racial discrimination and depressive symptoms among cambodian

A R T I C L E

RACIAL DISCRIMINATION AND DEPRESSIVE SYMPTOMS AMONG CAMBODIAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS: THE ROLE OF GENDER Cindy C. Sangalang Arizona State University

Gilbert C. Gee University of California, Los Angeles

Despite the considerable growth of research examining discrimination’s contribution to adolescent development and well-being, relatively few studies to date have explored gendered patterns in the experience and effect of discrimination among youth. Applying intersectionality as a guiding theoretical framework, this study investigates gender differences in the reporting of racial discrimination and its relation with depressive symptoms. Data come from a survey of Cambodian American adolescents between 13 and 19 years of age (n = 466). Discrimination was considered across the domains of school and peers, from police, and overall. Results indicated that males were more likely than females to report racial discrimination overall and across specific contexts. Racial discrimination overall as well as discrimination from police and peers were related to increased depressive symptoms. However, although males reported more discrimination from police than females, the association between police discrimination and depressive symptoms was stronger among females than C 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. males. We express deep appreciation to past and present staff of Khmer Girls in Action and participating youth for their long-term collaboration with this project. The data for this study were collected with support from the Center for Community Partnerships at the University of California, Los Angeles (S. Ngouy & A. Lau, P.I.; C. Sangalang, CoP.I.) and funding to the first author from the Council on Social Work Education Minority Fellowship Program. Data analysis and manuscript development were supported by training funds from the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities of the National Institutes of Health, award P20 MD002316 (F. Marsiglia, P.I.). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the aforementioned funding agencies. Please address correspondence to: Cindy C. Sangalang, School of Social Work, Arizona State University, Tucson, AZ 85745. E-mail: [email protected] JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY, Vol. 43, No. 4, 447–465 (2015) Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jcop). C 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. DOI: 10.1002/jcop.21696

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Journal of Community Psychology, May 2015

Children of color currently outnumber non-Hispanic White children, a pattern consistent with forecasts that the United States will soon become a “majority minority nation” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012a, 2012b). In light of the rapid increase in demographic diversity, existing research suggests experiences of racial discrimination remain a salient issue for racial and ethnic minority youth (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Tobler et al., 2012; Tummala-Narra & Claudius, 2013). Racial and ethnic minority youth report being targets of discrimination at an early age (Quintana 1998; Simons et al., 2002) and by late adolescence discriminatory experiences can be pervasive (Fisher et al., 2000; Greene et al., 2006; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). In addition, a substantial body of research has called attention to the role of racial discrimination in shaping the development and well-being of racial and ethnic minority youth, and that discriminatory experiences are linked to an array of negative psychological, behavioral, and health-related outcomes (Garcia Coll et al., 1996; Tobler et al., 2012; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). Moreover, discrimination during adolescence can significantly affect the development of one’s identity and test emerging coping skills, setting the foundation for adjustment later in life (Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006). Thus, ongoing research is needed to elucidate the nature of discrimination experiences among youth and the factors that contribute to variation in discrimination’s effects on mental health and well-being. As research has increasingly focused on the experiences of discrimination in the lives of racial and ethnic minority adolescents, fewer studies have investigated gendered patterns in the experience and effect of racial discrimination (Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, & Cogburn, 2008; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson, 2010). Although some studies have found no gender differences in the reporting of racial discrimination (Cogburn, Chavous, & Griffin, 2011; Huynh, 2012), a large body of evidence suggests that males report more racial discrimination than females (Chavous et al., 2008; Greene et al., 2006; Huynh & Fuligni 2010; Lopez, 1995; Otiniano Verissimo, Gee, Iguchi, Ford, & Friedman, 2013; Sellers & Shelton, 2003). Males, particular males of color, are often perceived as threats and experience greater surveillance and distrust by authority figures in school and community contexts compared to females (Brunson, 2007; Brunson & Miller 2006; Chavous et al., 2008). Still, it is unclear whether potential differences in the reporting and frequency of racial discrimination are associated with differences in discrimination’s influence on emotional or behavioral outcomes (Tobler et al., 2012). Despite increased attention to the role of discrimination in Asian American adolescents’ lives (Kim, Wang, Deng, Alvarez, & Li, 2011; Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2008), a paucity of studies have examined groups from emerging immigrant groups within this population, including Cambodian Americans. In contrast to other Asian groups in United States, the experience of Cambodian Americans and other Southeast Asians is more likely to be characterized by recent migration and premigration trauma (Choi, He, & Harachi, 2008; Go & Le, 2005). Several studies have highlighted disparities related to health, education, and youth violence among Southeast Asians (Chong et al., 2009; Go & Le, 2005; Marshall, Schell, Elliott, Berthold, & Chun, 2005; Ngo & Lee, 2007). A recent systematic review identified 62 articles that studied the association between discrimination and health among Asian Americans but found no studies that included disaggregated samples of Cambodian Americans (Gee, Ro, Shariff-Marco, & Chae, 2009). Yet the experiences of Chinese and other Asians are not generalizable to Cambodian Americans, leading to calls for further study (Gee et al., 2009). To address these gaps, the current study examines patterns in the experience of racial discrimination and its influence on mental health for Cambodian American adolescents Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

