Punjab Geographers - ISPER Online

punjab geographer

A JOURNAL OF THE ASSOCIATION OF

PUNJAB GEOGRAPHERS, INDIA

VOLUME 5

OCTOBER 2009

37th ANNUAL REPORT 2003-2004

Facilitated by

PA N C H KU L A

CH

FOR SPA UTE TI A TIT

NING & E LAN NV MENT RESEA ON R IR

LP

Institute for Spatial Planning and Environment Research, Panchkula Regd. Office : C-1, Amaravati Encalve, Panchkula (Haryana)

INS

Association of Punjab Geographers (Registered under Societies Act XXI of 1860. No. 1902 of 1998-99) Patron President President Elect Outgoing President Vice-President

General Secretary Outgoing Secretary Finance Secretary Public Relation Secretary Executive Members: Dr. Inder Singh Dr. Balwinder Singh Wariach Prof. Satwinder Kaur Prof. Harvinder Singh Mr. Anurag Sharma (Student Member) Ex. Officio Members: Editor Punjab Geographer Editor Geographers’ News Letter

Dr. H.S. Mangat Dr. Seet Singh Principal J. S. Kaliana Dr. D.S. Dhaliwal Dr. Dharm Singh Dr. V.K. Bhardwaj Prof. H.S. Padam Dr. Lakhvir Singh Gill Dr. Rampal Singh Mr. Nirmalpreet Singh Prof. Veerdev Singh Jeji Dr. Navneet Kaur Dr. N.N. Sawant Prof. Navjot Singh Mr. A.R.Handa

Dr. H.S. Mangat Prof. I.N. Chawla

Editorial Board Dr. H.S. Mangat (Patiala) K. Surjit Singh (Panchkula)

Editor Managing Editor Members Prof. I. N. Chawla (Patiala) Dr. S.S. Dhillon (Patiala) Dr. Farhat Gulzar (Lahore) Dr. Sarup Singh (Amritsar) Dr. B. S. Marh (Shimla)

Dr. Abha Lakshmi Singh (Aligarh) Dr. Dhian Kaur (Chandigarh) Dr. K.S. Sohal (Patiala) Dr. V.S. Minhas (Jammu) Dr. M.S. Jaglan (Kurukshetra)

Ex. Officio Members President APG General Secretary APG

Dr. Seet Singh Dr. Lakhvir Singh

Contents Sudhirendar Sharma

Economics Versus Ecology: The Plight of Geography

A.K.M. Anwaruzzaman

Indo-Bangla Enclaves: A Chronological and Chorological Study

Abha Lakshmi Singh Salahuddin Mohd.

Addressing Waste Associated Problems in Aligarh City

20-29

Rupinder Kaur Gian Singh

Extent and Determinants of Indebtedness Among Farmers in Rural Punjab: Inter-Regional Analysis (Part I)

30-48

Ravinder Kaur

Impact of Globalization on Urban-Rural Relations: Some Reflections from Inter-State Chandigarh Region

49-60

Surjit Singh Saini M. P. Gupta

Relief Analysis of Kaushalaya Watershed Using Remote Sensing and GIS Techniques

61-78

Alamtar Ali

Sex Composition in Uttar Pradesh: A Spatial Analysis

79-92

Inder Singh

Khap Panchayats and Social Harmony: A Case Study of Haryana

D.D.Sharma Ashwani Kumar

Administrative Readjustments and Changing Face of Himachal Pradesh: A Geographical Perspective

103-114

Map Series-II R. C. Chandna

Literacy in Punjab and Haryana-2001

115-120

Environmental Impacts of Chashma Right Bank Canal on the Land use and Agricultural Resources of Dera Ismail Khan District, Pakistan Ground Water and Agricultural Development in Northeastern Haryana (1970-2003) Patterns of Migration To, From and Within Punjab: A Spatial Perspective Trends in Regional Disparities in India Since Independence: A Geographical Analysis Household Level Waste Management in Aligarh City

121-124

Doctoral Abstract Atta-Ur-Rahman

Daljit Kaur Gaurav Kalotra Ripudaman Singh Salahuddin Mohd.

Book Review Swarnjit Mehta Smita Bhutani

Geography in the Twenty-first Century: Selected Readings Global Warming and Climate Change: From Clash to Crash of Civilization

1-5 6-19

93-102

125-127 128-130 131-134 135-138

139 140-142

PUNJAB GEOGRAPHER

Volume 5

October 2009

ECONOMICS VERSUS ECOLOGY: THE PLIGHT OF GEOGRAPHY* Sudhirendar Sharma

It is ironical and a grave concern that the economic vision is close to writing off the bottom 10 per cent of our society from the geographical canvas. Shockingly, large numbers of the middle class are now perfectly willing to sacrifice large sections of the society for the sake of development. The way modernization is conceptualized has led to genocides; an enormous degree of violence; the demolition of civilizations; and the devouring of landscapes. Witness the changing times wherein 'causes have been generously accepted while majority remains afflicted with serious effects'. Far from enforcing course correction, development gets aggressively pushed as if there were no tomorrow. In the era of development aggression wherein growth rate has been its potent indicator, biological and physical features of the landscape have been at the receiving end. Special economic zones, sprawling malls and concrete structures are harbingers of a new geography. Community, who? Is growth a question or the idea of growth? I think 'growth' in itself is not the question but the 'idea' of growth indeed is a compelling question. For those of us who are enamored by double-digit growth and are harvesting the fruits of progress, industrial and

market expansion may seem a necessity for economic growth that only holds promise to enhance livelihoods and incomes. Without doubt, economics of growth has undermined the value of human survival, and that of the earth we inherit. What is lost as economic development proceeds? One would instead argue that economics is the enabler that provides the justification for building a world based on markets, where goods and services get traded across borders. However, what gets lost is 'community'! The community we see around us has been morphed into an 'imagined community' - that remains subservient to the designs of the state. This needs to be understood in the context of dramatic times we are passing through. Taking clock backwards will get you a sense of the depth and dimension of the issue that has been raked. The 'empathy' towards our surroundings, now called 'environment' and towards our fellow beings have slowly but surely been converted into 'apathy'. For the sake of convenience it could be referred to us 'connectedness of concern'. Why and how has this connectedness or empathy been eroded? When markets grow beyond community control and proxy for the State, the demise of community becomes inevitable. Just contemplate for a moment: are you

* Key note address presented to the 9th APG National Conference held at Baba Farid Institute of Higher & Foreign Studies, Muktsar Road, Bathinda, on November 8-9,2008

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the community or the individual? It may be tough to draw a line between these two forms of human existence. But it may be easy to fathom that the ideology of economics has fostered self-interest over the interest of the community at large. The cumulative 'self-interest' reflects what has been referred to as 'imagined community' that is often, if not always, hostile to 'communities' in the traditional sense of the term. Examples abound to illustrate this hypothesis. Be it special economic zones or genetically modified seeds, be it mega projects or sprawling malls, 'imagined community' of vested interests positions itself to contest the interests of 'real communities'. From Nandigram to Singur and from Niyamgiri to Ratnagiri, clash of communities present intriguing evidence of the perceived gains of industrialization at the cost of human and physical geography. Economics undermines identity(ies), creating fertile ground for bloodbath. Dissent, why? The critical issue is that economics not only morphs community, it considers `dissent' akin to direct confrontation. The shrinking space for 'dissent' is disturbing, because 'they' look at all dissent as an attack, not only on their ideas but on them directly. You are planting 'new' idea in their mind and making them think that they could be wrong – that is their fear. Interestingly, imagined community creates the cushion for the State to legitimize its actions, which may not be in the interest of a democratic majority. Democracy has become an apology, in letter and in spirit, signifying the 'collective wisdom of individual ignorance'. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, The Mahatma, was opposed to such idea of growth that helps proliferates ignorance, as modernism was an intrusion in Indian culture and could only

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OCTOBER 2009

devastate India culturally, economically and socially; (that) it is intrinsically hostile to India's environment, local knowledge system and diversity. Ethnic and religious conflict is a pathological expression of modernity, not of tradition. Over 170 districts are torn apart by State-sponsored ethnic conflicts. There is more to come as economics, also called dismal science, subsumes all other forms of sciences and traditional knowledge systems. Economics as the study of how scarce resources are allocated to unlimited ends has become the guiding mantra of market proliferation, of State's existence and of human survival. At the same time it erases community, or at least marginalizes, an important source of the knowledge that individuals need to navigate an uncertain world gets eroded too. Far from strengthening human existence, over-dependence on economics makes humans vulnerable to uncertain market behaviour. The economic meltdown the world is just witnessing has exposed human vulnerability. The impact could have been devastating had globalization been complete! That a majority of the poor, thriving on subsistence economy, have not only survived but promise to vide cushion for the 'economy' to bounce back shows how vulnerable the magic of `virtual economy' has been! Governance, What? Whatever be our belief, human survival is a function of governance. Economics does give us the freedom of using currency as an expression of self-interests, but that freedom is governed by market which works hands-in glove with the State. One of the ironies of recent history is that just as many countries are delivering greater formal electoral power than ever to their people, so real power around a range of issues which affect ordinary people has been shifting from nations themselves to

ECONOMICS VERSUS ECOLOGY: THE PLIGHT OF GEOGRAPHY

super-national levels. As a consequence, governance has been reduced to a cocktail of 'deficits' such as: — democratic deficit — coherence deficit — compliance deficit — credibility deficit — conscience deficit The cumulative effect of deficit democracy has been felt on a daily basis. A society in transition, made up of a huge 'aspirational class', consequently confronts the unholy trinity of bad policy, inept governance and dumbing down of the public mindscape. The industrial development, as a (bad) policy prescription, induces stress with inner resources to fight back with. You get mindbody-spirit disunity that retail therapy pretends to fix: by stoking our insecurity. Noted psycho-sociologist Ashis Nandy has rightly observed that the country has become battleground between the two economic systems: capitalist and socialist. Curiously, the socialist commitment is shrinking in favour of capitalist system. The manner in which socialist system (public resources) has been used recently to bail out the capitalist system (market economy) indicates the disturbing shift. It also reflects State's arrogance in taking the electorates for granted in strengthen the state-market nexus. The State's arrogance has percolated at all levels of (mis)governance, reducing humans as well as landscapes to easy manipulation. Only can an arrogant State venture to alter the geography of the country (through proposed interlinking of rivers) wherein 'imagined community' hails each erroneous move by the State as a step towards much desired progress. Science and wisdom get fossilized in the academic edifices created out of public resources and meant for larger public good.

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Survival, whom? As we remain part of an 'imagined community', the survival of the bottom 10 per cent only affects us as much. Over 100,000 suicides by farmers mean a significant statistics but don't cause equivalent pain and anguish. The individual and collective consciousness has been held hostage by self-interest in the market of greed. The economics as myths has been all pervasive: promoting individualism, presenting knowledge as algorithm, and the nation as the sole legitimate community. The handling of dreaded pesticide endosulfan and the equally dangerous white asbestos issue at the recently-concluded Rotterdam Convention reinforces the statemarket nexus as much as the fact that the survival of the poorest is not on the State's priority. While the west has always been accused of pushing its hazardous waste and obsolete technologies, the same cannot be accomplished without the connivance of the State, its regulatory machinery and its co-opted academia. Some years ago, Lawrence Summers, in turn a distinguished economist, government official, and university president, who was then the Chief Economist of the World Bank, sent a memo to one of his subordinates. The memo said in parts: Just between you and me shouldn't the World Bank be encouraging more migration of the dirty industries to the LDCs…A given amount of health-impairing pollution should be done in the country with the lowest cost, which will be the country with the lowest wages. I think the economic logic behind dumping a load of toxic waste in the lowest-wage country is impeccable and we should face up to that… The Economist (February 8, 1992), to which the memo was leaked, found the language 'crass, even for an internal memo,' but `on the economics his points are hard to answer.

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It might seem outrageous to those who may not be exposed to a course in economics, but for those who go through a college degree in economics the argument seems economical rational. The trouble with economics is that it reduces everything to numbers, measured within the framework of profit and loss. If in economics terms people either exist as consumers or are relatively non-existent, the natural resources are no more than tradeable commodities. For the market, resource depletion/degradation gets reflected as demand and the cost correction takes care of the shortfall. No wonder, India's Finance Minister while speaking at the Harvard University in 2007 reiterated his government's commitment to extract mineral wealth at the cost of displacing the culture of livelihoods of the poor tribal. In his seminal work A Sand Country Almanac, Aldo Leopold argues: 'we abuse land because we regard it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect…' Across the world, Leopold's ideas have hardly become mainstream in the six decades since its publication. Amidst tribal cultures, the ethical ties with land and natural resources have been prevalent across continents. Voice, whose? Such feeble voices, of the marginalized, may need to be amplified as much for our survival as for their sustenance. Given the climate change as a universally accepted anthropogenic aberration, the low-carbon lifestyles not only need to be preserved but carefully studied for the survival of future generations. Packaged with such lifestyles are the guiding principles that help us relate to the resources that the humans draw upon. The landscape transformation and land

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OCTOBER 2009

use changes are compelling issues that not only concern human survival under some of the adverse conditions but located within them are the secrets to mitigate the perils of climate change. Researchers have already argued that climate change can be dramatically averted if the land use change is not disturbed beyond a limit. What is the limit for each of the diverse eco-regions is a challenge that the geographers need to confront. Tragically, however, many of our fundamental disciplines have lost their competitive edge. I can easily speak of my own discipline of soil science that has fallen by the wayside when the opportunity to mainstream it in light of food insecurity, land use change, and carbon sink were too hard to ignore. The challenge before other disciplines is no less compelling, should those on whom rest the responsibility to steer it begin to introspect and reinvent. I'm not particularly enamored by Barak Obama, the US President elect, but what he did say during one of his campaign speeches makes compelling reading. Said he: 'we live in a culture that discourages empathy. A culture that too often tells us our principal goal in life is to be rich, thin, young, famous, safe and entertained. I hope you don't listen to this. I hope you choose to broaden, and not contract, your ambit of concern. Not because you have an obligation to those who are less fortunate…it is because you have an obligation to yourself. Because our individual salvation depends on collective salvation. And because it's only when you hitch your wagon to something larger than yourself that you will realize your true potential 0 and become fully grown, the choice is yours. Will the years pass with barely a whisper from your generation?' I hope I make a sense of myself. Thankyou!

ECONOMICS VERSUS ECOLOGY: THE PLIGHT OF GEOGRAPHY

Further Reading: Diamond, Jared (2005): Collapse: How societies choose to fail or survive, Allen Lane, London Marglin, Stephen A (2008): The Dismal Science: How thinking like an economist undermines community, Harvard University Press, Massachusetts.

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Nandy, Ashis (1983): The Intimate Enemy: Loss and recovery of self under colonialism, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. Sen, Amartya (2006): Identity and violence: The illusion of destiny, Allen Lane, London. Sudhirendar Sharma*

* Formerly with World Bank, environmentalist Dr. Sudhirendar Sharma is an expert on water, climate change dynamics, development processes and is attached with Ecological Foundation.

PUNJAB GEOGRAPHER

Volume 5

October 2009

INDO-BANGLA ENCLAVES: A CHRONOLOGICAL AND CHOROLOGICAL STUDY A.K.M. Anwaruzzaman

Abstract There are Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and Bangladeshi enclaves in India and then enclaves within enclaves (counter-enclave) and again an enclave within an enclave that is in turn within another enclave (counter-counter-enclave). There are Indian enclaves within Bangladeshi enclave attached to Indian territories and vice-versa. Enclaves that have roots to 1712 AD survived during the Mughal period and existed through British Empire. Real problem of enclaves started with partition of India. From 1958 to 1982 several attempts have been made to solve the problem but the sufferings of enclave dwellers have rather aggravated. To trace a long journey, from where these 'encaged' territories, have arrived with their sons of soil is the primary concern of this study.

Introduction The word 'enclave' and 'exclave' are very commonly used words in many European languages as for example in French (enclave and exclave), German (enklave and exklave) and even in Swedish enclave and exclave is used. The word is used in many disciplines in figurative uses e.g. ethnic enclave, colonial enclave, economic enclave, geologic enclave and also enclave economies. It is, therefore, quite natural that geographic literature devotes much space for its definition. The concept of enclave in academic sphere is a very old one. While the first mention of the word 'enclave' in an European document is the “Franco- Spanish Treaty of Madrid of 1526” (Catudal, 1979), thus the concept dates back to the earliest history, when the Twelve Tribes of Israel reached the Promised Land, the half-tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, descendants of Joseph, were allotted intermingled territories some thing like

enclaves. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (1989, V-5, 211 & 508), the first mention of the word enclave in English appeared in 1868, while the word exclave first appeared in 1888, though it seems incredible that the words did not appear in English versions of treaties from the Napoleonic wars. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, an enclave is “A portion of territory entirely surrounded by foreign dominions”. On the other hand an exclave is “a portion of territory separated from the country to which it politically belongs and entirely surrounded by alien dominions seen from the viewpoint of the 'home' country (as opposed) to an enclave, the same portion of territory as viewed by the surrounding dominions”. Rao (1995) defines enclaves as “an outlying territory belonging to one country that lies wholly within the territory of another country.” Melamid (1966) made some

INDO-BANGLA ENCLAVES: A CHRONOLOGICAL AND CHOROLOGICAL STUDY

observations on the origin of the enclaves. He mentions that the widespread existence of enclaves in the Middle Ages can also be explained economically through the high transportation cost and the self-sufficiency of small domains. “Since there was no trade, there was no need for feudal territories to be contiguous”. Melamid (1968) opines, while explaining enclaves and exclaves, “enclaves and exclaves are discontinuous territories of states that are located within the territories of other states”. He excludes discontinuous territories surrounded by water forgetting the political status of territorial waters. About the importance of the enclaves he observes, “except for the unique case of East Pakistan and West Berlin, enclaves are today relatively unimportant economically and cover only small area,” and “----- their political and military value is probably very limited (Melamid, 1965). The difference, while useful, can also be ambiguous. The Bangladeshi village of Chhit Kuchlibari in Mekhliganj subdivision of Coochbehar1 district is a Bangladeshi exclave, but an Indian enclave. India is said to enclave it, being the enclaving state. However, the phrase 'an Indian enclave' can mean both a non-Indian fragment inside India from the Indian viewpoint, and an Indian fragment inside Bangladesh from the viewpoint of that other or a third state. While this could lead to ambiguity, context makes most cases clear. In the present work, where there is no need for distinction between them, enclave will be used as a general term. In political geography, an enclave may be defined as a piece of land that is totally surrounded by a foreign territory, and an exclave is one that is politically attached to a larger piece of land but not actually contiguous with it. Many entities are both enclaves and

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Enclave, Counter-Enclave and Counter-Counter- Enclave INDIA 71 Bangladeshi enclaves (47.7 km2)

7 Indian Counter-enclaves (0.17 km2)

BANGLADESH 102 Indian Enclaves 69.5 km2 21 Bangladesh Counterenclaves (2.1 km2)

1 Indian Counter-Counterenclave (0.007 km2)

Fig. 1

exclaves, but there are examples of areas being one but not the other. Enclave may be within country between provinces such as in India. The Union Territory of Daman and Diu consists of two coastal enclaves in the state of Gujarat. Pondicherry is a Union Territory composed of Pondicherry City, Karaikal (coastal enclaves of Tamil Nadu), Yanam (coastal enclave of Andhra Pradesh) and Mahe (coastal enclave of Kerala). Thus, an enclave is a geographical territory that is completely surrounded by foreign territory (including foreign territorial waters). Such a

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territory is called an enclave in respect to the surrounding foreign territory and an exclave in respect to the territory to which it is politically attached. Why to Study Enclaves? Indian and Bangladeshis residing in their own land (enclaves) as Islanders far away from their main land faces severe difficulties because of their adverse location. The plight of the citizens of these enclaves has been visualized quite well by Sri Amar Roy Prodhan 2 , the then member of Indian Parliament and social activist. While addressing during Finance (No. 2) Bill, 1977 he addressed the lawmakers “Madam chairman ------- we are talking loud about democracy, freedom and amity and before long, the finance bill will be passed by the house sanctioning huge amounts of money to the government for running the administration but may I ask the Hon'ble Finance Minister whether he is really aware of the fact this finance bill has not made any provision even one Naya Paisa3 for the people of an area which is part of India? If he is surprised, let me tell him that the area is in the far eastern part of India, a part of West Bengal – it is the Seet-mahal enclave. While we discuss the problem of the nation in this chamber in comfort and ease, a reign of chaos and terror prevails in this part of India about which many of us are not fully aware of. Loot, arson and robbery are the common feature of the day-today life of the people of this area. There is no rule of law nor there is an administration, which can ensure the welfare of the people. It is an area, which is virtually ruled by the goondas. It is a land-locked area of Bangladesh. There is no government, no police post, and in fact no visible signs of an orderly administration are traceable here. The people are at the mercy of the Government of Bangladesh or at the mercy of the people of Bangladesh. The Indian people

