Raw material exploitation from prehistory to the

STUDIJE ARHEOTEHNOLOGIJE: Eksploatacija sirovina od praistorije do srednjeg veka Urednici: Selena Vitezović Dragana Antonović

Beograd, 2017

ARCHAEOTECHNOLOGY STUDIES: Raw material exploitation from prehistory to the Middle Ages Editors: Selena Vitezović Dragana Antonović

Belgrade, 2017

Published by / Izdavač Srpsko arheološko društvo Beograd, Čika-Ljubina 18-20 For the publisher / Za izdavača Adam Crnobrnja Editors / Urednici Selena Vitezović Dragana Antonović Editorial board / Uređivački odbor Jacqueline Balen (Hrvatska), Gordana Jeremić, Hrvoje Kalafatić (Hrvatska), Stanimira Taneva (Bugarska), Zsuzsanna Tóth (Hungary), Ivan Vranić Reviewed by / Recenzenti Jacqueline Balen (Hrvatska), Vujadin Ivanišević, Hrvoje Kalafatić (Hrvatska), Stanimira Taneva (Bugarska), Zsuzsanna Tóth (Hungary), Perica Špehar English translation / Prevod na engleski Miloš Krnetić, Jelena Vitezović and individual authors Graphic layout / Grafička oprema Amalija Vitezović Cover / Korica Mihajlo Vitezović Printed by / Štampa DC Grafički centar Savski nasip 7, 11070 Novi Beograd Print run / Tiraž 100 ISBN 978-86-80094-07-6

This book is published with the financial support of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

CONTENTS SADRŽAJ Raw material managing and exploitation in the past (Selena Vitezović, Dragana Antonović) ..................................................................................... 7 Milica Mitrović: Beauty (con)test: aesthetic qualities of knapped stone raw materials .................................................................................................... 13 Vedrana Krištofić: Selection and exploitation of osseous raw materials at the site of Jakovo–Kormadin (collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb) ....................................................................................................... 29 Selena Vitezović: Osseous raw materials as ornaments in the Bronze Age: the case study of Mokrin ........................................................................... 59 Radmila Balaban: Copper artefacts and their social role in the Vinča culture ........................................................................................................ 85 Dragana Antonović, Vidan Dimić: Copper ore exploitation at the site of Prljuša on Mali Šturac ............................................................................. 117 Tajana Sekelj Ivančan, Tamara Marković: The primary processing of iron in the Drava river basin during the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages the source of raw materials ...................................................................... 143 Vesna Bikić, Uglješa Vojvodić: Pottery distribution and raw material resources in the area of medieval Ras ..................................................... 161 List of contributors .................................................................................. 191

RAW MATERIAL MANAGING AND EXPLOITATION IN THE PAST

Archaeology studies material remains of the past, and the question of raw material from which they were made is often the very first, initial research question. Raw materials include food and water for humans and animals, as well as materials for making tools, shelter, clothes, other daily objects such as vessels, storage containers, etc., and also for objects of art, ritual and cult. Their origin and method of acquiring are often interlinked and are connected into a complex network of mutual relation. For example, food remains, such as animal bones, skin, tendons, are used for artefact production, non-edible parts of plants may serve for other purposes, such as stems for roofs or for covering the floor, fresh running water is important for human and animal consumption but also for numerous production processes, gathering in the woodlands may encompass diverse resources, such as wood for basketry, plant and animal food, and so on. The system and the organization of acquiring and exploiting of different raw materials represent the most important part of every economy and economical system. The questions such as availability of some of the raw materials, the degree of their exploitation versus their availability, the mode of exploitation as well as the method of their extracting, connected with the technological choices, are particularly important for studying not only economic, but also other social aspects. Analyses of raw material may provide information on the exploitation of the environment and human-environment relations; the relative distance of the sources from the settlement may point to the territory used or controlled by certain group, routes of trade and exchange, or, in a case of hunter-gatherers, routes of migration and/ or territory covered. Technology of extracting some raw materials, such as stones or ores, may indicate the level of technological knowledge 7

Raw material exploitation from prehistory to the Middle Ages

and the organization and the overall economic system within a community that explored them. Furthermore, some materials can be considered as luxurious and prestigious among some human groups; this is often, but not exclusively related to the rarity of the given raw material or to the difficulties in its extracting and/or working. Some materials may be used for both daily and ritual objects, some not, thus revealing some aspects of the perception of the environment, both landscape and animal world. The analysis of raw material acquiring and managing has a special place within the technological analysis. Technology (from Greek word τέχνη, meaning skill) is a conceptual approach to the material culture studies, that encompasses all the human actions upon a matter, from individual level (body gesture, embodied knowledge in crafting) to the social and cultural setting of production (cf. Inizan et al. 1999, also Miller 2007 and references therein). Technology or technological systems can be roughly described as processes and practices associated with production and consumption, from design to discard (Miller 2007: 5). The view of technology as a cultural-driven phenomenon implies that there is usually more than one technique that satisfies the minimum requirements for any given task. Therefore, the technological choices may be strongly influenced by beliefs, social structure and tradition within the given society – it is important to analyse why specific manufacturing techniques were employed and not another ones, why some objects are quickly discarded and other repaired several times, etc. (cf. Lemonnier 1992, 1993, see also Killick 2004). As for raw materials, the question is why a specific material was chosen and not some other. Some raw material may be readily available or exist in the environment and yet remain unused. Raw material choices are influenced by factors that can be roughly described as external – namely, the availability (including available quantities and possibilities for extractions with available technology), physical and mechanical properties, and internal – social, cultural preferences, traditions, etc. Careful choices of raw materials, and not random usage of first that come at hand, may be noted since very early stages of human past. Careful selection of particular raw materials, even targeted 8

Raw material managing and exploitation in the past

search for adequate materials, their collecting, transporting, hoarding for later use, etc., can be traced back very deep into our past. Studies on lithic raw material demonstrated that already in the Middle Palaeolithic period tool provisioning and management strategies show clear organization and planning depth (Meignen et al. 2009). The studies of raw material acquiring and managing are not important only for studies of economy; they can have great influence on other fields of research as well. As L. Meignen and co-authors noted, „Analyses of Middle Paleolithic technological behaviors – and by extension of Neandertal cognitive capacities and mobility organization – have been revolutionized by theoretical perspectives devised from lithic technological and raw material investigations“ (Meignen et al. 2009: 15) Today, studies of raw materials must also include diverse multiand interdisciplinary approaches. Throughout the 20th century, most of the studies were focused on the discovery of the sources of a certain raw material, especially lithic and metal. Lithics are probably the most studied raw material (e. g., Antonović 1997, 2003, Biró 1998, Gatsov 2006, Gurova 2011, Šarić 2014, to mention just a few examples from Balkan archaeology), although they are far from being exhausted. In past few decades, however, may be noted both the improvements in methodology as well as an increased interest and increased variety in raw material studies. For example, we may quote the studies on amber (e.g., du Gardin 2002, Murillo-Barroso and Martinón-Torres 2012), or salt (Cavruc and Harding 2012, Saile 2012, Weller 2012). Interest in osseous raw materials especially increased in past three decades or so, both in Europe and other continents (e. g., Guthrie 1983, Scheinsohn and Ferretti 1995, Margaris 2012, Allentuck 2013; see also Schibler and Choyke 2007, Choyke 2013). One of the classical studies on symbolic value of raw materials is the one on the osseous raw materials, by Robert McGhee (1977), on raw material choices within the Thule culture in arctic Canada. McGhee clearly demonstrated that the use of antler, ivory and bone for specific artefacts is by no means accidental, and is in fact strictly linked to the worldview. From the relations between the raw material and their products, McGhee reconstructed oppositions land/sea, summer/winter, man/woman, antler/ivory. 9


*** This volume is the result of several thematic session that took place at Annual meetings of the Serbian archaeological society, especially sessions Exploitation of raw materials, exchange and trade in prehistory, and Technology of raw material exploitation from prehistory to the Middle Ages. The first paper by M. Mitrović presents a study on knapped raw materials from a new, interesting point of view – it discusses the aesthetic qualities of flint materials. The next two papers are focused on osseous raw materials; V. Krištofić analyses the osseous raw material choices in the Neolithic period, on the case study of the site of Jakovo-Kormadin, while S. Vitezović looked into the usage of osseous materials for ornaments in times when metals entered into wider use, on the case study of the Mokrin necropolis. The next three papers are dealing with metals from different perspectives. R. Balaban discusses early copper artefacts and their symbolic value. D. Antonović and V. Dimić offered new results from very interesting, but at the same time challenging research on early mining activities and they present the results from the investigations of the site of Prljuša on the Rudnik mountain. Paper by T. Sekelj Ivančan and T. Marković is a leap forward in time, into the Middle Ages, and they are focused on the iron processing along the Drava river. Finally, the book is closed by analysis of clay raw materials in the Middle Ages using the area of medieval Ras as model for raw material procurement strategy and organization of pottery production, by V. Bikić and U. Vojvodić. Editors would like to thank to everyone who helped in creating this book, authors and all participants at Annual meetings of the Serbian Archaeological Society, members of the editorial board and reviewers, as well as to the Serbian Archaeological Society, and, last but not least, to translators, Jelena Vitezović and Miloš Krnetić. Selena Vitezović Dragana Antonović 10

Raw material managing and exploitation in the past

References Allentuck, A. 2013. Raw Material Availability and Technological Choice: Modified Metapodia from an Early Bronze Age Site in Central Israel. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 23 (4): 379–394. Antonović, D. 1997. Use of Light White Stone In the Central Balkans Neolithic. Starinar n. s. XLVIII: 33-39. Antonović, D. 2003. Neolitska industrija glačanog kamena u Srbiji. Arheološki institut, Beograd. Biró, T. 1998. Stones, Numbers – History? The Utilization of Lithic Raw Materials in the Middle and Late Neolithic of Hungary. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 17 (1):1-18. Cavruc, V. and Harding, A. 2012. Prehistoric production and exchange of salt in the Carpthian-Danube Region. In: V. Nikolov & K. Bacvarov (eds.): Salt and Gold: The Role of Salt in Prehistoric Europe. Provadia and Veliko Tarnovo: 173-200. Choyke, A. 2013. Hidden agendas: ancient raw material choice for worked osseous objects in central Europe and beyond. In: A. M. Choyke & S. O’Connor (eds.): From These Bare Bones: Raw Materials and the Study of Worked Osseous Objects, Oxford, Oxbow: 1–11. Gatsov, I. 2006. Systems of raw material procurement and supply in upper and eastern Thrace and South Marmara region – VII and VI mill BC. Analele Banatului, s. n., Arheologie – Istorie, XIV (1) 43-52. du Gardin, C. 2002. L’ambre et sa circulation dans l’Europe protohistorique. In: J. Guilaine (ed.) Matériaux, productions, circulations du Néolithique à l’Age du Bronze. Editions Errance, Paris: 213-235. Gurova, M. 2011. Prehistoric flint assemblages from Bulgaria: a raw material perspective. In: Orient și Occident. Cultură şi civilizaţie la Dunărea de Jos, XXVIII. East and West. Culture and civilisation on the lower Danube. Muzeul Dunării De Jos, Călăraşi: 96-115. Guthrie, D. 1983. Osseus projectile points: biological considerations affecting raw material selection and design among paleolithic and Paleoindian peoples. In: J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson (eds.): Animals and Archaeology 1: Hunters and their prey. British Archaeological Reports 163, Oxford: 273–294. Inizan, M-L., Reduron-Ballinger M., Roche H. and Tixier. J. 1995. Technologie de la pierre taillée. CNRS et Université de Paris, Paris. Killick, D. 2004. Social Constructionist Approaches to the Study of Technology. World Archaeology 36 (4): 571-578. Lemmonier, P. 1992. Elements for an anthropology of technology. Ann Arbor, Michigan. 11


Lemmonier, P. 1993. Introduction. In: P. Lemonnier (ed.), Technological choices: transformation in material cultures since the Neolithic. Routdledge, London: 1-35. Margaris A. 2012. Reconsidering Raw Material Selection. Skeletal Technologies andDesign for Durability in Subarctic Alaska. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory: DOI 10.1007/s10816-012-9168-x McGhee, R. 1977. Ivory for the Sea Women: the symbolic attributes of a prehistoric technology. Canadian Journal of Archaeology 1: 141-149. Murillo-Barroso, M. and Martinón-Torres, M. 2012. Amber Sources and Trade in the Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula. European Journal of Archaeology 15 (2):187–216. Miller, H. M.-L. 2007. Archaeological approaches to technology. Oxford. Saile, T. 2012. Salt in the Neolithic of Central Europe: production and distribution. In: V. Nikolov & K. Bacvarov (eds.), Salt and Gold: The Role of Salt in Prehistoric Europe. Provadia and Veliko Tarnovo: 225-238. Scheinsohn V. and Ferretti J. L. 1995. The Mechanical Properties of Bone Materials in relation to Design and function of prehistoric tools from Tierra del Fuego (Argentina). Journal of archaeological science 22: 711-717. Schibler, J. 2001. Red deer antler: exploitation and raw material management in neolithic lake dwelling sites from Zürich, Switzerland. In: H. Buitenhuis and W. Prummel (eds.), Animals and Man in the Past. Essays in honour of Dr. A.T. Clason emeritus professor of archaeozoology. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, ARC-Publicatie 41, Groningen: 82-94. Šarić, J. 2014. Artefakti od okresanog kamena u starijem i srednjem neolitu na tlu Srbije. Arheološki institut, Beograd. Weller, O. 2012. La production chalcolithique du sel à Provadia-Solnitsata: de la téchnologie céramique aux implications socio-économiques. In: V. Nikolov & K. Bacvarov (eds.), Salt and Gold: The Role of Salt in Prehistoric Europe. Provadia and Veliko Tarnovo: 67-87.

12

BEAUTY (CON)TEST: AESTHETIC QUALITIES OF KNAPPED STONE RAW MATERIALS Milica Mitrović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Archaeological Collection Abstract: Archaeologists usually describe discovered final products as “beautiful”, but that attribute is rarely used to characterize raw materials for knapping. The paper examines the possibilities and limitations of the aesthetic approach based on psychological research to the study of raw materials. The question is whether the raw materials described according to economic criteria as useful (high-quality and valuable) may be identified as “beautiful” and others as “less beautiful” or “ugly”. Comparison of two raw materials used in the Mesolithic and Neolithic of the Iron Gates: quartzite, which is traditionally considered ugly and aesthetically remarkable Balkan flint, justified to some extent the rooted stance. However, practical work with students of archaeology pointed out that the process of learning actually creates narratives. In their first meeting with chipped stone, students see quartzite as “nice, beautiful” for it “shines”, “is bright” and “smooth” (pebble cortex). On the other hand, the final year students, who have passed courses in prehistoric archaeology and technology of knapped stone artefacts, find the quartzite “ugly” because it is complicated and difficult to analyse. Although we cannot bring certain conclusions about the aesthetic value systems in the past, we may consider grounds for their construction. Keywords: quartzite, Balkan flint, raw materials, knapped stone, aesthetics, the Iron Gates, Mesolithic, Early Neolithic Apstrakt: U arheologiji je raširena praksa da se pojedinačni predmeti kao finalni proizvodi opisuju kao „lepi”, međutim, taj atribut se retko sreće pri karakterizaciji sirovina za izradu okresanih alatki. Rad ispituje mogućnosti i ograničenja za estetski pristup pri proučavanju sirovina. Na osnovu psiholoških istraživanja o estetskom doživljaju razmotreno je da li se sirovine prema ekonomskim kriterijumima opisane kao korisne (kvalitetne i dragocene) mogu odrediti i kao „lepe”, a ostale kao „manje lepe”, ili „ružne”. Poređenje dve sirovine upotrebljavanih u mezolitskim i neolitskim industrijama Đerdapa: kvarcita, koji se tradicionalno 13


smatra ružnim, i estetski izuzetnog balkanskog kremena, pokazalo je u određenoj meri opravdanost ukorenjenog stava. Dalje razmatranje je ukazalo da je za stvaranje narativa zaduženo učenje, na šta je ukazao praktični rad sa studentima arheologije. Pri prvom susretu sa okresanim kamenom, studenti kvarcit posmatraju kao „lep” jer „svetluca”, „sija”, i „gladak je” (korteks oblutka). Sa druge strane, studenti završnih godina, koji su prošli kurseve iz arheologije paleolita i mezolita, i tehnologije okresanih kamenih artefakata, smatraju da je kvarcit „ružan” jer je „komplikovan i težak za analizu”. Iako se ne mogu doneti sigurni zaključci o estetskim vrednosnim sistemima u prošlosti, mogu se razmotriti osnove za njihovo građenje u odgovarajućim prostornim i hronološkim okvirima. Ključne reči: kvarcit, balkanski kremen, sirovine, okresani kameni artefakti, estetika, Đerdap, mezolit, rani neolit

“Have nothing in your house that you do not know to be useful, or believe to be beautiful”

William Morris Aesthetic qualities of past remains are usually described from an individual standpoint or generally accepted values, however they were rarely treated in scientific manner. This study investigates in which ways we can relate aesthetic characteristics to the archaeological material based on their usefulness as an objective measure. The object of beauty Having in mind that the beauty is in the eye of the beholder, we don’t have to and even can’t reconstruct or consider aesthetical value systems and criteria of past times. However, it is a tempting field for scholars who willingly or not ascribe levels of beauty to the material they study. Psychological research demonstrated that there is are some general rules about perceptions and understanding of beautiful and its connections to the other qualities of sensed 14

M. Mitrović

Beauty (con)test: Aesthetic qualities of knapped stone raw materials

objects. Usually the final products, i.e. objects are valued in aesthetic way, so here I want to examine the possibilities to do the same with the very raw materials before they are processed. If we know that something is useful and necessary, can we consider its beauty values? Beauty comes with age Aesthetic qualities of past remains were treated in different manners during the history of archaeology. In its beginnings, in the period of cultural archaeology only artistic objects were perceived through the aesthetic lenses, following / according to the Zeitgeist of the time and its motto l’art pour l’art. Cave paintings, painted Greek pottery, decorative pottery, Palaeolithic Venus sculpts, etc. were presented as beautiful objects. The processual archaeology brought the system view and scientific approach which called for biological theories and multidisciplinary research. The questions asked were if and how much something is functional, useful, durable, so little attention (if any) is paid to the other qualities of the studied material. The reconstruction of the chaîne opératoire was essential in the artefact analyses and was of the great importance for the description of the subsystem of economy. It demanded the development of experimental studies in order to judge dexterity needed and search for the origin of the raw materials. Scholars separated examination of attributes of objects themselves and the consistent raw materials. The aesthetic value of an object was judged by its economic value which was determined by its making process and the material it was made of. The post-processual archaeology promoted scholars as individuals and allowed them to flirt with the uncovered material. Beautiful was (and is) everything that an archaeologist considers as beautiful. Special attention was given to the contexts of discovered objects. Archaeologists are ready to describe final products of knapped stones as beautiful, exceptional, masterpiece as extensive literature shows. However, little attention is paid to the raw materials they 15


were made of. Archaeological research is usually oriented towards the investigation of economic systems concerning raw materials in prehistory. It discovers and describes the exploitation, exchange and trade of raw materials based on their distribution within and among regions. The precious stones and metals are accepted as valuable raw materials and based on that as beautiful when talking on later periods (thanks to written records and their closeness to the modern criteria of value system). However, the prehistoric lithic materials are described as precious and exotic based on their proximity to the resource but rarely characterized aesthetically. In lithic studies, theoretical background of processual archaeology together with experimental research in making replicas enabled the relative ranking of the lithic raw materials by their knapping properties. Raw material, valued whether for its good properties or distant origin, added attractiveness to a finished product. The oldest knapped tools of special aesthetic appeal are bifacial handaxes (Mithen 2003) valued for their symmetry in three dimensions: in plan, in profile and in section. Finely grained raw materials used for their making would enhance their beauty (e.g. purple biface found in Sima de los Huesos, Atapuerca). There are even cases where fossils are left intact within the stone of the artefact (e.g. West Toft, Norfolk with Spondylus spinosus, Swanskomb, Kent with fossil echinoid) which is especially attractive. Can we use aesthetic attributes and how we use them? These questions have been addressed to through the comparison of two lithic raw materials used in the Mesolithic and Early Neolithic of the Iron Gates region: quartzite (fig. 1) which is seen as ugly among local scholars and Balkan flint (fig. 2) which researchers usually consider as beautiful. Mirror mirror on the wall who’s the fairest of them all Mesolithic & Neolithic of the Iron Gates region Quartzite and Balkan flint are common raw materials in the Mesolithic and Early Neolithic of the Iron Gates region. It has been thoroughly studied region since the excavations in 1960s and 1970s 16

M. Mitrović


Fig. 1. Quartzite. Splinter from Lepenski Vir. Photo by Milica Mitrović. Sl. 1. Kvarcit. Odbitak tehnikom na nakovnju sa Lepenskog vira. Foto: Milica Mitrović.