Racial Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms

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with attention to the role of gender. The following questions are addressed: (a) Are there gender differences in the reporting of racial discrimination? (b) Are reports of discrimination related to depressive symptoms; and (c) Are there gender differences in the potential relationship between discrimination and depressive symptoms? Theoretical Framework: Intersectionality Beyond demographic characteristics, race, ethnicity, and gender reflect broader social processes and hierarchies of power (Cole, 2009). In the United States, these hierarchies are reflected in patterns of inequality in which males possess greater power than females, and Whites more power than people of color (Cole, 2009; Ellis et al., 2010). In developmental research it is well established that analysis of the independent and direct effects of race, ethnicity, and gender alone fail to capture the specific processes underlying the experience of belonging to a particularly subgroup (Garcia Coll et al., 1996). Intersectionality as a conceptual framework contributes theoretical insight into the ways that various aspects of identity and social group membership are fundamentally interconnected and experienced simultaneously (Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1991). A principal strength of this framework lies in its recognition of the heterogeneity of experiences within social groups and identities (Ellis et al., 2010). Applied to the experience of discrimination for youth of color, intersectionality suggests that discrimination based on race, ethnicity, and gender are inextricably linked (Cole, 2009; Ellis et al., 2010; Veenstra, 2013). For example, scholars have called attention to the ways in which intersecting forms of oppression for women of color can be considered both racialized sexism and gendered racism (Patel, 2008; Perry, Pullen, & Oser, 2012; Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2008). Since its introduction via critical race and feminist legal scholarship, intersectionality research has proliferated in fields such as education and has grown in psychological and health research (Veenstra, 2013). A key insight from intersectionality is that social groups may experience and interpret a given phenomenon distinctly from another group and that subgroups within a population may be more vulnerable or resilient to discrimination (Mahalingam, Balan, & Haritatos, 2008). Specific to the present study, gendered racial and ethnic stereotypes can shape the ways in which adolescent males and females of color are perceived and treated. In recent years, several studies have highlighted racial barriers and risk of negative outcomes for males of color (Noguera, 2003; Otiniano Verissimo et al., 2013; Thomas & Stevenson, 2009). African American and Latino boys are disproportionately subject to disciplinary action, such as suspension, as their behaviors and expressions can be perceived as aggressive and physically threatening (Cogburn et al., 2011; Fenning & Rose, 2007; Noguera, 2003; Thomas & Stevenson, 2009). In addition, despite the predominance of the “model minority” stereotype applied to Asian American youth, Southeast Asian males are often labeled as violent and ganginvolved (Chong et al., 2009; Lei, 2003). Accordingly, gender-based racial stereotypes can have implications for the contexts and forms of discrimination youth are likely to encounter. Furthermore, gender norms rooted in cultural expectations and socialization patterns transmitted by parents that allow boys greater access and freedom to spend time outside of the home compared to girls may also expose boys to environments that increase their chances of experiencing discrimination (Qin, 2009; Rafaelli & Ontai, 2004; Yip & Fuligni, 2002). In first-generation immigrant families, gender socialization practices can be even more pronounced, as traditional gender roles tied to patriarchal cultural norms often Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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constrict girls’ behaviors, including expectations for girls to help with household activities and less freedom to pursue social activities (Rafaelli & Ontai, 2004). However, parental practices that constrain girls’ behaviors can be also seen as a source of resilience within Asian immigrant families in that girls, unlike boys, may be protected from environments that might expose them to discrimination (Espiritu, 2001; Mahalingam et al., 2008). Evidence of Gendered Experiences of Racial Discrimination In general, with a few exceptions (Cogburn et al., 2011; Huynh, 2012), males tend to report more racial discrimination than females (Chavous et al., 2008; Greene et al., 2006; Huynh & Fuligni, 2010; Otiniano Verissimo et al., 2013; Sellers & Shelton, 2003). This pattern has been observed among African American adults and adolescents (Noguera, 2003; Sellers & Shelton, 2003), Latino college students (Lopez, 1995), young adults (Otiniano Verissimo et al., 2013), and Asian American young adults (Liang, Alvarez, Juang, & Liang, 2009). Some research also suggests that the relationship between discrimination and adjustment outcomes differ for males and females. For instance, some studies have shown that females may be more vulnerable than males to the effects of racial discrimination. Huynh (2012) found that girls were more bothered than boys about racial microaggressions that denied one’s racial reality (e.g., being told you are overly sensitive about ethnic and racial issues). DuBois, Burk-Braxton, Swenson, Tevendale, and Hardesty (2002) found that among early adolescents, daily hassles linked to race and gender were associated to general stress for Black females but not for Black males. If the pattern of greater reporting of discrimination among males compared to females holds, then it may be that the effect of racial discrimination could be stronger for females because they are less accustomed to experiencing it (Cunningham & Sagas, 2007). Cunningham and Sagas (2007 citing Tsui, Egan, & O’Reilly, 1992) suggest that the link between racial discrimination and outcomes may be stronger for individuals who have less experience with certain forms of racial discrimination due to particular coping styles or resources used to counter its effects. Moreover, females are more likely to ruminate on psychological stressors compared to males, which may make females more vulnerable to the stress of discrimination (Brittian, Toomey, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2013). Other studies have demonstrated differential pathways by which discrimination influences outcomes for females compared to males. Cassidy, O’Connor, How, and Warden (2004) found a direct link between self-reported discrimination and anxiety for women, whereas this association was mediated by self-esteem for men. Cogburn et al. (2011) found an interaction of gender and racial discrimination that predicted girls’ psychological adjustment and boys’ academic adjustment. Otiniano Verissimo et al. (2013) found that everyday discrimination was associated with different substances by gender among Latinos. Among women, discrimination was associated with alcohol use, whereas among men, discrimination was associated with hard drug use (e.g., heroin). In a study of Chinese American adolescents, Kim et al. (2011) found that chronic daily discrimination (e.g., you are treated with less courtesy than others, people act as if they are better then you) mediated the relationship between the perpetual foreigner stereotype and greater depressive symptoms for girls, whereas more explicit victimization (e.g., being hit or pushed, people saying mean or bad things about you to others) mediated the relationship between the perpetual foreigner stereotype and greater depressive symptoms for boys. Taken together, the literature underscores gendered patterns in the influence of racial discrimination on outcomes for adolescents and a potentially stronger effect of discrimination for females on internalizing symptoms or behaviors. Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop


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Discrimination and Mental Health Outcomes A number of studies have found a link between discrimination and depression or depressive symptoms specifically in adolescent populations (Benner & Kim, 2009; Umana-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). With regard to Asian American youth, existing research has found relationships between discrimination and a number of negative psychological outcomes, including poor socioemotional adjustment among Chinese American youth (Benner & Kim, 2009; Kim et al., 2011), psychological distress among Chinese American youth (RivasDrake et al., 2008), and depressive symptoms among Asian and Latino college students (Hwang & Goto, 2009). Experiences of racial bias can be stressful and lead to depressive symptoms through several pathways. One pathway relates to structural constraints in economic mobility and access to resources due to racism that, in turn, diminish one’s sense of self-efficacy and sense of control (Gee, 2002). Another involves a sequence of adverse physiological and psychological reactions to persistent racism-related stress. Individuals not adequately equipped to cope with racism-related stress may be more vulnerable to discrimination’s effects (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Finally, the process of internalizing racially invalidating experiences causes stress that can diminish one’s selfesteem and ego identity (Delgado, Updegraff, Roosa, & Umana-Taylor, 2011; Grossman & Liang, 2008; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Negative feedback regarding an important aspect of one’s identity can be distressing, particularly during adolescence when identity development is salient. Depressive symptoms remain an important outcome to study. Nationally, 18% of middle and high school students report symptoms of depression (Saluja et al., 2004) and approximately 8% of youth aged 12 to 17 years have had a major depressive episode (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2011). Depressive symptoms early on in adolescence is strongly related to depression later in life, as well as various negative health and behavioral outcomes (Saluja et al., 2004; Wade, Cairney, & Prevalin, 2002). Furthermore, the gender disparity in depression tends to emerge in middle adolescence (Wade et al., 2002). The Current Study The current study examines patterns of discrimination among Cambodian American adolescents and potential gender differences in the reporting of discrimination and its influence on depressive symptoms. Ecological developmental theory underscores the ways in which racial discrimination in multiple contexts influences youth outcomes and well-being. Traditional ecological systems theory has advanced understanding of the complexities of macro (institutional, cultural) and micro (familial, peer) forces that shape the environments in which individuals develop (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Extant research has primarily focused on discrimination committed by peers and adults in academic contexts (Chavous et al., 2008; Greene et al., 2006; Rivas-Drake et al., 2008), However a growing body of work also suggests adolescents of color, particularly in urban communities, contend with discrimination from police (Crutchfield, Skinner, Haggerty, McGlynn, & Catalano, 2012; Crutchfield, Skinner, Haggerty, McGlynn, & Catalano, 2009). Therefore, this study examines patterns in racial discrimination in peer, school, and police contexts, and whether these forms of discrimination were related to depressive symptoms. Given the aforementioned literature, we expect that males will report greater levels of discrimination across peer, school, and police contexts compared to females. In addition, Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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we predict that racial discrimination across various contexts will contribute to greater psychological distress. However, because females tend to report less discrimination than males, they may be more vulnerable to discrimination’s effects. Therefore, we suspect that the relationship between discrimination and poorer mental health will be stronger for females compared to males.