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have no right of citizenship. They are not living in the truest sense of the term but they are merely surviving rather struggling for their existence”. He further added “ While Government spokesmen speak hoarse about democracy, socialism and freedom, it is cruel irony and a strange farce that the citizens of this country should suffer untold atrocities and the Government of India should remain silent observer” (Roy Prodhan, 1995). The sufferings of the enclave residents may be illustrated in a classic example of a vicious circle, residents of enclaves need visa to cross the other country's territory towards the 'mainland', but since there is no consulate in the enclaves, they should go to one in the 'mainland' - which they can't because they don't have a visa. Illegal border crossings are frequent, but dangerous – border guards have shot a number of transgressors. Furthermore, the enclaves remain a haven for criminals who are thus immune from the justice system of the country surrounding the enclave – exactly as it was back in 1814. These and other problems have rendered the enclaves pockets of lawlessness and poverty compared to their already relatively poor motherlands. Significance of the Study The significance of the study of IndoBangla enclaves may be highlighted from the perspectives of: i) safety, security, right, honour, welfare and prosperity and even fulfilling bare necessities of residents of the enclaves; ii) establishing rule of law in the enclaves; iii) providing basic infrastructure and services such as health services, education, water supply and sanitation, legal aid and transportation and communication services; iv) granting citizenship and establishing voting rights of the residents; v) conduct of census and other enumeration and survey that form baseline information for any planning and


development; vi) conducting rescue operation and providing relief at time of emergency due to disastrous situation such as flood, cyclone and earthquake; vii) right to visit mainland by enclave dwellers; viii) permission to visit foreign nation by the residents of the enclaves; ix) improving relation with Bangladesh; x) checking infiltration in the pretext of enclave dwellers and xi) final demarcation of IndoBangla land and maritime boundary and thus settling border disputes which is related to exchange of enclaves. Methodology Field study method has been adopted to the study of the problem of enclave dwellers. Bangladeshi enclaves attached to Indian Territory are accessible from Indian mainland. Similarly the counter-enclaves i.e. Indian territories within Bangladeshi enclaves attached to India are also accessible. Both Bangladeshi and Indian citizens residing in enclaves and counter-enclaves attached to mainland India have been interviewed. It was impossible to interview Indian citizens residing in Indian enclaves attached to mainland Bangladesh and hence the Indians who have deserted enclaves and settled in mainland India have been interviewed. Mr. Amar Roy Pradhan, ex-MP, social worker and also social activist and who worked for the protection of right of the enclave dwellers have also been interviewed for information related to the problems. Historical documents have been consulted for the purpose. How the Enclaves Came into Existence? Though the evolution of Indo-Bangla enclaves is surrounded by mysteries and fully satisfactory explanation is not yet available. However, some theories regarding the origin of enclaves are as under: “The fact that two states of Coochbehar

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and Rangpur chose not to join India and East Pakistan at the time of Independence also played a role in the chhitmahals falling in both India and East Pakistan (Bangladesh). In 1952 Coochbehar joined India and Rangpur (East Pakistan). What posed a problem was the fact that over time they had been conquering each other's territories. The result was that there were enclaves of India in Bangladesh and vice-versa. The Governments of India and Bangladesh had to decide which portion belonged to which country” ( Kaur Naunidhi, 2002). Secondly,“India and Bangladesh: Enclave Disputes” submitted to Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies available in the internet traces the origin of enclaves “The problem of enclaves is a legacy of the dissipated life styles of the rulers of two former princely state of Coochbehar in North Bengal and Rangpur in South Bengal (present day Bangladesh). The Rajas (rulers) of the two princely states routinely staked pieces of their states over a game of cards, and thus came to acquire pockets of land in each other's territory. The lands were pledged on a piece of paper known as 'Chits' and hence these lands are still called 'Chits'. The ownership of these enclaves devolved upon India and East Pakistan (Bangladesh) after partition in 1947. Sir Cyril Radcliff drew the dividing line as the parties involved failed to any agreed border. He was concerned with not disturbing the railway communications and river system rather than the issue of enclaves” (Gupta and Chanda, 2001). Thirdly, the most authentic theory of evolution of enclaves is based on the relation of Mughals with the Rajas of Kamtapur 4 (Coochbehar) accounted by several historians. Moghul invasion of Kamtapur started as early as 1687. Since then there have been several raids and invasions. Each time there were some treaties signed by the rulers. Generally every

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treaty between Mughal and Kamtapuri king led shrinking of Kamtapuri territory. In this process some of the powerful chieftains whom Mughals could not dislodge during the Mughal-Cooch confrontation continued to owe allegiance to the Maharaja of Coochbehar and these lands did not, therefore, form part of 'Zamindari' which continued to remain part of Coochbehar though detached from it. Similarly, during these raids some Mughal soldiers occupied some portions of land of Coochbehar state that continued to owe allegience to Mughal Emperor through Nazims. It seems that Maharaja of Coochbehar could not or did not enforce his authority on these lands. These areas became part of Suba-e-Bengal and later on part of British Indian district of Rangpur. From the above discussion on the theories explaining origin of the Coochbehar enclave, the last one seemed to be more acceptable. The existence of patch of land within the neighbour's territories is common and somewhat acceptable fact all over the world. The development of enclave takes place even during the modern period not only in medieval period when such things were more common. History of Evolution of Enclaves Though origin of enclaves is not very clear yet generally it is related to Mughal invasions between 1668 and 1699. Some of the powerful chieftains retained lands in their possession in the Chaklas5 of Boda, Patgram and Purbabhag (presently in Bangladesh). The Mughal forces failed to dislodge these chieftains. By 1712 Khan Jehan Khan, the Nazim of Bengal was able to recover these Chaklas and subsequently a treaty was signed between the Nazim of Bengal and the Maharaja of Coochbehar whereby these three Chaklas were leased out to the Maharaja of Coochbehar. The powerful chieftains whom the Mughals

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failed to dislodge owe their allegiance to Coochbehar and thus form part of Coochbehar. In an article posted in the website http://geosite.jankrogh.com under the heading “strange maps” traces the history of development of Coochbehar enclave complex in the following way, “For the origins of most enclaves, we have to go back to 1713, when a treaty between the Mughal Empire and the Cooch Behar Kingdom reduced the latter's territory by one third. The Mughals didn't manage to dislodge all Cooch Behar chieftains from the territory thus gained; at the same time, some Mughal soldiers retained lands within Cooch Behar proper while remaining loyal to the Mughal Empire. This territorial 'splintering' was not so remarkable in the context of that time: the subcontinent was extremely fragmented (comparisons with pre-1871 Germany spring to mind), most enclaves were economically self-sufficient and the fragmentation caused no significant border issues, as Cooch Behar was nominally tributary to the Mughals anyway”. l In 1765, the British seized control of the Mughal territory by way of the East India Company, which in 1814 was surprised to discover extraterritorial dots of Cooch Behar within its territory, “by some unaccountable accident”. “Public offenders” fleeing the police sometimes used those enclaves as sanctuaries. l The great Koch kingdom started shrinking in size and the outlying areas were not under firm control of the Maharajas. Finally Maharajas were bound to accept the dominance of Mughals and accepted the Mughals as their overlords. l “Early eighteenth century the Bhotias6 began to interfere, and by 1772 they had taken possession of the Raja and of his

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l

l

l

l

l

capital. British aid was then sought, and in consideration of the cession in perpetuity half of the revenue was then ascertained and the Bhotias were driven out ” (Gait, 1984). Meanwhile in the year 1868 two new districts Dinajpur and Jalpaiguri were curved out of Rangpur district (presently in Bangladesh) and hence enclaves may be seen in Rangpur, Dinajpur and Jalpaiguri districts. This may be pointed here that a lone enclave of Kochbehar could also be located in Goalpara district in Assam. In 1947, the formerly Mughal territories became part of the eastern part of Pakistan. “The Radcliff Award7 of August, 1947 placed the larger enclaves formerly in the thanas (police stations) of Tetulia, Pachagarh, Boda, Debiganj, and Patgram, now gone to the East Pakistan of Pakistan, besides those which before 1947 were embedded in the districts of Rangpur and Dinajpur” (Majumdar, 1977). Coochbehar acceded to India only in 1949, as one of the last of the 600-odd pre-independence Princely States to do so. Consequently the entire territory of the erstwhile Coochbehar became an integral part of India on the 12th September 1949. Remarkably, the Coochbehar enclave complex survived all these changes of sovereignty on both sides of the border – although the enclave complex used to be even more complex before India's independence. 50-something Coochbehar exclaves in Assam and West Bengal were rationalized away after all three entities i.e Coochbehar, Assam and West Bengal became parts of

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India. l Seventeen enclaves of Haldibari police station in Coochbehar district were transferred to the Jalpaiguri police station of Jalpaiguri district by notification No. 2427-PL, date: 27/06/1952 of Government of West Bengal Home (Police). Geographical Distribution of Enclaves Originally Coochbehar (princely state) had some 158 enclaves of which one was in the Goalpara district of Assam and 44 others were in pre-partition Jalpaiguri and rest 113 in Coochbehar. But Durgadas Majumdar, IAS in a report published in the Gazette of India (West Bengal, Coochbehar, 1977:5-6) states, “ At the time of merger of the Indian state of Coochbehar with West Bengal there were 130 enclaves measuring more or less 20957.07 acres. There were correspondingly 95 enclaves of Bangladesh situated within the district of Coochbehar. Another intriguing part is that there were enclaves within the enclaves. It so happens that while the parent enclave belongs to the Coochbehar district, the enclaves inset within these enclaves belong to Bangladesh” (Majumdar, 1977). R. Banarjee, IAS in his book Banarjee's History of Enclaves, 1966 accounts for 130 enclaves of Coochbehar measuring 84.81 km² (20957.04 acres) of these 8 enclaves serial No. 8-14 and 130 were amalgamated with partitioned district of Jalpaiguri by the notification No. 2427-PL/PIJ-4/52 dated the 27th June 1952. However, enclaves of serial No 111, 114 and 127 measuring about 42.77 acres are Indian enclaves inside Bangladeshi enclaves in India. Out of 95 Bangladeshi (East Pakistani) enclaves measuring 49.73 km² (12289.37 acres), 3 enclaves cease to be enclave following the notification mentioned above. The area of


these three enclaves is 52.00 acres. Out of the enclaves, serial No 1-2, 6-21, 33, 41 and 66 measuring 511.67 acres or 2.05 km² are Bangladeshi (East Pakistani) enclave inside Indian enclave in Bangladesh (East Pakistani) and hence not exchangeable. Evgeny Vinokurov, a Russian scholar observes, “The Coochbehar state of India possesses 106 exclaves in Bangladesh, including three counter enclaves and one counter-counter enclave. One the other side, Bangladesh possesses 92 exclaves in India, including 21 counter enclaves. On the total, the Bangladeshi exclaves comprise 49.7 sq. km, where as the Indian exclaves cover 69.6 sq. km (Fig.1). The largest Indian exclave is BalaparaKhagrabari with 25.95 sq. km, although this figure includes six small enclaves of unknown size. The largest Bangladeshi exclave is Dahagram-Angrapota8 with 18.7 sq. km, or 38 per cent of the total Bangladesh exclaves. The smallest Indian exclave Panisala measures 1,093 sq. metres, while smallest Bangladeshi exclave, the counter enclave Upan Chowki Bahini, measures only 53 sq. metres. This is also the smallest international enclave in the world” (Vinokurov, 2005). On behalf of the Government of India, Ministry of External Affairs while answering an unstarred question raised by Mr. Tarini Kanta Roy, the member of Upper House of India's Parliament furnished a list of 1119 exchangeable Indian enclave in Bangladesh and 5110 Bangladeshi enclaves in India measuring 17,160.23 acres and 7110.02 acres respectively. This has been jointly verified during the Indo-Bangla Boundary Conference in Kolkata, 9th –12th October 1996 and also during field inspection at Jalpaiguri (West Bengal) and Pachagarh (Bangladesh) sector, 21st –24th November 1996. Efforts to Solve the Problem of Enclaves

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The first agreement concerning access to the enclaves was reached in 1950 but it concerned only official and totally devoid of interest of the residents. As per this agreement district officials of either state could visit the enclave once after serving a 15-days notice to the host country of their enclaves in the neighbouring country. A list of goods that could be imported to the enclaves once in a month that were agreed upon. l Indo-Pak Passport Conference Agreement 1953, made a provision of issuing category 'A' visa to use for unlimited number of journeys within the thana or thanas contiguous to the enclave, and also for unlimited journeys in transition between the enclave and mainland. But “clearly, two-step policy devised India and Pakistan in the early 1950s turned out to be a complete failure. An early agreement on the right of passage fell into disuse after it was overtaken by new passport and visa rules in 1952.The agreement was never renewed and all traffic between the enclave and the outside world therefore become illegal. Several high level agreements were made to exchange the enclaves, but none of them could be implemented” (Schendel, 2002). l Trade Agreement, 1957 made a provision of crossing of the border through authorized routes for small trade, of specified scheduled of goods, only once a day, two days in a week (Whyte, 2002a). l Nehru-Noon agreement 11 ,retrieved f r o m h t t p : / / . u n t r e a t y. u n . o r g /unts/1_60000/10/39/0001992.pdf between India and Pakistan on border disputes signed at New Delhi on 10th September, 1958 highlights that “(3) Berubari12 Union No. 12: This will be

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divided as to give half of the area to Pakistan, the other half adjacent to India being retained by India. The division of Berubari Union No. 12 will be horizontal starting from the north-east corner of Debiganj thana (earstwhile East Pakistan) . The division should be made in such a manner that the Coochbehar enclaves between Pachagarh thana of East Pakistan and Berubari Union No. 12 of Jalpaiguri thana of West Bengal will remain connected as present with Indian territory and will remain with India. The Coochbehar enclaves lower down between Boda thana of East Pakistan and Berubari Union No. 12 will be exchanged along with the general exchange of enclaves and will go to Pakistan”. This agreement further adds in the subsequent aticle “(10) Enclaves: Exchange of old Coochbehar enclaves in Pakistan and Pakistani enclaves in India without claim to compensation for extra area going to Pakistan, agreed to.” l The Berubari Pratiraksha (protection) Committee13 stiffly opposed the shortcut-method of solving the problem. Mass agitation started. Shri Nirmal Bose, a professor from Calcutta, filed a petition in the Calcutta High Court challenging Nehru-Noon Agreement. In their judgment Calcutta High Court and subsequently Hon'ble Supreme Court held that no part of India can be parted away or transferred without amendment of the constitution. l 9th Ammendment of Constitution14 took place in 1960 in view of challenge of transfer of part of Berubari to Pakistan with the objectives “Agreements between the Governments of India and Pakistan dated 10th September, 1958,

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23rd October, 1959, and 11th January, 1960, settled certain boundary disputes between the Governments of India and Pakistan relating to the borders of the States of Assam, Punjab and West Bengal, and the Union territory of Tripura” (The Constitution [Ninth Amendment] Act, 1960). l In 1971, East Pakistan gained independence as Bangladesh, which happened to be friendly towards India. l Indo-Bangladesh Trade Agreement, 1972 that replaced the one of 1957 specified a 16 km 'border belt', the residents of which were allowed to carry border trade, also once in a day and two days in a week, on the specified schedule. l In 1974 Indira-Mujib Agreement15 was signed between the Government of the Republic of India and Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh concerning the demarcation of the land boundary between India and Bangladesh and related matters at New Delhi on May 16, 1974 (http://www.hcidhaka.org). Under the Indira-Mujib Agreement (1974) Schedule no. 12, article 1 relates to exchange of enclaves. It goes like this “The Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and the Bangladeshi enclaves in India should be exchanged expeditiously, excepting the enclaves mentioned in paragraph 14 without claim to compensation for the additional area going to Bangladesh” (http:// www.hcidhaka.org). Similarly schedule No.14, article 1 (Indira-Mujib Agreement, 1974) relates to Berubari Union No. 12, which states, “India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No.12 and the adjacent enclaves, measuring an area of 6.84 km² approximately,


and in exchange Bangladesh will retain the Dahagram and Angrapota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area of 178 metres X 85 metres area 'Tin Bigha'16 to connect Dahagram with Panbari Mouza (Patgram police station) of Nilphamari district of Bangladesh.” Attempts in 1958 and 1974 to exchange enclaves across the international border proved more elusive – even though the international aspect of these enclaves made administering them extremely unworkable, and thus such an exchange more useful than that of the aforementioned all-Indian enclaves. Landlocked location of the enclaves (see map) has often made it impossible for people living in the enclaves to legally go to school, to hospital or to market (as they are surrounded by foreign territory). Severities of life compel the enclave residents to depend on the wide discretion of local police and border guards. Obvious result is wide spread corruption. Complicated agreements for policing and supplying in the enclaves had to be drawn up between India and Bangladesh. As per one such trade agreement, signed 28th March 1972, a list of products that could be imported into the enclaves contained such items as matches, cloths and mustard oil etc. was finalized. As part of the programme of exchange of enclaves the Government of Bangladesh ratified the Indira-Mujib Agreement in November 1974. Subsequently, protracted negotiations were held between the two countries to finalise the terms of the lease of the Tin Bigha corridor following the two-day summit between Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and Bangladesh President H. M. Ershad. The terms of the lease in perpetuity of the Tin Bigha corridor were eventually agreed upon through an exchange of letters on October 7, 1982 between Shri P. V. Narasimha Rao, the then Foreign Minister of India and Mr. A. R.

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Shams-ud-Doha, the then Foreign Minister of Bangladesh. The modalities for the implementation of the 1982 Lease Terms Agreement17 have been worked out after discussions with the Government of Bangladesh. These were formalized through an exchange of Letters between the Governments of India and Bangladesh in New Delhi on 26th March 1992. Finally 'Tin Bigha Corridor' came into existence overcoming several hurdles. Slowly and slowly many of the agreements, particularly trade agreements have become defunct. Border fencing along the Indo-Bangla border has been proved to be last nail in the hope of enclave residents. Enclaves and Border Disputes Problems of enclaves are intertwined with the border problem. To begin with Radcliff Award, Bagge Award18, Berubari Union No. 12, Tin Bigha Corridor, New Moore / Purbasha / Talpatty Island are some of the disputes or sources of disputes between India and Bangladesh that act as impediment in the path of exchange of enclaves. Some other issues such as infiltration, border disputes are also related to the exchange of enclaves. All the agreements related to exchange of enclaves i.e. the 1958 Nehru-Noon Agreement and the 1974 Indira-Mujib Agreement have been timely ratified by the respective Government of Pakistan and Bangladesh. It is on the part of Government of India that the agreements could not be ratified even after clearance of the Supreme Court and Amendment of the Constitution. Evgeny Vinukorov observes “The burden of the 50 years procrastination on the regulation of the enclave problem lies primarily on Indian side as both the 1958 and the 1974 accords were duly ratified by Bangladesh but not by India. The full implementation of the Indira-Mujib agreement still awaits Indian ratification. The constitution

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had to be amended for that purpose, and this in turn demands for the full demarcation of the boundary with Bangladesh”(Vinukorov, 2005). Where as Momen (2007) observes, “Bangladesh on her part in good faith ratified the Indira-Mujib Treaty of 1974 and physically handed over Berubari enclave to India but till writing this article, India is yet to reciprocate”. While talking about the different aspects of exchange of enclaves Whyte argues, “the sad irony is that while on paper India does lose territory, what she appears to lose, she has never had administrative control over. Therefore, India like Bangladesh, would be giving up land she really never had, in return for sovereignty and control over the enclaves she hosts, whose foreign sovereignty she recognizes, and which creates administrative inconvenience on a daily basis. The 'Chhitmahalis' may lose a theoretical citizenship, but they would gain access to education, medical facilities, and development aids and police protection. Looked at this manner, each side loses nothing but gains much” (Whyte, 2002b). Conclusion Unsettled border problems as well as the question of enclave have given unlimited discretionary power vested on the local police as well as border guards, which has led to untold sufferings of the enclave dwellers. “Naturally enough, a fertile ground for corruption was created. On the other hand, it is exactly corruption that allowed the enclave's residents to survive. In other words, it mitigated the severities of life implied by the formally existing border regime. In the condition when it is legally impossible to go to school, to a nearest hospital, or to market, enclave dwellers do not have a choice but to break the law” (Vinokurov, 2005). The problem of enclaves along with other problems of Indo-Bangladesh persisted because it figures in less priority list of the

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Government of India. “Nobody seems serious about taking up the issue. Once the Government of India takes positive initiative to resolve the issue, Bangladesh would have to fall in line” (Kumar,2006). It is, therefore, in the greater interest of the nation that Government of India takes positive step and expedite it to implement the exchange of the enclave, which would be in greater interest of the nation. Any further delay and going ahead with border fencing means approximately 40.5 sq. km Indian territory gifted to Bangladesh and putting around 1.5 lakh of Indian citizen at stake. Non-implementation of Indira-Mujib Agreement means losing territory, losing population and also not honouring international commitment. It is, therefore, essential that India should pay more and serious attention to the problems associated with enclaves before it gets too late. End Notes 1. Coochbehar is presently a district of West Bengal. Till 1949 Coochbehar was princely state ruled by Koch king. From 12th September 1949 to 1st January 1950 Coochbehar was category 'C' state. On Ist January it became a district of West Bengal. 2. Sri Amar Roy Prodhan is a social activist, politician and several time member in the Indian parliament elected from Coochbehar constituency. He spearheaded the mass agitation against implementation of Nehru-Noon Agreement, 1958. 3. Literal meaning of Naya Paisa is hundredth part of one rupee. But the term as used in Bengal among traditional Bengali people is very negligible amount. 4. Kamtapur is the erstwhile name for Coochbehar.