Fig. 2. Balkan flint. Truncated blade from Lepenski Vir. Photo by Milica Mitrović. Sl. 2. Balkanski kremen. Sečivo sa retuširanim prelomom sa Lepenskog vira. Foto: Milica Mitrović.

as is evidenced by large body of literature as well as recent and on-going fieldwork research and projects1. Numerous sites have been discovered on both sides of the Danube on territories of Serbia and Romania. Quartzite (quartz in older literature) mostly predominates in Mesolithic assemblages, together with local grey flint. The most common tools are end-scrapers, simply retouched flakes and retouched blades (Radovanović 1996, Păunescu 2000). Honey waxy flint with white spots, so called Balkan flint mostly appears in the Early Neolithic contexts, whether as tools or elongated blades. Lepenski Vir is the site with the greatest percentage of this raw material. The opinion is that Balkan flint is of foreign origin and was Numerous researchers have written uncountable books and articles on finds and culture of the Iron Gates region, so I would not list them so as not to skip somebody.

1

17


imported, whether as the raw material or semi-product. In the process of neolithization, it means that local Mesolithic communities took Balkan flint and its products as luxury, exotic and valuable items. Within the same context, quartzite should be considered as abandon, expedient material of everyday usage. Which of those two is more beautiful? Background in psychology We understand that beauty is a pleasurable feeling of different intense that rises in the perception of each individual (Delle Donne 2010), but on the other hand in order to appraise and compare raw materials by their aesthetic attributes, we need to create a sort of checklist that would help us to set some standards and possibly more objective perspective. The very word “aesthetics” is no longer synonymous with “beauty”, especially in the world of humanities and social sciences. The Western aesthetics as a distinct discipline was invented in the nineteenth century and was mainly the subject of philosophy where its field of study goes beyond the artistic objects and phenomena. It is understood that “aesthetic” identifies sense perception, not only the visual, rather it involves exploration and evaluation through all the senses (Lothian 1999), while some even call it the theory of sensibility and consider it the foundational discipline (Berleant 2010). Many sub-disciplines such as environmental aesthetics, the aesthetics of everyday life, the aesthetics of popular culture, the aesthetics of sport, the politics of aesthetics etc. assisted the creation of new relations with other disciplines, e.g. the comparative aesthetics, social aesthetics, which supported the development from the theoretical point of view (Berleant 2010: 73). Here I examine beauty through the psychological domain, having in mind Clarke’s (1968) system view of culture where psychology is centred and interconnects all other sub-systems (religious and social patterns, economy and material culture). Archaeological literature is full of examples of fusion of aesthetical and economic attributes, while psychological research justifies practice of connecting those two. In that way, we can judge and describe raw materials by known measurable characteristics and later relate them to the more abstract dimensions. 18

M. Mitrović


There are various approaches in psychology for aesthetical evaluation. Beauty has to do with the fields of emotion, motivation, cognition, thinking and learning at the same time, so we must consider all those psychological factors and their interactions when studying objects and phenomena (Delle Donne 2010: 90). The affective approach understands beautiful as pleasant (measures beauty through the intensity of pleasant stimulus), motivational as interesting, perceptive approach as harmony, good shape, and cognitive approach as clearness and intelligibility. It is not simple or even possible to judge raw materials by these criteria, however numerous research clearly demonstrate connections between economical values and levels of aesthetical impression. Voland (2003) connects biological Costly signalling theory and the world of artefacts and art. He demonstrated that if something is to be “special” it has to be “expensive, highly costly”, which is determined by a) raw materials it is made of, 2) risk to life and health, 3) time invested, time effort. The same author stresses preciousness and value for something to be beautiful, especially when it comes to the raw materials of which objects are made. Although time invested raises the value of item, the price falls down with technological development (Voland 2003: 243–246). From the modern marketing point of view, products (i.e. artefacts) may be valued by two characteristics, the hedonic and utilitarian. The hedonic value presents the level of pleasure that the product is capable of giving to the average consumer, while utilitarian value is defined as the value of usefulness of a product used daily to deals with problems. So the product is liked or disliked form functional and non-functional aspects. The aesthetic experience involves attending to, perceiving and appreciating an object with regard to whatever utilitarian function it might perform (Baisya & Ganes 2008: 43, 44). All of those criteria have long been used by archaeologists to judge the value of items, especially from the exploited surrounding (e.g. to rank pray and collectable food) and the exchanged objects. It is clear that raw material should be of a good performance, i.e. quality and consequently utility in order to be used. On the other hand it should be precious in order to bring a high status to its owner. 19


Once when we determine those two, we can evaluate and compare them by beauty. Quality is in the first place The best quality stones for knapping are those that can be cracked in a reliable and predictable manner, with conchoidal fracture. Such stones are brittle, homogeneous, and isotropic (Andrefsky 2005: 24). It seems that those features can be noticed and tested easily, however there are inconsistences in judgment. Although there are general rules for determining good quality raw materials, a researcher as an individual plays an important role. There are number of examples in which researchers had different opinions in the analysis of the same material (e.g. classification and description of the raw materials in Klithi, Bailey 1997). My precious It is well known that archaeologists judge preciousness of objects by the distance they travelled (from the point of origin to the point of burying), their availability, and especially by the context of finding. A raw material gets higher price if its outcrops are in greater distance (local materials are exploited within radius of 5–10 km from the site where they have been found, while exotic materials originate from the distance greater than 100 km), if there is no much of it, if its extraction point is hardly accessible. The context of finding is somewhat discussible, but usually items placed in distinct places within living area and those in graves are thought to have had special meaning and likewise to have been highly praised. Beauty contest Balkan flint appeared in the Early Neolithic contexts after wide use of quartzite and is taken to be prestigious material exchanged in regional level (Radovanović 1996). It is represented by formal toolkits (blades with semi abrupt retouch) and because of its extra local origin it was exchanged rather in form of elongated blades than cores (Perlès 2001). 20

M. Mitrović


The raw material itself is brittle, but there are pieces which have lot of tiny fissures and holes as well as natural surfaces, which make it unsuitable to perform controlled strikes and knap the desired products easily. Its origin is disputable. The older literature says that it was imported from the so called Pre-Balkan Plateau (Kozłowski 1984), an area in northern Bulgaria. In more recent times, researchers think it is also found locally, because the number of finds made of Balkan flint decreases as we move downstream the Danube from the Lepenski Vir, and also there are number of specimen with pebble cortex, which suggest they came from secondary deposits (Šarić 2002). Chemical analyses demonstrated that Balkan flint is unlikely to be from a single source and possibly there are outcrops in eastern Serbia and southwest Romania (Gurova 2012). The quantities and availability are consequently also discussible, depending on the provenience. The most common tools made of quartzite are splintered pieces and by products of technique knapping on anvil, i.e. splinters. The quality of quartzite is somewhat tricky to judge. It is homogenous, coarsely grained, and brakes conchoidally in predictable manner. On the other hand, it is found primly in the form of river pebbles, created with inner tiny fractures and fissures that are difficult to overcome. The researchers agree that quartzite isn’t precious material, because it is available in large quantities in the vicinity of sites, and is picked up easily. The picture of children playing with pebbles on the river banks is imaginable in the past context. Examination of contexts of finds of these materials on two representative sites, Vlasac for the Mesolithic period and Lepenski Vir for transitional phase and the Early Neolithic, do not indicate distinctions: both materials are found within and in the vicinity of houses / dwellings / stone constructions. However, this research is still in progress (Mitrović, in prep) and has included only stone constructions (interpreted as dwellings) as closed units within cultural layers so is possible that new investigations bring different outcomes. If we compare raw materials on the basis of these criteria (Table 1) and accept that Balkan flint had extra-local origin and demands at least more effort to be reached (mining together with picking pebbles), then it can be concluded that it is more precious than quartzite 21


preciousness

quality

and is more beautiful. However, the results of psychological research cannot be directly applied to archaeological material, because the notion of beauty culturally specific and taught in the community.

brittleness

quartzite √

Balkan flint √

hardness

√

√

homogeneity

√x

√x

distance of origin

x

?

quantity

x

x

availability

x

?

context

x

x

Tab. 1. The comparison of Balkan flint and quartzite on the criteria set for quality and preciousness. Tab. 1. Poređenje kvarcita i balkanskog kremena prema kriterijumima za kvalitet i dragocenost.

Ugly quartzling: the story of growing up During few years of teaching and practical work with students on different levels of studies, I could observe an interesting pattern. When I was showing various raw materials to the students of first year, they would be delighted by quartzite: “it shines”, “is light”, “is gentle to touch its surface”… They would be indifferent to the Balkan flint in comparison to the other types and colours of flint and could not see anything special in it. The students of final years who had attended courses in prehistoric archaeology and technology of knapped stones, were trained to sort knapped stones by raw material and separate tools from collections. They literally hated quartzite because it is “hard to see retouch, recognize marks of hammer and anvil”, and even differentiate knapped surfaces from incidental brakes. Their reactions to the Balkan flint were like “wow, superb”, they considered it beautiful as they had already listened about its preciousness in the process of neolithization. It looks like the more mature students had 22

M. Mitrović


prejudice about quartzite because they had heard the rooted stances that quartzite industries represent “technological declination” and “undeveloped technology”. Although these are only remarks, without scientific sample, questionnaire or research, they demonstrate that we are taught to judge the aesthetics. Those meetings were actually the inspiration for this paper. They reminded me to look back in times when I was taught to analyse the lithics: of course, I disliked quartzite in the beginning although I liked quartzite pebbles before “archaeological indoctrination”. More and more time I dedicated to the knapped quartzite, the more and more I learned the patterns and characteristic marks of its breakage and started to like it. Symons (1995: 80) described it perfectly: “‘Beauty is in the adaptations of the beholder’” (cited in Thornhill 2003: 22). We, at least as archaeologists are not even subjective in our beauty experiences as thought at the beginning, but rather demonstrate various schools and traditions based on the regional level defined by the period we investigate. In conclusion, there are no clear indicators which would support the rooted value of beautiful Balkan flint. Only the reminiscence of knappers could maybe explain the origin of such narrative. The comparison of final products of these two raw materials, long blades versus splinters and splintered tools, indicates experienced masters knapping flint with punch and pressure techniques and children playing with stones and learning the patterns of breaking it. It is not surprisingly at all as the society in general admires masterpieces among paintings and sculptures, but only parents highly value scrawls and plasticine figures of their children. The other explanation lies in the attitudes of the researchers themselves and their, i.e. our development as analysts which we had to have in mind when approaching our beautiful beloved material. Acknowledgments The research presented here was undertaken as part of the project Cultural changes and population migrations in the early Praehistory of the Central Balkans (Kulturne promene i populaciona kretanja u ranoj praistoriji centralnog Balkana, OI 177023), funded by Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 23


References Andrefsky, W. Jr. 2005. Lithics: Macroscopic approaches to analysis. Second edition. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Baisya, R.K. & Das, G. G. 2008. Aesthetics in marketing. New Delhi, Response books business books from SAGE Publications. Berleant, A. 2010. Sensibility and sense. The Aesthetic transformation of the human world. Imprint Academic. Clarke, D. 1968. Analytical archaeology. London, Methuen. Delle Donne, V. 2010. How can we explain beauty? A psychological answer to a philosophical question. Proceedings of the European Society for Aesthetics 2: 88–99. Gurova, M. 2012. ‘Balkan flint’ – fiction and/ or trajectory to Neolithization: Evidence from Bulgaria. Be-JA. Bulgarian e-Journal of Archaeology 1/2012. Kozłowski, J. K. 1984. Chipped stone industries from Lepenski Vir. Preistoria Alpina 19: 259–294. Lothian, A. 1999. Landscape and the philosophy of aesthetics: Is landscape quality inherent in the landscape or in the eye of the beholder? Landscape and urban planning 44: 177–198. Mithen, S. 2003. Handaxes: The First Aesthetic Artifacts. In: E. Voland & K Grammer (eds.) Evolutionary aesthetics. Springer: 261–275. Mitrović, M. In prep. Knapped stone industries in the Mesolithic of the Iron Gates. PhD thesis. Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade. Păunescu, A. 2000. Paleoliticul și mezoliticul din spaţiul cuprins între Carpaţi și Dunăre. Editura Agir, București. Perlès, C. 2001. The Early Neolithic in Greece. The first farming communities in Europe. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Radovanović, I. 1996. The Iron Gates Mesolithic. Ann Arbor, International Monographs in Prehistory, Michigan. Roubet, C. 1997. The lithic domain at Klithi: Technology of production and the chaîne opératoire. In: G. Bailey (ed): Klithi: Palaeolithic settlement and quaternary landscapes in northwest Greece. Volume 1. Excavation and intra-site analysis ad Klithi. Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research: 125–153. Symons, D. 1995. Beauty is in the adaptations of the beholder: the evolutionary psychology of human female sexual attractiveness. In: P. R. Abramson & S. D. Pinkerton (eds.): Sexual nature/sexual culture. Chicago, University of Chicago Press: 80–118. Šarić, J. 2002. Stone as material for production of chipped artifacts in Early and Middle Neolithic of Serbia. Starinar n. s. 52: 11–26. 24

M. Mitrović


Thornhill, R. 2003. Darwinian aesthetics informs traditional aesthetics. In: E. Voland & K. Grammer (eds.): Evolutionary aesthetics. Springer: 9–35. Voland, E. 2003. Aesthetic Preferences in the World of Artifacts – Adaptations for the Evaluation of ‘Honest Signals’? In: E. Voland & K. Grammer (eds.): Evolutionary aesthetics. Springer: 239–260.

25


Milica Mitrović Filozofski fakultet, Odeljenje za arheologiju, Arheološka zbirka IZBOR ZA NAJLEPŠU: ESTETSKE OSOBINE KAMENIH SIROVINA ZA OKRESIVANJE U arheologiji je uobičajeno da se pojedinačni predmeti opisuju kao „lepi”, a stav o lepom se menjao tokom vremena. U kulturno-istorijskom periodu lepi su bili isključivo predmeti smatrani za umetnine – skulpture, oslikana keramika, pećinsko slikarstvo. Procesna arheologija je proučavala funkcionalnost i korisnost predmeta, uz određivanje njegove ekonomske vrednosti, a manje pažnje je posvećeno drugim poljima. Post-procesna arheologija je dozvolila istraživačima da budu subjektivni kritičari i proglase lepim sve što su sami smatrali takvim. Estetskim atributima se opisuju i finalni proizvodi okresivanja, ali retko same sirovine korišćene za izradu alatki. Na osnovu psiholoških istraživanja o estetskom doživljaju razmotreno je da li se sirovine prema ekonomskim kriterijumima opisane kao korisne mogu odrediti i kao „lepe”, a ostale kao „manje lepe”, ili „ružne”. Da bi predmet bio koristan (i korišćen), kako pokazuje psihologija, potrebno je da bude upotrebljiv u rešavanju svakodnevnih zadataka i da bude prijatan, poseban, dragocen, što između ostalog određuje sirovina od koje je napravljen. Autori se slažu da i sirovina utiče na lepotu predmeta, ali i da smatrai određeni predmet lepim znači ceniti ga bez obzira na njegovu upotrebljivost. Kako se koriste estetski atributi u arheologiji i da li se mogu koristiti ispitivano je na primeru kvarcita i tzv. balkanskog kremena (sl. 1 i 2), sirovinama prisutnim u mezolitu i neolitu Đerdapa. Kvarcit se tradicionalno smatra ružnim, a ističe se estetska izuzetnost balkanskog kremena. Njihovo poređenje prema kvalitetu i dragocenosti pokazalo je u određenoj meri opravdanost ukorenjenog stava (tabela 1). Kvalitet sirovine karakterišu cepljivost, čvrstoća i homogenost, a dragocenost određuju udaljenost od ležišta, količina, dostupnost i pristupačnost, i sam kontekst nalaza. Prema ovim kriterijumima su uočene sigurne razlike između sirovina, i jedino pri čemu se balkan26

M. Mitrović


ski kremen izdvaja jeste pitanje njegovog lokalnog ili udaljenog porekla. Dalje razmatranje je ukazalo da je za stvaranje narativa zaduženo učenje, na šta je ukazao praktični rad sa studentima arheologije. Pri prvom susretu sa okresanim kamenom, studenti kvarcit posmatraju kao „lep” jer „svetluca”, „sija”, i „gladak je” (korteks oblutka). Sa druge strane, studenti završnih godina, koji su prošli kurseve iz arheologije paleolita i mezolita, i tehnologije okresanih kamenih artefakata, smatraju da je kvarcit „ružan” jer je „komplikovan i težak za analizu”, a bivaju oduševljeni kada vide artefakte od balkanskog kremena. Verovatno je i da imaju predubeđenja o ovim sirovinama jer vladaju stavovi da kvarcitne industrije predstavljaju nedovoljno razvijene tehnologije i tehnološko opadanje, a da je balkanski kremen bio prestižno dobro u procesu neolitizacije. Različite tehnike obrade kvarcita i balkanskog kremena takođe su mogli da utiču na ukorenjivanje estetskih vrednosti. Naime, kvarcit se okresuje tehnikom na nakovnju, i mogu se zamisliti i deca, početnici, kako manipulišu sirovinom, dok se za izradu sečiva od balkanskog kremena koristila prevashodno panč tehnika, odnosno okresivanje sa posrednikom prenosnikom sile između čekića i jezgra, što zahteva veštog i iskusnog majstora. Iako se ne mogu doneti sigurni zaključci o estetskim vrednosnim sistemima u prošlosti, mogu se razmotriti osnove za njihovo građenje u odgovarajućim prostornim i hronološkim okvirima, a kao arheolozi svakako treba da budemo svesni svog školovanja i obučavanja kada pristupamo analizi našeg lepog dragog materijala.