METHODS Procedure Community-based participatory research. The data for this study come from a larger mixed methods study of Cambodian American adolescents that used a community-based participatory research (CBPR) framework (Minkler, 2004). A more detailed discussion of procedures describing the development of the university–community partnership and community engagement is available elsewhere (Sangalang, Ngouy, & Lau, in press; Sangalang, Chen, Kulis, & Yabiku, in press). The study began with focus group data that were used to inform the development of an anonymous survey instrument (Creswell et al., 2007). Five focus groups were conducted, three all female and two all male, with a total of 40 participants. Prominent themes that emerged from the focus group data included cultural identity, family, school experiences, and community relations and dynamics (Sangalang et al., in press). Racial discrimination was specifically identified by community members as a salient issue. Youth and staff members of the community partner organization developed survey questions based on the identified themes. The university research team examined focus group themes and community-devised questions and then compared them with existing measures or constructs of interest. Through collaborative discussions, the research team and community partner organization made to the wording of questions and response categories, retaining most of the original wording of the community-driven questions to maintain a CBPR framework throughout the process. Items from existing measures were used for questions conceptually similar to established constructs such as depressive symptoms and ethnic identity. The community partner organization pilot tested the instrument among several Cambodian American youth to identify potential issues with comprehension and survey distribution. The research involved community youth members throughout its various phases. To participate in survey dissemination efforts, organizational staff and the university research team trained 40 youth over a period of 3 months in research ethics, procedures, and recruitment methods. The training sessions involved lecture, discussion, and role-playing to ensure that community youth members understood issues related to confidentiality, consent and assent, and protocols for distribution and retrieval of the surveys. Youth members disseminated study packets containing an information sheet, survey, raffle ticket, instructions about inclusion criteria, and instructions for completing and returning the survey and raffle ticket. Eligible survey participants were between the ages of 13 and 19, were English-language proficient, and had at least one parent or guardian of Cambodian descent. Participant recruitment took place at two high schools and community organizations serving Cambodian American adolescents. These procedures produced a sample of 475 youth participants (77.3% response rate). The analytic sample for the regression analyses included 466 youth after removal of Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop


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participants who identified as transgender or had missing values on gender. All procedures were approved by the university’s institutional review board. Measures Depressive symptoms. Depressive symptoms was measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Short Depressive Symptoms Scale (CES-D 10; Radloff, 1977; Andersen, Malmgren, Carter, & Patrick, 1994). Respondents reported the frequency of feelings and behaviors related to depressive symptoms within the last week (e.g., “I felt lonely”; “I had trouble keeping my mind on what I was doing”). Responses range from 0 (rarely or none of the time) to 3 (most of the time), with higher scores indicating increased depressive symptoms. Two items were reverse coded (i.e., “I was happy” and “I felt hopeful about the future”). For adult populations, a cutoff score of 10 or greater with no more than two items missing indicates the presence of depressive symptoms, although this should be applied to youth populations with caution (Andersen et al., 1994). Short forms of the CES-D containing as few as nine items share similar results in predicting suicidality and hopelessness as the full version and has been cross-validated in various ethnic groups (Cheung, Liu, & Yip, 2007). Cronbach’s alpha = .78. Racial discrimination. An 18-item measure of racial discrimination assessed participant reports of the frequency of negative attitudes and unfair treatment in the past year attributed to being Cambodian. This scale was developed for the current study because existing scales are not fully applicable to the study population. Confirmatory factor analysis revealed a three-factor structure, representing three distinct subscales: (a) the peer discrimination subscale, comprising five items; (b) the school discrimination subscale, comprising seven items; and (c) the police discrimination subscale, comprising six items (citation withheld to retain anonymity). Respondents were asked “In the past year, how often did you experience the following . . . because you are Cambodian?” Sample items include “[From your peers], name calling/racial slurs and comments”; “[At school], people assumed your English was poor”; “[From the police], pulled over.” Responses range from 1 (never) to 5 (always), with higher scores indicating more frequent discriminatory encounters. Cronbach’s alphas are peer discrimination (.90), school discrimination (.87), police discrimination (.94), and overall racial discrimination for all subscales combined (.91; Sangalang et al., in press). Analyses used each of the three individual subscales and also used a summary measure that was the aggregate of the three subscales. Gender. Participants indicated whether they identified as male, female, or transgender. Transgender participants and those with missing on gender were excluded from the analysis due to their small number (n = 9). Gender in this analysis was coded as 0 = male, 1 = female. Socioeconomic status. Participants rated their relative social status using the visual of a ladder in which the steps represented levels of American society. Responses range from 1–10, wherein 1 represents the “bottom” and 10 the “top” of society (Leu et al., 2008). Other measures of socioeconomic status, such as income and occupation, were not used because of the young age of the sample. Years of education was included in initial models but omitted from final models due to nonsignificance. Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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Table 1. Comparison of Racial Discrimination and Depressive Symptoms by Gender

Variable Overall racial discrimination Peer discrimination School discrimination Police discrimination Depressive symptoms

Range

Overall sample (n = 392) Mean (SD)

Boys (n = 179) Mean (SD)

Girls (n = 213) Mean (SD)

t test

1—5 1—5 1—5 1—5 0–30

1.61 (.61) 1.65 (.82) 1.83 (.76) 1.35 (.73) 9.98 (4.96)

1.81 (.72) 1.85 (.97) 1.96 (.82) 1.60 (.94) 9.61 (4.79)

1.46 (.44) 1.48 (.62) 1.71 (.68) 1.13 (.40) 10.30 (5.08)

6.06*** 4.64*** 3.28*** 6.65*** −1.37

Note. SD = standard deviation. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Analysis Plan Analyses began with univariate and bivariate descriptive statistics. To test our main research questions, we first estimated the main effects of discrimination on depressive symptoms with ordinary least squares regression models, which controlled for covariates (socioeconomic status and age). These models first considered the aggregated discrimination measure (i.e., overall racial discrimination), and then were replicated with a model that looked at the specific types of discrimination (from police, etc.). We then tested the interactions between gender and discrimination. Missing data on key variables were present at a rate of 22%. To retain as much of the full sample as possible, our multivariate regression analyses were based on multiply imputed data (Allison, 2002). A multivariate normal imputation model was deemed an appropriate method for generating values for missing data on continuous variables (Allison, 2002). Imputations were conducted on scales and interactions, consistent with recommendations in previous literature (Allison, 2002). We used Stata 12 (StataCorp, 2011) to create 20 imputed datasets, as recommended by Baraldi and Enders (2010). To reduce collinearity and facilitate interpretation of results, variables were centered for the analysis of interactions between gender and racial discrimination.