5. Small territory ruled by local chieftains who were semi-independent. 6. Rulers of Bhutan who invaded Coochbehar in 1772. 7. Radcliff Award was to decide IndoPakistan boundary in the eastern sector between East Bengal and West Bengal. 8. Largest Bangladeshi enclave got connected with mainland Bangladesh (Patgram Police Station) through 'Tin Bigha Corridor'. 9. Exchangeable enclaves in Bangladesh excluding counter enclaves and counter-counter enclaves. 10. Exchangeable enclaves in India excluding counter enclaves and counter-counter enclaves. 11. Agreement between India and Pakistan on border disputes, signed at New Delhi on 10th September 1958. It's popularly known as Nehru-Noon Agreement (1958). 12. The Berubari dispute was one arising from an omission in the written text of the Radcliff Award and erroneous depiction on the map annexed therewith. Radcliff had divided the district of Jalpaiguri between India and Pakistan by awarding some thanas to one country and others to the other country. The boundary line was determined on the basis of the boundaries of the thanas. In describing this boundary, Radcliff omitted to mention one thana. Berubari Union No. 12 lies within Jalpaiguri thana which was awarded to India. However, the omission of the thana Boda and the erroneous depiction on the map referred to above, enabled Pakistan to claim that a part of Berubari belonged to it. The dispute of Berubari was resolved by the Nehru-Noon Agreement of 1958

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whereby half of Berubari Union No. 12 was to be given to Pakistan and the other half adjacent to India was to be retained by India. In addition, four Coochbehar enclaves contiguous of this part would also have gone to Pakistan. The total area of South Berubari Union No. 12 is 22.58 km2 of which 11.29 km2 was to go to Bangladesh. The area of the four Coochbehar enclaves which would also have to go to Bangladesh was 6.84 km2 making the total area to be transferred 18.13 km2. The population of the area including the four enclaves to be transferred, as per 1967 data, was 90% Hindu. The Bangladeshi enclaves, Dahagram and Angrapota, were to be transferred to India. Their total area was 18.68 km2 and as per 1967 data more than 80% of their population was Muslim. If this exchange had gone through, it would have meant a change of nationality for the population or migration of the population from Dahagram and Angrapota and South Berubari Union No. 12 and consequent serious rehabilitation problems. There were major agitations by the people of Berubari protesting against the transfer. 13. Organization of local people opposing Nehru-Noon Agreement. Sri Amar Royprodhan was one of the key persons of the committee. 14. To implement Nehru-Noon Agreement, the Constitution 9th Amendment Act and Acquired Territories (Merger) Act were adopted in 1960. This legislation was challenged in the courts by a series of writ petitions, which prevented the implementation of the Agreement. The Supreme Court decision on March 29, 1971, finally cleared the way for the implementation of the Agreement. This,

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however, could not be done because of the Pakistani Army crackdown in East Pakistan and the subsequent events, which led to the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent country. After 1971, India proposed to Bangladesh that India may continue to retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves and, in exchange, Dahagram and Angrapota may be retained by Bangladesh. As part of the package a strip of land would be leased in perpetuity by India to Bangladesh, giving her access to Dahagram & Angrapota in order to enable her to exercise sovereignty on these two enclaves. This was accepted by Bangladesh as part of a carefully constructed Land Boundary Agreement signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in May 1974. The Berubari dispute was thus finally resolved by Article 1.14 of the Agreement which stated: "India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves, measuring an area of 2.64 square miles approximately, and in exchange Bangladesh will retain Dahagram and Angrapota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area of 178 metres x 85 metres near 'Tin Bigha' to connect Dahagram with Panbari Mouza (P.S. Patgram) of Bangladesh." Tin Bigha is a corridor measuring 178m X 85m leased out to Bangladesh in perpetuity by India as per provision of Indira-Mujib Agreement, 1974. The Government of Bangladesh ratified the Agreement in November 1974.

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Subsequently, protracted negotiations were held between the two countries to finalise the terms of the lease of the Tin Bigha corridor. The terms of the lease in perpetuity of the Tin Bigha corridor were eventually agreed upon through an Exchange of Letters on October 7, 1982 between Shri P. V. Narasimha Rao, the then Foreign Minister of India and Mr. A. R. Shams-ud-Doha, the then Foreign Minister of Bangladesh. 18. 'Bagge Award' was to decide the boundary line between India and Pakistan in the disputed region after solving the dispute over Berubari Union No. 12 where there was claim and counter claim by both India and Pakistan over an area known as Berubari Union No. 12. References Catudal, H. M (1979): The Enclave Problem of Western Europe, University of Alabama Press, US, p.18. Gait, E. A. (1984): Imperial Gazetter of India, Provincial Series, Bengal, Vol. I, Usha Publication, New Delhi, pp.1-183 Gupta, Alok Kumar and Chanda, Saswati (2001): “India and Bangladesh: Enclave Disputes”, IPCS Article No. 493. R e t r i e v e d f r o m http://ipcs.org/south_asia_article.jsp Kaur, Naunidhi (2002): “Territory: No Where People”, Frontline, 19(12) (June), pp.1-6. Kumar, Anand (2006): “Indo Bangladesh Border Dispute Demands Urgent Attention”. Retrieved fromhttp://www.southasiananalysis.org Majumdar, D. (1977):


The Gazette of India (West Bengal, Coochbehar), Govt. of West Bengal Press, Kolkata.pp.5-6 Melamid, Alexandar (1965): “Enclaves in Territorial Waters”, Professional Geographer, 17(1) p. 19. Melamid, Alexandar (1966): “Municipal Quasi-enclaves: Examples from Yonkers, New York”, Professional Geographer, 18(2), pp.94-96. Melamid, Alexandar (1968): “Enclaves and Exclave”, in D.L. Sillis (Ed.) International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Macmillan and The Free Press, New York. Vol.5, pp.60-62 Momen, AHMA (2007): “Bangladesh-India Relations: Addressing Irritants Head on”, Probe News Magazine, Vol.6, No. 15-17, October (5-17), p.16 Rao, M. S. (ed) (1995): Encyclopedic Dictionary of Geography, Vol.3, Anmol Publication, New Delhi, p. 123. Roy Prodhan, Amar (1995): Rule of Jungle, Published by, Sanchyeeta Roy Prodhan, Kolkata, printed at Anuj Print Master, Garhi, New Delh.pp.1-40 Schendel, W. V. (2002):

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Stateless in South Asia: The Making of Indo-Bangladesh Enclave, Vol.61, No.1, pp. 115-147, Retrieved from http://links.jstor.org Vinokurov, Evgeny (2005): Theory of Enclaves. Retrieved from http://www.vinokurov.info/enclaves.ht m Whyte, Brendan (2002a): Waiting for the Esquimo: An historical and documentary study of the Cooch Behar enclaves of India and Bangladesh, School of Anthropology, Geography and Environmental Studies, University of Melbourne. Retrieved f r o m http://eprnits.unimelb.edu.auarchive/0 0001443 Whyte, Brendan (2002b): “Bordering on the Rediculous? A Comparision of the Barle and Cooch Behar Enclaves,” The Globe, 53 pp.4361. A.K.M. Anwaruzzaman, Lecturer in Geography, Malda College, Malda (WB)

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ADDRESSING WASTE ASSOCIATED PROBLEMS IN ALIGARH CITY Abha Lakshmi Singh Salahuddin Mohd.

Abstract Indian cities have a striking similarity when it comes to heaps of garbage, overflowing waste bins and drains, a sign of municipality's inefficiency in managing waste. The problem of waste is not just limited to large cities but has seeped into smaller cities like Aligarh. In this paper an attempt has been made to assess the waste associated problems both inside the homes and in the neighbourhoods. The study is mainly based on primary data which were collected through city/ household surveys with the help of a questionnaire interviews. The sample size consisted of 1,629 households belonging to different income groups. Field work was done during the years 2006 and 2007. City and household surveys helped in identification of three most important problems associated with waste – problem of pests inside the house, problem of waterlogging in the neighbourhood and health problems.

Introduction With the increase in population, urbanization, improvement in the standard of living and the rising demand for food and other essentials there has been a rise in the quantity of waste being generated daily by each household. Urban population of India at present is 285 million and the per capita solid waste generation is between 350 to 1,000 grams per day (Census of India, 2001, Bhide A.D. et. al., 1993). The per capita waste generation in urban areas also varies according to size of the population of the urban areas. It has been estimated that in cities with a population of less than 1 million people the per capita waste generation is 0.21 kg. per day while in cities with a population of more than 5 million the waste generated goes up to 0.50 kg per day per capita (NEERI, 2000). In India about 22,900 million litres of waste water is generated per

day and of this 75 per cent of untreated waste water reaches the Indian rivers (CSE, 2005). There is just too much of waste and all of us contribute liberally every day. But what if the waste collecting municipal worker does not come? The lanes of residential colonies are seen overflowing with garbage and with the stench of rotting wastes, dogs and other stray animals are seen rummaging through them. Waste, whether solid or liquid if not properly managed it creates problems. Uncollected waste whether lying inside the house or in the neighbourhoods attracts flies, cockroaches, rats and other creatures which in turn spread diseases. The plague outbreak in Surat (1994) is appropriate example of a city which suffered due to callous attitude of the municipal body in maintaining cleanliness in the city. Indian cities have a striking similarity when it comes to heaps of garbage, overflowing

ADDRESSING WASTE ASSOCIATED PROBLEMS IN ALIGARH CITY

waste bins and drains, a sign of municipal inefficiency in managing waste. The problem of waste is not just limited to large cities but has seeped into smaller cities like Aligarh. People in the larger cities are aware and have some knowledge regarding the problems associated with waste but such awakening is missing in smaller cities. Aligarh city now has overloaded waste bins and dump yards, open overflowing drains in plenty. It is in this background that there appears a need to assess the waste associated problems and Aligarh city has been selected as the study area. In this paper an attempt has been made to assess the waste associated problems both inside the homes and in the neighbourhoods. Database and Methodology The study is based on primary data which have been collected through city/ household surveys with the help of a questionnaire interviews. Field work was done during the years 2006 and 2007. For selecting the sample, multi-stage stratified sampling design was adopted. From the 60 wards of the city, about 16 wards (10 wards from old city zone and 6 wards from the civil lines zone) were selected on the basis of population and location. From these selected wards, 5 per cent households from each ward were selected on the basis of income. The total sample size consisted of 1,629 households belonging to different income group (69 from very high income group (Rs. > 20,000 per month), 167 from high income group (Rs 14,000 -20,000 per month), 612 from medium income group (Rs.8, 000- 14,000 per month), 490 from low income group (Rs. 2, 000-8,000 per month) and 291 from very low income group (Rs. 1500 metre): Embracing about 8.86 per cent of the total watershed, this elevation range is concentrated in a small part of the high Siwalik range of the study area which includes a linear ring like strip in north and north-west part dotting Kasauli town and along the National Highway no 22 towards Shimla. Relative Relief The term relative relief means the difference between the highest and the lowest point in an unit area. In other words, it is defined as the amount of variation of height in an unit area with respect to its local base level. Grid method becomes more suitable and convenient for the purpose wherein the basin is covered with mesh of grid squares (one grid being one kilometre X one kilometer) and relative relief in each grid square is calculated on the bases of the highest and lowest elevations and the data of relative relief so derived are tabulated and classified into six categories as mentioned below: (Table 2 and Fig. 4) i) Areas of Very Low Relative Relief (075m): This category constitutes highest proportion of little more than one-fourth (27.55 per cent) of the watershed. It characterizes almost whole southern

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part of watershed. ii) Areas of Moderately Low Relative Relief (76m-150m): It occupies little more than one-tenth (12.94 per cent) of the whole watershed. There are small patches distributed in central and southwest portion covering Kolhai Dun Reserved Forest of watershed under this category. iii) Areas of Low Relative Relief (151m225m): This category comprises lowest area (about 11per cent) of the watershed. It is distributed randomly in small patches mainly in extremely upper and central part of the watershed. iv) Areas of Moderate Relative Relief (226m-300m): This category covers 14.17 per cent area of the total and largely distributed in east and sparsely in some upper middle parts of the watershed. v) Areas of Moderately High Relative Relief (301m-375m): This category comprises 12.60 per cent area and randomly distributed over northern part of the watershed. vi) Area of High Relative Relief (Above 375m): It consists little more than onefifth of the whole watershed and found in the Himachal Pradesh part of the watershed only. Hypsometry The hypsometric/hypsography curve is used for the measurement of the elevation of land above sea level and shows the distribution of height of a given area. Differences in hypsometric curves between landscapes arise because the geomorphic processes that shape the landscape may be different. The hypsometric curve shown as a continuous function and graphically displayed as an x-y plot with elevation on the vertical, y-axis and

RELIEF ANALYSIS OF KAUSHALAYA RIVER WATERSHED

Table 2 Kaushalaya River Watershed: Relative Relief

Fig. 4

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area above the corresponding elevation on the horizontal or x-axis. The “percentage hypsometric curve” (Strahler, 1952) shows these quantities as percentages. Strahler, 1952 used it to infer the state of geomorphic development of the river catchments. Area Elevation Curve It is used to indicate the proportion of area lying at various height categories in percentage. The graph reveals that the highest area comprising about 42.32 per cent of total has an elevation between 800-1400m (moderate altitude), and about 40 per cent area falls below 800m elevation (lower altitude). The study indicates that as the elevation increases above 1400m, the areal coverage decreases in the watershed (Fig.5). It is clear from the study that only 17.82 per cent area above 1400m of Kaushalaya river watershed falls in higher altitudes.

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The Hypsometric Integral Curve Hypsometric integral computed for Kaushalaya River watershed indicates that watershed is passing through the early mature stage. The study brings out that about 61 per cent area of the watershed has been eroded. The hypsometric integral computed for Kaushalaya River watershed is merely 38.50 per cent (Fig. 6). The location of the watershed in the Siwalik ranges which are the youngest mountains and rapidly denuding landscapes in the country also supports this observation that Kaushalaya River watershed is approaching to the mature stage of the geographic development. Landscape Profiles The digital elevation model does not portray a complete picture of the terrain. Therefore, different landscape profiles are drawn to get a clear idea of the surface

Table 3 Kaushalaya River Watershed: Area in Different Elevation Ranges


Fig.5

Table 4 Kaushalaya River Watershed: Relative Height and Relative Relief Ratio

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Kaushalaya River Watershed: Per Cent Hypsometric Curve

Fig.6

configuration. The landscape profiles of the study area have been drawn along east -west and north-south lines at standard intervals. a) Superimposed Profiles Superimposed profiles are constructed on the basis of serial profiles. Serial profiles are superimposed on each other at a fixed scale and axis. It is noted that superimposed profiles, more or less, confirm the results obtained by the analysis of relief and hypsometric curves. The summits of Siwalik ranges, scarps, piedmont zone and undulating terrain like features can be easily identified on the superimposed profiles (Fig.7 to Fig. 10). These profiles also show the clustering forms of hill tops in the northwest portion of the watershed. The degree of dissection, indicating the vertical difference between the hill tops of Siwalik ranges and the valley bottoms can also be clearly noted on these profiles.

b) Composite profile Composite profile portrays the actual bird's view of any area. The Figs.11 and 12 showing the composite profiles clearly reveal the dominance of skyline or higher elements of relief in the northern part of the watershed. Slope Analysis Slope is one of the most important elements of morphometric analysis. The slope is the angle of inclination between the surface and a horizontal plane, which may be measured in degrees or percent. Slope is the rate of maximum change in z-value from each cell unit. The area has been analyzed by Wentworth's method which indicates the relative position of slope in the study area varies from 00 to 500. The slope is derived from DEM and classified into 5 categories (Table 5 and Fig. 13).


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Fig.12

Table 5 Kaushalaya River Watershed: Spatial Distribution of Slope

The slope map shows that more than one third i.e. 39 per cent area of the total watershed comes under very gentle slope and mainly distributed over the piedmont zone sprawling south and south-western part of the watershed. It covers the vast plain and agricultural area of Kalka and Pinjore regions of Haryana state. The study reveals that about onefifth of the total area falls under the category of gentle slope (10-20 degree). It is mainly concentrated in the

central part and upper most part of the watershed along the stream beds in a well distributed pattern. It is evident from the table that one-fourth of the watershed has moderate slope of 20-30 degree observed in the areas between gentle slope and steep slope. About 11 per cent area having steep slope comprises hilly area in upper Siwalik range and about 3 per cent area has very steep slope (> 400) dotting the cliffs, ridges and a few sharp vertical

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Fig.13 escarpments present in the watershed landscape. Conclusion The study brings out distinctive variations in absolute relief ranging from the lowest 400 m to the highest 1850 m in Kaushalaya River watershed. The highest concentration (42.68 per cent) of high absolute relief category varying between 1000m to 1500m elevation covers Malthu, Barbana and Karalghat reserved forests and Chaola, Jauhri, Jagatgarh, Anun, Guman, Ambota Jarrag, Datiar, Budho, Gauri ki Dhar protected forests in Solan district of Himachal Pradesh. The relative relief varies from the lowest of 410 m to highest of 1075 m. The study reveals that the highest area comprising about 42 per cent of total has an altitudinal variations ranging

between 800-1400m and about 40 per cent area falls below 800m elevation above mean sea level. The study points out that as the elevation increases above 1400m, the areal coverage decreases in the watershed. Hypsometric integral computed for Kaushalaya River watershed indicates that watershed is passing through the early mature stage because about 61 per cent area of the watershed has been eroded. The location of the watershed in the Siwalik ranges which are the youngest mountains and rapidly denuding landscapes in the country also supports this observation that Kaushalaya River watershed has stepped in the mature stage. The summits of Siwalik ranges, scarps, piedmont zone and undulating terrain like features can be easily identified on the superimposed profiles. The composite profile


portraying only the skyline or higher elevations reveals the dominance of these elements in the northern part of the area. The slope analysis shows that more than one third area of the watershed comes under very gentle slope mainly distributed over the piedmont zone. It is investigated that about onefifth of the total area falls under the category of gentle slope mainly concentrated in the central and upper most part of the watershed along the stream beds and about 3per cent area has very steep slope (> 400) dotting the cliffs, ridges and a few sharp vertical escarpments present in the watershed. Acknowledgment Authors are greatful to the Institute for Spatial Planning & Environment Research (ISPER), Panchkula for providing the required database for bringing out this research paper. References Agrawal, Meera. (1972): “Morphometric Analysis of Some Drainage of Jabalpur Plateau”, The National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 18, No.3-4, pp. 148-168. Asthana, V.K. (1967): “Morphometric Evaluation of Landform in Almora and its Environs”, National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 13, No.1, pp. 37-54. Astaras, Theodore. (1985): “Drainage Network Analysis of LANDSAT Images of the OlympusPieria Mountain Area, Northern Greece”, International Journal of Remote Sensing, Vol. 21, No.17, pp.3197-3208. Agarwal, C.S. (1998): “Study of Drainage Pattern Through Aerial Data in Naugarh Area of Varanasi District, U.P”, Journal of the Indian Society of Remote Sensing,

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Vol. 26, No.4, pp.169-175. Dury, G. H. (1952): “Methods of Cartographical Analysis in Geomorphological Research”, Silver Jubilee. Indian Geographical Society. Horton, R.E. (1948): “Erosional Development of Streams and Their Drainage Basins: Hydro physical Approach to Quantitative Morphology”, Bull. Geol. Soc. Amer, Vol. 56, pp. 275 -370. Kharkwal, S.C. (1968): “Classification of Kumaon Himalaya into Morpho- Units”, The National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 14, No.4, pp. 223-238. National Remote Sensing Agency. (1995): “Integrated Mission for Sustainable Development: Technical Guidelines”, Department of Space, Government of India, Hyderabad, p.19. Singh, C. P., and N.K.P. Sinha. (1996): “Analysis of the Relief of South Mirzapur Upland, U.P., India”, National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 42, No.3-4, pp.267-280. Singh, Sarvesh., and Singh M.B. (1997): “Morphometric Analysis of Kanhar River Basin”, National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 43, No.1, pp. 3143. Singh, S. R, et.al. (1985): “Quantitative Analysis of the Hiran Catchment for Land Resources Development and Management: A Case Study Based on Aerial Photo Interpretation”, The National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 31, No. 1, pp.10-17. Singh, Samar Bahadur. (1979): “Quantitative Analysis of Selected Drainage Basins of Shimla Hill Region”, The National Geographical

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Journal of India, Vol. 25, No.1, pp.5064. Strahler, A.N. (1952): “Dynamic Basis of Geomorphology”, Bull. Geol. Soc. Am. Vol. 63, pp. 923938. Upendran, N. et. al. (1998): “Morphometric Analysis of Small Watersheds in the Western Ghat Region of Kerala”, National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 44, No.1-4, pp.190-200. Zavoianu, Ion. (1985): “Morphometry of Drainage Basins

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(Developments in Water Science)”, Vol. 20, Elsevier, Asterdam, Oxford, Newyork, pp.85-86.