27

SELECTION AND EXPLOITATION OF OSSEOUS RAW MATERIALS AT THE SITE OF JAKOVO–KORMADIN (COLLECTION OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM IN ZAGREB) Vedrana Krištofić Croatian Archaeological Society, Zagreb Abstract: The collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb contains 566 osseous artifacts from the site of Jakovo–Kormadin. The finds discussed here were obtained by the Museum at the beginning of the 20th century as a result of non-systematic excavations carried out by J. Brunšmid and museum commissioner A. Poturičić. Apart from data on technology and typology, the analysis of finds from this collection provides insight into the kinds of raw materials used in tool production and the way in which they were acquired. The use of tools points to other activities which took place at the site or in its immediate vicinity. Based on all listed data, the finds from this collection fall into the scope of the osseous industry of the Vinča culture, and add to what is already known about this segment of economy of Neolithic communities. Keywords: osseous industry, Jakovo–Kormadin, osseous raw materials, exploitation, Neolithic, the Vinča culture Apstrakt: U zbirci Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu nalazi se 566 predmeta koštane industrije s lokaliteta Jakovo–Kormadin. Nalazi o kojima je ovdje riječ dospjeli su u Muzej početkom 20. stoljeća, a potječu iz nesustavnih istraživanja J. Brunšmida i muzejskog povjerenika A. Poturičića. Osim podataka vezanih uz tehno-tipologiju, analiza predmeta ove zbirke pružila je i uvid u izbor sirovina za izradu alatki i načine njihova pribavljanja, a upotreba alatki ukazala je na ostale djelatnosti koje su se odvijale na samom nalazištu ili u njegovoj neposrednoj blizini. Prema svim navedenim podacima, nalazi ove zbirke uklapaju se u okvire vinčanske 29


koštane industrije i upotpunjuju dosadašanja saznanja o ovom segmentu ekonomije neolitičkih zajednica. Ključne riječi: koštana industrija, Jakovo–Kormadin, koštane sirovine, eksploatacija, neolitik, vinčanska kultura

Introduction The site of Jakovo–Kormadin has been known since the beginning of the 20th century. From 1902 to 1905, the then director of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, J. Brunšmid, and museum commissioner A. Poturičić carried out non-systematic excavations at the site. Brunšmid’s sketches and notes provide the only available data on these excavations, but do not contain relevant data on stratigraphy or context of the finds (Šeper 1952: 25-28). The finds from these excavations, including a large number of osseous industry finds, are kept in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Rescue excavations carried out at the site in the 1950s yielded, apart from a 5th-6th century necropolis, three habitation phases dated to the Vinča culture (Јовановић, Глишић 1960: 113). This was also confirmed by the 2008 excavations of the site when one pit yielded finds of osseous industry which suggest that there was a workshop at the site (Булатовић et al. 2010: 3, 10; Витезовић 2010: 57). The analyzed finds were ascribed to the Vinča culture. A definitive criterion for such a determination of the studied osseous industry is the presence of a characteristic Vinča technique used in red deer antler processing. It is a technique of peeling away thin strips of material in order to separate tine from the rest of the antler (Витезовић 2010: 54), and which has been established on a larger number of finds made out of tine (Krištofić 30

V. Krištofić

Selection and exploitation of osseous raw materials...

2017, 33). Additionally, the Vinča culture is the only prehistoric culture defined at the site. The material from this collection was also compared to finds of osseous industry from the aforementioned systematic excavations (Perišić 1984; Витезовић 2010), as well as to those from other sites of the Vinča culture (Срејовић, Јовановић 1958-59; Bačkalov 1979; Russell 1990; Vitezović 2011b; Витезовић 2013a). This paper brings a brief overview of the groups and types of finds defined in the studied material, as well as of the different osseous raw materials used to produce the artifacts. Special attention is given to the modes of acquiring the raw materials, and to their selection in producing individual groups of finds. The reasons behind selecting specific animal species and their skeletal elements for tool production are explained, as are the various activities which took place at the site or in its close vicinity. Osseous raw materials Osseous raw materials present in the collection include bones of mammals, red deer and roe deer antlers, pig teeth and mollusc shell remains (Fig. 1). The largest number of tools is made out of long bones and ribs. In relation to bone, antlers were used somewhat less frequently. Animal teeth, in this case pig, and shells are the least represented raw materials. When it comes to bones, long bones are most frequent, most often including metapodial bones of ovicaprids, and ribs. The case is the same with large mammal bones, mostly including domestic cattle, although a smaller portion might be from wild animals such as aurochs and red deer. Other long bones, like the ulna, radius and tibia, were very rarely used in tool production. Ribs were also a common choice, as well as fragments of diaphyses of long bones which could not be more precisely anatomically determined.

31


Fig. 1. The percentage of osseous raw materials from the analyzed collection Sl. 1. Zastupljenost različitih ko štanih sirovina u analiziranoj zbirci.1

Antler was, along with bone, a frequently used raw material. Red deer antlers are more common than roe deer ones. All parts of antlers were used in tool production - the base, beam and tine, as well as antler cortex fragments. Certain parts of antlers were chosen for the production of different artifacts in such a way that their natural shape best matched the function of the object. In most cases, these are shed red deer antlers, while only a small number was obtained from hunted animals. Roe deer antlers were seldom used, and mostly for making ad hoc tools, which have been determined only as pointed tools in the studied collection. Pig teeth and shells are present in very small numbers. Pig teeth, most likely boar, were used as jewelry, but also in tool production. Shells, obtained through some kind of trade with remote areas, were used to produce different types of decorative objects. Typology and function The typological classification used to sort the analyzed material is based on the link between the shape and function of the working surface of finds (Bačkalov 1979; Vitezović 2011a: 274). The said classification was additionally expanded and adapted based on larger bone find collections from several Mesolithic and Neolithic sites from the territory of Serbia (Vitezović 2007; 2011a; 2016). Apart from primary types divided into several basic groups, subtypes and variants were also defined based on the used raw maOnly two artifacts are made out of shells: therefore, mollusc shells are not presented in the chart due to the fact they comprise less than 1% of the entire assemblage.

1

32

V. Krištofić


terials and production techniques (Vitezović 2007: 61-64; 2011a: 67-68, 274). This paper brings a short overview of the different tool types present in the collection that have been sorted into basic groups of finds (Tab. 1). Non-utilitarian finds are the only group which was not established within the collection. Pointed tools (I). The group of pointed tools includes tools with a pointed working edge that were primarily used for drilling, that is, puncturing material (Vitezović 2007: 65; 2011a: 276). All types of tools are present, awls being the most frequent. Awls (Pl. I: 1–4) and points (Pl. I: 5–8) were made out of ribs and longitudinally split long bones, most often metapodial, and needles were made out of smaller diaphysis fragments. Borers (Pl. II: 1) differ from awls or points only by the characteristic traces of use placed perpendicularly to the tool axis (Vitezović 2016: 88). Projectiles, hooks (Pl. II: 5) and harpoons (Pl. II: 4) were used as hunting and fishing tools (Vitezović 2007: 69-70). All finds in this group, apart from harpoons and a variant of points made out of red and roe deer tine, were made out of different parts of long bones or ribs. Cutting tools (II). This group includes chisels, wedges and axes used to process wood and other more resistant materials like antler and bone. The distal end of these tools has a sharp working surface used to split or cut raw material (Vitezović 2011a: 295-299). Chisels (Pl. II: 2, 3, 6) and wedges (Pl. II: 7) were made out of long bones and antlers, while axes from this collection were exclusively made out of red deer antler beams (Pl. III: 1). Chisels and axes can be divided into several variants, depending on the segment of antler used for their production and the applied production techniques (Krištofić 2017, 37-39). Polishing tools (III). This group includes tools used to process different organic materials by smoothing, polishing, and scraping (Vitezović 2007: 73-74). Only a small number of these finds is present in the collection. Only one polisher was made out of a split rib, while others were made out of red deer antler beams. Scrapers were made out of ribs (Pl. III: 2) and wild boar 33


tusks (Pl. III: 3), and could have been used to process different kinds of materials. Striking tools (IV). Finds placed in this group were used to process raw materials by striking (Vitezović 2011a: 308). Smaller (strikers) and larger (hammers) striking tools were defined, as were combined tools (hammer-axes). This group also includes picks (Pl. III: 4) used as agricultural or mining tools. Strikers (Pl. IV: 2, 3), when additionally processed, could, apart from wood processing, also be used in food preparation. Some hammer-axes do not have a formed blade which can be seen on axes, but have a perforation for inserting tools like smaller stone axes or chisels (Pl. IV: 4). All finds in this group are made out of red deer antlers. Objects of special use (V). This group includes finds without an active working surface (Vitezović 2011a: 316). The collection includes different auxiliary objects such as working surfaces and red deer antler hafts (Pl. IV: 1). Bone finds include recipients and finds such as bone rods and other tools which could have been used as a kind of spindle, that is auxiliary tools in textile processing (Vitezović 2011a: 331). Decorative objects (VI). Two smaller shell fragments were defined as beads, although they might have been a part of some other type of decorative object. One pendant is made out of a plate obtained by splitting a wild boar tusk (Pl. V: 4). Another pendant is made out of bone (Pl. V: 3), imitating a bear tooth in shape and dimensions. Such objects could be worn individually, as jewelry, or as decorations sawn onto clothing (Vitezović 2007: 80-81). Incomplete objects (VIII). This group includes fragmented tools, half-products and raw materials (Pl. V: 1, 2) used in tool production, that is, production waste (Vitezović 2011a: 341). Finds of raw materials and half-products provide valuable data on the techniques of processing raw material and tool production. Both groups of finds also speak in favor of the existence of a workshop at the site of Jakovo–Kormadin (Krištofić 2017, 46).

34

V. Krištofić


POINTED TOOLS/ZAŠILJENI PREDMETI

5

Awls/Šila

204

Points/Probojci

95

Needles/Igle

15

Borers/Svrdla

2

Hooks/Udice

3

Projectile points/Projektili

3

Harpoons/Harpuni

4

TOTAL/UKUPNO

331

CUTTING TOOLS/PREDMETI ZA SJEČENJE Chisels/Dlijeta

22

Wedges/Klinovi

13

Axes/Sjekire

29

TOTAL/UKUPNO

64

POLISHING TOOLS/PREDMETI ZA GLAČANJE Polishers/Spatule

6

Scrapers/Strugala

4

TOTAL/UKUPNO

10

STRIKING TOOLS/PREDMETI ZA UDARANJE Strikers/Udarači

63

Hammers/Čekići

2

Hammer-axes/Čekići-sjekire

10

Picks/Pijuci

15

TOTAL/UKUPNO

90

35


OBJECTS OF SPECIAL USE/PREDMETI POSEBNE NAMJENE

2

Hafts/Drške

2

Working surfaces/Radne površine

1

Recipients/Recipijenti

2

Bone rods/Koštani štapići

2

TOTAL/UKUPNO

9

DECORATIVE OBJECTS/UKRASNI PREDMETI Pendants/Privjesci

2

Beads/Perle

2

TOTAL/UKUPNO

4

INCOMPLETE OBJECTS/NECJELOVITI PREDMETI Fragmented tools/Fragmentirane alatke

13

Half-products/Poluproizvodi

11

Raw material-production waste/Sirovina-otpaci od proizvodnje

34

TOTAL/UKUPNO

58

GRAND TOTAL/SVEUKUPNO

566

Tab. 1. The representation of certain groups and corresponding types of objects from the analyzed collection from Jakovo–Kormadin Tab. 1. Zastupljenost pojedinih grupa i pripadajućih tipova predmeta iz analizirane zbirke s Jakovo–Kormadina.

36

V. Krištofić


Selecting and exploiting osseous raw materials Data obtained through the analysis of the material from the collection points to the existence of a certain standard in the selection of osseous raw materials at the site of Jakovo–Kormadin. An expressed uniformity was also noted in the selection of animal species and skeletal elements for the production of certain types and groups of finds. The clearest example of this uniformity in raw material selection is visible among pointed tools, especially awls. On numerous Neolithic sites, awls were made out of long bones and ribs (Fig. 2, Fig. 3).

Fig. 2. Different types of awls (P-16 807, P-16 813) made out of long bones and ribs from the collection of Jakovo–Kormadin (photo by I. Krajcar) Sl. 2. Različiti tipovi šila (P-16 807, P-16 813) iz zbirke Jakovo–Kormadin izrađeni od dugih kostiju i rebara (snimio I. Krajcar).

37


Metapodial ovicaprid bones are the most common selection for long bone awl production, as is the case with the same subtype present in the collection. The subtype of awls made out of metapodial bones appears across a wider geographical area over a longer time period, and is present in many Neolithic cultures all over Europe (Vitezović 2011a: 343). The proximal end of the tools from the collection often has a visible epiphyseal line, or the epiphysis is completely separate. Unfused epiphyses indicate younger animals (Reitz, Wing 2000: 175). The strategy of animal husbandry in agricultural communities where younger animals are used for meat is well known (Davis 1987: 39), i.e. in this case, raw materials for tool production were obtained from animals used for food. Apart from Vitkovo, the sites of Vinča culture display a prevalence of cattle breeding (Vitezović 2013c: 70; Vitezović, Bulatović 2013: 282). That is why the larger number of metapodial ovicaprid bones used in awl production is not linked to their representation in fauna, but presents a cultural choice (Vitezović 2011a: 344). The technological advantages of metapodial bones are also the reason they were frequently selected. By deepening the natural gauge using a stone tool, the bone could be easily split into two equal parts which could then be further processed into four tools (Vitezović 2016: 65) – an example of very efficient raw material management. At Jakovo–Kormadin, awls were insignificantly more often made out of longitudinally split small ruminant ribs. Numerous awls made out of ribs were also found at Drenovac (Vitezović 2011b: 124, 133). Ribs, as well as metapodial bones, were probably carefully separated during animal butchering, and were somehow stored for future use (Vitezović 2013c: 67), because only freshly acquired ribs can be regularly split in order to obtain bone plates which can then be scraped or polished into awls (Vitezović 2016: 66). Additionally, the deliberate selection of this skeletal element is visible in the fact that parts of ribs with parallel lateral edges are selected in order to make tools of regular shape (Vitezović 2011a: 265). 38

V. Krištofić


Fig. 3. Most frequently used skeletal elements for awl production at Jakovo–Kormadin Sl. 3. Najčešće upotrebljavani skeletni elementi za izradu šila na Jakovo–Kormadinu.

A similar situation can be established for large ruminant long bones, most probably those of domestic cattle, and which were used in point production. Points are the second most common type of find in the collection. The largest number of these tools was made out of longitudinally split metapodial bones, followed by the variant made out of non-split ribs. Awls and points, as well as other pointed tools (needles, borers, hooks, projectiles) were also made out of segments of long bone diaphyses, mostly of ovicaprids, that is, large ruminants like cattle. The fragments used to make these tools could be kitchen waste created by breaking long bones to reach the bone marrow (Vitezović 2013c: 67), and waste from producing other kinds of objects (Vitezović 2011a: 288). Bone objects were mostly used to process organic material. The accentuated polish visible on a larger portion of finds, and the 39


dense lines on distal ends of finds such as awls, points and needles, point to their use in plant fiber, hide and fur processing (Vitezović 2007: 56-57) (Tab. 2). Points and larger awls (T. I: 1, 5, 8) made out of ribs and long bones were used to split and perforate material (Vitezović 2011a: 368). Needles, smaller awls and borers (T. I: 2, 3; T. II: 1) were used in the final stages of production, as were finds of special use such as bone rods and auxiliary objects used in textile processing (Vitezović 2011a: 331, 368-369). A large number of Neolithic sites yielded larger amounts of these finds and their different variants, which shows that the processing of hide was an important activity (Vitezović 2011a: 368), and the site of Jakovo–Kormadin is not an exception. The group of polishing tools is poorly represented. Most tools in this group were made out of red deer antlers. Traces of use on the working surfaces of polishers made out of longitudinally split red deer antler beams point to the processing of organic material, most likely hide. Based on the finds from the collection, wild boar teeth were the preferred raw material in scraper production. This subtype of scraper, although small in number, could have been used for different purposes – processing more resistant plant materials (Maigrot 2003: 124) and clay (Витезовић 2010: 48), and even in food preparation (Vitezović 2007: 74). Scrapers (T: III: 2, 3) made out of whole ribs, as well as those made out of wild boar tusks, are characteristic finds from the Early and Middle Neolithic, and appear in the Vinča culture very rarely (Vitezović 2011a: 303-304), which explains their low representation in this collection. Red deer antlers were used to produce more massive tools of larger dimensions (Fig. 4; T. II: 6; T. III: 1; T. IV: 4) which were used to process more resistant materials such as wood, antler or bone. The largest number of tools made out antler is in the group of striking tools, followed by cutting tools. Only a small number of chisels and wedges were made out of bone, while axes were exclusively made out of red deer antler beam segments. In the group of pointed tools, mostly made out of bone, antlers are, expectedly, seldom used. These tools include points made out of antler tine, and several finds of conical and single-row harpoons used as hunting tools. 40

V. Krištofić


Antler tools were used to conduct activities taking place away from the settlement or in its vicinity, and which required a certain degree of planning and organization (Maigrot 2005: 122-123, 125) (Tab. 2). The mentioned groups of finds (cutting and striking tools) were used to procure raw materials like wood (cutting down trees), to process them, and to produce construction elements for building (Maigrot 2005: 122). Antler tools, like one variant of axes, were probably used as agricultural tools as well (Vitezović 2011a: 299). Agricultural tools could include picks, which could also have been used as mining tools (Vitezović 2007: 69). Only a portion of antler tools could have been used in the household, like the strikers with an additionally processed distal end used in food preparation or in grinding the pigments (Витезовић 2010: 49; Vitezović 2011a: 368).

Fig. 4. Hammer-axe (P-16 815.2) made out of red deer antler base and beam (photo by I. Krajcar) Sl. 4. Čekić-sjekira (P-16 815.2) izrađen od baze i stable roga jelena (snimio I. Krajcar).

41


Based on the finds with preserved antler bases, it was established that tools were mostly made out of shed red deer antlers, with some specimens made out of hunted animal antlers. Obtaining raw materials by collecting shed antlers is a planned out activity which required knowledge on the time and place where they could be gathered (Maigrot 2005: 122), which indicates that it as an important raw material. Unlike red deer antlers, roe deer antlers were seldom used in tool production. Only ten, out of a total of 217 antler tools, were made out of roe deer antler. The small number of roe deer antler tools is probably a consequence of the fact that this raw material is of lesser quality and is smaller in dimensions, which does not make it suitable for tool production (Vitezović 2013c: 69). According to the concept of production continuum (or quality continuum), finds can be divided into two groups (Choyke 1997; Choyke, Schibler 2007: 57-58). This concept can be applied to the herein analyzed material, especially in order to highlight the differences between the use of red deer and roe deer antler in artifact production. In the case of roe deer antler, the tools are made ad hoc, and fall into class II. Such objects are at one end of the production continuum and are opportunistic products with minimal processing and a short span of use (Choyke 1997; Choyke, Schibler 2007: 57). The opposite end includes carefully produced antler tools (class I). Finds in group I represent the production tradition characteristic of a certain period or sites in a given area, and are always made out of the same skeletal elements or species, reflecting the economically important activity they were used for (Choyke 1997: 65-66). Antler appears in a somewhat smaller percentage than bone, but its representation in the entire material (almost 40%) (Fig 1.) points to the significant use of this raw material in artifact production. A similar situation can be observed at Divostin, which also yielded a large portion of red deer antler tools (Витезовић 2013a: 111, 121), with only rare finds of roe deer antler tools. On sites of the Vinča culture, antler finds are represented in different ratios in comparison to other osseous raw 42

V. Krištofić


materials (Vitezović 2013c: 67, Fig. 7.6). This could be the consequence of the state of research, but it could also be explained as a difference in the economy between individual sites, some of which very probably specialized for acquiring and producing antler tools, as well as for activities related to the use of such tools (Vitezović 2013c: 68-69). Antler finds from this collection, as well as those discovered in one of the pits in the 2008 excavations of the site, including raw materials, production waste and half-products, provide valuable data about production techniques, and, more importantly, they point to the existence of working area at the site where production of artifacts made out of red deer antlers took place (Витезовић 2010: 57) (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Raw material (production waste) for antler tools production (photo by I. Krajcar) Sl. 5. Nalazi sirovine (otpaci od proizvodnje) za izradu alatki od roga (snimio I. Krajcar).