RESULTS Sample characteristics. The sample was 54% female with a mean age of 15. The vast majority of participants were born in the United States (96%) and attended high school (92%) at the time of the study. With regard to subjective social status, the mean was 5.86 (standard error [SE] = .09), suggesting that on average participants viewed their social status as midway between extremes of being at “the top” or “the bottom” of society. Gender group comparisons. Table 1 describes gender differences in racial discrimination. Results from independent samples t tests indicated that males generally experienced more racial discrimination than females. Males reported significantly higher scores on overall racial discrimination, as well as discrimination from peers, at school, and from police. Although females overall had a higher mean value of depressive symptoms than males, the scores did not differ significantly. Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop


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Table 2. Bivariate Correlations by Gender

1. Depressive symptoms 2. Overall racial discrimination 3. Peer discrimination 4. School discrimination 5. Police discrimination

1

2

3

4

5

– 0.42 0.38 0.34 0.26

0.42 – 0.78 0.81 0.75

0.29 0.78 – 0.51 0.37

0.35 0.89 0.53 – 0.35

0.34 0.52 0.20 0.24 –

Note. Correlations for boys are reported below the diagonal and correlations for girls are reported above the diagonal. All values are significant at the .001 p-value.

Table 3. Regression of Depressive Symptoms on Overall Racial Discrimination (n = 466) Variable Model 1 Female Age Subjective social status Overall racial discrimination Model 2 Female Age Subjective social status Overall racial discrimination Overall racial discrimination × female

b

SE

95% CI

2.02*** −0.39* −0.46** 2.85***

0.48 0.18 0.13 0.37

(1.07, 2.97) (−.74, .03) (−.72, −20) (2.11, 3.58)

2.22*** −0.30 −0.43** 2.18*** 2.34*

0.48 0.44 0.13 0.44 0.84

(1.27, 3.17) (−.66, .06) (−.69, −.17) (1.31, 3.04) (−.68, 4.00)

Note. SE = standard error; CI = confidence interval. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Bivariate analysis. Bivariate correlations among depressive symptoms, racial discrimination in aggregate, and its subfactors are presented in Table 2. Overall racial discrimination, peer discrimination, school discrimination, and police discrimination were positively correlated with depressive symptoms for both boys and girls. Correlations fell within the range of .20–.89 and all were statistically significant. Regression analyses. Table 3 presents results of hierarchical regression analyses examining the relationship between overall racial discrimination on depressive symptoms (Table 4). In Model 1, racial discrimination and depressive symptoms were positively associated (B = 2.84, SE = .37). Model 2, which included the interaction effect, indicated that racial discrimination was positively associated with depressive symptoms (B = 2.18, SE = .44). In addition, the interaction of racial discrimination and gender was significant. Examination of this interaction suggested that racial discrimination was positively associated with depressive symptoms more strongly for girls than boys (B = 2.33, SE = .84; Figure 1). The hierarchical regression analyses examining the influence of peer, school, and police discrimination on depressive symptoms are presented in Table 4. Results from Model 1 indicated that peer discrimination was positively associated with depressive symptoms (B = 1.30, SE = .44) as was police discrimination (B = .81, SE = .35). School discrimination was marginally significantly associated with depressive symptoms (B = .69, SE = .36; p = .06). With the inclusion of interaction terms comprising racial discrimination subfactors and gender, Model 2 indicated that peer discrimination remained positively associated Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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Table 4. Regression on Depressive Symptoms on Racial Discrimination Subfactors (n = 466) Variable Model 1 Female Age Subjective social status Peer discrimination School discrimination Police discrimination Model 2 Female Age Subjective social status Peer discrimination School discrimination Police discrimination Peer discrimination × female School discrimination × female Police discrimination × female

b

SE

95% CI

2.06*** −0.35† −0.46** 1.30*** 0.69† 0.81*

0.49 0.19 0.13 0.36 0.37 0.35

(1.10, 3.02) (−.72, .20) (−.70, −.18) (.60, 2.00) (−.04, 1.41) (.12, 1.50)

2.60*** −0.27 −0.42** 1.60*** 0.03 0.40 −0.70 1.38† 3.15**

0.50 0.18 0.13 0.42 0.48 0.38 0.75 0.74 0.94

(1.61, 3.59) (−.63, .01) (−.68, −.17) (.78, 2.42) (−.91, .97) (−.35, 1.15) (−2.19, .78) (−.08, 2.84) (1.30, 4.99)

0

5

Depressive symptoms 10 15

20

Note. SE = standard error; CI = confidence interval. † < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

-1

0

1

2 Racal discrimination male

Figure 1.