Surjit Singh Saini, GIS Expert, Intercontinental Consultants & Technocrats Pvt. Ltd, A-8, Green Park, New Delhi -110016 Dr. M.P Gupta, Lecturer, Geography Department, R.K.S.D. College, Kaithal, Haryana-136027

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SEX COMPOSITION IN UTTARPRADESH: A SPATIAL ANALYSIS Alamtar Ali

Abstract Sex composition of population is measured in terms of ratio ie. number of males per thousand females. It has been observed that the sex ratio has witnessed declining trend in Uttar Pradesh as well as for India as a whole. The male deficiency region occurs in the northeastern districts. This deficiency is a strong testimony to highly male selective migration taking place from these districts to the metropolises under the push effect of relatively limited resources and very high levels of socio-economic backwardness. The over all assessment of the thirty three variables taken in this study and their associations with sex composition of population leads to the conclusion that the socio-economic structure, migration and landuse etc. are the chief determinants of the sex composition of population. On almost all counts and variables, wide spatial variations are visible. The spatial patterns of sex composition deserve to be considered as one of the most important resultant of prevailing socio-economic milieu in the state.

Introduction Most extensively discussed Feminist Movement, very strongly supported feminism, widely recognized gender equality in international conferences, very strong opinion about new legislation granting freedom and parallel rights to women make us study our gender statistics more analytically than ever (Bhutani, 1999). Sex composition indicates the relative proportion of the male and female components of a population. According to the Indian Census, the term 'Sex Ratio' cannotes the number of females per thousand males. The study of sex ratio is of great interest to geographers because of the contrasting roles played by two sexes in economy and society (Mehta and Kaur, 1983). The sex ratio is very significant attribute of population. Apart from its impact on fertility, it also determines the

socio-economic pulse of people (Gosal, 1999). Sex ratio in India is singularly low compared with most large human population (Coale, 1991). This has been attributed to the unusually high mortality of Indian females relative to their male counterparts. The excess mortality of females is believed to result from discrimination against females, a term commonly used in the Indian geographic literature to describe a set of practices that includes less favourable access to food and health care for females (Kundu and Sahu, 1991). Agnihotri (2000), focused on proportion of women, usually expressed as 'sex ratio' in India's population and found that women's proportion has been declining and it has reached at an alarming low level, i.e., how it becomes a problem to be analysed with rapt seriousness.

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Bhutani (1999) has implied in her study that number of males in the world as a whole, exceded the number of females. This may be attributed to the universal fact of higher masculinity at birth. Benerjee (1977) studied sex ratio and its correlates in the tribal district of Singhbhum in south Bihar. He observed that the sex ratio in the area has been strongly influenced by pattern of migration. It was also revealed that gradually declining sex ratio is attributed to higher female mortality. Ayyar and Shrivastava (1978) observed that sex ratio was inversely correlated with size of urban centres and also with the proportion of scheduled castes in urban areas of Madhya Pradesh. Rural-urban differential in sex ratio in Haryana has been attributed to the rural character of small towns (Krishan and Chandna, 1973). Chandna and Sidhu (1979) focused primarily on determinants of sex ratio, i.e., sex ratio at birth, male-female differential in mortality, and migration. Besides, factors like wars, femines, and status of women also make notable impact on sex ratio. An eleborate discussion on regional variations of sex ratio in the population of Haryana was made by Siddiqui and Ahmad (1971). Siddiqui (1982) made a study of regional aspects of sex structure of population in Uttar Pradesh. The analysis reveals that socio-economic structure and urbanization emerge as the most important variables responsible for characteristic pattern of sex ratio in the state. A similar study but of a highly generalized nature on Punjab, was conducted by Gill and Singh (1985). Siddiqui and Siddiqui (1993) have made a critical evaluation of changes in sex composition of population in Deoria district, Uttar Pradesh. Hassan (1999) has attempted to analyse the sex ratio of Haryana's population to investigate the possible reasons of recent change in sex ratio and to examine the socio-economic and demographic correlates of the patterns of sex

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ratio. The imbalances between the two sexes lead to a number of social problems such as prostitution, promiscuity, perversion, etc., and affect the health of the community (Census of India, 1961). If males are in excess many will not be able to get married (Chaddock, 1956). Moreover, this excess trends to lower the age of marriage for females, since the number of females falls short of the number of the opposite sex. This results, quite aften, in considerable variation in age between husbands and wives and in increased incidence of widowhood. If females predominate there will be relatively large proportions of unmarried women. Countries such as France, United Kingdom and United Germany etc., which suffered from unprecedented deficiency of males caused by heavy toll of Second World War, developed a peculiar war psychosis which led to all sorts of deviant behaviour envolving a variety of social and moral misconducts. The direct socio-economic implication of the imbalance in sex ratio is that it affects the rate of male and female participation in work. In areas of relative male deficiency female participation may tend to be relatively high whereas in female deficiency areas their participation may be appreciably lesser than the average. This appears to be one of the reasons why in countries like India with a relatively more masculine population the female participation is much less than what it is in European countries of high ratio. In socioeconomic sphere, it has rightly been observed that the exess of males will contribute more workers, whereas high proportion of females mean fewer workers and a great degree of economic dependence (Census of India, 1961) because females cannot undertake all the works which are taken by males. Of course, the systematic spatial analysis of the sex composition of population

SEX COMPOSITION IN UTTARPRADESH: A SPATIAL ANALYSIS

constitutes an important foundation for the social stratification of society, especially that of a modern, industrial and urbanized nation. It also serves as the connecting link between different institutions and spheres of social life and manifests the allocation of manpower to various institutional spheres. This also serves as a working link between the economy and the family through which the economy affects the family's status and the family supplies manpower to the economy in the society. Study Area The state of Uttar Pradesh has been taken as the study area, which is comprised of seventy districts (according to the Census of India, 2001). Uttar Pradesh is the most populous state of India contributing to 16.17 per cent of the country's population, its share in the geographical areas is 7.34 per cent and the density of population is 689 persons/km². The study area lies within the latitudinal extension of 23º 52' north to 30º 25' north and the longitudinal extension of 77º 04' east to 84º 38' east (Fig. 1). Due to its gigantic population size, it commands the Indian polity by way of s e n d i n g l a rg e s t n u m b e r o f p e o p l e s representatives. From demographic and socioeconomic point of view the state represents the typical Indian conditions, and therefore, it is an ideal field to investigate and analyse the spatial variations in the patterns of sex composition of population. Objective The main objectives of the present study therefore, are: to analyse the trends of sex composition of population since post independence period; to study spatial distribution patterns of sex composition pertaining to years of 1991 and 2001; to find out recent change in sex composition of population during 1991-2001 and; to examine the

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demographic and socio-economic correlates of the distribution patterns of sex composition of population during 2001. Database and Methodology The data for the present analysis have been obtained from the secondary sources like, Census of India, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Uttar Pradesh, and some other offices of the state government. This study is aimed at the sex composition of population and thirty three variables covering vital rates of population, labour force, income, agriculture, urbanization, industries, transport and health status are taken into consideration (Table 1). These variables are selected keeping in mind the diversified socio-economic structure of Uttar Pradesh. Correlation Matrix' has been used to assess the relationship, and t-test is adopted to find out the determinants which are significant at 1 per cent or 5 per cent level. Temporal Trends of Sex Composition, 19512001 The sex ratio, in the state of Uttar Pradesh was 908 in 1951 and since then there has been considerable decline in the sex ratio till 1971 afterwards it increased steadily in 1981. The sex ratio declined by 1 point during 1961, 31 points during 1971 and 6 points during 1991.It recorded a sizeable improvements of 6 points and 22 points during 1981 and 2001 respectively (Table 2). The sex ratio of the population in twentieth century has shown a gradual declining trends in India since 1951 except some marginal improvements in the Censuses of 1981 and now in 2001. The sex ratio during 1951-2001 decreased to 10 points in Uttar Pradesh and 13 points in India. As obvious, the decline in sex ratio was lower in Uttar Pradesh than in the country as a whole (Table 2).

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However, the sex ratio of the state remained lower than that of the country throughout since 1951 to date. This unusually lower sex ratio in the state has mainly been attributed to a relatively large excess of males over females at birth, and a higher death rate among females

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than males in all ages (Gosal, 1961) apart from male selective out - migration. In short distance migrations in more developed countries, the selectivity appears to turn in favour of females. In India short distance migrations are also male selective so that the


Table 1 Uttar Pradesh : Variable -wise Values of Correlation Coefficient, 2001

* Significant at 1 per cent level = 0.302 (r-value) and 2.65 (table-value) ** Significant at 5 per cent level = 0.274 (r-value) and 1.99 (table-value) Source : Computed and compiled by the author based on the demographic and socio-economic data for the period of 2001 collected from Census of India, 2001 and Statistical Abstract, Uttar Pradesh, 2001.

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Table 2 Uttar Pradesh: Trends of Sex Composition, 1951-2001

population of in-migration areas tends to become more masculine whereas the proportion of females tends to increase relatively in areas of out-migration (Siddiqui and Siddiqui, 1993). Obviously, migration or spatial redistribution of population is the single most important factor affecting temporal and cross sectional variation in sex ratio at the spatial level (Kundu and Sahu, 1991). Spatial Patterns of Sex Composition - 1991 The districtwise distribution of sex composition in Uttar Pradesh is not uniform. It varies from 810 in Budaun district to 1007 in Azamgarh district (Table 3). State average (876) stands somewhat midway between the two extremes and lies well below the national average (927). The scarcity of females, though a common feature is however, of relatively considerable magnitude in Uttar Pradesh. On the basis of this significantly large range of spatial variations the state has been divided into five broad regions (Fig. 2). It can be observed from the map that quite a large part of the state i.e., about nine per cent of the districts namely Mathura, Etah, Budaun, Shahjahanpur, Hardoi and Kanpur Nagar have emerged as a region of considerably very low sex ratio upto 825. This

region lies in the central-western plain of the state. Sixty per cent districts fall under the category of low sex ratio (826 to 875) which form a single compact contiguous region in the state (Fig. 2). Two distinct areas can be seen under the category of medium sex ratio (876 to 925). One lies in the southeastern part comprising the districts of Fatehpur, Pratapgarh, Sant Ravidas Nagar,Varanasi, Chandauli and Mirzapur and an other in the northeastern part including Faizabad, Ambedkar Nagar, Basti, Sant Kabir Nagar, Gorakhpur, Maharajganj and Siddharthnagar districts. The fourth subdivision defined by high grade of sex ratio (926 to 975) comprising seven districts is sub-divided into two small regions; one lies in the extremely eastern margin of the state while the other is located in the central part of the state. The last category of very high sex ratio (more than 975) consists of only two districts Jaunpur (994) and Azamgarh (1007) which lie in the eastern part of the state. The reason for this high sex ratio may be migration of workers which is highly male selective. The heavy pressure of population in the eastern region (areas of low sex ratio) involves a grim struggle for base existence and the starving work force and the rack rented small tenants are forced to move out to host


Table 3 Uttar Pradesh : Change in Sex Composition - 1991-2001

Source : Census of India and Uttar Pradesh, 1991 and 2001.

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areas that offer inducement (Sen, 1963). Spatial Patterns of Sex Composition 2001 Among the districts of the state, Shahjahanpur recorded lowest (838) sex ratio while, the maximum of 1026 was witnessed by Azamgarh district in 2001 against the state average of 898 which was 876 in 1991 (Table 3). This range and districts average show that the decadal disparity between sex ratio of 1991 and 2001 is marked by a relatively high proportion of females in the subsequent census year (2001). About 30 per cent of the districts have sex ratio above the state average, whereas, about nineteen per cent of the districts have recorded higher sex ratio which is in favour of females. Fig. 3, showing the distribution of sex ratio in the state indicates that the sex ratio is low in northern, central and southern parts of the state. A small region of relatively very low sex ratio (upto 850) is found in area which is composed of four districts namely Shahjahanpur (838), Budaun (841), Hardoi (843) and Etah (847). Sixty per cent districts recording low sex ratio (851 to 900) are located in northern, western, central and southern parts of the state (Fig. 3). The third category of moderate (901 to 950) sex ratio comprises seven districts of Varanasi, Basti, Sant Ravidas Nagar, Chandauli, Maharajganj, Siddharthnagar and Rae Bareli. Except Rae Bareli all these districts belong to eastern plain. This is however not a single contiguous region but divided into three detached parts. The eastern districts of the state constitute a distinct region of relatively high sex ratio of 951 to 1000 ( Fig. 3). The region of very high sex ratio (more than 1000), lies in the eastern plain which separates the region of relatively high sex ratio. It is comprised of Deoria, Jaunpur and Azamgarh districts. The overall distribution of sex ratio

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during 2001 depicts that it generally declines from east to west. As a concluding remark it can be said that the vital rates of birth and death and the tendencies of population redistribution are the controlling forces of the sex ratio which in turn are related for a number of economic, social and cultural factors which themselves are not of the same potency for all areas (Verma, 1992). Change in Sex Composition, 1991-2001 The calculated values of all the districts of the state, with few exceptions depict an increase in female proportion in 2001. This may be the result of many changes in societal outlook. People migrating from rural to urban areas have resorted to settle down in these districts with their families. The selectivity of migration in favour of males is therefore, tends to decrease. But this differential in points is dissimilar among the districts, it varies from -6 to +96 points with a maximum increase in Pratapgarh and a minimum decrease in Kushinagar, whereas the state accounts for +22 points (Table 3). On the basis of sex ratio differentials the districts may be divided into two parts having recorded positive and negative differentials. The negative differential of sex ratio is recorded by two districts (Kushinagar and Baghpat) situated in the eastern and western parts of the state (Fig. 4). The category of positive very low sex ratio differential upto 15 points encompasses nine districts forming three small regions. One lies in the central-southern part and include the four districts of Kanpur Dehat, Fatehpur, Hamirpur and Jhansi. The second is located in the south-eastern part and comprises the three districts of Allahabad, Mirzapur and Varanasi, and last in the eastern part of the state comprising two districts of Mau and Ballia. The former two regions are separated by the district of Kaushambi under

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the category of 16 to 20 points. The districts recording low differential in sex ratio (16 to 20 points) are scattered in various parts of the state (Fig. 4). Six districts – Etah, Mainpuri, Farrukhabad, Hardoi, Lucknow and Unnao forming a small belt under the medium category of (21 to 25 points), lies in the westcentral plain. Three districts – Gonda, Barabanki and Sitapur have recorded high sex ratio differential (26 to 30 points) forming a very small distinct region in the central part of the state. Remaining districts are scattered and they do not exhibit any recognizable region. Two distinct regions can be identified under the category of very high sex ratio (more than 30 points). One which is dominant includes about seven districts namely Pratapgarh, Sultanpur, Ambedkar Nagar, Sant Kabir Nagar, Siddharthanagar, Gorakhpur and Deoria, located in the eastern part of the state. The other comprising only four districts - Jyotiba Phule Nagar, Moradabad, Bareilly and Budaun delimit a small region in the western plains of the state. For the state as a whole, it may be concluded that sex ratio was substantially low as compared to the nation as a whole in 2001. It may be mentioned the magnitude of decline in sex ratio in Uttar Pradesh was higer than that recorded by the country. Uttar Pradesh has experienced out-migration under continuing strain of chronic population pressure. It is not the rural-urban migration but the male selective out-migration to other parts of the country that led to decline in sex ratio. Migration of both sexes does not affect sex ratio. Relationship of Sex Ratio and other Demographic-Socio-Economic Variables Dimensions of Correlation and Levels of Significance In order to understand the strength of association between the sex ratio and 33

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independent social, economic and demographic variables, the coefficients of correlations have been computed and tested at 95 per cent level of confidence. These determinants of sex ratio are tested with assumption that linear relationship existed in all cases (Table 1). The null hypothesis formulated is that the high sex ratio is not significantly related with the selected variables. The t-test gives the value which goes well above the adopted level of significance for sex ratio. The variables X1 (percentage of rural population), X2 (percentage of urban population), X3 (net migration rate), X4 (male net migration rate), X5 (female net migration rate), X6 (density of population), X7 (birth rate), X11 (per capita income), X14 (average size of land holding), X15 (percentage of area under commercial crops to total cropped area), X19 (juvenile dependency ratio), X20 (senile dependency ratio), X21 (male work participation rate), X22 (female work participation rate) and X25 (percentage of workers in tertiary group) are significantly correlated with sex ratio at 5 per cent level. X1, X4, X19, X20 and X22 obtained high positive correlation and X2, X3, X5, X11, X14, X15 and X21 obtained high negative correlation with sex ratio and these are significant even at 1 per cent level. X6 and X7 variables have positive and only X25 variable has negative correlation with sex ratio. These are well above the adopted level of significance and therefore the null hypothesis is rejected. This means that there is acceptable validity in the assumption that the districts with high percentage of rural population, male net migration rate, density of population, birth rate, juvenile dependency ratio, senile dependency ratio and female work participation rate, have high sex composition of population whereas the districts with high percentage of urban population, net migration rate, female net


migration rate, per capita income, average size of land holding, percentage of area under commercial crops to total cropped area, male work participation rate and percentage of workers in tertiary group have low sex ratio of population (Table 1). The author is aware of the fact that many variables which have high degree relationship with the dependent variable (sex-ratio) cannot be explained in terms of direct causal relationship. Obviously, some are accidently correlated while others have indirect bearings. In explaining socio-economic realities, sometimes it becomes very difficult to identify the independent variables. However, the results of correlation analysis do tend to establish and corroborate the nature and strength of the relationship. Conclusion A very wide range of variations have been found in the spatial distribution of sex ratio of population in Uttar Pradesh. These range from 810 to 1007 females per thousand males and 838 to 1026 females per thousand males during 1991 and 2001 respectively. On the whole the state's population in strikingly masculine as it is found that only one and three of the seventy districts the ratio exceeded 1000 during 1991 and 2001 respectively. The male deficiency region occurs in the eastern parts. This deficiency is a strong testimony to highly male selective migration from these districts to the metropolises taking place under the push effect of relatively limited resources and highsocio-economic backwardness. The magnitudes of sex ratio have been tested with each of the thirty three variables whch are excepted to be the determinants of sex composition of population. The overall assessment of these variables and their associations with sex composition leads to the conclusion that the socio-economic structure,

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migration and landuse etc. are the chief determinants of the sex composition of the population. Sex composition of population plays a vital role in shaping the trends, patterns and rate of socio-economic milieu and that for planning a legitimately diversified but regionally balanced socio-economic development. The spatial patterns of sex composition of population therefore deserve to be rated as one of the most important items of consideration. Acknowledgements The author is very grateful to Prof. (Mrs.) Swarnjit Mehta (Retd.), Department of Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh for her meaningful suggestions. The author also wishes to acknowledge for the critical comments made by the referee of this study. References Agnihotri, Satish Balram (2000) : Sex Ratio Patterns in the Indian Population-A Fresh Exploration, Sage Publication, New Delhi. pp. 380. Ayyar, N.P. and Shrivastava, D.S. (1978): “Urban Sex Ratio in Madhya Pradesh : Distribution and Trends”, National Geographer, Vol. 13, pp. 1-12. Benerjee, M. (1977) : “The Pattern of Sex Ratio in Singhbhum District, Bihar”, Geographical Review of India, Vol. 39, pp. 30-38. Bhutani, Smita (1999) : “Spatial Patterns of Change in Indian Sex Ratio: 1981-1991”, Asian Profile, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 157-168. Census of India (1961) : General Report on Census, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, pp. 469-471. Chaddock, R.E. (1956) : “Age and Sex in Population Analysis”,

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in Spengler et. al. (Ed.) Demographic Analysis : Selected Readings, Illnois, p. 443, Quoted in Siddiqui, F.A. (1984), Regional Analysis of Population Structures : A Study of Uttar Pradesh, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, p. 12. Chandna, R.C. and Sidhu, M.S. (1979) : “Sex Ratio and Its Determinants”, Transactions, Institute of Indian Geographers, Vol. 1, pp. 17-23. Coale, Ansley (1991) : “Excess Female Mortality and the Balance of the Sexes in the Population : an Estimate of the Number of MissingFemales,” Population and Development Review, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 35-51. Gill, M.S. and Singh, S.B. (1985) : “Sex Ratio in Punjab”, Geographical Review of India, Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 34-44. Gosal, G.S. (1961) : “The Regionalism of Sex Composition of India's Population”, Rural Sociology, Vol. 26, pp. 122-137. ____________(1999) : Fourth Survey Research in Geography, Manak Publications, New Delhi, p. 161. Hassan, M.I. (1999) : “Sex Ratio in Haryana”, The Geographer, Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 104-116. Krishan, G. and Chandna, R.C. (1973) : “Sex Composition of Haryana's Population”, Geographical Review of India, Vol. XXV, No. 2, pp. 113-125.