43


OSSEOUS RAW MATERIALS

BONE

 long bones, ribs, long bone fragments

ANTLER

 antler: base, beam, tines, fragments of antler cortex

 cattle, ovicaprids

 red deer, roe deer

 domesticated animals

 shed antlers – collecting,

used for food

hunting

 pointed tools: awls,

 cutting and striking tools:

points, needles

axes, hammers, chisels

 plant fibers and hide processing, food preparation

 activities taking place within the settlement

 wood processing and exploitation, antler processing, agriculture

 organized activities away from the settlement/in its close vicinity

Tab. 2. Comparison of the two most commonly used osseous raw materials at the site of Jakovo–Kormadin Tab. 2. Usporedba dviju najčešće zastupljenih koštanih sirovina na nalazištu Jakovo–Kormadin.

44

V. Krištofić


A special category of finds includes decorative objects. At Jakovo–Kormadin, jewelry was made out of all defined raw materials, except antlers. However, in the Vinča culture, red deer antlers were also used as a raw material for making decorative objects, as shown by finds recovered from some sites (Russell 1990: 534; Vitezović 2013b: 12). The collection yielded two pendants made out of wild boar tusk and a fragment of a long bone. The wild boar tusk pendant (T. V: 4) was shaped by cutting and polishing into a relatively rectangular shape with a perforation on one end. Such pendants, made out of canine teeth of hunted animals, have a certain symbolic meaning which was ascribed to such raw materials or hunted animals (Vitezović 2011a: 334). Although the use of bones in jewelry production is not unusual, the pendant from this collection is interesting because it is an imitation of a wild animal tooth (T. V: 3). It was shaped from a fragment of a larger long bone, was polished to a high sheen and has a regular circular perforation perpendicular to the axis of the pendant. Its dimensions and shape resemble a bear canine. It is possible that the imitation was made when the original raw material was unavailable, but perhaps the sole shape of the object was aesthetically attractive and hence chosen for the production of decorations even out of raw material such as bone. Two finds, made out of shells, were conditionally defined as beads. One of these finds could also have been a part of some other decorative object such as a bracelet. On sites of the Vinča culture, bracelets were made out of the Glycymeris and Spondylus shells, but, just like in this case, due to the intense processing of such objects and small dimensions of fragments, it is often not possible to determine exactly which species was used (Dimitrijević, Tripković 2006: 238). Based on the traces of wear on these finds, it can be concluded that they were in use for a long time and that, because of it, they probably had to be repaired many times (Vitezović 2013c: 69-71). Except in cases when jewelry was made out of bone, raw materials for the production of these objects were obtained outside the settlement. Wild animal teeth were acquired through hunting, and shell through some kind of trade with distant regions, probably as 45


finished products (Vitezović 2011a: 273). Due to the effort invested in their production and the acquisition of raw materials, such finds are considered to be very highly valued luxurious finds in the Vinča culture, seeing as their only function is decorative (Vitezović 2013c: 71). Concluding remarks The analysis of the osseous industry from Jakovo–Kormadin included over 560 artifacts made out of different osseous raw materials. Apart from data on technology and typology, the analysis of finds from this collection provides insight into the kinds of raw materials used in tool production and the way in which they were acquired. Based on all acquired data, the osseous industry of Jakovo–Kormadin fits into the context of the Vinča culture quite well, although it does exhibit some distinctive features. Based on the large number of pointed tools present in the collection, prevalently awls most often made out of ribs and metapodial ovicaprid bones, Jakovo–Kormadin can be seen as a typical Neolithic site. This kind of uniformity in the selection of species and skeletal elements is not a result of the simple availability of raw materials or accidental selection, but presents a cultural choice. This shows that the process was carefully planned out from the beginning, i.e. the acquisition of raw materials, all the way to the production of the final product. A distinctive feature of this site in relation to other sites of the Vinča culture is the large ratio of red deer antler used in artifact production. Antler tools, although numerically less frequent, display a large diversity of types and variants. The fact that all parts of antler were used, and in such a way that their natural shape best fit the function of the object, testifies to the great knowledge about the properties of this raw material. Pig teeth and shells are present in very small numbers. Pig teeth, probably boar, were used in the production of tools, but also jewelry, as were shells. Both raw materials could have been obtained through some kind of trade, but also hunting in the case of wild boar tusks (Vitezović 2011a: 348-349). 46

V. Krištofić


Regardless of the kind of raw material, a very small number of ad hoc tools was defined, indicating rich knowledge about the properties of different raw materials and the application of appropriate techniques, supposing the presence of highly specialized individuals at the site. Considering the analyzed finds in the context of the quality continuum (Choyke 1997; Choyke, Schibler 2007: 57), it is visible that osseous raw materials had an important role in artifact production at Jakovo–Kormadin. Consequently, their use indicates that the processing of hide and fur, as well as plant materials, were significant activities at the site, as was wood processing and exploitation. Based on the large number of osseous artifacts in this collection, it is possible to conclude that Jakovo–Kormadin has a well-developed osseous industry. At this moment, it could at least be assumed, considering the existence of a working area for antler tools production at the site, that Jakovo–Kormadin could have been the local production center of the Vinča culture, specialized for conducting activities which involved the use of these objects (Витезовић 2010: 57; Vitezović 2013c: 68-69). References Bačkalov, A. 1979. Predmeti od kosti i roga u predneolitu i neolitu Srbije. Beograd: Savez Arheoloških Društava Jugoslavije. Brunšmid, J. 1902. Izvještaji muzejskih povjerenika i prijatelja, različite književne vijesti. Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu Vol. 6, No. 1: 228–256. Булатовић, А. П., Капуран, А. Н., Стругар, Н. И. 2010. Неолитски стратум на локалитету Кормадин у Јакову – сондажно ископавање 2008. године. Годишњак града Београда LX: 1–32. Choyke, A. 1997. The bone tool manufacturing continuum. Anthropozoologica 25-26: 65–72. Choyke, A. M., Schibler, J. 2007. Prehistoric Bone Tools and the Archaeozoological Perspective: Research in Central Europe. C. Gates St-Pierre & R. Walker (eds.): Bones as tools: current methods and interpretations in worked bone studies: 51–65. Oxford, Archaeopress. Јовановић, Б., Глишић, Ј. 1960. Енеолитско насеље на Кормадину код Јакова. Старинар н с. XI: 113–142. Davis, S. 1987. The Archaeology of Animals. London: Routledge. 47


Dimitrijević, V., Tripković, B. 2006. Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets: trade reflections at Neolithic Vinča–Belo Brdo. Documenta Praehistorica XXXIII: 237–252. Krištofić, V. 2017. Alatke od roga s nalazišta Jakovo–Kormadin iz zbirke Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu. Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu 49: 29–57. Maigrot, Y. 2003. Etude technologique et fonctionnelle de l’outillage en matières dures animales: la station 4 de Chalain (Néolithique final, Jura, France). Thèse de Doctorat. Paris: Université de Paris I. Maigrot, Y. 2005. Ivory, bone and antler tools production systems at Chalain 4 (Jura, France): late Neolithic site, 3rd millennium. In: H. Luik, A, Choyke, C. Batey, L. Lõugas (eds.): From hooves to horns, from mollusc to mammoth. Manufacture and use of bone artefacts from prehistoric times to the present. Tallinn: Tallinn Book Printers: 33-46. Perišić, S. 1984. Predmeti od kosti, roga i kamena iz Odseka za praistoriju Muzeja grada Beograda. Beograd, Muzej grada Beograda. Reitz, E. J., Wing, E. S. 2008. Zooarchaeology. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press (2nd ed.). Russell, N. 1990. The Bone Tools. In: R. Tringham & D. Krstić (eds.): Selevac: A Neolithic village in Yugoslavia . Los Angeles: University of Los Angeles: 521-548. Срејовић, Д., Јовановић, Б. 1958-59. Оруђе и оружје од кости и накит из Винче. Старинар н с. IX-X: 181–190. Šeper, M. 1952. Neolitičko naselje na Kormadinu. Arheološki vestnik 3/1: 24–98. Vitezović, S. 2007. Koštana industrija u neolitu srednjeg Pomoravlja. Magistarski rad. Beograd: Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu. Витезовић, C. 2010. Неолитска коштана индустрија са Јаково-Кормадина (ископавања 2008. године). Годишњак града Београда LVII: 43–66. Vitezović, S. 2011a. Koštana industrija u starijem i srednjem neolitu centralnog Balkana. Doktorska disertacija. Beograd: Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu. Vitezović, S. 2011b. The Neolithic Bone Industry from Drenovac, Serbia. In: J. Baron & B. Kufel-Diakowska (eds.): Written in Bones. Studies on Technological and Social Contexts of Past Faunal Skeletal Remains. Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Instytut Archeologii: 117-136. Витезовић, C. 2013a. Винчанска коштана индустрија са Дивостина. Зборник Народног музеја XXI/1: 109–127. Vitezović, S. 2013b. Personal Ornaments in the Vinča Culture: The Case Study of Vitkovo and Stragari. In: I. V. Ferencz, N. C. Rişcuţa, O. T. Bărbat 48

V. Krištofić


(eds.): Archaeological Small Finds and Their Significance. Proceedings of the Symposion: Costume as an Identity Expression. Cluj-Napoca, Editura Mega: 9-20. Vitezović, S. 2013c. Osseous Raw Materials in the Vinča Culture. In: A. M. Choyke & S. O’Connor (eds.): From These Bare Bones. Raw materials and the study of worked osseous objects. Oxford, Oxbow Books: 59-72. Vitezović, S. 2016. Metodologija proučavanja praistorijskih koštanih industrija. Beograd, Srpsko arheološko društvo. Vitezović, S., Bulatović, J. 2013. Managing raw materials in Vinča culture: a case study of osseous raw materials from Vitkovo. Documenta Praehistorica XL: 279–289. Illustrations: Computer processing: J. Banović (Fig. 2–4); Fig. 3 – template taken from the website: https://archeozoo.org/archeozootheque/ ; Drawing: M. Coutureau (Inrap), in collaboration with V. Forest – 1996; According: R. Barone, 1976. Anatomie comparée des mammifères domestiques, Tome I Ostéologie – atlas, Paris: Vigot, pl.8 (p. 23)./Računalna obrada: J. Banović (sl. 2–4); sl. 3 – obrazac preuzet s web stranice: https://archeozoo.org/archeozootheque/ ; Drawing: M. Coutureau (Inrap), in collaboration with V. Forest – 1996; According: R. Barone, 1976. Anatomie comparée des mammifères domestiques, Tome I Ostéologie – atlas, Paris: Vigot, pl.8 (p. 23). Plates: Author: Miljenka Galić; computer processing: Vedrana Krištofić/ Autorica: Miljenka Galić; računalna obrada: Vedrana Krištofić

49


Plate I. awls: 1-4; points: 5-8 Tabla I. šila: 1-4; probojci: 5-8.

50

V. Krištofić


Plate II. borer: 1; harpoon: 4; hook: 5; chisels: 2, 3, 6; wedge: 7 Tabla II. svrdlo: 1; harpun: 4; udica: 5; dlijeta: 2, 3, 6; klin: 7.

51


Plate III. axe: 1; scrapers: 2, 3; pick: 4 Tabla III. sjekira: 1; strugala: 2, 3; pijuk: 4.

52

V. Krištofić


Plate IV. handle: 1; strikers: 2, 3; hammer-axe: 4 Tabla IV. drška: 1; udarači: 2, 3; čekić-sjekira: 4.

53


Plate V. raw material/half-product: 1, 2; pendants: 3, 4 Tabla V. sirovina/poluproizvod: 1, 2; privjesci: 3, 4.

54

V. Krištofić


Vedrana Krištofić Hrvatsko arheološko društvo IZBOR I EKSPLOATACIJA KOŠTANIH SIROVINA NA NALAZIŠTU JAKOVO–KORMADIN (ZBIRKA ARHEOLOŠKOG MUZEJA U ZAGREBU) Analiza koštane industrije s Jakovo–Kormadina obuhvatila je više od 560 artefakata izrađenih od različitih koštanih sirovina. Nalazi o kojima je ovdje riječ čuvaju se u zbirci Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, a potječu iz nesustavnih istraživanja J. Brunšmida i A. Poturičića s početka 20. st. Analizirani predmeti pripisani su vinčanskoj kulturi na temelju prisutnosti karakteristične vinčanske tehnike korištene u obradi jelenjeg roga i činjenice da je ona jedina ustanovljena prapovijesna kultura na ovome nalazištu. Materijal iz zbirke uspoređen je s nalazima koštane industrije iz sustavnih istraživanja ovoga lokaliteta, kao i s onima s ostalih nalazišta vinčanske kulture. Koštane sirovine zastupljene u analiziranoj zbirci uključuju kosti sisavaca, rogove jelena i srndaća, zube svinje i ljušture mekušaca. Od kostiju su najčešće zastupljene metapodijalne kosti ovikaprida, te rebra i fragmenti dijafize dugih kostiju koje nije moguće pobliže anatomski odrediti. Rog je, uz kost, često upotrebljavana sirovina. Pritom je rog jelena češći izbor u odnosu na rog srndaća. Za izradu alatki upotrebljavani su svi dijelovi roga – baza, stablo roga i parošci, te fragmenti korteksa roga. U većini slučajeva riječ je odbačenim jelenjim rogovima, dok samo manji broj potječe od ulovljene životinje. Zubi divlje svinje, kao i ljušture mekušaca najmanje su zastupljeni. U radu je izložen sažeti prikaz raznovrsnih tipova alatki zastupljenih u zbirci koji su razvrstani u osnovne skupine predmeta. Najzastupljeniji su zašiljeni predmeti, među kojima su najbrojnija šila, nakon kojih slijede grupe predmeta za sječenje i udaranje. Grupa predmeta za glačanje slabo je zastupljena, kao i ukrasni predmeti i oni posebne namjene. Grupa necjelovitih predmeta sadrži i nalaze otpadaka od proizvodnje i poluproizvode od roga koji podupiru 55


postojanje radioničkog mjesta za izradu artefakata od ove sirovine na nalazištu. Podaci dobiveni analizom materijala iz zbirke ukazali su na postojanje određenog standarda u izboru koštanih sirovina na nalazištu Jakovo–Kormadin. Izražena ujednačenost uočena je i kod odabira životinjskih vrsta i skeletnih elemenata za izradu pojedinih tipova i skupina predmeta. Najjasniji primjer takve ujednačenosti izbora sirovine vidljiv je na primjeru zašiljenih predmeta, posebice šila izrađenih od metapodijalnih kostiju ovikaprida. Njihov učestali izbor nije povezan s njihovom zastupljenošću u fauni, već predstavlja kulturološki izbor. Šila su, u neznatno većem broju, izrađivana i od uzdužno rascijepljenih rebara malih preživača. Slična je situacija i s dugim kostima velikih preživača, najvjerojatnije domaćeg goveda, korištenih za izradu probojaca, koji su drugi najbrojniji tip predmeta u zbirci. Zašiljeni predmeti izrađivani su i od fragmenata dugih kostiju, koji su mogli biti kuhinjski otpaci ili otpaci od izrade nekog drugog predmeta. Predmeti izrađeni od kosti u najvećem su broju služili za obradu organskih materijala – biljnih vlakana, kože i krzna. Rog je, u odnosu na kost zastupljen u nešto manjem postotku, no njegov udio u sveukupnome materijalu (gotovo 40%) ukazuje na značajnu upotrebu ove sirovine za izradu artefakata. Rog jelena korišten je u izradi masivnijih alatki većih dimenzija koje su služile u obradi otpornijih materijala poput drva, roga ili kosti. Predmeti izrađeni od jelenjeg roga korišteni su za eksploataciju drva, te kao rudarske ili poljoprivredne alatke. Pribavljanje ove sirovine sakupljanjem odbačenih rogova planirana je aktivnost za koju je bilo potrebno dobro poznavanje vremena i mjesta na kojem su oni mogli biti sakupljeni što pokazuje da se radi o važnoj sirovini. Za razliku od jelenjih rogova, rog srndaća se kao sirovina rijetko koristi za izradu alatki. Mali broj predmeta izrađenih od roga srndaća vjerojatno je posljedica njihove lošije kvalitete kao sirovine i manjih dimenzija, što ih ne čini prikladnima za izradu artefakata. Posebnu kategoriju nalaza čine ukrasni predmeti. U zbirci su pronađena dva privjeska izrađena od kljove divlje svinje i fragmenta duge kosti. Nalaz privjeska od kosti zanimljiv je po tome što predstavlja imitaciju zuba divlje životinje, koji dimenzijama i oblikom podsjeća 56

V. Krištofić


na očnjak medvjeda. Dva nalaza izrađena su od ljušture mekušaca, a mogli su biti dio nekog drugog ukrasnog predmeta, poput narukvice. Zbog truda uloženog u njihovu izradu i nabavljanje sirovine, te dugotrajne upotrebe, ovakvi nalazi u vinčanskoj kulturi smatraju se vrlo cijenjenim i luksuznim predmetima s obzirom da je njihova jedina funkcija bila dekorativna. Prema svim podacima koštana industrija Jakovo–Kormadina dobro se uklapa u okvire vinčanske kulture, iako pokazuje i neke posebnosti. Na temelju velikog broja koštanih artefakata iz ove zbirke moguće je zaključiti da je na Jakovo–Kormadinu postojala dobro razvijena koštana industrija pa i radioničko mjesto za izradu alatki od jelenjeg roga. Moguće je stoga pretpostaviti da je nalazište moglo biti i lokalni proizvodni centar vinčanske kulture, barem u slučaju artefakata od roga te specijalizirano za obavljanje djelatnosti za koje su ti predmeti bili upotrebljavani.