3

4

female

The association of overall discrimination and depressive symptoms for males and females (centered).

with depressive symptoms (B = 1.60, SE = .42). In addition, there was a significant interaction suggesting a stronger association between police discrimination and depressive symptoms for girls compared to boys (B = 3.14, SE = .94; Figure 2). The associations with school discrimination were not significant. Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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15 10 5 0

Depressive symptoms

20


-1

0

1 2 Police discrimination male

Figure 2.

3

4

female

The association of police discrimination and depressive symptoms for males and females (centered).

DISCUSSION This study examined the relationship between racial discrimination experiences and depressive symptoms among Cambodian American adolescents. Consistent with our hypotheses, males are more likely to report discrimination from peers, school, and police than females and self-reported discrimination is associated with increased depressive symptoms. The association between discrimination and depressive symptoms is stronger among females compared to males, despite males reporting more frequent exposure to discrimination. As with other studies, we find that boys reported more racial discrimination related to peers, school, and police than girls. Our findings align with research that suggests males experience overt forms of peer victimization more frequently than females (Crick & Bigbee, 1998; Chavous et al., 2008). One possible explanation is that these expressions of peer harassment that involve aggressive behavior (e.g., name calling, fights) are more prevalent among males (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995). In addition, the tendency for males to report greater school discrimination is consistent with prior studies that have described perceived challenges in educational contexts for young men of color (Lopez, 1995; Noguera, 2003; Cogburn et al., 2011). Depending on the context, Asian American youth contend with academic expectations at both extremes: high expectations as a result of model minority stereotypes and low expectations stemming from perceptions as gang members or juvenile delinquents (Ngo & Lee, 2007). These dueling stereotypes may be a source of unfair or incorrect expectations for Cambodian American adolescents in school. The examination of racial discrimination rooted in police interactions is a novel aspect of this study, particularly in relation to Asian American youth. The greater likelihood of males reporting police discrimination is consonant with literature that describes negative experiences with police among young men of color in urban communities (Brunson, Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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2007; Chong et al., 2009; Crutchfield et al., 2012; Crutchfield et al., 2009; Noguera, 2003). Although few studies have focused on youth’s own perspectives about police discrimination, the delinquency literature shows that the frequency and severity of externalizing and problem behaviors increase in age for boys (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999), which can translate to actual or perceived encounters with authorities for adolescents. Prior studies have examined perceptions of racial profiling by the police for African American and Latino youth (Brunson, 2007; Rosenbloom & Way, 2000). Few research studies have documented reports of police discrimination for Asian American youth, let alone for specific subgroups such as Cambodian Americans. Instruments designed for the study of Asian Americans generally omit information about police interactions. For example, the Asian American Racism-Related Stress Inventory is possibly the most comprehensive instrument designed to examine discrimination against Asian Americans (Liang et al., 2004), yet none of the 29 items ask about discrimination from the police. Nonetheless, for many years community groups have raised concerns about police harassment against Asians Americans (Billiter, 1993; Geron, 1995; Romero, 2012; Tran & Yokoi, 1993). Our study reinforces the observations from communities about the importance of assessing potential anti-Asian discrimination from the police and suggests a potential avenue for further research. The findings also support the large body of research that describes racial discrimination’s adverse effect on adolescent psychological adjustment and mental health. In particular, peer discrimination was associated with greater depressive symptoms for both Cambodian American adolescent males and females. Peer discrimination’s link to depressive symptoms for both males and females underscores prior research on the effects of peer victimization on psychosocial adjustment for Asian American adolescents (Greene et al., 2006; Niwa, Way, Qin, & Okazaki, 2011; Qin, Way, & Rana, 2008; Rosenbloom & Way, 2000). Scholars have suggested that peer discrimination can have a more detrimental effect on psychological and emotional well-being compared to behavioral outcomes (e.g., academic, delinquency). Because pressure for peer acceptance is heightened during adolescence, victimization from peers may be particularly stressful (Greene et al., 2006; Rosenbloom & Way, 2000; Simons et al., 2002; Wang, Siy, & Cheryan, 2011). Qualitative research on peer harassment among Chinese American students in New York found that avoidance strategies (e.g., ignoring harassment, “letting it go,” not responding) in response to peer discrimination were common (Niwa et al., 2011). These avoidant coping strategies may serve to exacerbate peer discrimination’s negative effect on mental health (Noh & Kaspar, 2003). Despite the greater likelihood of males reporting racial discrimination compared to females, our results indicated that females displayed a stronger association between police discrimination and depressive symptoms. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis that groups not accustomed to discrimination may be more vulnerable to its effects (Cunningham & Sagas, 2007). As previously discussed, Cambodian American adolescent females often have greater parental restrictions placed on them that restrict their mobility outside of the home (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). If police discrimination is less common among females, then it may be seen as more stigmatizing and perhaps more difficult for females to reach out to others for social support who have experienced similar encounters. In addition, young women’s concerns about police misconduct can make interactions with male police officers particularly intimidating and stigmatizing (Brunson & Miller, 2006; Hurst, McDermott, & Thomas, 2005).

Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop


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Finally, the relationship between school discrimination and depressive symptoms was of only marginal statistical significance (p < .10). In supplemental models (not shown), school discrimination was associated with depressive symptoms when not controlling for other forms of discrimination. This suggests that discrimination at school might be mediated through discrimination from peers. In other words, part of the effect of discrimination at schools operates through discrimination from one’s schoolmates. Post hoc analysis showed support for such mediation, but our data are cross-sectional; therefore, this mediation should be evaluated in future studies with longitudinal data. Limitations A number of limitations of this study should be acknowledged. First, due to the crosssectional nature of the data, it is plausible that the hypothesized relations operate in the reverse order. That is, greater depressive symptoms and poorer mental health in general may be linked to increased awareness, sensitivity, or reporting of racial discrimination. Second, there is potential for sampling bias related to the use of convenience sampling in a geographically concentrated area. This sampling method was chosen to access a difficult-to-reach population. Third, the measure of racial discrimination used did not assess whether the source of discrimination was from out-group or in-group members. Conclusion Despite the limitations, this study advances the literature in several ways. First, the findings suggest that different settings may expose adolescents to different forms of discrimination, suggesting interventions that address racial discrimination should account for the settings that are especially salient to youth. In particular, assessment of context can inform programs aimed to reduce forms of racial discrimination and help prepare youth to develop coping skills and resources associated with discriminatory incidents in various settings. Research has discussed parental socialization processes that prepare children for racial prejudice and bias (Hughes et al., 2006), and this practice could be extended to other educational and service settings for youth with regard to discrimination encountered in the community. Moreover, although existing studies have supported the notion that Asian American adolescents are primarily affected by peer discrimination, this study contributes to the literature by demonstrating the negative effects of discrimination in community (police) contexts. Although there was little variability in our sample with regard to immigrant status or generation, future research should explore these and other dimensions of within-group variation. Some scholars note the difficulty with untangling forms of discrimination rooted in race and ethnicity, gender, or other forms of status (Cole, 2009), yet a growing body of studies have used quantitative methods to explore the intersection of multiple forms of identity and status as they relate to psychological and health outcomes (Veenstra, 2013; Reisen, Brooks, Zea, Poppen, & Bianchi, 2013; Mahalingam & Leu, 2005). Finally, the current study adds to the limited research on racial discrimination, gender, and mental health among Cambodian American adolescents. Early studies on Asian American adolescents have excluded Southeast Asian groups, such as Cambodians, or have not disaggregated data by ethnic group. The findings contribute to ethnic-specific research on an Asian subgroup that can help target appropriate prevention and intervention strategies. Journal of Community Psychology DOI: 10.1002/jcop

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In sum, the findings support the body of research demonstrating a relationship between racial discrimination and poor mental health for adolescents. Our data suggest peer and police discrimination are especially detrimental for Cambodian American adolescents, and the effects of police discrimination may be particularly harmful for females. With the number of children born to racial and ethnic minorities now outnumbering those of Whites in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b), continued research is imperative to examine race and ethnicity-related factors that contribute to the mental health and development of young people. As such, issues of racial discrimination will continue to have salience and relevance in our increasingly diverse society.

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