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Kundu, Amitabh and Sahu, Madesh K. (1991) : “Variation in the Sex Ratio : Development Implications”, Economic and Development Weekly, Vol. 26, No. 41, pp. 2341-2342. Mehta, S. and Kaur, G. (1983) : “Rural-Urban Differences in Sex Ratio of Rajasthan”, The Indian Geographical Journal, Vol. 58, No. 2, pp. 152-161. Sen, J.C. (1963): , “The Sex Composition of Population of India”, The Deccan Geographer, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 43-62. Siddiqui, N.A. and Ahmad, Q. M. (1971) : “Regional Variation of Sex Ratio in the Population of Haryana”, The Geographer, Vol. XVIII, pp. 99-114. Siddiqui, F.A. (1982) : “Regional Analysis of the Sex Structure of Population ofUttar Pradesh”, The National Geographical Journal of India, Vol. 28, pp. 74-85. __________and Siddiqui, G.A. (1993) : “Changes in Sex Composition of Population in District Deoria, Uttar Pradesh”, The Geographer, Vol. XI, No. 1, pp. 61-66. Verma, D.N. (1992) : Population Patterns, The Institute of Geographers India, Lucknow, p. 127. Dr. Alamtar Ali Reader in Geography T.N. Post Graduate College Tanda ( Uttar Pradesh)

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KHAP PANCHAYATS AND SOCIAL HARMONY: A CASE STUDY OF HARYAN Inder Singh

Abstract The Khap Panchayats are ancient republican and socially sanctioned institutions of Haryana. Khap Panchayats have played an important Social role in fighting against the soicial evils. Khap panchayats still play an important role in formulating social relations including marriages between individuals, between different social groups and between different villages. But sometimes their decisions have been taken as immoral and unconstitutional. In this paper an attempt has been made to examine the role of Khap Panchayats in the past historic times and their relevancy at present. The study also examines the attitude of young as well as old generations about the role of these Khap Panchayats and their future prospectives.

Introduction Haryana, a fast developing state, is second only to Punjab on the economic front in India. The economic development and modernization of Haryana in agriculture, education and health have changed the food and dress habits and house designs from traditional to western ones. The economic development has considerably changed the young generation and has moved it towards a casteless society. Haryana is a state where social panchayats (not statutory) still play an important role in formulating social relations including marriages between individuals, between different social groups and between different villages. Previously the social panchayats popularly known as Khap Panchayats had been playing an important role in formulating social and economic life style of the society. The Khap Panchayats are ancient republican and socially sanctioned institutions

of Haryana. (Chaudhary, 2006) History shows that Khap Panchayats have never been found wanting wherever aberrations in society have threatened the social values (The Tribune, April 17, 2003). As and when the security of the people of the Khap area or Sarva Khap area was threatened by an invader or the autocrat, the Khap Panchayats took decision to resist the same and on several occasions. People led by Sarva Khap had successfully resisted the powerful invaders like Taimur Lang (Capt. Singh, 1988 p.577) and bigoted rulers like Allaudin Khilji and Aurangjeb (Capt. Singh, 1988, p.575). In the same spirit the Sarva Khap Panchayats lent their might in support of the first war of India's Independence in 1857. It is evident in a running reference of the Sarva Khap Panchayat held at Baraut in Meerut district (Uttar Pradesh) in February 1857 wherein almost all the Indian Chieftains of different states of northern India participated

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either personally or through their representatives including Rani Jhansi and the last Mughal Emperor Bhadur Shah Zaffer of Delhi (Capt. Singh, 1988, p.595). Even after independence the Sarva Khap Panchayat have played an important social role in fighting against the social evils. To weed out the dowry system, a Khap Panchayat was held in 1950 at village Beri in Jhajjar district where strict rules were framed about the expenses (Lena-Dena) in the marriage and the said rules were to be followed by everybody irrespective of caste, creed and religion (Chaudhary, 2006). Thereafter, the checks imposed by Sarva Khap Panchayat worked effectively. But after some time the newly acquired prosperity by a small section of the society and its semi-feudal attitude of boastfulness and vulgar exhibitionism started creating problems for the poorer section of the society in marriages. Again the Sarva Khap Panchayat deliberated upon it in 1960 meeting which was held at village Sisana, in Sonipat district (The Tribune, 22 Jan. 2006).where the rules adopted in Beri Panchayat were reformulated and reasserted. A decision was taken to keep vigil on the defaulters and to punish them properly. After the formation of Haryana as a separate state and on account of a rapid development of agriculture with the introduction of HYV seeds, tube well irrigation and mechanization of agriculture new social formations started taking shape. A good section of Haryana peasantry became white collar by 1980's as services in Haryana developed rapidly. Power, transport and communication, public health and educational facilities spread with a great speed in rural Haryana. As a result of this a middle class not known earlier to the Haryanvi society developed rapidly. The natural result of this developmental phenomenon in Haryana was the growth of

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urbanization and change in attitudes and social life support due to the effect of electronic media. Resultantly in the last 10 or 15 years the social scenario in Haryana has changed drastically and a new class of youth with knowledge and hunger for modern urban life has emerged. This class feels and thinks in terms of selfish interest, enjoyment and nuclear family. The old traditional way of life of joint family, village fraternity and Khap brotherhood do not appeal to them, rather these old traditions come into conflict with the interest and attitude of the modern youth of Haryana who reject the traditional values of marriage, joint family, social responsibility towards older generation and the cooperation in economic activities. In these circumstances the Khap Panchayats in Haryanvi society of today are not only loosing their relevance rapidly but they also look obsolete, tradition ridden, obscurantist and seem to be concerned only to issue fatwas against marriages within Gotra and inter-caste marriages. Therefore, a social conflict has arisen between the young generation and Khap Panchayats in matrimonial issues. Study Area The State of Haryana spreading over an area of 44, 212 sq. km. with a population of 21.14 million, lies in the north-western part of the India (Fig. 1). It is surrounded by Uttar Pradesh in the east, Punjab on the north-west, Himacal Pradesh on the north and the great expanse of Rajasthan on the South. The study region is urbanizing rapidly and 29 per cent of its population lives in urban centers and 71 per cent in 6764 inhabited villages which depends on agriculture. The density of population according to 2001 census was 477 persons/sq. km. which is above than the national average of 324 persons/sq. km The sex ratio of 861 males/1000 females is the second lowest in the country. Haryana being a part of the Gangatic

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plain enjoys fertile soil and a rich agriculture hence the per capita income at current price which was Rs. 608/- in 1966-67 has increased to Rs. 23742 in 2001-02 and Rs. 26632 in 200203. Haryana with 67.9 per cent literacy rate ranked 20th in India. The study region constituting only 1.44 per cent of total geographical area of India and 2 per cent of the total population contributes more than 5 per cent of total food production in India. Objectives The main objectives of the study are: i) to look into the changing structure of Khap Panchayats in Haryana from territorial entities to ethnicity; ii) to examine the traditional and contemporary role of Khap Panchayats within the changing socio-political structure of Haryana; and iii) to study the nature of conflict and social issues that have emerged in the recent past. Methodology The data and the information used in this study have been taken from various published and unpublished sources. Field based data and quantitative and qualitative information have also been collected by focusing on the group interviews and extended discussions. Simple statistical techniques have been employed to analyze the data in order to achieve the objectives of the present study. Functioning of Khap Panchayats Pre- Independence Scenario Khap Panchayats were the tribal republics which mean a tribe governing itself through its assembly headed by the chieftain and the elected representatives through voting by raising hands. These were the territorial groups of tribes dominated by various Jat clans

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and supported by all castes of the society. This social system was prevailing particularly in the areas where 'Raje-Rajware' were not in existence particularly at the time of Alexander the Great (324 B.C.) But these tribal republics were abolished by Gupta dynasty. Later on this institution of Khap was rejuvenated by King Harshwardhan in 642-43 A.D when he became a mighty ruler. He respected the republics known as Khap Panchayats and himself became the head of the Sarva Khap Panchayat (Sharma and Mohan, 2003). He favoured social fraternity and sustainability and designed the Khap's Saffron flag with the risings sun in its middle so these assemblies became national in character in his time. There was a system of cadre in khap pnachayats and the hierarchy is as; Family Panchayat-confined to the members of a joint family; Thola Panchayat-a panchayat of neighbouring 10-15 families or a mohalla panchayat; Panna Panchayat-it is a panchayat of two three mohallas of a village: Village Panchayat- it is the panchayat of the village as a whole. After the village panchyat the hierarchy depends on the number of villages in the panchayat like; Ghoand- a panchayat of neighbouring 10-15 villages is known as Gohand; Chaubisi - a khap of 24 villages; Bawani-a khap of 52 villages; Biasi-a khap of 82 villages; Chowrasi-a khap of 84 villages and highest in hierarchy is Sarva Khap Panchayat termed as Haryana Sarva Khap Panchayat consisting of more than 300 Khaps. The Khap Panchayats are mainly concentrated in central Haryana because this area was not under Jagirdari system. The chief functions of these Khap and Sarva Khap Panchayats were social security, fraternity (Bhaichara) economic security and social harmony. They met the collective social, political and economic needs of society from time to time. A Khap Panchayat was organized


under the leadership of Raja Bhim Deva in 1192AD, at village Depal near Hansi (Hisar) to minimize the marriage expenditure. The decisions of this Panchayat were reviewed in the Khap meeting at village Shikarpur in 1297 AD which was presided over by Chaudhary Mastpal. The Khaps were prominent also in their fight against the foreign invaders like Tamur Lang in 1398 AD in which a Balmiki known as Dullia of Hansi and a Brahaman Lady named Chandro were the major chieftains of the Sarva Khap Panchayat headed by Jograj Singh Gujjar.. Delhi Pargana at that time included Haryana, Delhi, Alwar, Dholpur, and Bharatpur districts of Rajasthan, Agra and Meerut commissionaires of Uttar Pradesh (Fig.2). This territory had a common assembly known as Haryana Sarva Khap Panchayat which fought against the British in 1857. British defeated the Sarva Khap Panchayat and broke the marvelous social system and appointed their agents as Namberdar, Safedposh and Jaildar (Jail: group of 4 to 5 villages) to collect the revenue (agricultural tax). Post -Independence Scenario Although Sarva Khap Panchayats were organized at village Beri in Jhajjar distrist of Haryana in 1950 and in 1960 at Sisana (Capt. Singh, 1988 p.380) village of Sonipat district on the social issues of Roti Beti but in early 1950s Gram Panchayat Act came into existence and the legally sanctioned system lowered the value of the merely socially approved panchayat. This constitutional system of Gram Panchayat, Block Smiti and Jila Parishad has the right of collection and utilization of tax and also to receive governmental grants and spend them on the development of the village. The existence of police administration for security, the judicial system for

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dispensation of justice and recently (1987) introduced system of Lok Adalats to solve the local problems and disputes at the spot have rendered these Panchayats redundant. As a result these Khap territories, shrinked into Clan/Gotra Panchayats particularly in central Haryana. Today these Gotra Panchayats are the remnant of the tribal assemblies of olden times. (Fig. 3) Economic development due to agricultural modernization in Haryana is also responsible for changed structure and functions of the Gotra or khap Panchayats. Agricultural modernization has raised the income of the middle level peasantry. Agricultural revolution led to huge agricultural production and hence economic growth took place raising the standard of living of Haryanvi people. This broke the Jajmani system and an individualistic approach has developed. Hence a social conflicts started emerging in terms of various disputes specially arising from the inter-gotra and inter-castes marriages. The Sangwan Khap Panchayat issued fatwas/ took decision against such marriages at village Jondhi (Choudhary, 2001) and Asandha of karnal district, villages Talao and Chachhoroli of Jhajjar district (Choudhary, 2006) and village Ladawas of Bhiwani district (The Tribune, Feb. 4, 2006) and Nain Khap at Dohla village of Jind district (Danik Jagran Feb. 4, 2006.) and Malik Khap of Ahulana village of Sonipat district (Rajlasksmi, 2005) of Haryana are the glaring examples but some of the decisions were stayed by the Punjab and Haryana High court and were made null and void and the remaining could not be implemented properly for different reasons. The khap panchayat has taken a serious note of sagotra marriages and due to their social pressure the cases of elopement of young couples have been reported from villages of Rohtak, Jhajjar and Jind districts. Some times the young couples were murdered to protect the

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family honour (Saini, 2009). A ghastly incident of Dharana Village of Jhajjar district was reported recently in Newspapers when a boy of Gahlout gotra married a girl of kadian gotra. According to Kadian khap panchayat they had violated the prohibitory line of marriage and the bhaichara that prevails among the Gahlout and Kadian gotras of the Dharana village. Hence, they were penalized by the Kadian khap panchayat. Later on August 9, 2009 the sarva khap panchayat declared a life time ban on the entry of boy and girl in the village. (Sarware, 2009). Thus the serva khap panchyat which is the largest and apex body on settling the disputes is taking a serious note on the inter cast marrigases. The social pressure of the khap panchyats is such that some times even the protection provided by the court to the young couples does not work. For example a boy of Matour village of Jind district married a girl of Beniwal gotra in the court violating the prohibitory line of marriage defined by neighborhood villages (bhaichara villages). To protect her the girl went to her mother's village Singhwal in Kaithal district of Haryana. The boy sought the help of judiciary to provide protection to him, as he wanted to bring his wife from the village. Working under the pressure of khap panchayat, the village men had already taken a decision to teach him a lesson and in spite of the alleged protection provided by the court boy was lynched to death. (Staff Reporter, The Hindu, July, 26, 2009) To solve the problem a meeting of 50 gotras was organized under the chairmanship of Justice Devi Singh Teotia at Chottu Ram Dharmshala, Rohtak for demanding change in the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 to declare the sagotra marriage and the marriage in bhaichara villages as illegal so that no case is registered against the concerned khap panchayat members. (Sarware, 2009).

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The political parties plant their agents in the organization of these Gotra Panchayats to get issued diktats in favour of their parties during the assembly and parliamentary elections. The rejected and dejected persons of the society like defeated sarpanches of the village panchayats have been intruded the Khap Panchayats and are affecting the decisions of the panchayats. The local factors also play very important role in formulating the decision on the social issues. Similarly, criminal elements have also entered into the social panchayat system for their vested interests. They changed the right decision or prejudice the judgment taken. Therefore, the relevance of Khap Panchayats has declined and the faith of the people in this system is decreasing day by day. To access the ground realities 230 young persons between the age group of 20 to 22 years from different villages of different districts were interviewed to know their interests towards the social panchayat system and results are presented in table 1. The Table 1 reveals that out of 230 young men from Bhiwani, Rohtak, Meham, Jhajjar, Gohana, Sonipat and Hisar district were interviewed of which 69.56per cent do not know the organization and functions of the Khap panchayats; 53.47 per cent realized the necessity of Khap Panchayat and 59.13 per cent pointed out that the decisions taken by khap panchayats as wrong decisions and. 60.87 per cent of young men have not given any suggestion for improvement of the working of Khap Panchayat which indicate that the young generation is not interested in this system as a result the importance of Khap Panchayat is declining and because of this the existence of Khap Panchayat is in danger. Similarly some people of above 60 years of age were also interviewed. This group of people favoured the social panchayats, but they


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Table 1 Haryana: Response of Young Generation about Khap Panchyats-2006

Y = Yes, N = No, R = Right, W = Wrong Based on field survey – 2006.

do not support their decisions. During the extended discussions about Khap Panchayat of different gotra-blocks, the old men asserted for revision or reformation of the organization of khap panchayats and their functions. The issue was also discussed with the Chiefs of various khap Panchyats e.g. Chaudhry Surat Singh of Chaubisi Khap Meham advocated in favour of their organization by asserting that the Khaps are the oldest social institutions of our state and play a very important role in providing justice and social harmony. Likewise Chaudhary Rampal Dahiya of Dahiya Khap of village Sisana favoured the khap panachayat system but accepted the problem created by the local factors, particularly by politically rejected people or the agents of different political parties. Similarly, Chaudhary Ram Sawroop of Sheoran and 84 villages khap pardhan of Loharu favoured the khap panchayat system but were disappointed with low attendance of

the members indicating declining interest of people in the panchayat. Chaudhary Rishal Singh of Sangwan 60 Khap in Bhiwani district and Chaudhary Rajinder Dalal of Dalal Khap and Chaudhary Iswar Singh of 84 Khap Rohtak also favoured the continuity of khap panchayat system by improving the structure and organization of the Khap Panchayat. Almost all the chieftains, interviewed, accepted the declining interest and indifferent attitude of people towards the Khap Panchayat System. Conclusion Khap panchayats are socially sanctioned system in Haryana that work for the security, dispensation of justice, equality and social harmony in the past. But today these khap panchayats have turned in to a gotra/ clan panchayats and their decisions are related to sagotra, inter- gotra and inter-caste marriages.

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Other social problems are not discussed and solved by them today. Khap panchayats are dominated by the elderly members of Jat community where participation of youths is minimal and women conspicuously absent. The decisions taken by khap pancayats /sarva khap panchayat are invaribaly criticized by the mass media, some individuals, intellectuals who consider some of the decisions of khap panchyats as violation of human rights. The Government functionaries and judiciary are also not in favour of the decisions/fatwas of the khap panchayats but the sentiments of people are attached with these social institutions and their decisions. Hence there is social conflict between the gotras, castes, generations, government administration and khap chieftains. Old generation desires to improve the organization and internal functions of the khap panchayats. But the opportunist politicians with vested interest have politicized its functioning. However the modernized young generation and the educated lot have little interest in the motivated functioning of these social institutions. It is disturbing to note is that both the government and the intelligentsia have not taken initiative in restricting the unjustified decisions of khap panchayats. Therefore, it has acted as extra judicial body that restricts even the functioning of the statutory panchayats. Unless, the government functionaries, social leaders, and the intellectuals take interest in mobilizing the villagers in the line of changing situations, the khap panchayats may become an arena of vested interest of handful of the politicians to serve their sectarian interest.

“Caste Panchayats and the Policy of Marriage in Haryana : Enforcing Kinship and Territorial Exogamy”,The International Sociology Journal, pp.714. Chaudhary,D.R (1906): “Khap Panchayats Out of Tune With the Time” The Tribune Chandigarh, January 28,2006. H.T.Correspondent (2009): “Bring SPL Law to Deal With Khap Meet” The Hindustan Times New Delhi, August10, 2009. Rajlasksmi, T.K. (2005): “Caste In justice” Frontline, May, 6, 2005 p.51 Sarware Satvir (2009- A): “Gotra Row: Sarva Khap for Mild Punishment” The Hindu August 10,2009 Sarware Satvir (2009): “ Jat Meet for Change in Hindu Marriage Act” The Hindustan Times, New Delhi, September7, 2009 Saini Ravinder (2009): “Gotra Row: Sarva Khap Revises Exile Verdict” The Tribune New Delhi August 10, 2009. Sharma Samin and Mohan Raman (2003): “Are Khap Panchyats Necessary”? The Tribune, Chandigarh, April 17, 2003 Staff Reporter (2009): “Khap panchayats Reign Supreme in Haryana Villages”, The Hindu, July 26, 2009 .

References Captain Singh,Dilip,.(1988): Jaat Veeron Ka Itihas, Arya printing press,Dayanand Math Rohtak. Chowdhry, Prem,(2001):

Dr. Inder Singh Lecturer in Geography S.J.K. College, Kalanaur District Rohtak Haryana

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ADMINISTRATIVE READJUSTMENTS AND CHANGING FACE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH: A GEOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE D.D. Sharma Ashwani Kumar

Abstract Administrative geography of Himachal Pradesh has been a saga of several territorial surgeries and shuffling. This hill state has a colonial past and since its formation on April 15th, 1948 it has undergone a number of administrative readjustments and alterations. This process has been of merger of new areas and realignment of internal boundaries. This resulted into gradual increase in the geographical area of the state along with changing territorial expressions. The entire course of administrative realignment was not an arbitrary or spontaneous process but it was the interplay of various cultural, politico-historical and geographical factors. In the present study, administrative history of Himachal Pradesh since 1872 to 2001 has been examined from a geographical perspective using administrative maps of different time periods prepared by Census of India. This study is primarily focused on changing nature of administrative boundaries in Himachal Pradesh.

Introduction The evidences of human occupancies in the Himalayan region can be traced back to two million years ago. As the time passed, primitive human groups organized themselves into tribal republics, which were called janapadas in Sanskrit literature. These were both a state and a cultural unit. There is a reference in the Mahabharata about four famous janapadas existing at that time in the Himalayas namely Audambara, Trigarta, Kuluta and Kunindas (Singh, 1997).This is also verified by Panini in his Ashtadhayi. Thus the emergence of janapadas signified the birth of administrative geography in the history of Himachal Pradesh. This was the time when primitive man learnt to call a geographical space as their own territory. This geographical space was separated from

those of other communities which might be friendly or hostile to them. The cultural landscape of Himachal Pradesh witnessed emergence of numerous princely states of varying size however, most of them have been very small. There was no single powerful empire or dynasty which could control all the princely states. Due to this fact, the political matrix of Himachal Pradesh has always been fragmented and the present geographical manifestation of Himachal Pradesh could never be experienced in the ancient and medieval times. Thus, the present geographical extent (Fig.1) of Himachal Pradesh is the outcome of the interplay of various social, cultural, political and historical processes in the last 200 years.