57

OSSEOUS RAW MATERIALS AS ORNAMENTS IN THE BRONZE AGE: THE CASE STUDY OF MOKRIN Selena Vitezović Institute of Archaeology Abstract: Osseous raw materials (bone, antler, teeth, mollusc shells) are among the earliest raw materials used for personal and other ornaments. Perforated animal teeth and mollusc shells, diverse bone pendants, etc., were relatively frequent since the early Upper Palaeolithic, and they continued to be use in the Mesolithic and Neolithic as well. The introduction of new materials, such as copper, gold or bronze, also introduced completely new types of personal ornaments, but the osseous raw materials were still used throughout the Metal Ages and in historical periods as well. In this paper, an overview will be given of osseous ornaments from the Bronze Age necropolis at Mokrin, as well as a techno-typological analysis, and their symbolic role and the place within the Bronze Age communities will be discussed. Keywords: osseous raw materials, osseous technology, decorative items, Bronze Age, Mokrin, Maros (Moriš) culture Apstrakt: Koštane sirovine (kost, rog, zubi, ljušture mekušaca) spadaju među najranije korišćene sirovine za lične i druge ukrase. Perforirani životinjski zubi i ljušture mekušaca, različiti koštani privesci, itd., sreću se srazmerno često počev od ranog gornjeg paleolita, i njihova upotreba se nastavlja kroz mezolit i neolit. Uvođenje novih sirovina, kao što su bakar, zlato ili bronza, takođe je dovela i do potpuno novih tipova ličnih ukrasa, ali koštane sirovine se i dalje koriste tokom metalnih doba, i kasnije, tokom istorijskih perioda. U ovom radu će biti dat pregled koštanih ukrasa sa bronzanodopske nekropole u Mokrinu, kao i njihova tehno-tipološka analiza, i raspravljaće se o njihovoj simboličkoj ulozi i mestu među bronzanodopskim zajednicama. 59


Ključne reči: koštane sirovine, koštana tehnologija, ukrasni predmeti, bronzano doba, Mokrin, moriška kultura

Introduction Osseous raw materials (bone, antler, teeth, mollusc shells) are among the earliest raw materials used for personal and other ornaments, and at the same time the most common and widespread raw materials used for decorative purposes (e.g., Pickenpaugh 1997, Choyke 2010, Cattelain 2012). One of the oldest finds of ornaments in general are perforated shells: two perforated shells Naussarius gibbosulus were discovered at the site of Mugharet es-Skhul in Israel, 135.000–100.000 years old (Vanhaeren et al. 2006), and 41 beads from Naussarius kraussianus were discovered at the site of Blombos Cave in South Africa, dated into 70,000–75,000 years BP (Henshilwood & Sealy 1997; d’Errico et al. 2001; d’Errico et al. 2005). In Europe, ornaments made from osseous raw materials became relatively frequent since the early Upper Palaeolithic. The most common were perforated animal teeth and mollusc shells, followed by pendants in diverse shapes made from bones, mammoth ivory, etc., and other types (cf. Camps-Fabrer ed. 1991, Taborin 2004, Cattelain 2012, and references therein). Perforated shells and teeth continue to be in use in the Mesolithic and Neolithic, along with some new types and variants of pendants, beads, applications (e.g., Barge 1982, Camps-Fabrer ed. 1991, Borrello 2004, Bonnardin 2012, Vitezović 2012a, inter al.). The invention of metallurgy and the introduction of new raw materials – copper, gold, bronze, also signify the introduction of some completely new types of decorative objects. Although the symbolic meaning and value of metals and metal artefacts varied considerably among different prehistoric communities, they were generally considered as luxurious, prestigious raw materials. However, other raw materials continued to be in use, and, in spite of 60

S. Vitezović

Osseous raw materials as ornaments in the Bronze Age...

the fact that their symbolic role also changed, their value had not disappear. Osseous raw materials continued to be in use throughout Europe in the Bronze Age, for diversity of artefacts – bones, antler, teeth, mollusc shells were used to produce tools for different crafts, hunting and fishing equipment, parts of composite objects, horse harness, decorations, etc. (e.g., Uzelac 1975, Choyke 1984, 2005, Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2000, 2009, Provenzano 2001, Luik & Maldre 2007, Mǎrgǎrit et al. 2011, inter al., cf. also Sofaer et al. 2013, and references therein). Bone tools were used in diverse crafts related to manufacture of leather, hide, basketry and clay-products (Sofaer et al. 2013), while antler artefacts can be linked with wood working, horse riding, hunting and fishing activities (cf. Luik & Maldre 2007). Also, decorative items were made from these raw materials – pendants, pins, buttons, and many more (e.g., Luik & Maldre 2007, Sofaer et al. 2013, Diaconu & Sîrbu 2014, inter al.). There are examples of both metal jewellery copied into osseous raw materials, and vice versa, for example, in the Terramare culture, wheel and disc heads of pins were copied from antler into bronze (Provenzano 2001). Some authors even suggest that bone and antler may have been valued in their own right, perhaps for their white colour, and/or for the attributes ascribed to the animals from which they derived (cf. Sofaer et al. 2013: 487). The Early Bronze Age cemetery at the site of Mokrin (North-Eastern Serbia), with its rich findings of jewellery, is particularly interesting for analysing the use of different raw materials and their relations. Archaeological background The site of Mokrin is situated 12 km from the city of Kikinda, in northern Banat, in north-eastern Serbia. The archaeological remains were first noted in the 19th century, and extensive excavations were carried out by M. Girić, curator in the National museum in Kikinda in 1960s, revealing over 300 graves dated into the Early Bronze Age Maros or Moriš culture (Girić 1971). 61


The Maros or Moriš culture was centred around the confluence of Tisza (Tisa) and Maros (Moriš) rivers in south-eastern Hungary, north-western Serbia, and south-western Romania (Tasić 1974). Metal artefacts became common in this period and they increase in frequency towards the end of the Early Bronze Age. However, only a relatively small proportion appears to be utilitarian; the majority were weapons and ornaments. Economy was based on agriculture and herding of domestic animals (cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, dogs, horses). Cattle, sheep and goats were exploited for both primary (meat, skin, bones) and secondary products (milk, wool, traction). Wild animals (red deer, roe deer, aurochs, wild pigs) had a minor role in the economy (Greenfield 2002). Sites include settlements sites, both shallow and stratified tell sites, and separate cemetery sites; Mokrin being one of the most extensively excavated cemeteries (Girić 1971, Tasić 1974, O’Shea 1996). Burials at Mokrin contained rich archaeological material: ceramic vessels, jewellery and clothing accessories made from bronze, gold, osseous and lithic raw materials, copper and stone tools and weapons, as well as animal bones. The rich data provided by this necropolis, especially the diversity and richness of offerings and/ or funerary equipment, were used for assessing and analysing the stratification and social organization of the communities buried at the Mokrin necropolis. One of the first detailed analyses was the one by T. Soroceanu (1975), who introduced the concept of horizontal stratigraphy and provided a correlation table of grave-goods and distribution of particular types across the cemetery. He suggested that the observed differences were not social but chronological in origin. The analysis by M. Primas (1977) showed that the cemetery could be divided into zones of variable deposition density, with irregular rows separated by narrow grave-free areas. Stratigraphic superpositioning demonstrated that several parts of the cemetery were being used simultaneously, presumably for family groups, rather than there being a linear progression across the site (cf. also Harding 2004: 386–413). J. O’Shea (1996) made a full social analysis of all cemeteries of the Maros group. He distinguished a ‘normative’ burial mode 62

S. Vitezović


(flexed inhumation, facing east), which represents the standard form that a community member could expect on death, and a series of differentiated modes. He argued that some of them, such as weapons and certain head ornaments, may be signs of hereditary social office, while other items, notably body ornaments, were seen as representing ‘associative’ wealth, that is, wealth derived from being a member of a particular household by the person possessing it (O’Shea 1996, cf. also Harding 2004: 386–413). Here, I will focus only on the use of osseous raw materials for ornaments, their techno-typological analysis, modes of use and their meaning and value for the communities which used the cemetery located at the site of Mokrin. Fig. 1. Grave no. 104 and its inventory (after Girić 1971). Sl. 1. Grob br. 104 sa nalazima (prema Girić 1971).

63


Personal ornaments from Mokrin As mentioned above, jewellery and clothing accessories were made from diverse materials, metal, bone and stone. Metal ornaments were relatively abundant (cf. Girić 1971, Tasić 1974), and, among 312 graves, 85 or approximately 27% contained ornaments made from osseous raw materials (fig. 1-3). This is a relatively high ratio, considering that some of the graves contained only ceramic vessels and some graves were devastated, probably robbed (for more details on other finds of funerary equipment, see: Girić 1971).

Fig. 2. Grave no. 55 and its inventory (after Girić 1971). Sl. 2. Grob br. 55 sa nalazima (prema Girić 1971).

64

S. Vitezović


Fig. 3. Grave no. 235 and its inventory (after Girić 1971) Sl. 3. Grob br. 235 sa nalazima (prema Girić 1971).

Raw materials Raw materials used were different bones, red deer antlers, animal teeth and mollusc shells. Long bones were mainly used; it was not always possible to determine the exact skeletal element nor species, but tibiae and metapodial bones from small ruminants (most likely all sheep/goats) were the most common. Animal teeth were predominantly canines from Canidae, most likely all of them from domestic dogs (Canis familiaris), and occasionally other teeth occur: Bos incisors, Cervus elaphus canines, etc. Mollusc shells included Glycymeris, Dentalium, Cardium, Columbella rustica, as well as some heavily worn, fragmented shells for which the identification of the species was not possible. Also, it seems that both fresh and fossil shells were used (cf. Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006 for criteria on distinguishing fossil from fresh shells). 65


Techno-typological analysis Objects were classified into several morphological groups: beads, pendants, decorative needles, applications (fig. 4). However, one must keep in mind that they may have been used in multiple ways, combined into bracelets, necklaces, sawn onto pieces of clothes, etc.; different types were combined together and one type may have been used in different ways (see, for example, pieces of jewellery associated together from graves nos. 104, 55 and 235 – fig. 1, 2, 3).

Fig. 4. Selected finds from the grave no. 245: 1) cylindrical beads from transversally cut long bones, 2) bead variant with transversal grooves, 3) one large cylindrical bead with transversal grooves, 4) decorarive object (pendant or bead) from heavily damaged mollusc shell, 5) discoid bead from mollusc shell, 6) cylindrical beads from Dentalium shells, 7) pendants from valves of Bivalvia shells with perforation, 8) larger discoid decorative object with with a large circular perforation in the middle, application or a buckle. Sl. 4. Neki od nalaza iz groba br. 245: 1) cilindrične perle od transverzalno sečenih dugih kostiju, 2) varijanta perli sa transverzalnim žlebovima, 3) veća cilindrična perla sa transverzalnim žlebovima, 4) ukrasni predmet (privezak ili perla) od veoma oštećene ljušture mekušca, 5) kružna perla od ljušture školjke, 6) cilindrične perle od školjke Dentalium, 7) privesci od valve školjki Bivalvia sa perforacijom , 8) veći kružni ukrasni predmet sa većom perforacijom u centru, aplikacija ili kopča.

66

S. Vitezović


Beads. Smaller artefacts with a centrally positioned, usually vertical perforation were classified as beads. Several subtypes were present: elongated cylindrical or barrel shaped beads, discoid and irregular beads (fig. 1, 4, 5). The most common subtype are elongated, cylindrical or barrel shaped beads. They were either minimally modified Dentalium shells, or they were cut from bones. Simple Dentalium beads are known throughout prehistory, in the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods (e.g., Borrello 2004, Taborin 2004, Vitezović 2012a). They were used with minimal modifications – ends of the shell may have been broken off or cut off in order to use the mesial, widest segment, or already broken shell segments were simply collected and used. Certain weathering that can be noticed on surfaces may be the result of use, but it is more likely that it was caused by taphonomic agents (predating their use). Dentalium beads from Mokrin can be described as relatively large specimens; their length often exceeds 2,5 cm, and diameter is often more than 5 mm (fig. 4/6, 5/4). Usually, just one or a small number of Dentalium shells can be found within single grave, and often along with other ornamental items, suggesting they were mixed and combined together into different jewellery. Bone beads were made from small long bones, most likely all from tibiae and metapodial bones from smaller ungulates (mainly or even exclusively sheep/goats) (fig. 4/1). Some of these beads are more barrel-shaped and some more cylindrical, however, they were grouped together, since their overall shape, straight or slightly biconical, depends on the portion of the bone that was used, and, not only the difference is minimal, but it also has no significance, since they share other technological traits (see, for example, beads from grave no. 104 – fig. 1). They were produced by transversal division of the bone diaphysis: after the epiphyses were removed, a groove was made and then the bone was cut through, or a small portion was broken off / snapped off. Rarely, beads have one or several grooves – traces of unfinished cutting, kept as decoration (fig. 4/2, 5/1). In one grave, even a larger segment of bone was discovered with initiated grooves – practically, a preform used as a final object (fig. 4/3). The dimen67


sions of these beads vary, suggesting there was no pre-determined template for them, but their average length is 1.5–2 cm. Surfaces are not well preserved, due to unfavourable taphonomic conditions. Insufficient preservation and usewear traces do not allow us to determine with certainty which tools were used, but it seems that chipped stone tools were used, not metal ones. The traces of use that can be recognized are polish and shine, the result of contact with soft materials, such as clothes. These beads could have been arranged on a string and could have been a part of a composite necklace, bracelet, sawn onto clothes (dresses, cloaks, belts...), etc. Their locations in the graves with respect to the skeleton vary, but they were most often noted in the neck areas (Girić 1971), suggesting they were most likely combined into necklaces. Morphologically similar beads, elongated, cylindrical or barrel shaped, sometimes with a groove in the central part, were also discovered, for example, on the site of Kichary Nowe in south-eastern Poland, belonging to the Early Bronze Age Mierzanowice culture (Winnicka 2016), and in one grave at the site of Mačkovac, situated in the Sava river basin in eastern Croatia, belonging to the Late Bronze Age group of Barice-Gređani (Kalafatić et al. 2016). Discoid beads, made from shells or bone, occur in small numbers. The majority of discoid beads were made from other materials, including white stone (perhaps deliberately chosen to imitate shells). They are rather small, often less than 1 cm in diameter. The bad preservation of surfaces makes it difficult to tell anything more on the manufacture or usewear. Bone discoid beads were made probably in the same manner as the cylindrical ones (see above), simply the cut segment was much smaller. Shell beads have a central perforation made by drilling from both sides (fig. 4/5). They were probably made from flakes of different shells; first, the perforation was made and then they were aligned together and burnished all at once in order to obtain their final shape (cf. Francis 1982 for the reconstruction of this manufacturing method). Usually, these beads were discovered near the neck area of skeletons (Girić 1971), suggesting they were most likely combined into necklaces or perhaps sawn onto clothes. Discoid beads from diverse materials were widespread in prehistoric Europe (e.g., Barge 1982). 68

S. Vitezović


Also, minimally modified Columbella rustica shells were used (fig. 1). They have a perforation, made by piercing in the middle of the shell, usually of irregular circular shape. The majority of them were intensively used, and, besides wear perforations, surfaces also display polish and weathering, with their prominent parts being sometimes abraded. Some of these Columbellae were decorations on clothes, as suggested by the finds from graves no. 74 and 90, where they were discovered behind the back of the skeleton, along with bronze buttons (Girić 1971: 76, 84). Again, this type of ornaments was also widespread across Europe in prehistoric times (cf. Borrello 2004), and in the Bronze Age in the Carpathian basin are known, for example, from the site of Pecica-Şanţul Mare in Romania (Nicodemus & Lemke 2016).

Fig. 5. Different beads and pendants: 1) cylindrical bead fro long bone with transversal grooves, 2) pendant from perforated red deer canine, 3) pendant from perforated canid canine, 4) three cylindrical beads from Dentalium shells. Sl. 5. Različite perle i privesci : 1) cilindrična perla od duge kosti sa transverzalnim žlebovima, 2) privezak od perforiranog kanina jelena, 3) privezak od perforiranog kanina kanida, 4) tri cilindrične perle od ljušture školjke Dentalium.

69


Pendants. Artefacts with a perforation in the upper part, used for suspension, were classified as pendants. They could have been combined into necklaces, bracelets, or attached to head gear or other clothes. The most common pendants are teeth with the only modification being a perforation at the root (fig. 5/2, 5/3, 6). Perforations were made by drilling, usually from both sides. The best represented teeth are canines from Canidae, and most of them can be attributed with certainty to the domestic dog (Canis familiaris) (fig. 6). Occasionally other teeth may occur, such as Bos incisors and red deer residual canines (fig. 5/2).

Fig. 6. Perforated canid teeth from grave no. 247; on perforations may be noted usewear traces of different intensity. Sl. 6. Perforirani zubi kanida iz groba br. 247; na perforacijama se uočavaju tragovi upotrebe različitog intenziteta.

70

S. Vitezović


It is interesting to observe the level of use on these teeth – some were almost new, slightly worn from use, while some were completely worn out, even with repaired perforations (for degrees of wear, cf. Bonnardin 2008). The presence of teeth with different level of usewear within a single grave (see, for example, teeth on figs. 3 or 6) suggests that these jewellery pieces were dynamic, with additional segments added over the years, by enriching it or replacing broken parts, and perhaps they were even inherited through generations. Some of these teeth were combined into necklaces, as suggested by their location in the neck area of skeletons – for example, in graves no. 69 or 97 (Girić 1971: 73, 87). However, some of them seem to have been the decoration on clothing items, such as belts – for example, in grave no. 104 (fig. 1), a large number of perforated teeth, perforated Columbella beads and other ornaments were located in the pelvic area of the skeleton (Girić 1971: 91). As mentioned above, perforated animal teeth were among the most common and most widespread types of ornaments, since the Upper Palaeolithic (cf. Camps-Fabrer ed. 1991, Taborin 2004). We may note, however, that canines from dogs were particularly well represented among diverse Bronze Age communities in the Carpathian basin. Besides Mokrin, they were also discovered in large quantities at the nearby, more or less contemporary necropolis of Ostojićevo (Vitezović 2012b, 2017). Also, they are known from settlement sites of various Bronze Age cultures: for example, in Hungary, at Tiszaug-Kéménytető, Early and early Middle Bronze Age site, pendants from dog and wild boar teeth were noted (Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2000: fig. 4); at Middle Bronze Age site of Jászdózsa-Kápolnahalom, perforated teeth from domestic dogs, pigs, horses and different wild animals were found (Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2009); in Romania, at the site of Năeni-Zănoaga Cetatea 2, belonging to Monteoru culture, perforated canines from domestic dogs, as well as Bos incisor and red deer canine were discovered (Mǎrgǎrit et al. 2011: 17-18, fig. 4). Valves of Bivalvia shells with a perforation at the upper part can be classified as pendants (fig. 4/7). Represented species include Cardidae and Glycymeris. The only modification on them is the perforation, located in the upper part. The surface is usually abraded first 71


and the perforations were then made by piercing with a sharp tool, and not by drilling; they have irregular elliptical form and are worn from use. Other usewear traces include general polish of the entire objects, especially prominent on the inner side, presumably where the friction between the object and clothes or human skin occurred. These ornaments were not typical for a given period of time or a given geographical area either, but were well represented on numerous prehistoric sites in Europe (cf. Borrello 2004, Taborin 2004). Needles. Several fine pointed artefacts, made from long bones, were discovered (fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Decorative needles from grave no. 246, made from long bones, with perforation. Sl. 7. Ukrasne igle iz groba br. 246, izrađene od dugih kostiju, sa perforacijom.

