSION About 90 percent of broadcasting is still purely federal and state government affair. This unwieldy monopoly, still expanding, is a major threat to growth of independent broadcasting and the national quest for democratization. Nigeria's version of privatization of the electronic media, like those of other West African countries, is warped. Public stations which are partially commercialized and heavily funded are blatantly abused as a principle. Government must commercialize both FRCN and NTA in the real sense, stop huge budgetary allocations to them, and run them like true business enterprises and like genuine public service stations. Whatever interest policy actors may pursue in form of media regulation to democratize the electronic media, attempts at influencing the actions of others by compelling their access to information and opinions disseminated through the media erode one of the most important conditions for genuine democratization of society.

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REFERENCES Adaba, T. "Broadcasting: Deregulation and Social Responsibility". A paper presented at the First of World Association of Press Councils, Abuja, Nigeria. Vanguard October 30, 1996~p.12-I3. Agber Kwaghkondo. "Private Electronic Broadcasting and National Development" Abuja Journal of Humanities Vo!. 1,No. I, p.114. Bums Tom. The BBC: Public Institution and Private World, London Macmillan, p. 34. Collen Roach. "New perspectives in Global Communications" in North South Information Culture: Trends in global communications and Research Paradigmns Ed. Uche L. U. Lagos, Longman. 1996, p.25-26. Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette No. 33 Vol. 79 Decree No. 38 National Broadcasting Commission Decree 92. The Federal Government Press, Lagos. See also The Guardian, October 26, 1998, p. 51. GanaJerry, Keynote Address at a Two-day Workshop organized by National Broadcasting Commission title "News and Sustenance of Democracy" quoted in "Yellow Card for Broadcasters on News Content", The Guardian, April 2, 2001,p.76. Hamellink Cess 1. "The Democratic and its Enemies. In Philip Lee (ed). The Democratisation of Communications Cardiff, Univ. of Wales Press. 1995. p.15. Ildiko Korats. "Delimma Facing Hungary in Securing Genuine democratization of Communications" MEDJADEVELOPMENT, 311999,p. 18-19. National Broadcasting Code, Federal Government Press, 1994, p.9. Okunna, C.A. and Omenugha, K.A. " P r i vat e B r 0 a d cas tin g and Democratisation in Nigeria: The Responsibilities" The Nigerian Journal of CommunicationsVoI. I,No.l November2001,p.95. Slavko, S. "Using the Principle of R create public service media" MEDIA DEVELOPMENT 311999. P. 3-8. Uche, L. U. Mass Media People and Politics in Nigeria, New Delhi, concept Publishing Company, 1989, p. 81. Uche, L. U. "The Deregulation of Nigeria's Broadcast Industry in the Global Economy" Mass Communication Democracy and Civil Society in Africa: International Perspectives, Lagos UNESCO NATCOM. 1999. UNESCO. 'Television Traffic a one way streets?" Reports on Mass Communications, No. 70 Paris UNESCO 1974, p. 2; in Uche, L. U. (1989), p. 63.

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