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ADMINISTRATIVE READJUSTMENTS AND CHANGING FACE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH

Rationale of the study The geographical personality of Himachal Pradesh depicts a rich physiographical and cultural diversity. The physio-cultural diversities have been of paramount significance in shaping the political units of the state since ancient times. In the discipline of geography, physiographic and cultural aspects have been recognized as a vital tool and basis for regional studies. In Himachal Pradesh, physiographic contours have also played a great deal in socio-political arena even after attaining the present shape. The state of Himachal Pradesh has always been haunted as old and new Himachal and with the change of the political seats of the government the debate of old and new Himachal catches fire which undermines the evolution and entity of this hill state. The present study is an attempt to comprehend the administrative history of Himachal Pradesh from a geographical and regional perspective. Data and Methodology Present study is primarily based on secondary data extracted from Administrative Atlas published by Census of India in the year of 2005. Beside this some official documents and books have also been consulted to validate and substantiate the historical facts. This is a descriptive as well as analytical research wherein administrative maps of different time periods have been described from a geographical perspective using cartographic techniques. Along with it an effort has been made to identify various factors which have influenced the changing administrative geography of Himachal Pradesh. Administrative Divisions in 1872 The state of Himachal Pradesh started taking a territorial expression only after the coming of the British people. After the defeat of

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Gurkhas in 1815, British started organizing the state of Himachal Pradesh (Mittu, 2002). They kept the princely state of Chamba, Mandi, Suket, Bilaspur, Sirmoor, Bushehr and its feudatories under their indirect control by giving them internal autonomy by singing 'Sanads' (a written document) in 1862 (Singh,1997) while the Kangra, Kullu and Lahul and Spiti were put under the direct control due to their strategic importance (Fig. 2). So this was the spatial arrangement of administrative units during the formative period of British raj in Himachal Pradesh. Administrative Divisions in 1951 After India became free there was a demand from some quarters for the merger of the hill states with the East Punjab; but it was met with vehement opposition from the rulers as well as people due to distinct cultural identity of the hill region. Solan Constituent Assembly meeting of January 1948 could not bring any desirable results on account of adamant attitude of the rulers. The political forces of East Punjab were earnestly advocating for its merger with Punjab but Pt. Nehru and Sardar Patel rejected this idea recognizing the distinct entity of this hill region. They felt an intensive effort for development as an important consideration to keep it a separate political unit. (Singh, 1997). The state of Himachal Pradesh came into existence on April 15, 1948 as a Chief Commissioner's province. It was formed by merger of 26 Shimla hill states and 4 Punjab hill states. In 1951, Himachal Pradesh was divided into four districts of Chamba, Mandi, Mahasu and Sirmour .The state of Bilaspur was an independent entity during that time.(Fig. 3). Erstwhile princely states of Chamba and Sirmour became district Chamba and Sirmour respectively. Mandi district was formed by merging areas of former Mandi and Suket states. Mahasu district was organized by

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grouping of 26 Shimla hill states viz. Bushehr, Khaneti, Daleth, Keonthal, Koti, Theog, Madhan, Ghund, Kumarsain, Mahlog, Dhami, Balsan, Kuthar, Kunihar, Beja, Darkoti, Tharoch, Mangal, Bhajji, Jubbal, Rawingarh, Ratesh, Bhaghat, Baghal, Dhadi and Sangri (Thakur, 1997). At the time of its formation the total geographical area of Himachal Pradesh was 25829 sq. km. (Jaret, 2006). Administrative Divisions in 1961 In 1953, the Government of India constituted State Reorganization Commission in order to determine the political boundaries of the states. It is worth mentioning that the State Reorganisation Commission in its report, submitted on September 30, 1955 recommended the merger of Himachal Pradesh with the neighbouring state of Punjab, though the commission chairman Fazal Ali was personally against this move due to distinct identity of culture, religion, ethnic diversity, and history of Himachal Pradesh (Attri, 2000). In 1961, the state of Himachal Pradesh was comprised of six districts of Chamba, Mandi, Bilaspur, Mahasu, Sirmur and Kinnaur (Fig. 4). Part 'C' state of Bilaspur was merged into Himachal Pradesh on July 1, 1954 and became the fifth district. Kinnaur, the sixth district of Himachal Pradesh was carved out of Mahasu district in 1960. Mahasu was the largest district and Bilaspur was the smallest one in terms of geographical area. With the merger of Bilaspur the total area of the state increased to 28192 sq. km. (Jaret, 2006). Administrative Divisions in 1971 Himachal Pradesh attained its full statehood on Jan 25, 1971 and became the 18th state of the union of India. Due to Reorganization of Punjab States Act 1966, drastic jurisdictional changes were experienced after 1961. This Act was mainly aimed at

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consolidation of the geographically fragmented territories of both the states of Punjab and Himachal Pradesh. Chamba district of Himachal Pradesh was lying far away from rest of the Himachal Pradesh. Similarly some parts of Punjab were lying between the geographical limits of Himachal Pradesh. On November 1st, 1966 four districts of Punjab state viz. Lahul and Spiti, Kullu, Kangra and Simla were merged in Himachal Pradesh (Punjab State Reorganisation Act, 1966). With the integration of these districts 27263 sq.km area was transferred from Punjab and the total geographical area of Himachal Pradesh was increased to 55,673 sq. km. (Jaret, 2006). In 1971, there were ten districts in Himachal Pradesh viz. Chamba, Kangra, Kullu, Lahul and Spiti, Kinnaur, Mandi, Bilaspur, Mahasu, Simla and Sirmaur (Fig. 5). These were further divided into 40 tehsils 13 sub-tehsils. Administrative Divisions after Statehood In 1972, once again, some alterations were made in district boundaries and in this process Mahasu district lost its entity. It was, renamed as Shimla district. A new district Solan was also carved out of Mahasu district. Besides this, two new districts of Una and Hamirpur were carved out from Kangra district. Thus it was only in 1972 the final alignment of the administrative boundaries get materialized. The total number of districts was twelve (Fig. 6). After 1972 no alterations have been made in the district boundaries till date. Lahul and Spiti with 24.85 per cent of the total area is the largest district and Hamirpur (2 per cent) is the smallest district of the state. The administrative changes of Himachal Pradesh were not arbitrarily done, but there have been several factors which influenced the existing alignment of administrative boundaries. Some of these factors which have played an important role in


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the administrative and geographical history of the state have been discussed as under: 1. Cultural Factors The culture of an area acts as both uniting and divisive forces because the people of any area are very conscious about their culture. Cultural factors played a predominant role in shaping the district boundaries in Himachal Pradesh. Religion and dialects are the two most important factors responsible for it. In the north-eastern part of the state the IndoTibetan contact zone presents the influence of socio-religious modes of Tibetan Buddhism while along the southern fringe, the Indian plains has brought in the influence of more universalized Hindu faith (Joshi, 1984). In fact culture is the outcome of man's interactions with his physical environment. Influence of physical environment is more in the areas where the, level of technological advancement is low e.g. Lahul and Spiti and Kinnaur. The peculiar culture of these two districts is attributed to its typical geographical conditions. Due to very harsh climate, rugged topography and isolation from the outer world such a distinct culture has evolved in this region. The districts of Lahul and Spiti and Kinnaur have been created on the basis of their distinct cultural identity. Both of the districts have a strong influence of Buddhistic culture and hence created as two separate districts. Likewise, the influence of dialect can be observed in the other districts. For instance Mandyali in Mandi, Chamyali in Chamba, Kehluri in Bilaspur, Pahari in Shimla etc. Thus dialects have also their bearing on the formation of administrative units in Himachal Pradesh. 2. Politico-historical Factors As mentioned earlier, that Himachal Pradesh was comprised of several small

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principalities during the ancient times. These princely states were distinct political units with a close social and political relationship with their subjects due to single administrative structure. After the formation of Himachal Pradesh, the princely states of Chamba, Mandi, Sirmur, Bushehr, Bilaspur, Kullu were organized as the districts of Chamba, Mandi, Sirmaur, Mahasu, Bilaspur and Kullu respectively. Thus political and historical factors have also influenced the formation of district boundaries. 3. Physical barriers It is a well established fact the physical barriers such as mountain ranges, rivers, deserts etc. affects the culture of a region and function as physical, cultural and administrative divides. The lofty mountain ranges and the rivers have served as natural boundaries of administrative units. The Pir Panjal range separates the district of Lahul and Spiti from Kullu, Chamba and Kangra districts. The great Himalayan range forms the boundary between Kullu and Lahul and Spiti districts. Likewise, Nag Tibba range forms boundary between Sirmour and Shimla districts and Dhauladhar range makes the boundary between districts of Mandi and Kullu. The river Satluj forms the boundary between Kullu and Shimla, Kullu and Mandi and Mandi and Solan districts. Similarly the river Beas makes the boundary between Kangra and Hamirpur and Kullu and Mandi districts in some parts. The river Giri forms the boundary between Shimla and Sirmour districts. Similarly, Yamuna and Tons river separates Himachal Pradesh from the neighbouring state of Utterakhand. Thus the physical barriers have also played a paramount role in determining the administrative boundaries in Himachal Pradesh.


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Conclusion The administrative history of Himachal Pradesh has been the history of small local principalities in the ancient and medieval periods and British rule in the modern period. Since the formation of the state on April 15th, 1948 several alignments and realignments have been made in internal and external boundaries of the state. During its formative period Himachal Pradesh was an administratively fragmented political unit. Transfer of some hilly regions from Punjab state with the enactment of Punjab States Reorganization Act, 1966 was a landmark development in the administrative history of Himachal Pradesh. On this date, the state of Himachal Pradesh attained its complete geographical expression. Though some internal reshuffling of boundaries was made in 1972 but the outer limits of the state remained intact. Thus in the year of 1972 the state attained its present administrative shape. For the purpose of delimitation of district boundaries cultural, political, historical and physical factors have played a significant role. Along with it regional aspirations of the people have also been recognized by the state and have been accommodated cautiously in the process of realignment of administrative units and to uphold the unity and integrity of the state. Thus in spite of the futile debate on Old and New or Upper and Lower Himachal this hill state has remained resilient and consistently treading the path of development. References Attri, R. (2000): Introduction to Himachal Pradesh, Sarla Publications Shimla. pp. 100-107.

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Jaret, M. (2006): Geography of Himachal Pradesh, Indus Publication Company, New Delhi. pp 15-16. Joshi, K.L. (1984): Geography of Himachal Pradesh, National Book Trust, India. pp 43-44. Mittu, H.K. (2002): Himachal Pradesh, National Book Trust, India, pp. 36 Singh, M.G. (1997): Himachal Pradesh, History Culture and Economy, Minarwa Book House, Shimla. pp. 136. Thakur, M.R. (1997): Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Himachal Pradesh, Indus Publishing Company, New Delhi. pp.24. Sources of Data Directorate of Census Operations, Himachal Pradesh: Administrative Atlas, (2005): Census of India pp. 4-17. Government of India, Ministry of Law,Punjab State Reorganization Act (1966): pp. 3-4.

Dr. D.D.Sharma Associate Professor Department of Geography Himachal Pradesh University Shimla. Ashwani Kumar Senior Research Fellow Department of Geography Himachal Pradesh University Shimla.

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MAP SERIES-II LITERACY IN PUNJAB AND HARYANA- 2001 R. C. Chandna Indian census considers a person as literate if he/she can both read and write in any language. That is why, literacy rates in India are calculated excluding 0-6 age group of population. There is no denying the fact that India is still in the midst of its literacy transition. Consequently, the country is characterised by low but improving literacy rates. Accordingly only 64.8 per cent of the country's population could be classified as literate in 2001. The study region, however, had 68.8 per cent of its population as literate. One notable feature of India's population is that the females lag far behind the males in term of literacy. While three out of every four males could read and write in the study area, the corresponding figure for the females was about two out of every four (Table 1). Such male- female differentials in literacy were the product of the country's history and its socio-economic-political milieu. Largely farmbased economic setup , general poverty, castebased social structure, prejudices against female's mobility, education, and employment, limited facilities for schooling, poor infrastructure in schools, proxy teachers, high incidence of dropouts and child marriages are some of the factors that may have contributed to the slow pace of literacy transition in the country. Added to the list was one most prominent factor of high rate of natural increase of population that keeps on adding large number of illiterates every year. Punjab-Haryana region constitutes one

of the most progressive areas in the country. Therefore, it is natural to expect this study region to have literacy rates better than the national averages. While 68.8 per cent of the region's population was recorded literate, the corresponding figures for males and females were 76.7 per cent and 59.9 per cent respectively. These were only marginally above the respective national averages. The literacy rates for the study region could have been much higher than the national averages but for the inmigration of illiterate labourers from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh etc. and out migration of literate population from the region to other regions of the country as well as Western countries in search of greener pastures. Similarly, while the general literacy in Punjab (69.65 per cent) was slightly higher than that in Haryana (67.91 per cent), the intraregional variations in literacy (persons, males, females) in Haryana were far less than that encountered in Punjab. In case of Punjab, the highest literacy was 79.8 Per cent (Hoshiarpur district), and the lowest literacy was only 52.4 per cent (Mansa district)-a percentile difference of 27.4 per cent. By comparison, in case of Haryana, the highest literacy was 75.3 per cent (Ambala district) and the lowest literacy was 57.98 per cent (Fatehabad district) -a percentile difference of only 17.32 per cent, which was much less than that in Punjab (27.4 per cent). Haryana had for long been comparatively less developed part of the Punjab plains. But it seems that the socio- economic advancement in

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Source: Census of India (2001) State Primary Census Abstract of Total Population of Punjab and Haryana Table A-5

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Study Region Average: Persons-68.8 Per cent, Male-76.73 Per cent, Female-59.90 Per cent

Table 1 Punjab and Haryana Literacy Rate – 2001 (Excluding 0-6 Age Group)

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recent decades in Haryana has been responsible for the state's improving literacy rates and squeezing spatial variations in literacy. By contrast, in case of Punjab the typical migration pattern mentioned earlier has contributed to the state's slow progress on the literacy front as well as to the widening of regional differences in literacy within the state. Three maps included here depict the spatial pattern of general literacy (Map 1), male literacy (Map 2), and female literacy (Map 3) in the study region. The most obvious observation from these maps is that south-west to north-east and west to east gradient in literacy levels is too vivid on all the three maps but most prominent is in case of female literacy. As one moves from west to east or from south-west to north-east, the literacy levels improve gradually-being lowest in the west and south-west and highest in the east and north-east. Bist-Doab in Punjab has had a long time tradition for immigration to the Western countries and has not only been but also continues to be the most literate part of the state. Aspirations for moving to the wonderlands of the West have been nurtured for too long in case of Bist-Doab area, though the other regions of the state have also started looking towards the West recently. Similarly, areas on the eastern margins of the study region all along the National Highway No 1, which have recently emerged as areas of concentration of non-agricultural economic activity, too show high literacy rates. So has been the case with such districts of Haryana that lie within the National Capital Region and thus have benefited from their proximity to the national capital. The city of Chandigarh in the north-east that has emerged as an educational centre of international repute apart from being

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the administrative headquarters of three political units namely Punjab and Haryana states and the union territory of Chandigarh ,too has served as the catalytic agent in promoting literacy within its close proximity. However it may be of some interest to note that while in Haryana the low male literacy was confined to Kaithal, Fatehabad and Sirsa districts, in case of Punjab the low male literacy levels were much more widespread covering all the districts in south-west Punjab. By comparison, low female literacy areas were equally widespread both in Punjab and Haryana- covering south-west halves of both the states. However, female literacy was comparatively higher in Punjab. The general gradient of literacy in the study region, thus, seems to be the product of the spatial pattern of female literacy in the region. Finally, the tradition of long term emigration, the tradition of service in armed forces, proximity to national capital, emergence of Chandigarh as administrative and educational centre of grate importance, increasing concentration of industrial activity all along the National Highway N0 1, progressive policies of the governments for promoting female literacy, differences in the status of the two sexes, poor infrastructure in schools, proxy teachers, incidence of child marriage etc. have made their own contribution to the literacy levels as well as their spatial patterns prevailing in the study region. R. C. Chandna Professor (Retd.) Department of Geography, Punjab University, Chandigarh

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ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF CHASHMA RIGHT BANK CANAL ON THE LAND USE AND AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES OF DERA ISMAIL KHAN DISTRICT, PAKISTAN Doctoral Dissertation Abstract (2008) Author: Atta-Ur- Rahman Supervisor: Dr. Amir Nawaz Khan Department of Geography, Urban & Regional Planning, University of Peshawar, Pakistan

This study attempts to evaluate the environmental impacts of Chashma Right Bank Canal (CRBC) on the land use and agricultural resources of Dera Ismail Khan (D.I.Khan) district, Pakistan. It is the southern most district of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and stretches between 31 15' to 32 32' North latitude and 70 11' to 71 20' East longitude. D.I.Khan district is bounded on the north by Marwat, Bhittani and Shirani hills, while Suliman Mountain lies in its west. The Indus River and Vehowa stream form the natural boundary to the East and South, respectively. The climate of D.I.Khan is characterized by long hot summer and short cool winter. D.I.Khan district has a total reported area of 730,575 hectare (ha), out of which 236,371 ha was cultivated, 3,908 ha under forest, 132,487 ha uncultivated and large share of about 357,809 ha was cultivable waste, during 2003-2004. Primarily, the main form of agriculture was Barani (rainfed) followed by Rod Kohi (hill torrent irrigatted). Although, small areas around western tributaries such as Tank Zam, Gomal Zam, Sheikh Haider Zam, Chowdwan Zam and Daraban Zam have surface irrigation. Canal irrigation to a greater extent became possible after the inception of CRBC.

Work on the Chashma Right Bank Irrigation Project (CRBIP) started in 1984 and was subsequently completed in three stages during 2003. The ultimate goal of CRBIP was to enhance agricultural productivity, employment opportunities and alleviate poverty. CRBC is 272 Km long canal, traversing over the two provinces i.e. 170 Km in NWFP and 102 Km in Punjab. The CRBC commands 250,000 ha, out of this 61 per cent lies in D.I.Khan district of NWFP and remaining 39 per cent in Dera Ghazi Khan (D.G. Khan) district of Punjab Province. The CRBIP was completed in three stages i.e. stage I, II and stage III. Stage I, II and a part of stage III falls in D.I.Khan district and remaining part of stage III falls in D.G. Khan District. The CRBC commands only left bank area as the slope is from west to east. This study is a sort of ex - post impact evaluation of CRBIP. It attempts to answer the question that what are the environmental impacts of CRBC on the land use and agricultural resources of D.I.Khan district. The major objectives of the study were firstly, to find out the socio-economic and physical environment of D.I.Khan district; secondly, to analyse the land utilization and irrigation pattern before and after commissioning of

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CRBC; thirdly, to compare changes in the cropping pattern and cropping intensity pre and post CRBC; fourthly, to find out the environmental impacts of CRBC on the agricultural production, land values, mechanization, fertilizer and water-table; finally, to suggest recommendations for mitigating the adverse impacts of CRBC on the land use and agricultural resources. To carry out this study, nine indicators which included land use, cropping pattern, cropping intensity, land value, agricultural production, irrigation, mechanization of agriculture, application of fertilizer and ground water-table were selected. To achieve the objectives of the study the data were collected both from primary and secondary sources. Data pertaining to selected variables for pre and post CRBC period were collected for all 384 villages, which covered the whole district. However, to conduct more intensive analysis, five sample villages, four from CRBC command area i.e. Jarra, Gomal, Buchariand and Chera and one off the CRBC command area i.e. Khudaka were randomly selected to get clear picture of CRBC impacts at micro-level. The collected data were analysed using computer based statistical techniques, and Geographical Information System (GIS). The data were finally presented in the form of maps, statistical diagrams and tables for analysis. The analysis reveals that there had been widespread anthropogenic reconstruction of the environment, with the advent of large-scale intensive canal irrigation in the arid tract of D.I.Khan district. These changes were both positive and negative and vary from short to long-term on local and regional level. The study found that after CRBC cultivated land had increased particularly in the CRBC command area. Similarly, in the CRBC command area, extensive cultivable waste land has been brought under cultivation, but no significant

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impacts reported from outside the CRBC command area. The analysis also indicates that cultivable land has also been brought under non-agricultural uses, mainly because of physical expansion of settlements, emergence of new settlements, industries, construction of roads, canals etc. which are not according to the land suitability. This is an irreversible change of the land use in this canal-irrigated region. The analysis further revealed that area under irrigation gradually increased, after 1969-70. Comparison of pre and post CRBC conditions of canal irrigated area also reveals a net positive change of 10.77 per cent of the total reported area. This large-scale increase in the canal-irrigated area is attributed to the inception of CRBC. Likewise, the micro level analysis showed that after CRBC a positive change has been occurred in the canal irrigated acreage of Gomal, Buchari and Chera villages. Contrary to this, in sample village Khudaka no significant impact of CRBC on the irrigation pattern was detected. It indicates that in the CRBC command area there has been considerable enhancement in the canal irrigation, after the inception of CRBC project. After the advent of CRBC, acreage under both Kharif and Rabi crops has improved. The analysis revealed that positive changes have occurred in Kharif crops like rice, sugarcane, pulses, orchards and vegetables. Contrary to this, negative changes were registered in sorghum, millet, oilseed, barley and maize. Similarly, prior to the inception of CRBC, wheat, barley, pulses and fruits were the dominant crops grown in the district. However, after CRBC a positive change was recorded in wheat, pulses and fruit, whereas negative changes occurred in barley and oilseed. This indicates that in the CRBC command area, farmer mostly switched over to more productive and water loving crops such as rice, sugarcane and orchard. It is evident that in the

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present cropping system new water loving crops have been introduced as a result of CRBC. The analysis further revealed that after the advent of CRBC, the cropping intensity was also gradually increased in the CRBC command area. It was found from the microlevel analysis that the rate of cropping intensity has been rapid in stage III as compared to that of stages I and II of CRBC project. It was also found that with the inception of CRBC, there had not only been gradual increase in the cultivated area, but per hectare yield also improved to a greater extent. All these developments have improved the socioeconomic situation particularly in the CRBC command area. Moreover, the land values in the CRBC command villages were increased at a rapid pace, whereas outside the CRBC command area impact on the land value was found insignificant. The study also found that

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besides all these beneficial impacts, the introduction of canal irrigation has raised the ground water-table particularly in the CRBC command area. The study found that engulfing of prime agricultural land by the built up area, lack of proper crop selection, absence of sub-surface drainage, irrational irrigation practices and the rapid rise in the water-table particularly in the canal irrigated tract were causing the environmental degradation. In the CRBC command area, such environmental changes were occurring and would continue to occur in the large area. This situation if not taken care of well in time might pose serious threat to the environment in the near future.This study, however, provides policy guidelines for ameliorating the negative consequences of CRBIP. It may help the decision-makers to avoid repeating the weaknesses of CRBIP in the proposed and future irrigation schemes.