72

They were made from longitudinally split long bones, mainly from metapodial bones of small ruminants (sheep/goats). The proximal part of the bone was used, longitudinally split. The base is usually wider than the mesial and distal portions, and it either had a small segment of proximal epiphysis preserved, or the bone was cut in order to obtain a more or less triangular or irregular elliptical shape. Mesial portions are usually quite narrow and entire artefacts are not very thick, but are almost or completely flat, with minimally visible medullar cavity. Some of them have a perforation at the basal part, obtained by drilling from both sides. Since some of them were fragmented, it was not possible to determine whether the perforated or non-perforated ones prevail. They were not well preserved, often broken and with weathered surfaces. Therefore, the manufacturing traces were also not preserved well, and it can only be noted that all of them seem

S. Vitezović


to have been burnished. Also, usewear traces were not preserved, and this rendered the interpretation of their function difficult, i.e., whether they were decorative pins or used as tools, as needles and awls. Some of them may have served for fastening head gear or hair of the buried person, judging from the position where they were discovered: for example, the needles in graves no. 3 and 9 were very close to the skull (Girić 1971: 38, 42). The needles in graves no. 5 and 11, placed below the mandible (Girić 1971: 39, 44), and those from grave 15, located near the clavicle (Girić 1971: 46), were used for fastening a cloak or some other clothing item perhaps. Needles made from longitudinally split long bones were known throughout the Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin. Morphologically similar needles, made from sheep/goat metapodial bones, with a segment of proximal epiphysis at the base, slender in shape, and with a perforation near the base, were noted, for example, at the site of Tiszaug-Kéménytető, three specimens in total (Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2000: fig. 4/1), and at the site of Jászdózsa-Kápolnahalom (Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2009). At both sites, non-perforated awls were discovered as well, with similar morphological traits: with basal parts cut so they would have a more or less triangular or elliptical shape, with narrow mesial and distal portions (Choyke & Bartosiewicz 2000, 2009). In Romania, at the site of Năeni-Zănoaga Cetatea 2, also both perforated and non-perforated pointed artefacts are known, made from longitudinally split small ruminant long bones, with flat cross-section and bases more or less triangular or elliptical (Mǎrgǎrit et al. 2011). Applications. Diverse objects with differently positioned perforations were used by being attached to clothes, either purely as decoration, or they also had the fastening function, such as buttons. There is no clear border between applications and other ornament types, since all of them could have been differently combined and mixed together (see above). However, as mentioned above, this typological classification is mainly morphological, and irregularly shaped artefacts which were most likely attached to clothes were classified into the group of applications. They are not numerous; for example, buttons, known from other Bronze Age sites in the Carpathian basin 73


(e.g., Diaconu & Sîrbu 2014), were not noted on the Mokrin necropolis; perhaps bronze buttons replaced them. One large discoid artefact should be mentioned here, with a large circular perforation in the middle, from grave no. 245 (fig. 4/8). It was cut out from the basal part of the red deer antler, probably the very part near the pedicle. Its’ cross section is biconical. The entire object is badly preserved; weathering on surfaces is very prominent, therefore, it is difficult to reconstruct the manufacturing procedure. It was discovered in the pelvic area, suggesting it was probably a part of the belt. Other possible applications include several broken bone fragments with perforations near the edges, whose original shape cannot be reconstructed. Discussion Most of these ornaments were produced locally, from locally available raw materials. Mollusc shells represent the only raw material obtained from long distances. Strict, consistent selection of skeletal elements and species, particularly notable in the case of perforated teeth, suggests that the raw material choices were by no means random, but planned. Chosen skeletal elements were selected for these purposes during butchering processes, probably even stored for later use, and these raw materials had certain value and meaning for the communities that used them. If we arrange these items on the imaginary axis of manufacturing continuum (sensu Choyke 1997, 2001, Choyke & Schibler 2007), we may note that they are very carefully made artefacts, from strictly chosen raw materials, and that they were used for a very long time. This long use testifies that they were highly valued within the community. Furthermore, we may assume that at least some of these pieces of jewellery were inherited. The use of shells is particularly interesting, most of them display heavy weathering, suggesting they were either collected already weathered or they were in use for a long time period (or both). Even broken segments were in use (for example, fig. 4/4), implying that shells had certain value and meaning 74

S. Vitezović


of their own, connected with their origin and/or colour, while their shape or state of preservation were not of crucial importance. The strict choice of species suggests that the symbolic value of all osseous ornaments was at least partially related to their origin from a specific animal, and, in case of mollusc shells, also to their exotic origin (cf. Choyke 2010, Sofaer et al. 2013). Also, it seems that their physical properties were valued as well – not only are osseous ornaments smooth, but they are also shiny white, and copies of, for example, discoid beads in white stones underline this importance of the colour. This fascination with white is not new in the Bronze Age, it was already noted for the Neolithic communities as well (cf. Luik 2007, Vitezović 2012a). The majority of these ornaments are not typical for a given period or culture, on the contrary, almost exact types were present in other Bronze Age communities, and some even in earlier prehistoric periods. This suggests, perhaps, that certain traditions were preserved for osseous ornaments, and although their symbolic meaning changed over time, their value did not disappear. Concluding remarks It was generally assumed in archaeology that metals, when introduced, were luxurious, expensive, prestigious raw materials, gaining advantage over other raw materials, which became “cheaper substitutes”. Although metals did have a certain prestigious role, other raw materials did not immediately or completely lose their value. Osseous raw materials, valued probably for their origin (from living animals) and physical and mechanical properties (hardness, colour, smooth surfaces...) throughout prehistory, and long used for personal ornaments, continued to be in use for these purposes in the Bronze Age as well, and they had a certain value and symbolic role for the human groups buried at the necropolis of Mokrin.

75


Acknowledgments I would like to thank once again to MA Lidija Milašinović from the National museum in Kikinda for entrusting me with the material presented here and for all the help. This paper is the result of work on the projects “Archaeology of Serbia: cultural identity, integrational factors, technological processes and the role of the central Balkans in the development of the European prehistory”, no. OI 177020, and “Bioarchaeology of ancient Europe: humans, animals and plants in the prehistory of Serbia”, no. III 47001, funded by the Ministry of education, science and technological development. References Barge, H. 1982. Les Parures du Néolithique ancien au début de l’âge des métaux en Languedoc. CNRS Éditions, Paris. Bonnardin, S. 2008. From traces to the function of ornaments: some neolithic examples. In: L. Longo et N. Skakun (ed.): Prehistoric Technology 40 years later: Functional studies and the Russian legacy. Proceedings of the International Congress, Verona (Italy), 20–23 April 2005. BAR International Series 1783, Archaeopress, Oxford: 297-308 Bonnardin, S. 2012. Parures de coquillages du néolitique en Europe (vieve millénaires av. J.-C.). Techniques & Culture 59: 26–43. Borrello, M. 2004. Le conchiglie nella preistoria e nella protostoria. Preistoria Alpina suppl. 1, vol. 40: 19–42. Camps-Fabrer, H. (ed.) 1991. Fiches typologiques de l’industrie osseuse préhistorique. Cahier IV. Objets de parure. Université de Provence, Aix-enProvence. Cattelain, P. 2012. Les parures au Paléolithique et au Mésolithique: coquillages, dents, os, ivoire et pierres…. In: P. Cattelain, N. Bozet N. & G. V. Di Stazio (eds.): La parure de Cro-Magnong à Clovis “Il n’y a pas d’Âge(s) pour se faire beau”. Éditions CEDARC: 7–35. Choyke, A. M. & Bartosiewicz L. 2000. Bronze Age animal exploitation on the Central Great Hungarian Plain. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 51(1–4):43–70. Choyke, A. M. & Bartosiewicz, L. 2009. Telltale tools from a tell: Bone and antler manufacturing at Bronze Age Jászdózsa–Kápolnahalom, Hungary. Tisicum XIX: 357–375. Choyke, A. M. & Schibler, J. 2007. Prehistoric bone tools and the archaeozoological perspective: research in Central Europe. In: Gates St-Pierre C. & Walker R. B. (eds.): Bones as tools: current methods and interpretations in worked bone studies. BAR International Series 1622, Archaeopress, Oxford: 51–65. 76

S. Vitezović


Choyke, A. M. 1984. An analysis of bone, antler and tooth tools from Bronze Age Hungary. Mitt. Arch. Inst. UAdW. Mitteilungen des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 12–13: 13–57. Choyke, A. M. 1997. The bone tool manufacturing continuum. Anthropozoologica 25–26: 65–72. Choyke, A. M. 2001. A quantitative approach to the concept of quality in prehistoric bone manufacturing. In: H. Buitenhuis, W. Prummel (eds.): Animals and man in the past. Essays in honour of Dr. A.T. Clason, emeritus professor of archaeozoology. Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, the Netherlands. ARC-Publicatie 41, Groningen: 59–66. Choyke, A. M. 2005. Bronze Age bone and antler working at the Jászdózsa-Kápolnahalom tell. In: H. Luik, A. Choyke, C. Batey, L. Lõugas (eds.): From hooves to horns, from mollusc to mammoth. Manufacture and use of bone artefacts from prehistoric times to the present. Proceedings of the 4th Meeting of the ICAZ Worked Bone Research Group at Tallinn, 26th-31st of August 2003. Tallinn Book Printers, Muinasaja teadus 15, Talinn: 129-156. Choyke, A. M. 2010. Not the Plastic of the Past: The significance of worked osseous materials in archaeology. In: J. Gömöri & A. Kőrösi (eds.): Csont és bőr. Az állati eredetű nyersanyagok feldolgozásának története, régészete és néprajza. Bone and Leather. History, archaeology and ethnography of crafts utilizing raw materials from animals. Budapest: 19–30. d’Errico F., Henshilwood, C. S. & Nilssen P. 2001. An engraved bone fragment from ca. 75 Kya Middle Stone Age levels at Blombos Cave, South Africa: Implications for the origin of symbolism. Antiquity 75: 309–318. d’Errico F., Henshilwood C., Vanhaeren M., van Niekerk K. (2005). Nassarius kraussianus shell beads from Blombos Cave: evidence for symbolic behaviour in the Middle Stone Age. Journal of Human Evolution 48: 3–24. Diaconu, V. & Sîrbu, M. 2014. Butonii de os şi corn descoperiţi în mediul culturii Noua. Angvstia, Studii şi cercetări de Arheologie 17–18: 125–136. Dimitrijević, V. & Tripković, B. 2006. Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets: trade reflections at Neolithic Vinča–Belo Brdo. Documenta praehistorica XXXIII: 237–252. Girić, M. 1971. Mokrin. Nekropola ranog bronzanog doba. Smithsonian Institution – Washington, Narodni muzej Kikinda & Arheološko društvo Jugoslavije, Washington, Kikinda & Beograd. Harding, A. F. 2004. European Societies in the Bronze Age. Cambridge University press, Cambridge. Henshilwood, C. S. & Sealy, J. C. 1997. Bone artefacts from the Middle Stone Age at Blombos Cave, southern Cape, South Africa. Current Anthropology 38/5: 890–895. 77


Kalafatić, H., Radović, S., Čavka, M., Novak, M., Mihaljević, M., ŠošićKlindžić, R. 2016. A rare find of bone beads from the Late Bronze Age cemetery in the Southern Carpathian Basin. In: S. Vitezović (ed.): Close to the bone: Current studies in bone technologies. Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade: 146–153. Luik, H. 2007. Dazzling white. Bone artefacts in Bronze Age society – some preliminary thoughts from Estonia. In: A. Merkevičius (ed.), Colours of archaeology. Material culture and society. Papers from the Second Theoretical Seminar of the Baltic Archaeologists (BASE) Held at the University of Vilnius, Lithuania, October 21–22, 2005. Vilnius: 49–64. Luik, H. & Maldre, L. 2007. Bronze age bone artefacts from Narkunai, Nevieriske and Kereliali fortified settlements: raw materials and manufacturing technology. Archaeologica Lituana 8: 5-39. Mǎrgǎrit, M., Constantinescu, M., Dumitraşcu, V. & Bălăşescu A. 2011. Obiecte din materii dure animale din aşezarea de epoca bronzului de la Năeni–Zănoaga Cetatea 2 (Jud. Buzău). Peuce s. n. IX: 15–54. Nicodemus A. & Lemke, A. K. 2016. Specialized bone working in the bronze age? The organization of production at Pecica-Şanţul Mare, Romania. Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano – Series Especiales 3/2: 103–120. O’Shea, J. M. 1996. Villagers of the Maros. A Portrait of an Early Bronze Age Society. Plenum Press, New York/London. Pickenpaugh, T. E. 1997. Symbols of rank, leadership and power in traditional cultures. International journal of Osteoarchaeology 7: 525–541. Primas, M. 1977. Untersuchungen zu den Bestattungssitten der ausgehenden Kupfer- und frühen Bronzezeit. Grabbau, Bestattungsformen und Beigabensitten im südlichen Mitteleuropa. Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 58: 1–160. Provenzano, N. 2001. Worked Bone Assemblages from Northern Italian Terramares: A Technological Approach. In: A. Choyke & L. Bartosiewicz (eds.): Crafting bone: skeletal technologies through time and space – Proceedings of the 2nd meeting of the (ICAZ) Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 31 August – 5 September 1999. Archaeopress, BAR International Series 937, Oxford: 93–109. Sofaer, J., Bender Jørgensen L. & Choyke, A. M. 2013. Craft production: ceramics, textiles, and bone. In: H. Fokkens & A. Harding (eds.): The Oxford Handbook of the European Bronze Age. Oxford University press, Oxford: 469–491. Soroceanu, T. 1975. Die Bedeutung des Gräberfeldes von Mokrin für die relative Chronologie der frühen Bronzezeit im Banat. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 50: 161–79. 78

S. Vitezović


Taborin, Y. 2004. Langage sans parole. La parure aux temps préhistoriques. La Maison des roches, Paris. Tasić, N. 1974. Bronzano doba. In: B. Brukner, B. Jovanović & N. Tasić, Praistorija Vojvodine. Institut za izučavanje Istorije Vojvodine & Savez arheoloških društava Jugoslavije, Novi Sad: 185–256. Vanhaeren, M., d’Errico, F., Stringer, C., James, S. L., Todd, J. A. & Mienis, H. K. 2006. Middle Palaeolithic Shell Beads in Israël and Algeria. Science 321: 1785–1788. Vitezović, S. 2012a. The white beauty – Starčevo culture jewellery. Documenta praehistorica 39: 215–226. Vitezović, S. 2012b. Can bone be beautiful? Crafting in osseous materials in the MBA Pannonia. In: 18th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists, Helsinki, 29. aug.- 1. sept. 2012. Helsinki: 138-139. Vitezović, S. 2017. Jewellery from osseous materials in the bronze age in the southern Carpathian basin. In: “Contact, circulation, exchange in past societies: approaches from the bone artefacts”. First meeting Uispp Commission Bone Artefact. 2 & 3 march 2017. University of Trnava, Trnava: 13. Winnicka, K. 2016. More than meets the eye: microscopic and technological studies on Early Bronze Age bone and antler beads from Kichary Nowe, south-eastern Poland. In: S. Vitezović (ed.): Close to the bone: Current studies in bone technologies. Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade: 376–394.

79


Selena Vitezović Arheološki institut KOŠTANE SIROVINE KAO UKRASI U BRONZANOM DOBU: STUDIJA SLUČAJA LOKALITETA MOKRIN Koštane sirovine (kost, rog, zubi, ljušture mekušaca) spadaju među najranije korišćene sirovine za lične i druge ukrase. Perforirani životinjski zubi i ljušture mekušaca, različiti koštani privesci, itd., sreću se srazmerno često počev od ranog gornjeg paleolita, i njihova upotreba se nastavlja kroz mezolit i neolit. Uvođenje novih sirovina, kao što su bakar, zlato ili bronza, takođe je dovela i do potpuno novih tipova ličnih ukrasa, ali se koštane sirovine i dalje koriste tokom metalnih doba, i kasnije, tokom istorijskih perioda. Lokalitet Mokrin predstavlja jednu od najbolje istraženih nekropola ranobronzanodopske moriške kulture, gde je otkriveno 312 grobova sa bogatim pogrebnim prilozima, posebno nakitom. Raznovrsnost i bogatstvo ovih priloga bili su predmet raznih studija o socijalnom raslojavanju u ranom bronzanom dobu. Naročito su brojni nalazi nakita, i gotovo jedna trećina (85 grobova) imala je nakit od koštanih sirovina. Ovo je srazmerno mnogo, s obzirom na to da je u pojedinim grobovima nađena samo keramika, a pojedini su devastirani, verovatno opljačkani, pa nalazi nisu sačuvani. Sirovine koje su korišćene obuhvataju kosti, uglavnom metapodijalne kosti i tibije sitnih ungulata (ovce/koze), rogove jelena, zube, posebno kanine domaćeg psa, mada se javljaju i zubi jelena i govečeta, i ljušture školjki (Glycymeris, Dentalium, Cardium, Columbella rustica). Predmeti su klasifikovani u morfološke grupe: perle, priveske, ukrasne igle, aplikacije. Bitno je, međutim, napomenuti da su svi ovi ukrasi mogli biti nošeni na različite načine, odnosno, da su mogli sačinjavati delove narukvica, ogrlica, biti prišiveni na odeću; takođe, mogli su biti međusobno kombinovani na najrazličitije načine. Perle su manji predmeti sa centralno postavljenom, obično vertikalnom perforacijom. Nekoliko podtipova se može izdvojiti: duguljaste cilindrične ili bačvaste perle, kružne i nepravilne perle. 80

S. Vitezović


Izdužene, cilindrične ili bačvaste perle su najbrojnije. To mogu biti minimalno modifikovane perle od Dentalium školjki, ili su isečene od kostiju. Manje kosti, uglavnom metapodijalne kosti ili tibije ovce/ koze, transverzalno su sečene tako da se dobiju perle koje su cilindričnog ili blago bačvastog oblika, zavisno od dela kosti koji je zahvaćen, različite dužine. Na nekima je žleb za transverzalno presecanje ostavljen kao neka vrsta ukrasa. Na ovim perlama je primetna uglačanost i istrošenost od upotrebe, a u grobovima su nalažene uglavnom koncentrisane oko zone vrata skeleta, pa se može pretspotaviti da su najverovatnije činile delove ogrlica. Kružne perle od školjki i kostiju znatno su ređe. Većinom su to kružne perle od drugih materijala, uključujući i kamen bele boje, moguće izabran upravo da imitira školjke. Srazmerno su malih dimenzija i loše očuvane, i takođe se uglavnom nalaze u zoni vrata skeleta, pa se i za njih može pretpostaviti da su bile deo ogrlice ili možda prišivene na odeću. Još se sreću minimalno modifikovane ljušture školjke Columbella rustica. Imaju uglavnom nepravilnu perforaciju probijenu na sredini i dosta su istrošene od upotrebe. Najverovatnije su bile deo ukrasa odeće, sudeći po nalazima iz grobova 74 i 90, gde su nađene iza leđa skeleta, zajedno sa bronzanom dugmadi. Svi ovi tipovi perli su dosta rasprostranjeni, ne samo u broznanom dobu u regionu, već se javljaju kroz praistoriju u celoj Evropi. Privesci su predmeti sa perforacijom u gornjem delu koja je služila da budu obešeni. Međutim, i oni su mogli biti kako delovi ogrlica, tako i narukvica, ukrasa za glavu ili prišiveni na odeću. Najčešći privesci su perforirani zubi. Perforacija je dobijena svrdlanjem, obično bušena sa dve strane i smeštena na korenu zuba. Najveći deo zuba identifikovan je kao kanini domaćeg psa, a još se, retko, javljaju incizivi govečeta i kanini jelena. Intenzivni tragovi upotrebe se primećuju na većem broju. Međutim, uočavaju se i razlike u stepenu istrošenosti među zubima koji potiču iz jednog groba, što pokazuje da su ukrasni predmeti sastavljeni od ovih zuba bili dinamični – dopunjavani su novim komadima tokom vremena, polomljeni su zamenjeni novim i moguće je čak i da su pojedini delovi bili nasleđivani. Većinom su ovo bili delovi ogrlica, sudeći po nalazima locira81


nim u zoni vrata skeleta. Međutim, neki su verovatno bili prišiveni na odeću. U grobu 104, na primer, nađena je veća količina perforiranih zuba zajedno sa perforiranim školjkama Columbella i drugim ukrasima u zoni pelvisa, pa se može pretpostaviti da su bili deo ukrasa na odeći, moguće pojasu. Takođe se javljaju i valve školjki Bivalvia sa perforacijom u gornjem delu. Identifikovane su vrste Cardium i Glycymeris. Osim istrošene, uglačane perforacije, na njima se može uočiti i određena uglačanost unutrašnjih ivica, rezultat kontakta između školjke i odeće ili tela. Sledeći tip predstavljaju igle izrađene od podužno cepanih dugih kostiju, uglavnom metapodijalnih kostiju sitnih ungulata (ovce/ koze). Korišćeni su uglavnom proksimalni delovi; deo proksimalne epifize može biti očuvan, dok je ceo bazni deo isečen tako da ima manje ili više trougaoni ili eliptični oblik. Dosta su uske i fine, i sa finim, oštrim šiljkom na distalnom kraju. Pojedine imaju perforaciju na bazi. Međutim, dosta su slabo očuvane, tako da nije moguće na osnovu tragova upotrebe utvrditi da li se radi o ukrasnim iglama ili alatkama. Nalazi iz grobova bili su locirani u zoni lobanja ili klavikule, što otvara mogućnost da su bile korišćene za ukras na glavi ili za frizuru, odnosno kao kopče za ogrtač ili neki drugi odevni predmet. Perforirane igle slične forme, kao i morfološki dosta bliska šila bez perforacija, javljaju se na brojnim bronzanodopskim lokalitetima u Karpatskom basenu. Predmeti sa jednom ili više perforacija postavljenih na raznim mestima, korišćeni kao kopče za odeću ili samo u dekorativne svrhe, mogu se klasifikovati kao aplikacije. Osim nekoliko fragmentovanih predmeta, posebno se izdvaja veći kružni predmet sa većom perforacijom po sredini, izrađen od roga jelena. Nažalost, dosta je oštećen, pa se ne može puno reći ni o načinu izrade, ni o tragovima upotrebe. Nađen je u zoni pelvis, što pokazuje da se radi najverovatnije o delu pojasa. Ukrasni predmeti od koštanih sirovina sa nekropole u Mokrinu proizvedeni lokalno, od lokalno dostupnih sirovina. Jedini import sa veće razdaljine predstavljaju ljušture morskih školjki. Strog izbor skeletnih elemenata i vrste pokazuje da izbor nije slučajan, već unapred planiran. 82

S. Vitezović


Ukoliko poslažemo ukrasne predmete sa nekropole u Mokrinu na zamišljenu osu kontinuuma izrade (manufacturing continuum), možemo uočiti da se radi o veoma pažljivo izrađenim predmetima koji su cenjeni, i uz to dugo bili u upotrebi. Štaviše, pojedini ovi ukrasi su najverovatnije i nasleđivani. Ovakav strog izbor vrsta sugeriše da je simbolički značaj koštanih ornamenata delom svakako povezan sa poreklom od određene životinje, a u slučaju ljuštura školjki, i od njihovog udaljenog mesta porekla. Takođe, izgleda da su posebno cenjene određene fizičke karakteristike, kao što je bela boja, sudeći po kopijama u drugim materijalima. Iako se u arheologiji često pretpostavlja da su metali bile skupe, luksuzne sirovine koje smu brzo stekle prednost nad ostalim sirovinama koje su sad postale „jeftine zamene“, međutim, . Mada je pretižna uloga metala nesumnjiva, druge sirovine nisu u potpunosti izgubile na vrednosti. Koštane sirovine, cenjene zbog svog porekla (od živih životinja) i fizičkih i mehaničkih svojstava (tvrdoća, boja, glatke površine….), korišćene od rane praistorije za lične ukrase, ostaju u upotrebi i tokom bronzanog doba, i zadržavaju određenu simboličku ulogu i vrednost među stanovništvom koje se sahranjivalo na nekropoli u Mokrinu.

83

COPPER ARTEFACTS AND THEIR SOCIAL ROLE IN THE VINČA CULTURE Radmila Balaban University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology Abstract: The discovery, methods and production of copper artifacts during the prehistory has been the subject of debate in archaeology. Based on the results of absolute dating (e.g. C14, accelerator mass spectrometry-AMS…) and physicochemical analysis of slag, crushed beads, copper minerals (e.g. lead-isotope analysis, Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis-INAA, trace element analysis…) it has been confirmed that the copper ores were exploited and melted around 5000 cal BC on the territory of Serbia, which, in a relatively-chronological sense, coincides with the final stages of the Vinča culture. The exploitation of copper ore in prehistory today is studied through determination of raw material composition of artefacts or semi-finished products on one hand and using these data to complete the picture of the lifestyle and social relations in the settlements of the Vinča culture on the other. This paper contains the information about the findings of copper artefacts and about its minerals from the Late Neolithic in Serbia. The artefacts will also be used to examine their potential role in the interpretation of social complexity of the Vinča culture. Keywords: malachite, azurite, copper, Vinča culture, Late Neolithic, Serbia, archaeometallurgy, social relations Apstrakt: Otkriće, načini i efekti obrade bakarnih minerala i rude tokom praistorije samo su neka od pitanja koje se postavlјaju u arheologiji. Zahvaljujući rezultatima apsolutnog datovanja (C14, akceleratoska masena spektrometrija-AMS) kao i fizičko-hemijskim analiza šljake, delova perli i minerala (npr. analize izotopa olova, instrumentalna neutronska 85


aktivaciona analiza-INAA, analiza tragova elemenata, itd.) potvrđeno je da se ruda bakra eksploatisala i topila od oko 5000 cal BC na prostoru današnje Srbije, što se u relativno-hronološkom smislu poklapa sa završnim fazama vinčanske kulture. Eksploatacija bakra u praistoriji se danas izučava sa jedne strane kroz utvrđivanje sirovinskog sastava predmeta ili polufabrikata, dok se sa druge ti podaci koriste kako bi se upotpunila slika o načinu života i društvenim odnosima u naseljima vinčanske kulture. U radu će biti predstavljeni podaci o nalazima bakarnih predmeta i njegovih minerala iz perioda kasnog neolita na prostoru Srbije. Ovi artefakti će biti iskorišćeni i kako bi se preispitala njihova uloga u tumačenju društvenih odnosa u vinčanskoj kulturi. Ključne reči: malahit, azurit, bakar, vinčanska kultura, kasni neolit, Srbija, arheometalurgija, društveni odnosi

Introduction The discovery, methods and production of copper minerals and copper ore processing through prehistory are only some of the questions archaeology deals with. Despite the existence of different artefacts made of copper or copper mineral in the Middle East as well as in Europe and Asia, the copper ore processing is still an unanswered question (Roberts et al. 2009: 1019). Archaeometallurgy segregated itself within archaeometric research and as emphasized by Miljana Radivojevć and Thilo Rehren, turned mostly towards presenting an answer to where and when the discovery of copper ore processing happened, whilst lesser attention was paid to seeking answers to how and why that occurred (Radivojević 2015; Radivojević, Rehren 2016). That is why newer research combines the knowledge gained from archaeological excavations with the results of different physicochemical analyses (slag, crushed beads, copper minerals). That way, the knowledge about the beginnings of mining is expanded and some of the preceding questions slowly begin getting answered. 86

R. Balaban

Copper artefacts and their social role in the Vinča culture

On the territory of Serbia, the use of copper minerals for making objects dates back to the beginning of Neolithic period1. Though, it is a matter of only a few findings from a few sites2, which may present a methodological problem during excavations. The discoveries of these objects indicate that people during the Early Neolithic had a knowledge of copper deposit locations (Antonović 2006: 85). However, ore processing in Balkans starts in the Late Neolithic. Proof of that lies in the findings of slag at site Belovode, as well as the discovery of copper tools from Pločnik. Early exploatation of copper ore has been confirmed in the mines Rudna Glava near Majdanpek (Jovanović 1982) and Jarmovac near Priboj (Дерикоњић 2005; Derikonjić et al. 2011)3. The oldest, and currently the best explored mine in Serbia is Rudna Glava, spanning through the enitre Late Neolithic period from 5400 until 4650 cal BC (Borić 2009: 205-206; Jovanović 1982; 1994; Jovanović & Ottaway 1976). About 40 mining shafts and 5 pits were found at this site (Jovanović 1999). Eight mining shafts with access platforms were filled with rocks, ceramic fragments and with magnetite, chalcopyrite and copper-carbonate ores (Radivojević 2010). Ore exploitation started from the surface and the final shapes of the shafts were formed by following the lodes. It was noted that the minLate Neolithic in the Central Balkans is defined by the archeological Vinča culture. Based on the shape of poterry and ornaments on them (as well as the other archaeological finds), several relative chronological divisions were made within the Vinča culture. The periodizations of Vladimir Milojčić (1949) and Milutin Garašanin (1951) are the most widely used ones. The process of absolute dating helped placing the culture between 5400/5300 and 4650/4600 cal BC (see Borić 2009). 2 One pendant was found at site Lepenski Vir on the horizon of settlement IIIa, while in the pits and houses of the building horizon IIIb malachite and azurite beads were found (Срејовић1969: 173; Srejović 1972: 146). A small fragment of unprocessed malachite was found at site Zmajevac in Central Serbia (Chapman 1981: 131). A pendant and a conically shaped piece of azurite were found at site Divostin (Glumac 1988: 458, 457). 3 It is necessary to mention one more prehistoric mine – Ždrelo near Petrovac on Mlava river. Although archaeological objects that could directly connect this mine to the late Vinča period have not been discovered yet, based on the results of lead isotopic analysis of minerals from Belovode and this mine an indication of the exploitation of ore during the Late Neolith has been obtained (Radivojević et al. 2010; Radivojević 2014). 1

87


ers were well familiar with the ore itself, because the lodes of poor quality copper within the mining shafts were unexploited (Jovanović 1982: 62; Jovanović & Ottaway 1976). At Rudna Glava site, five storage pits were found and in the shafts containing stone mallets, antler tools, ceramic vessels and small altars (Jovanović 1982). It is thought the stone mallets and antler mattocks have served for dislodging and breaking the ore rocks. Based on in situ findings of various ceramic pots and altars the relative dating of mines in Vinča culture was performed (Jovanović 1982). In the vicinity of this mine no settlements have been found to present day, hence it is thought that the mine was exploited seasonally by a settlement from the broader area (Jovanović 1982; 1999). Based on the research results from Rudna Glava, Borislav Jovanović created three main characteristics of prehistoric mines: the best preserved prehistoric mines are those containing ore deposits of the lode type; most exploited minerals are oxide and carbon based such as chalcopyrite, malachite and azurite; the best confirmation of prehistoric mining is the finding of stone mallets (Jovanović 1982). The Jarmovac mine is located near Priboj on Lim. The mining complex consists of a 5 km long ore-rich zone that extends along the Jarmovac creek. Of the total of 10 recorded mining shafts, archaeological research was carried out on two of them: Majdan and Curak (Дерикоњић 2005; Derikonjić et al. 2011). This mine complex is first mentioned by O. Davi, who noted that the whole area was rich with mining shafts filed with malachite and chalcopyrite. In one of the shafts (probably Majdan) he found a mining tool – greenish grooved hammer stone (Davis 1937; Дерикоњић 2005). In the immediate vicinity of the mines (about 300 m away) a Late Neolithic settlement was detected - Kaluđersko polje which helped dating activities at Jarmovac in the middle of the 5th millennium BC (Бунарџић et al. 2008; Borić 2009). Vertical shaft (first or initial minig phase), horizontal shaft (second phase) and platform were found at Majdan. However, no archaeological material was found there. Second shaft (Curak) is located 50 m away from Majdan. Two vertical shafts and an open-cast mine were discovered there. Forty-two stone tools (large grooved hammer stones and smaller millstones) were found 88

R. Balaban


in the open-cast mine at this location (Дерикоњић 2005; Derikonjić et al. 2011). To this day, there are twelve archaeological sites in Serbia where artefacts made of copper minerals (malachite or azurite) or copper were found. Conducting of physicochemical analysis on artefacts and ore helped establishing, as well as removing the connection between the Late Neolithic settlements and the mines. This paper presents the data about the findings of artefacts made of copper and its minerals from the Late Neolithic sites on the territory of Serbia. Also these objects will be used to re-evaluate their role in the interpretation of social relations in Vinča culture. Beads and pendants VS axes and chisels The catalogue of the archaeological sites containing the copper or copper minerals (malachite and azurite) findings in different contexts will be made according to the geographical position within the boundaries of Vinča culture in Serbia, starting from the north (fig. 1). Within the settlement at Opovo-Ugar Bajbuk site in the vicinity of Pančevo the total of three copper findings were made. Two tiny lumps of copper oxyde were found in building horizons 1 and 2 (Tringham et al. 1985: 430, 443). A small copper perforated discoidal bead was found in a flotation sample on an unburned area of House 5 (building horizons 3)4 (Tringham et al. 1992: 383). The results of absolute dating show that life in this settlement lasted from 4700 to 4500 cal BC. The relative chronology covers the period from the end of Vinča-Pločnik IIa to the end of Vinča-Pločnik I phase of the Vinča culture (Tringham et al.1985; Tringham et al. 1992). Within the settlement on the site of Gomolava copper beads and bracelets were found (Brukner 1980; Ottaway 1979). In addition, in the necropolis belonging to the final phase of the Vinča culture, out of 26 discovered graves (male individuals of various age), Because of the way the discoveries were made, it is unclear whether the pearl belongs to the second or third building horizon within the settlement. (Tringham et al. 1992, 383).

4

89


Fig. 1. Map of malachite, azurite and copper artefacts and copper mines within Vinča culture (taken and modified from Antonović 2002: 40, Fig. 8) Sl. 1. Mapa nalaza od malahita, azurita i bakra i rudnika vinčanske kulture (preuzeto i izmenjeno prema Antonović 2002: 40, fig. 8)

90

R. Balaban


copper artefacts were found in only two of them. Copper bracelet was found in the grave of an adult male (marked as grave No. 12) placed around the wrist (in the same grave a stone axe and two ceramic pots were found) (fig. 2). Seven pearls concentrated around the chest were found in child grave No. 8 (Borić 1996: 78, 81) (fig. 3). The traces of green colour were found on the bones in graves No. 12 and No. 13. Dušan Borić offered an interpretation proposing that the malachite powder might have been used for body decoration (Borić 1996: 77; Borić 2009: 223). Absolute dating shows that life in this settlement took place in the period between 4900 and 4600 cal BC, while the necropolis was used between 4700 and 4650/4625 cal BC (Borić 2009).

Fig. 2. Adult male burial No. 12 with copper bracelet, Gomolava (Borić 2009: 223; Fig. 36) Sl. 2. Grob odraslog muškarca br. 12 sa bakarnom narukvicom, Gomolava (Borić 2009: 223, fig. 36)

91


Fig. 3. Child burial No. 8 with copper beads, Gomolava (Borić 2009: 224; Fig. 37) Sl. 3. Dečiji grob br. 8 sa bakarnim perlama, Gomolava (Borić 2009: 224, fig. 37)

Vinča-Belo Brdo site was active in the period from 5300 to 4650/4550 cal BC (Borić 2009: 228-234). Lumps of malachite, as well as beads (18) and pendants (7) were found in all settlement layers (in the pits and on the house floors) at Vinča-Belo Brdo (fig. 4). According to Dragana Antonović, who examined the original excavation journals of Miloje Vasić, malachite findings are more frequent in the later phase of Vinča culture (Antonović 2002; 2006: 86-87). At the settlement in Selevac the total of 211 objects made of copper or malachite were found (Glumac & Tringham 1990: 554). Most of the objects from Selevac were malachite beads. The import92

R. Balaban


Fig. 4. Malachite beads and pendants, Vinča (Antonović 2002: 33, Fig. 1) Sl. 4. Perle i privesci od malahita, Vinča (Antonović 2002: 33, fig. 1)

ant indicators of copper smelting on this site were findings of slag from the pit 6 and from the house 2 (Glumac & Tringham 1990: 557). A furnace was discovered in this house, for which, P. Glumac and R. Tringham, thought it could have been used for ore smelting (Glumac & Tringham 1990: 557). To-date, one of the most significant Vinča culture sites where the oldest copper ore processing has been confirmed is the Belovode settlement. Based on radiocarbon dates, obtained from animal bones, this site was occupied from 5350 cal BC to 4650 cal BC (Borić 2009: 207-209). The earliest stratigraphic evidence of copper production, which starts at 5000 cal BC (corresponding to the begining of the Gradac phase) is assosiated with this site (Radivojević et al. 2010: 2781). All excavation layers at Belevode contained lumps of malachite, as well as malachite beads and pendants (fig. 5), and on top of that several small lumps of copper ore were found as well (Шљивар, 93


Fig.5. Malachite beads, Belovode (Šljivar 2006: 96, Fig. 3) Sl. 5. Perle od malahita, Belovode (Šljivar 2006: 96, fig. 3)

Jacanović 1996; 1997; Radivojević & Kuzmanović-Cvetković 2014; Radivojević & Rehren 2016). A few small sized pottery vessels (all having traces of green powder on them), as well as the three cylindrical pottery vessels (“chimneys“) were found during the excavations at this settlement (fig. 6). Acording to D. Šljivar, these objects were the elements of metallurgical installations for copper smeliting at this site (Šljivar 2006; Šljivar et al. 2011). It should be noted that after analysis carried out on multiple samples from Belovode and Rudna Glava, Miljana Radivojević with colleagues (2010; 2014) concluded that this mine had not been exploited by the inhabitants of Belovode. However, according to lead isotope analysis, another copper source located 10 km away from Belovode, Ždrelo near Petrovac, could be associated with metallurgical activities at this site (Radivojević et al. 2010; Radivojević 2014: 15-16). 94

R. Balaban


Fig. 6. Small-sized pottery vessel and cylindrical vessel, Belovode (Šljivar 2006: 97, Fig. 5, 6) Sl. 6. Posuda malih dimenzija i cilindrična posuda, Belovode (Šljivar 2006: 97, fig. 5-6)

Late Vinča settlement at Divostin was dated to 49004650/4600 cal BC (Borić 2009). A total of 1095 copper minerals and copper artefacts have been found on this site - 103 malachite and 3 azurite objects (75% of the findings were smaller than 1 cm), as well as beads and copper bracelet (Glumac 1988: 457; Antonović 2006: 87). Perforated pendants and discoid beads were made of malachite and azurite (Glumac 1988: 458). An almost completely crushed bead was found in block Barice IA at Grivac, a settlement dated to late Vinča culture (Гавела 19561957; Antonović 2006). At archaeological site Petnica, near Valjevo, three late Vinča culture phases were discovered (marked as Petnica 1-3). Petnica 1 phase is related to Vinča B2; Petnica 2 phase is related to Vinča C; Summary of findings in both building horizons on this site presents a problem. The site had been dated based on relative chronology to Starčevo and Vinča culture.

5

95


Petnica 3 phase is related to Vinča D1 (acc. to Holste 1939) (Borić 2009: 228). At this site, only one copper bead was found occupying horizon 2 at the workshop near house 2. This context was dated with one sample to 5053-4947 cal BC (Borić 2009: 228). In the vicinity of Užice one copper bracelet and a lump of copper were found beneath house floor of house II at the multi-layer site Stapari-Velika Gradina in a building horizon that belongs to the Vinča culture (Jurišić 1960). At the site Divlje Polje-Ratina near Kraljevo, a loop of copper wire was found. Also, the presence of copper minerals was confirmed based on green remnants of copper oxyde on fragmented figurines (Љамић-Валовић & Валовић 1988). The best indicator of metallurgical craftsmanship of Late Neolithic period represents a find of massive copper artefacts belonging to the four “hoards”/groups6 from Pločnik site (Stalio 1964; 1973; Šlјivar 1996). Based on the results of absolute dating at this site the beginning of Vinča culture was around 5200 cal BC and the end around 4650 cal BC (Borić 2009: 211-215). Relative chronology puts building horizons in Pločnik to Vinča A, B1 and B2 (or Gradac) phases (Šlјivar 1996; Шљивар & Кузмановић-Цветковић 1997). The complete finds from „hoards“/groups comprised four axe-hammers (fig. 7), 25 chisels (fig. 8), one pin and four bracelets (fig. 9) (Грбић 1929). Three of the „hoards“/groups (I, II, III) were discoverd in the vicinity of the oven or furnace (Грбић 1929), while there is no clear context for the fourth one, because it was found by accident during the building of the Niš-Priština railway (Stalio 1964). The total weight of all copper artefacts is around 16 kg (Radivojević & Kuzmanović-Cvetković 2014: 23; Šljivar et al. 2006: 225). According to analysis of chemical composition and lead isotope ratios of 17 copper metal tools from Pločnik, it was concluded that at least three different copper deposits from East Serbia, Macedonia and Bulgaria provided metal for their production (Pernicka 1993; Pernicka et al. 1997: 93-94). Except the findings from „hoards“/groups, lumps of copper minerals mixed with coal and ashes, malachite beads, copper objects Bibliography denotes the findings from four object groups not only as “hoard” (sensu Stalio 1690; 1962; 1964), but also as “group“ (sensu Грбић 1929).