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October 2009

GROUNDWATER AND AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN NORTH-EASTERN HARYANA (1970-2003) Doctoral Dissertation Abstract (2008) Author: Daljit Kaur Supervisor: Dr.Vijay Kumar Sharma Department of Geography, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra

At present India has achieved selfsufficiency in food production. Haryana is one of the leading states in the development of agriculture of the country. The main factor behind this development is the role played by non-physical factor i.e. irrigation. The use of available water resources whether surface water or sub-surface water for irrigation can increase the agricultural production to meet the needs of increasing population. The study area (Ambala, Punchkula and Yamunanagar districts) having developing agrarian economy lies in the north-eastern part of Haryana. Its east-west extent has enriched it in topographic variety i.e. hills, dissected rolling plain and alluvial plain. The subtropical continental monsoon climate of the study area makes the agricultural dependent on irrigation because, the rainfall is generally unreliable in space, amount and time. The main objectives of the present study are; to highlight the various aspects of groundwater; to analyse the development of water resources; to study the dynamics of agricultural development and; to study the socio-economic structure of the farming community. These objectives have been achieved by collecting and analysing block level groundwater data pertaining to its depth-

fluctuations, quality and potentialities for the future development of the study region and to determine the impact of over exploitation of groundwater. To find out agricultural development, the study region was divided into 56 enumeration units. These enumeration units have been selected through systematic sampling method. The study runs for a period from 1970-2003. Primary data at field level and secondary data at village level have also been collected from various agencies. Major Observations Due to over drafting for irrigation through tube wells, groundwater is depleting at a very faster rate. Maximum depth of groundwater was recorded (17.16 metre) in June 2003 in Barwala block, which is followed by Pinjore block. Barwala block is situated in piedmonts and Pinjore block is situated in hills, therefore steep hydraulic gradient is the main cause for this lower level of groundwater in these blocks. In the alluvial plain the depth of water table was 11.29 metre as recorded by Chhachrauli block in June 2003. All the blocks of the study area have recorded negative fluctuations except Ambala block, which also uses canal water for irrigation along with tube well water. An assessment of

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groundwater budget shows that the level of exploitation of groundwater has reached its maximum i.e. 96 per cent in Yamunanagar district and thus it is put under grey category. Ambala and Punchkula districts are under white category with 68 and 52 per cent level of exploitations of groundwater respectively. The quality of groundwater is within safe limit with low mineralization. The electrical conductivity ranges between 248 and 2000 micro-hmos/cm. The entire study region has good quality of fresh groundwater. During the last thirty years there has been over exploitation of ground water resources. Since 1971, the number of tubewells has increased more than four times in the study area. The number of both shallow and deep tubewells increased from 12,060 in 1971-73 to 51,564 in 2000-03. The density of tube wells has increased from 0.1/km² in 1970-71 to 11.6/km² in 2000-01 in the study area. This enhanced the irrigated area by about eight folds from 1970-73 to 2000-03. The extent of irrigation has increased from 19.06 per cent to 84.14 per cent during the reference period. Irrigation sources directly affect the cropping pattern, cropping intensity and crop combination. An increased irrigation facility has changed the cropping pattern of the study area. Most of the area is under double or multiple cropping systems. Intensity of cropping in study area has increased from 175.72 to 193.09 per cent during the study period. Analysis of the data suggests change in cropping pattern from coarse food grain to fine food grain and cash crops like sugarcane. In 1970-73 seven types of crop combinations were common but in 2000-03 only three types of crop combinations were generally practiced. This shows the tendency of specialisation in cropping pattern in the study area. High positive co-efficient of correlation between area under major crops and depth to

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groundwater level was found in 2003. It has been found that when area under rice and sugarcane increases the depth of water level also increases. In post monsoon period the correlation found to be stronger (0.825) as compared to pre monsoon (0.711) period. It is assumed that in monsoon season there is more recharge of surface flow as compared to premonsoon season. But due to more discharge of groundwater through tubewells for rice and sugarcane cultivation (water demanding crops) groundwater is continuously depleting. High positive co-efficient of correlation between number of tubewells and depth of groundwater was found in 2003 indicating that as the number of tubewells increases the level of groundwater decreases. This correlation is stronger in post monsoon season because more groundwater is withdrawn for Kharif crops (rice and sugar cane) cultivation. Jagadhri, Radaur and Mustfabad blocks are over exploited and fall under grey category. These blocks are located in central part of the study area where rice, wheat and sugarcane are dominating crops and occupy more than 85 per cent of agricultural land. These blocks have fallen under grey category and do not have potentials for future development of water resources. Ambala, Naraingarh and Shahzadpur, Pinjore, and Barwala blocks are in safe limit and fall in white category. Three sample villages have been selected for detailed investigation of economic status of the farmers. In all three sampled villages marginal-sized farms achieve less profit with low input cost. Large-size farms also attain less profit because they paid less attention to their farms. In sugarcane cultivation they achieve more profit than other crops. Small and medium-size farms achieve maximum profit in all crops except sugarcane. It may be due to intensive care of the cultivators. Their main motive is to get

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maximum profit. Fast depleting ground water in fresh zone of study area compelled analytical assessment of present use and future needs. Therefore, there is a need to put a check on overdraft and readjustment the cropping pattern. Crops demanding less water for irrigation should be given more acreage like, maize, gram, pulses etc. Soil and moisture

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conservation measures should be carried out by raising soil moisture content. Agro-forestry is one of the most effective and efficient measure for soil and water conservation in hilly and undulating areas. It is, therefore, imperative that the existing water supplies for irrigation and farming practices are designed in such a way that it may increase irrigation efficiency to achieve maximum farming output.

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October 2009

PATTERNS OF MIGRATION TO, FROM AND WITHIN PUNJAB: A SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE Doctoral Dissertation Abstract (2009) Author: Gaurav Kalotra Supervisor: Prof. (Mrs.) Smita Bhutani Department of Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh.

Punjab has a very long history of migration. Many civilisations and dynasties came, flourished and ultimately vanished to the vagaries of time. The proportion of migrant population to Punjab's total population has been changing consistently from 36.88 per cent in 1971, to 35.19 per cent in 1981 to 34.32 per cent in 1991 and to 37.73 per cent in 2001. It is important to mention that studies done on the geographical aspects of migration in the country as a whole have been few and far between. The paucity of such studies looks all the more conspicuous in view of the detailed census data on migration. The accomplished doctoral dissertation had intended to fill some such gaps based largely on 1991 and 2001 migration tables of Punjab and other states produced by the Census of India. District has been taken as the basic spatial unit of the study area. The study has been organised in five sections which have been further divided into a total of eleven chapters, each chapter dealing with a definite aspect of migrant population and ultimately leading to the understanding of the migrational patterns and processes in Punjab. After independence many Punjabi farmers, businessmen, industrialists and many others moved to other parts of Punjab as well as to other parts of the country and the world in pursuit of greener pastures. This out-migration

was not because of depressive conditions but for better opportunities which were available at other places. The vacuum which was created due to out-migration was filled by in-migration of people from other states after the Green Revolution. The magnitude of inter-state migration was large in case of agriculturally and industrially developed districts and vice-versa. On an average, six out of ten in-migrants to the state moved towards an urban destination in contrast to only four migrants moving to rural destination. It came out that a bulk of inmigrants (37.27 per cent) in Punjab in 2001 was constituted by rural-urban migration, while in 1991 this stream of migration had only 24.58 per cent of migrants in this stream. This sort of revelation was not expected from an agriculturally developed state like Punjab. In Punjab, as many as 34 per cent of the total migrants, recorded at the time of 1991 census and 33 per cent in 2001, had moved from one rural area to another rural area. Migrations to urban destinations in Punjab had comparatively higher element of economic motivation than the migrations to rural destinations which were dominated by socially-rooted marriage migration. Both the rural 'push' and the urban 'pull' in the former case provided the economic motivation. Considered in this context, rural to

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urban migration formed a vital segment of the migration process. The four neighbouring states namely Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, and Rajasthan are the major contributors of inter-state in-migrants to Punjab. From these four states the absolute number of in-migrants has increased consistently within 1991-2001. The share of migrants from other states has also gone up during this period. Bihar is one such example from where in-migrants to Punjab have increased significantly. The trend mainly reveals that the in-migration to the state of Punjab has been primarily confined to the states in the northwestern region. This resubstantiates the fact that the volume of migration is largely related to the distance. The in-migration to Punjab from distant states has been predominantly male selective, the proportion of male in-migrants has been increasing. Whereas, from neighbouring states namely Haryana, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh the share of females has almost remained static during 1991 to 2001. The main points of arrival of migrants were along the main railway line and Grand Trunk Road. Those districts through which these two passed had the highest number of inmigrants. Large number of in-migrants were going to Ludhiana, Patiala and Rupnagar districts. Migrants were concentrated in areas of agricultural development and those urban centres which were experiencing rapid development in industry, commerce and service activities whereas migrants were least concentrated in areas with very large landholdings. The socio-economic profile of the inmigrants to Punjab has provided an insight in the demographic profile as well as the quality of in-migrants which the state has been receiving. The analysis of sex ratio of the in-migrant population revealed that more female in-

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migrants were coming to Punjab than males, but this pattern changed in 2001, the proportion of male migrants increased and that of female in-migrants decreased. The examination of the age structure of the migrants revealed that majority of the migrants belonged to 19-29 age groups. A major proportion of the migrant labour force working in the industrial and agricultural sectors of Punjab hailed from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan. They were attracted to Punjab because of better employment opportunities and higher wages than in their native states. Migrants are not only employed in agriculture and the industrial sector, but in other occupations too, such as building and road construction, brick making, rickshaw pulling, etc. Most of these migrants are males. It needs special mention that a large number of these migrants are permanent settlers in Punjab as a part of urban and rural settlements. The large numbers of out-migrants from Punjab were going to the neighbouring states and union territories of Haryana, Delhi, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Chandigarh and Himachal Pradesh, and majority of them were females and the reason for their migration was marriage and moved with family or the associational reasons. The maximum number of migrants was going to the neighbouring states, particularly to those states where there were very old predefined streams of outmigration from Punjab. Majority of the outmigrations took place more than 20 years ago. The out-migration to the other states has been almost negligible. The large number of out-migrants from Punjab had been moving in urban to urban stream and the other important stream of outmigration from Punjab is the rural to rural stream. The rural to rural stream gained more numbers during 1991-2001 inter-censal period.

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The change was more in the number of females than the males, thus it can be deduced that during the decade of 1991-2001 more females from the rural areas of Punjab were married to the Punjabi males settled in other states and union territories of India. There was a decline in the urban to urban stream indicating that employment opportunities for Punjabi people in the urban areas declined during the intercensal decade of 1991-2001.The migration from Punjab to other states and union territories of India is not individual migration it is family migration a fact which was established by the study of out-migrants by age. The inter-district stream of migration was dominated by females during both the censuses of 1991 and 2001 and the proportion of female migrants has been increasing from 1971 to 2001 whereas that of male migrants has been declining. The outstanding reason for migration is marriage migration and it usually takes place between the rural or urban areas near the boundaries of the districts, seldom is

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there a marriage migration between two extremes of the districts. The number of intra-district migrants in Punjab was much higher than the inter-district migrants during both the censuses under study. The intra-district migration was again dominated by females, interestingly, quite contrary to the intra-district migration stream the proportion of females declined from 1971 to 2001 in inter-district migration stream. More than 70 per cent of the intra-district migration was confined to the rural to rural stream of migration. To a large extent, migration is a beneficial process, not only for individuals, but also for communities and nations. While new economic opportunities meet the livelihood needs of migrating individuals and their families, their remittances play a crucial role in strengthening the economy of their states. Migrant remittances are indeed a major source of income for the states from where migrants arrive.

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October 2009

TRENDS IN REGIONAL DISPARITIES IN INDIA SINCE INDEPENDENCE: A GEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS Doctoral Dissertation Abstract (2009) Author: Ripudaman Singh Supervisor: Dr. Gopal Krishan Professor Emeritus Department of Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh, 2009

The research dissertation examined the issue of regional disparities in India from a spatio-temporal perspective as an exercise in development geography. The basic preposition was that underdevelopment and large scale inequalities in India were rooted in its historical past, especially the colonial phase, and the issue had not been adequately addressed in the postindependence period. This study was motivated by a contemporary debate on the impact of the New Economic Policy on regional disparities in India. In the light of the above, the main objectives of the study were: to analyze the trends in and patterns of regional disparities in India; to trace the historical roots of these disparities; to assess the efficacy of government policies in resolving the issue of regional disparities; and to offer a critique on the impact of the New Economic Policy in this context. On the basis of the aforesaid objectives, the following research questions were framed: What were the patterns of regional disparities during different periods of Indian history and to what extent did these persist after independence? How far were the successive Five Year Plans successful in the reduction of these disparities? How has the New Economic Policy impacted upon the regional disparities in India? Which model best explains the evolving

scenario of regional disparities in India? Considering the required parameters appropriate methodology was evolved and four indicators namely, population above poverty line, female literacy, rural non-agricultural workers and urbanization were deemed appropriate. These were meant to represent the four most critical dimensions of development in the Indian context that is economic, social, rural development and overall modernization respectively. The district was taken as the basic spatial unit. Each indicator was assessed in terms of its relative weight and applied to the data to arrive at a composite index. Standard historical works were searched for tracing the historical roots of regional disparities. A perusal of successive Five Year Plans helped in underlining their specific objectives and assessing what could or could not be achieved in each case. About 300 research studies on regional disparities in India over the last more than five decades were screened to obtain research premises of available literature. The post-independence Census of India counts were also studied as were Statistical Abstracts of various states, Government Reports and publications of NonGovernment Organizations (NGOs). The study was organized into seven chapters beginning with a comprehensive introduction to the

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conceptual framework and methodology, followed by a discussion on the historical roots of regional disparities and their persistence under the Five Year Plans in the second and third chapters respectively. Chapter four provided a decade-wise comparative picture of regional disparities since independence while the fifth chapter offered a critique on the impact of the New Economic Policy on regional disparities in India. A quantitative testing of the hypotheses was carried out in chapter six while the last offered conclusive findings of the study. The evolution of a spatial framework of regional disparities in India could be understood historically through six periods of its history. Each period having peculiarities of physical environment, resource base, settlement system, transport trade routes, and internal-external linkages, embedded in its political economy. Each period made its unique contribution to shaping the patterns of regional development. Soon after Independence, the question of regional disparities became a serious concern for Indian democracy. Since the beginning of the planning process in 1951, the issue was focal in every plan document. It was voiced in the First and Second Plans while a full chapter was devoted on the theme in the Third Plan. Backward Area Development Programmes were conceived and launched during the Fourth and Fifth Plans. Removal of poverty emerged as a critical priority area in the Sixth and Seventh plans. The Ninth and Tenth plans emphasized the strengthening of Panchayati Raj Institutions and people's participation as a measure for balanced regional development. The Rashtriya Sam Vikas Yojna (Backward Area Development Programme) was launched in 2003 to develop the most backward districts in India. In terms of ranking of major states, on per capita income over the four decades since

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1951, Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, Gujarat and West Bengal held one among top five positions for all the successive decades. Punjab remained first since 1961. Karnataka made an entry into this group only during the 1989-90 period on the sliding down of West Bengal. In contrast, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Orissa were at the bottom five positions for most of the period, wherein Bihar remained last on all the counts. The economic distance between the top and bottom states increased steadily over time. On the eve of the adoption of the New Economic Policy in the early 1990's, the agriculturally advanced states of Punjab and Haryana, the industrially forward states of Gujarat and Maharashtra, and the socially progressive states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu attained still higher levels of development. None the less, the variant spatial contours of a weak heart-land and a strong periphery, backward mainland and more advanced coastal regions, and the lagging tribal belts along with the modernizing metropolises persisted. In 2001, the development map of India depicted a rather mature phase of regional disparities in India. Evolving over time, the peripheral location of developed districts was manifested in development clusters occupying four corners of India. The north-western cluster of developed districts was found in Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Chandigarh, and also in some parts of Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. Agricultural development based on irrigation, electrification, and road connectivity as well as horticulture and tourism are the main planks of higher development in this region. The southern cluster of developed districts included the states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu and their offshoots in the adjoining state of Karnataka. Here social indicators of development were very strong. The western cluster had Gujarat and Maharashtra in its

TRENDS IN REGIONAL DISPARITIES IN INDIA

ambit, where industrialization had a multiplier effect. The eastern cluster of higher level of development in India was found in the KolkataHaora conurbation and the Christian predominant area of Mizoram. The patterns of change in the spatial contours of development during 1991-2001 show marked conformity to the already existing development levels of different parts of the country. Regions at low development levels witnessed marginal change, areas of medium development recorded moderate change, while those at high levels of development registered significant change over the decade. The coastal states and mega cities received big investments during this period. The role of infrastructure, the situation of law and order, and the quality of governance played a crucial role in this regard. In a way, the post-reforms period has witnessed an accentuation of regional disparity. The New Economic Policy too favoured the already developed areas much more than the backward ones. Making a contrast with the behavior of the inter-regional or inter-state disparity, intrastate disparity declined virtually in all cases, with the sole example of Orissa. This represented efforts on the part of state governments to reduce internal disparity. In general, the performance of the southern states was superior to that of the northern states on this count. The decline was fairly pronounced in the newly formed states as also in their truncated parent states. The more developed states, which were already characterized by diffusion of the development process, recorded a lower order of decline. Reduction in intrastate disparity in virtually every case showed the increasing concern of the state governments. The less developed states were, however, constrained in terms of resources in acquiring a fast pace of development. In addition to improving the quality of their

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governance, they required huge financial support from the Central government. Decentralization of power to Panchayati Raj Institutions and urban local bodies through the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments was likely to stimulate their development process. While testing the validation of certain sets of prepositions with regard to regional disparities in India, it was found that in the case of role of diversity and quality of natural resources as a factor of development, it was not strongly validated. At the macro-level, the eastern half of India was richer in natural resources than the western half of India, but their development levels were in reverse order. The colonial experience caused the formation of two India's: one under the British and the other under the native princes. The level of development in the latter case was much lower, the index value being 82.27 against the national average of 100. It suffered misrule by rulers and was devoid of the impact of development on modern lines in most cases. The coastal districts were at a higher level of development while those along the international borders were generally backward. Collectively, the costal districts had index value of 128.8 against the 75.41 for border districts. Within each group, the pattern was further influenced by the level of development of the state in which a district was located. Border districts in more developed states were comparatively at a higher level of development than those in backward states. Similarly, coastal districts in backward states were comparatively at lower level of development than those in advanced states. The western coastal region was significantly more advanced than its eastern counterpart, the comparative index values being 110.96 and 93.86 respectively. The spread effects of the capital/million cities were not uniform. They made a strong impact in developed areas but a weak one in the backward ones. The

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development was strongly associated with the infrastructure provisions and urban-rural linkages. A positive role of planning in lowering regional disparities was confirmed. The relative amount of central fiscal transfers to states was crucial in this regard. States which received higher per capita plan outlays were noted for a higher level of development, barring the case of Special Category States. The emerging picture of regional disparities in India is, however, not so bleak. Under the impact of the New Economic Policy,

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inter-state disparities did not accentuate to the extent apprehended by researchers. Moreover, the new milieu created by this policy geared up the states towards an accelerated development. During the post-reforms phase inter-state disparities did widen but intra-state disparities narrowed down virtually in every case. It was also found that Slater's (1973) model, with some modifications, found relatively the greatest validity in explanation in regional disparities in India.

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HOUSEHOLD LEVEL WASTE MANAGEMENT IN ALIGARH CITY Doctoral Dissertation Abstract (2009) Author: Salahuddin Mohd. Supervisor: Porf. Abha Lakshmi Singh Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh

In this work, an attempt has been made to examine the 'Household Level Waste Management in Aligarh city'. The problem of waste is not only limited to larger cities but equally confined to the small and medium cities. These cities also have in plenty of overloaded bins, dump yards and overflowing choked drains. Much work has been done on the waste management in larger cities but little or no attention has been given to smaller cities. Keeping this aspect in mind Aligarh city was chosen as the study area. The focus of the thesis is to conduct in depth investigations of households belonging to different income groups from the different wards of the city. The study is mainly based on primary sources of data which have been collected through household and city survey with the help of questionnaire interviews put to respondents from the sampled households belonging to different income groups, municipal authorities and workers. Multi-stage stratified random sampling method was adopted. The sample design consisted of two stages. The first stage consisted of selection of wards from the 60 wards of Aligarh city, 16 wards were selected on the basis of their location (10 wards from old city zone and 6 wards from the civil lines zone) and population. In the second stage, 10 per cent households were sampled from each selected ward keeping

in mind that these households were from different income groups. The total sample size consisted of 3,258 households and field work was done during 2006-07. This thesis is divided into three parts and spreads over six chapters. Part one is devoted to an overview of Aligarh city. This part comprises of only one chapter in which an attempt has been made to examine the present status of population, area, solid waste and waste water and future projection for Aligarh city. The population of Aligarh city has increased from 480,520 in 1991 to 669,087 in 2001 and is likely to be 912,388 by 2011 and 1,249,352 by2021. The city area has also increased from 36.70 sq km. in 1991 to 44.82 sq. km. in 2001 and is likely to be 78.23 sq. km. by 2011 and 114.70 sq. km. by 2021 (Census of India, 2001; ADA, 2001). So it is for certain that with high rate of population growth the amount of waste generated will also increase. With the expansion of city area, the municipalities work will also increase and for this they will require more workers and better equipments to cope with the extra load. Waste generation is directly linked with population growth, urbanization, industrialization, life styles and living patterns. The city generates about 400 metric tones per day of solid waste (2008) and by 2011 solid waste generation will be 507 metric tones per day. The main sources of city waste generation

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are residential areas, commercial, industrial, hospitals / nursing homes, restaurants / hotels, drains, slaughter houses, street sweeping, demolition and construction sites. Part two is devoted to an assessment of generation, collection and disposal of household waste in Aligarh city. This part comprises of three chapters. In the second chapter an attempt has been made to examine the general characteristics (income group, religion and caste, education, employment, housing etc.) of the sampled households, the third chapter examines how households handle their solid waste and waste water (nature, amount, storage and disposal practices and final disposal). The higher income households generate more amount of waste (both biodegradable and non-biodegradable). The per capita per day solid waste generated by them is more than 1 kg. They generate maximum waste because they are a consumerist lot. Economic prosperity increases the amount of waste both in volume and weight. They are aware of the fact that if waste is not stored properly indoors it will create problems. They store the waste indoors properly in closed containers. Their neighbourhoods are neat and clean without heaps of solid waste, because of good frequency of municipal collection and disposal. The amount of water wastage was also the highest in these households. They had mostly pucca drains and were disposing their waste water into it. Since each household pay for these services to municipal workers or they employ private workers their neighbourhoods are clean. The medium income households generate lesser amount of waste than the higher income households. The per capita per day solid waste generated by them is 0.67 kg. Most of them store waste indoors in close containers. Three- fourth of the waste produced is mostly

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disposed by themselves at least once a day in the municipal waste bins or in the open plots or in the waste dumps. They reported that the huge quantities of waste dumped in their neighbourhoods is because of low frequency of waste collection and disposal by the municipality. They have pucca drains around their houses and were disposing waste water into these drains. The lower income households generate lesser amount of waste in comparison to higher and medium income households. They generate less waste because they mostly re-use their things. About 0.5 kg. of waste is generated per day per capita by the lower income households. Mostly they do not store waste indoors, either it is thrown outside or it is seen pilfered in the house. Few households store it either in open containers or in polythene bags. The frequency of disposal from the house is good because whatever waste they generates they throw it by themselves mostly on roads, or in drains or in open plots / dumps. Waste heaps can be seen in their localities because of low frequency of waste collection and disposal by the municipality. They lack proper drainage, most of the time household waste water accumulates near or around their houses. This shows that level of income and education has a close link with type of handling of households waste. In the fourth chapter an attempt has been made to examine the physical and chemical characteristics of solid waste and waste water. From the 16 sampling sites located in the residential areas 1 kg. of solid waste was collected from each site for analysis. The physical characteristics of solid waste shows that about 33 per cent comprises of vegetables, fruits and leftover food, another 33 per cent of drain silt, 10 per cent plastic, rubber and synthetic, 9 per cent of rag and jute, 8 per cent of paper and so on. The chemical analysis shows

HOUSEHOLD LEVEL WASTE MANAGEMENT IN ALIGARH CITY

that about 47 per cent of waste c Samples of waste water were also collected from the 3 different sampling sites (Sarai Rahman, Jamalpur and Kali Deh) during winter, summer and rainy season before they discharged their content into two main drains of the city. Physical analysis shows that the colour of waste water was dark grey due to sewage. Higher values of turbidity were noticed due to sewage mix up. Part three deals with waste associated problems and its management. This part comprises of two chapters. Fifth chapter deals with the waste associated problems within the house, in the neighbourhoods. Waste related risk factors were identified and the relationship between waste related risk factors and occurrence of associated diseases like malaria, diarrhoeal diseases, infectious hepatitis, typhoid fever, hookworm infections, amoebiasis, cholera and conjunctivitis were evaluated Household survey results have shown that houseflies, cockroaches, rats/mice and mosquitoes were present inside the house. The relationship between wealth and prevalence of pests inside the house was observed. Mostly the lower income households reported of presence of flies in food preparation areas and in toilets, presence of cockroaches often in large numbers, prevalence of rats/mice often almost every night and mosquito biting not only in the night but also during the day. Relationship between waste associated risk factors and the 8 frequently occurring (last 2 years) waste associated diseases (diarrhoeal diseases, infectious hepatitis, typhoid fever, hookworm infections, amoebiasis, cholera, conjunctivitis and malaria) were examined. Strong positive correlation between the risk factors and dirrhoeal diseases, r = +0.99; infectious hepatitis, r = +0.99; typhoid fever, r = +0.98; hookworm infections, r = +0.99;

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amoebiasis, r = +0.95; cholera, r =+0.95; conjunctivitis, r =+ 0.99; and malaria, r = +0.96 was observed. The analysis revealed that the diseases were greatly influenced by the level of income. The lower income households were at greatest risk and they were mostly suffering from various diseases. In chapter six an attempt has been made to identify the vulnerable households and maps vulnerable areas of the city for future planning and management of waste at household and neighborhood levels. It is generally the lower income households that are exposed to all the waste related risk factors and bear the burden of most of the ill health or premature deaths and other costs of environmental problems. About 90 per cent of the very low and 79 per cent of the low income households reported of being exposed to all the waste related risk factors. Similarly, 73 per cent of the very low and 57 per cent of the low income households reported the occurrence of waste associated diseases. The conditions in medium income households were little better (54 per cent of being exposed to waste related risk factors and 44 per cent reported of suffering from associated diseases). However, the conditions of higher income households were much better. For waste management and future planning the researcher has tried to map the vulnerable areas of Aligarh city. On the basis of amount of and frequency of solid waste disposal a map was prepared showing the (i) Most vulnerable areas (where more than 30 per cent of the solid waste is disposed and the frequency of disposal is very poor) it includes 20 wards. (ii) Vulnerable areas (where 30-70 per cent of the solid waste is disposed and the frequency of disposal is satisfactory) it includes 40 wards. On the basis of type of waterlogging a map was prepared showing the (i) Most vulnerable areas (permanent waterlogging) it includes 19 wards of the city (ii) Vulnerable

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areas (seasonal and occasional waterlogging) it includes 31 wards of the city (iii) Least vulnerable areas (no waterlogging) it includes 10 wards of the city On the basis of amount and frequency of solid waste disposal and type of waterlogging the researcher has divided the city into 5 zones and tried to map the vulnerable areas of Aligarh city.

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Household and neighbourhood surveys helped in identifying the deficiencies in solid waste management. A step-wise approach for safe and efficient collection, storage, transportation and disposal of municipal solid waste for Aligarh city has been suggested.

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PUNJAB GEOGRAPHER

October 2009

BOOK REVIEW

Geography in the Twenty-first Century: Selected Readings Editors: D.N Verma, R.B. Chaturvedi and O.P. Mishra. Published By: The Institute of Geographers, India, Lucknow, 2009. Pages 269. Price Rs. 650/-. This felicitation volume edited by a team of three geographers has been compiled in honor of Dr. R.S. Dixit. In academia there could not be a better gift to a teacher / researcher / mentor by his students, colleagues, and fellow geographers. It is indeed the most befitting tribute. In all there are fifty contributors who have written twenty seven papers on a variety of themes, besides there are nine shorts write ups including poems, personal notes and a farewell address presented to Dr. Dixit at the time of his retirement. These cover various dimensions of Dr. Dixit's personality and his research contributions. The title of the volume is very inviting for a reader and one looks forward to some freshness in themes and methodologies matching with the changing times. A careful reading of the volume, however, suggests that Indian geography at least what is included in the present volume has not changed much from what it has been since the beginning of the twentieth century. How Indian geographers are responding to the challenges of the twenty first century is a crucial test. Within the subfields of the subject papers included in the volume focus

on agriculture, population, marketing, applied medical geography, political aspects. This suggests that we continue to till the old fields in narrow frameworks and micro scales. Papers in the book cover single city/town, a district or a at best a state and rarely present a national perspective. We have yet to capture the global perspectives which can enrich our understanding of problems at other scales of study. The challenges of the new century are fast encompassing processes of globalization, liberalization and privatization among many others. How we respond to these issues in our researches is an aspect which rarely finds a place in the frameworks of studies included in this book. Nevertheless the efforts put in by the researchers in developing various themes indicate good beginnings. It is hoped that the twenty first century would broaden horizons further. The editorial board deserves applause for conceiving this project and bringing it out with painstaking efforts. It is a hurculean task to motivate and persuade individuals, collect the research papers and give them a presentable shape. The editors have done this daunting task to bring out the volume. Swarnjit Mehta Professor (Retd.) Department of Geography Punjab University Chandigarh

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October 2009

BOOK REVIEW

Global Warming and Climate Change: From Clash to Crash of Civilization by Tapeshwar Singh, Published by: Rajesh Publications, New Delhi, 2009, pp. 335, Price Rs 600/“Global Warming and Climate Change: From Clash to Crash of Civilization” is a collection of contributions made by the author between 1992 and 2007 to a number of reputed journals, periodicals, magazines and conference proceedings. It includes an abridged project report and an interview with the author published in the Guardian. There are a total number of 26 documents divided into two parts. Chapters I to XV in Part I relate to various aspects of climate change and variability, their causes , consequences and the steps required to combat the ecological collapse. They include Chapter XIII entitled, “The Climate Bomb” which is an interview with the author by Peter Symon, on behalf of the Guardian (Sydney, Australia) published in the Paper on Dec. 8, 1999. Three Chapters, (II, XII and XV) examine the link between the ENSO phenomenon and drought and/or variability of the monsoon. Part II comprises Chapters XVI to XXVI concerning a wide range of issues like drought, land use, land c o v e r, g r o u n d w a t e r d e p l e t i o n a n d environmental degradation. Authored by an authority on the subject it is dependable material to be welcome by undergraduates, graduates, postgraduates and research scholars. Among the general readers, it

will create awareness of the dangers of environmental degradation. One commendable merit of the book is that it suggests to prospective researchers, potentially valuable topics for future investigation. The author has had a vast range of experience of research in the field. There are occasions when his findings do not tally with the findings of other researchers and he says so in his conclusions, as, for example, on pages 97, 124 etc. In such cases the researchers may examine the scope for further research on the subject. Guidance in this respect, coming from a veteran, is valuable indeed. The problems are well analyzed and source references are given at the end of each chapter. Appropriate tables and figures are there for a quick and easy understanding of the scenario described. The matter is presented in an organised manner. Concepts are clearly stated and precise definitions of terms are provided wherever necessary. An index of figures and tables has been provided for easy tracing of any specific topic. At the end of Chapters V, VI, XIV, XVI and XVIII, there are useful appendices representing related information that can be grasped at a glance. All these features add to the merits of the book. The work is the accumulated result of a tremendous amount of diligent work put in by the learned author over a number of years and is hence to be highly valued by those who are in quest of the information provided by the book. The serious reader is bound to be inspired by the rich contribution made by the author in his field. However, the usefulness of the book is significantly limited by the fact that the author,

GLOBAL WARMING AND CLIMATE CHANGE

in his wisdom, has kept all the documents of the book unaltered and has published them in their original form and not updated them. As a consequence, these are, as these were on the dates of the original publication. Most readers would be interested in the latest data in respect of various aspects of the issue involved. On occasions, they may doubt if the statements made ten years ago are as valid today as they were at the time when the document was written. Unfortunately, the author does not come to the help of such readers. This he could have done perhaps with an explanatory foot note. Thus often enough, the reading of the book would be like seeing pictures taken at some past time and not like witnessing the present scenario. Sometimes these pictures may be of interest and even relevant but more often readers would like to have up-to-date information. Let us take a concrete example. The first paper from page 1 onwards is entitled, “Impact of Anthropogenic Factors on Climate Change”. This is a paper presented at a conference at Prague in August, 1994. In my opinion, the reader has a right to know this fact at the very outset when he starts reading, rather than obscurely at the end of the article, from a postscript. A reference relating to the 70's and 80's of the last century as 'recent decades' would have a jarring effect, if the reader is not clear that the statement was made in 1994. At page 6, the author points out that 15 years 'have passed since the first evidence' of an increase in the atmospheric methane (CH4) had come to light. In 1994 when the statement was made, it was '15 years ago', but another 15 years have since gone by and today we need to say that evidence came to light '30' years ago. Again, at page 7, the daily emission of pollutants in Delhi is described as 871.92 tons and in Bombay 540.80 tons, which certainly does not represent the present position. The author appears to have realized the

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anomaly but decided in his wisdom to retain the original form unchanged and unexplained. In the preface he says, “In no case, facts and figures referred to in different articles published between 1992 and 2007, a run of 16 years, were not (sic) altered and updated, these are kept in their original form.”(sic). At page 8, there is a reference to the scientists' prediction that the ozone layer would start to repair itself 'early next century'. The unwary reader would expect the author to tell him the position at the time of writing in 2008. Other similar predictions in the article also need to be duly modified/discussed. It is expected of the author in such cases to update the statements or at least refer to the present position with regard to the predictions. The words 'recent' and 'recently' frequently used in the book, often give a jolt to the reader. Page 36 talks of 'recent decades'. The author actually means the eighties and seventies of the last century. What was 'recent' in 1994 cannot be so fifteen years later. The eighties and seventies of the 20th century were 'recent' decades in 1994 but not today. Dates of writings of all such articles should necessarily have been stated along with the title at the very outset. Some errors of grammar and usage at different places in the book, particularly with regard to the use of the present perfect tense instead of the past tense could be easily avoided. Undoubtedly the best part of the work is the “Introduction” by way of 'Foreword' by Professor R.P. Misra, Director, International Centre for Gandhian Studies and Peace Research, New Delhi. Professor R.P. Misra, a scholar of great eminence, treats comprehensively the topic of the book in an excellent style marked by precision, simplicity and lucidity that can be attained only by the best of authors. The book being a collection of disparate articles, the reader should not expect coherence and interconnection between them.

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He set out therefore, in his introduction to provide the necessary information. Most logically, step by step; he gives the background information to the reader about the problem of global warming and climate change to enable him to appreciate each chapter of the book. Not only does he, in his inimitable style inform the reader but also persuades him and inspires him to take up the task of fighting the menace of anthropogenic factors in environmental pollution. He gives the latest information right up to the year 2008 of international action to fight the evil of environmental degradation. Professor Misra's introduction fills in the gaps, thereby playing an important role in a better understanding of the book by the general reader. It is interesting to note how he says he overcame his hesitation in acceding to the author's request to write a 'foreword' to the book, when for the last two decades; he had devoted his time and attention exclusively to Gandhian Philosophy and Peace Science. He realized that the principle of non-violence was central to the philosophy of the Father of the Nation and formed the core of his ethics of human culture. 'Had the world listened to Gandhi, the problem of 'Global Warming' and 'Climate Change' would not have taken the form it has'. Gandhi said, “We cannot have ecological movement designed to prevent violence against nature, unless the principle of non-violence becomes central to the ethics of human culture”. Thus the theme of the book was closely interwoven with Gandhian philosophy and peace science. It is a matter of some surprise that an important work like the present one should not say a single word about those who believe that the idea of global warming is nothing but 'hogwash' except that Professor Misra has made a reference to experiments being conducted to ascertain facts. Contrarily, a very large number

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of scientists point towards another phenomenon i.e. Global Cooling. Scientific evidence has been produced in support of the alternative theory. The Executive Director of International Climate and Environmental Change has said, “If you look at the satellite data, which is the most reliable data, the best coverage of the globe - 2008 was the 14th coldest in 30 years”. According to the findings of U.S. Army personnel floating around in the Arctic Ocean, North Pole has become one metre thicker since April 2008. Polar bears that were protected are now found to be thriving in the Arctic. In India, soon after the Kyoto Protocol was put into effect, Kashmir suffered the highest snowfall in three decades with over 150 killed. During the years 1940 to 1970, there was global cooling and scientists predicted a new ice age. Scientists have raised doubts about Global Warming crisis (Ref. Is Global Warming Hogwash? by Shwetank Dubey: Pioneer, May 3, 2009). It appears that in spite of the confusion between Global Warming and Global Cooling, climate change is a reality that calls for a solution.

Smita Bhutani Professor Department of Geography Punjab University Chandigarh

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Patiala Annual

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Chandika Press Pvt. Ltd. Indian 240, HSIIDC Industrial Estate, Barwala (Hry.)

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K. Surjit Singh, Secretary General, ISPER Indian C-1, Amravati Enclave, Panchkula (Haryana)

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Dr. H.S. Mangat Indian 3037, Urban Estate, Phase-II, Patiala.

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I, K. Surjit Singh, hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief.

Dated: October, 2009

Signature of Publisher

Acknowledgments : The APG is grateful to the Institute for Spatial Planning and Environment Research, Panchkula for the publication of the ‘Punjab Geographer’.

ISSN- 0973–3485 Punjab Geographer The ‘Punjab Geographer’ is devoted to publishing of original research carried out in the discipline of Geography and allied subjects. Book reviews, geographical notes, articles and abstracts of doctoral dissertation are also invited for publication. At present it is published once a year in the month of October and distributed on the occasion of the Annual Conference of the Association of Punjab Geographers. However, the papers are invited all the year around by the Editor. Guidelines for the contributors The manuscripts should be type written in double space on one side of the A-4 size paper with reasonable margins on both sides. It should not exceed ten printed pages or 6000 words. An abstract explaining scope, methodology and major findings of the study comprising 100-150 words should be given before the main text. The title of the paper, the initials and surname/s of the author/s along with address should be given on the cover page and not on the first page of the paper. The authors are requested to submit two hard copies of the manuscripts including maps and figures, properly labeled and referred in the text, for the referees and keep a soft copy ready in MS Word file and Maps in jpg format (300 dpi) to be dispatched when asked for. The authors must ensure clear print of the maps and figures as these are not to be redrawn by the editor. Authors alone are responsible for the views expressed in their papers and for obtaining permission for copy right material if used. The manuscript should be submitted to the editor. Five reprints shall be supplied free. Additional reprint can be obtained @ Rs. 25/- per print. Full-page colour plate reproduction can be undertaken at the author’s cost. References cited in the text should be given in alphabetical order as follows: Bailey, R.et.al. (1989): “Analysis of the Household Distribution of Trachoma in a Gambian Village using a Monte Carlo Simulation Procedure”, International Journal of Epidemiology, Vol. 18, pp. 944-951. Beckinsale, R.P. (1969): “River Regimes” in Chorley R.D. (Ed.) Introduction to Physical Hydrology, Methuen and Co. Ltd., London, pp. 176-192. Lee, E.S., (1996): “A Theory of Migration Demography” Demography, Vol.3. pp. 47-57. Mackey, J.R. (1958): “Chi-Square as a tool for Regional Studies”, Annals AAG, 48, pp. 164-166. All correspondence concerning the Journal should be addressed to: Dr. H. S. Mangat, 3037 Urban Estate, Phase-II, Patiala 147 002, Ph. 0175-2286606 E-mail: [email protected] The subscription rates with effect from January 2006 Domestic

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