6

96

R. Balaban


Fig. 7. Copper hammer-axe, Pločnik (Šljivar et al. 2011: 39, T IV) Sl. 7. Bakarna sekira-čekić, Pločnik (Šljivar et al. 2011: 39, T. IV)

Fig. 8. Copper chisel, Pločnik (Šljivar et al. 2011: 39, T IV) Sl. 8. Bakarno dleto, Pločnik (Šljivar et al. 2011: 39, T. IV)

were found within the explored houses or pits interpreted as workshops (Šljivar 2006; Šljivar et al. 2006). The most interesting finding originates from Trench No. 20, where a 6 x 6 m structure has been found covered in rubble, stones, pottery fragments, several metal artefacts and metal casting debris; a furnace/oven was found within the structure as well (Šljivar & Kuzmanović-Cvetković 2009). Discovery of copper chisel, a fragment of tool or ornament, a fragmented bracelet (?), a foiled metal sheet and copper minerals led to the conclusion that this structre represented a metallurgical workshop (Šljivar et al. 2006; Šljivar et al. 2011). The findings of stone tools and large ceramic vessels, ceramic “chimney“ (without the traces of metallurgical process97


es, but resembling the one found in Belovode) made a contribution to this finding. At the site Fafos I, in the first building horizon (Vinča culture layer) the traces of “greenish powder“, probably copper mineral were found in pits 16 and 38. Based on petrological analysis it was confirmed that it is a mixture of malachite, azurite and cuprite. Borislav Jovanović interpreted these finds as byproducts of copper processing (Jovanović 1961: 42). Discussion Malachite and azurite decorative objects were made during the whole span of Vinča culture (fig. 10). Fig. 9. Pin and bracelets, Pločnik The deposits of these miner(Šljivar et al 2011: 42, T VII) als are unable to be found in Sl. 9. Igla i narukvice, Pločnik (Šljivar et al. 2011: 42, T. VII) nowadays Serbia, but it is not the indicator that the same situation existed during the Neolithic, as excavated objects testify (Antonović 2006: 90). Malachite findings or malachite lumps were often mixed with small amounts of coal and ashes, and the structure of most of the findings was confirmed to had been thermally altered7 (Šljivar et al. 2006). Similar findings contexts of malachite beads and pendants were recorded at sites Selevac, Divostin, Vinča, Belovode and Pločnik. At Selevac, all malachite findings were concentratThis is not a strange observation, especially if one has in mind that almost all Late Neolithic settlements were destroyed by great fires.

7

98

R. Balaban


Fig. 10. Malachite, azurite and copper objects from Vinča culture Sl. 10. Nalazi od malahita, azurita i bakra u vinčanskoj kulturi

ed in four houses, while a complete workshop for their production was found at Divostin (Antonović 2006; Glumac & Tringham 1990; Radivojević et al. 2010). Amorphous malachite was a more common finding at Neolithic sites: Vinča, Belovode, Pločnik, Opovo, Fafos I, Divostinin and Selevac. Based on the findings within the objects interpreted as workshops from the sites Selevac, Belovode, Divostin and Pločnik, Dušan Šlјivar claims that the production of objects occurred on the periphery of the settlements (Šljivar 2006; Radivojević et al. 2010). Regarding to copper artefacts such as tools, weapons, and small number of decorative objects it is noticed that they were used from the early phase of Vinča culture (which in relative chronology cover the end of Vinča-Tordoš phase and intensifies during Gradac phase) until mid Bronze Age (Antonović 2006; 2009; Borić 2009; Јовановић 1982; Radivojević et al. 2010; Šljivar et al. 2006; Šljivar & Kuzmanović-Cvetković 2009). In its beginnings, the production of copper objects was based on “imitations” of stone ones, the proof of that are the findings from site Pločnik: axe-hammers with a handle 99


Fig. 11. Distribution of findings of copper objects in different phases of the Vinča culture Sl. 11. Distribucija nalaza od bakra u različitim fazama vinčanske kulture

hole and chisels (Stalio 1964; 1973). It is necessary to point out that by introducing copper beads, found in small numbers at Gomolava, Petnica, Vinča, Divostin and Grivac, their production from copper minerals did not cease (Glumac 1988) (fig. 10). Because of the different methodolical process during the excavation, as well as inconsistent quality of available information about the copper exploitation sites, it is currently possible to determine the use of different copper artefacts in continuity during the Late Neolithic only on three sites - Vinča, Belovode and Selevac (fig. 118). However, during the span of Vinča culture (around 800 years) objects made of aforementioned materials were not equally present. Copper mineral objects were present from the beginning of the Neolithic and their presence was persistent throughout this period. As Petar Glumac (1988) noticed, objects continued to be manufactured even with the introduction of copper, i.e. copper beads, into use. The number of copper objects gradually increased from the period of Gradac phase (around 5000 cal BC), but this kind of material surely reached its full exploitation only from the start of Eneolithic period (Antonović 2006; Borić 2009; Radivojević 2015). One of the questions archaeometallurgy starts to get answers, thanks to the results of physicochemical analyses, is whether the ore from presently known deposits was used for object production. Table shows the data for those sites where it was possible to determinate such information based on the currently available data.

8

100

R. Balaban


Based on the results of the analyses it was established that Neolithic communities used different ore depostis across Balkans. E. Pernicka states that the inhabitants of Selevac, Pločnik and Gomolava most probably used the same source of copper ore, but it is not located in Eastern Serbia nor Rudnik. That was determined using samples from Bor, Majdanpek, Rudna Glava, Crnjak, Rudnik, Lajkovac, Čadinje and Šatorica (Pernicka et al. 1993: 16-50). Recent results of physicochemical analyses of the samples from Belovode (slag, fragmented malachite beads and minerals), made it possible to compare the new data with the existing. Lead isotope analysis shows that three groups of exploitation of copper mineral and copper ore deposits were used for the production of objects found at this site. The first group (i.e. Belovode A) consists of artefacts potentially made from raw materials from Majdanpek or Zidarovo in Eastern Bulgaria (Radivojević et al. 2010: 2781). The second group (i.e. Belovode B) was formed based on the mineral sample analysis from Ždrelo and from the sample from the site of the settlement at Belovode. The results show that there are similarities in the composition of samples from the two locations – the raw material for object crafting in the nearby settlement was exploited in the before mentioned mine (Radivojević et al. 2010: 2781; Radivojević 2014). The third group (Belovode C) contains slag samples abundant with lead isotope ratios which correspond to high and variable uranium/lead ratios in the ore (Radivojević et al. 2010: 2781). Objects similar by chemical composition were found in Serbia at Rudna Glava, Crnjak, Beljevina and Velika Brestovica. The ones from Rudna Glava could be discarded due to small lead coefficient, as was the case with eastern Bulgaria, Medni Rid and Zidarovo (Черныx 1978; Jovanović & Ottaway 1976; Pernicka et al. 1993; Radivojević 2010: 123). As Miljana Radivojević and Thilo Rehren point out: […]studying ancient metallurgy goes beyond the typological, stylistic and functional analysis of objects or their distribution, as these represent only some of the building blocks for understanding the knowledge of metal production. Such knowledge is inherently related to the perception of immanent properties of both metal artefacts and components required to make them (Radivojević & Rehren 2016). 101


It is necessary to add a social perspective to this list of inseparable information gathered (and still in the process of gathering) across time, i.e. to attempt to interpret the role of a new kind of material in the social structures of the Late Neolithic (Appadurai 1986; Mills 2004; Olsen 2002; Thomas 1991). Traces of metallurgical activities found on the sites did not independently exist for themselves, but they were an integral part of social and cultural circumstances, that are able to be spatially and temporally different or similar (Roberts 2009). The knowledge regarding mineral and ore choice for making objects, as well as different means of processing, are thought to have provided a privileged social status (Chapman 2006; Radivojević 2015; Roberts 2009: 476). The structure of social hierarchy during the Late Neolithic is a subject of numerous debates in archaeology (see Chapman 1981; 2006; Porčić 2012). The existence of social stratification is brought in connection with the presence of certain forms of material culture, i.e. with objects interpreted as luxurious. Depending on social norms of the communities luxury objects may have different values that could have changed through time (Chapman 1998). For the Vinčа culture period, artefacts made of obsidian and Spondylus shell are commonly recognized as a luxury. The detailed study on obsidian shows that artefacts made from it were not necessarily used as indicators of different social structure, but also to make objects for every-day life (Трипковић 2001; Tripković 2003-2004). Contrary to that, the possession of decorative objects – bracelets, beads and pendants made from Spondylus is interpreted as an indicator of social stratification within the community (Séfériadès 1995; Siklósi 2004). In addition, objects from various types of stone belong to the same group – e.g. marble, marbled onyx, nephrite/jadeite, porcelanite, calcite, chalcedony and quartz (fig. 12). Objects interpreted as weapons and tools – axes, mallets, blades, chisels, adzes etc. as well as decorative objects – beads, pendants, bracelets and rings were made of these types of stones. Regarding malachite and copper objects, they definitely present a rarity in the Late Neolithic based on the raw materials. Some similarities in shape among the findings from different raw materials can be summarized as follows: a) decora102

R. Balaban


Fig. 12. Findings of objects from different raw materials in Vinča culture Sl. 12. Nalazi predmeta od različitih sirovina na vinčanskim lokalitetima

tive objects, firstly beads, and then pendants and pins, made not only from malachite, azurite and copper but from marble onyx, calcyte and in small numbers from Spondylus (see Antonović 2003; Балабан 2014; Dimitrijević & Tripković 2006; Vitezović 2016); b) tools/weapons – objects belonging to this group are made from nephrite/jadeite, small in size (5-6 cm) and were found at Vinča, Pločnik, Divostin and Grivac (see Antonović 2003; Балабан 2013). Most similar to them are the objects of larger dimensions found in „hoards“/groups in Pločnik settlements. When considering the role of objects in the creation of social relations (Bailey 1998; Dijas-Andreu 2003; Mills 2004; Pydyn 1998) and structures during prehistory, in the last ten years, the colour of artefacts arises as an important criterium people could be guided by when forming specific values (Chapman 1998; 2006; Gaydarska, Chapman 2008; Godlov 2011; Kostov 2007; Thomas 2011). Marble, marble onyx, calcite and Spondylus objects are characterised by mostly white colour (with various gradients reaching light yellow); black is the colour of obsidian, while dark and light green defines artefacts from nephrite and jadeite. As Bisserka Gaydarska and John Chapman explain: Increasing numbers of colored and shining objects broadened the possibilities for metaphorical links between objects with the same color – whether the red of the copper awls, the burnished red bowls and the 103


autumn leaves or the green of the malachite beads, the nephrite scepters and swastikas and fresh vernal growth. This visualization of the symbolic properties of exotic objects manifested in distinctive colors and polished textures created a public and spontaneous excitement that linked such objects and their owners to the numinous and the remote, as well as to the world of the ancestors (Gaydarska, Chapman 2008: 64). Besides the potential aesthetic role, the colour of objects could be a tie breaker when choosing a raw material for artefact production. As the results of analyses by Miljana Radivojević show, pure green malachite was selected for bead making, while dark/black minerals were selected for smelting (Radivojević et al. 2010; Radivojević 2015). These results are significant because they also point at the existence of knowledge transfer during the whole Neolihic period, because not every mineral is suitable for thermal processing, nor soft enough for pearl or pendant making. Conclusion The idea of metallurgical beginnings during this period was on a borderline of studies in Serbian archaeology for a long time because it was thought that people from Late Neolithic were “unable” to master copper processing technology (except for the papers of B. Jovanović). As a result of that, the copper findings and archaeological contexts they were created in were mostly dated to Eneolithic period (e.g., Pločnik objects were firstly dated to Bubanj-Hum group (Гарашанин 1973: 185)). Absolute dating gave us an opportunity for more accurate evaluation. This sort of copper findings started to be examined from another perspective directing its research focus to physicochemical analyses with the goal of determining the origins of minerals and ores used for object production. Therefore, it was possible to redirect the attention to one of the most common fallacies in interpretations which is the nearest deposit of raw materials did not have to be exploited. The results from Belovode analyses (lead-isotope analysis) show that the objects were not made from Rudna Glava raw materials as expected, but from Jarmovac (Radivojević et al. 2010; Radivojević & Rehren 2016). 104

R. Balaban


More intensive archaeometallurgical research expanded the set of questions regarding the social changes. How and to what extent the social communities of the Late Neolithic were divided and hierarchically established is a very complex question and it is impossible to answer based on only one kind of archaeological findings. However, the possession of certain objects or the knowledge necessary for their acquisition or production may present a beginning of social stratification creation reaching its clearer (or more complex) shapes later on. Observed from the copper or copper mineral exploitation point of view, it would imply that these raw materials during the Late Neolithic in the area of Serbia: 1) received different treatments – minerals were collected and used during the whole Neolithic, while the ore smelting did not start until 5000 cal BC; 2) presented a medium for knowledge accumulation passed on from generation to generation; 3) together with other raw materials, which can be considered as luxurious, contributed to the construction of material values system that changed through time. It is important to note that this is not necessarily related only to objects made of copper and its minerals, but similar models can also be applied to other types of archaeological materials. In order to get closer to the best interpretative reconstructions of social relations in the past, it is necessary to connect the data obtained from researching cooper artefacts with results for other types of raw materials. This way, we would gain insight into the changes in the system of values that existed and were changed in prehistoric communities. This is one of the important factors when trying to understand the social role of material culture in the past societies. When it comes to copper artefacts of Late Neolithic, their role (apart from utility) can be observed as highly valued knowledge, which were possessed by individuals and transmitted within generations, resulting in great social transformation in the Eneolithic. Acknowledgements This paper is the result of work on the project “Bioarchaeology of Ancient Europe: humans, animals and plants in the Prehistory of Serbia” (no. III 47001), funded by the Ministry of education, science and technological development of the Republic of Serbia. 105


References Antonović, D. 2002. Copper processing in Vinča: new contributions to the thesis about metallurgical character of the Vinča culture. Старинар LII: 27–45. Antonović, D. 2003. Neolitska industrija glačanog kamena u Srbiji, Beograd, Arheološki institut. Antonović, D. 2006. Malachite ﬁnds in the Vinča culture: evidence for early copper metallurgy in Serbia. Metalurgija. Journal of Metallurgy 12: 85–92. Antonović, D. 2014. Kupferzeitliche Äxte und Beile in Serbien. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung IX, Band 24, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner verlag. Antonović, D., Vukadinović, M. 2012. Eneolithic mine Prljuša – Mali Šturac: archaeological and geophysical investigations, Старинар LXII: 95–106. Antonović, D. Vukadinović, M., Cicović, A. 2014. Praistorijski rudnik na lokalitetu Prljuša, Mali Šturac: istraživanje 2012. godine. In: D. Antonović, S. Golubović, V. Bikić (eds.): Arheologija u Srbiji: projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2012. godini. Beograd, Arheološki institut: 28–31. Appadurai, A. 1986. Introduction: commodities and the politics of value. In: A. Appadurai (ed.) The social life of things. Commodities in a cultural perspective, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 3–63. Bailey, D. W. 1998. Bulgarian archaeology: ideology, sociopolitics and the exotic. In: L. Meskell (ed.), Archaeology under fire. Nationalism, politics and heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East, London and New York, Routledge: 87–110. Балабан, Р. 2013. Предмети од нефрита и/или јадеита на неолитским локалитетима у Војводини. Рад Музеја Војводине 55: 25–33. Балабан, Р. 2014. Алабастер у винчанској култури на простору Србије. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 30: 7–29. Borić, D. 1996. Social dimensions of mortuary practices in the Neolithic: a case study. Старинар 47: 67–83. Borić, D. 2009. Absolute dating of metallurgical innovations in the Vinča culture of the Balkans. In: T. L. Kinlin, B. W. Roberts (eds.), Metals and societies: studies in honour of Barbara S. Ottaway. Bonn, Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie, vol. 169: 191–245. Brukner, B. 1980. Naselje vinčanske grupe na Gomolavi (neolitski i ranoeneolitski sloj). Izveštaj sa iskopavanja 1967–1976. god. Рад Војвођанских музеја 26: 5–55. Бунарџић, Р., Бунарџић, М., Дерикоњић, С., Гавовић, П. 2008. Топографија Полимља, Археологија – Свеска 1. Београд, Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе. 106

R. Balaban


Chapman, J. 1981. The Vinča culture of South-East Europa. B.A.R. International Series 117, Oxford. Chapman, J. 1998. Objectification, embodiment and the value of places and things. In: D. Bailey (ed.): The Archaeology of Value – essays on prestige and the processes of valuation, Oxford, British Archaeological Reports 730: 106–130. Chapman, J. 2006. Dark burnished ware as a sign: ethnicity, aesthetics and categories in the Late Neolithic of the central Balkans, in N. Tasić, C. Grozdanov (eds.), Homage to Milutin Garašanin, Belgrade, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and Macedonian Academy of Sicences and Arts: 295–308. Черныx, Е. Н. 1978. Горное дело и металлургия в древнейшей Болгарии, София, Болгарская академия наук Davis, O. 1937. Prehistoric copper-mine at Jarmovac near Priboj na Lim, Гласник Земаљског музеја у Босни и Херцеговини (свеска за хисторију и етнографију) XLIX: 1-4. Дерикоњић, С. 2005. Археометалуршки и рударски центар Јармовац код Прибоја на Лиму, Гласник Друштва конзерватора Србије 29: 33– 36. Derikonjić, S., Radivojević, M., Pernicka, E., Rehren, T. 2011. The Vinča Culture Mining Complex in Jarmovac, Southwest Serbia, in A. Hauptmann, D. Modarressi-Tehrani, M. Prange (Hrsg.), International Conference „Archaeometallurgy in Europe III“, 29th June – 1st July 2011, Bochum, Metalla, Sonderh. 4/39. Bochum, Deutsches Bergbau Museum. Dijas-Andreu, M. 2003. Identitet roda i arheologija: sintetički pregled, Genero 2/3: 67–92. Dimitrijević, V., Tripkоvić, B. 2006. Spondylus and Glycymeris bracelets: trade reflections at Neolithic Vinča-Belo Brdo, Documenta Praehistorica XXXIII: 237–251. Garašanin, M. 1951. Hronologija vinčanske grupe, Ljubljana, Univerza v Ljubljani. Гарашанин, М. 1973. Праисторија на тлу Србије, Београд, Српска књижевна задруга. Garašanin, M. 1979. Centralnobalkanska zona, u: A. Benac (ur.) Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja II. Neolitsko doba, Sarajevo, Centar za balkanološka istraživanja ANUBiH: 79–213. Гавела, Б. 1956-1957. Енеолитско насеље у Гривцу, Старинар н.с. VIIVIII: 237–268. Gaydarska, B., Chapman, J. 2008. The Aesthetics of colour and brilliance – or why were prehistoric persons interested in rocks, minerals, clays and 107


pigments? In R. I. Kostov, B. Gaydarska, M. Gurova (eds.), Geoarchaeology and Archaeomineralogy - Proceedings of the International Conference, 29-30 October 2008 Sofia,Sofia, St. Ivan Rilski: 63–66. Glumac, P. 1988. Copper mineral finds from Divostin, in: A. McPherron, D. Srejović (eds.) Divostin and the Neolithic of central Serbia, Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh: 457–462. Glumac, P., Tringham, R. 1990. The Exploitation of copper minerals, in: R. Tringham, D. Krstić (eds.) Selevac: a Neolithic Village in Yugoslavia, Los Angeles, Institute of Archaeology, University of California: 549–565. Godlov, H. I. 2011. The Earliest Peoples and their Colors (Available from: http://www.iscc.org/pdf/GodloveColHistBook.pdf) Грбић, М. 1929. Плочник – преисторијско насеље бакарног доба, Београд, Народни музеј. Holste, F. 1939. Zur chronologischen Stellung der Vinča-Keramik. Wiener Prähistorische Zeitschrift 26: 1–21. Jovanović, B. 1961. Stratigrafija naselja vinčanske grupe kod Kosovske Mitrovice, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije 7: 9-78. Jovanović, B. 1982. Rudna Glava. Najstarije rudarstvo bakra na centralnom Balkanu, Bor, Beograd, Muzej rudarstva i metalurgije, Arheološki institut. Јовановић, Б. 1988. Прљуша ‒ Мали Штурац: праисторијски рудник бакра и горског кристала на Руднику. Зборник радова Народног музеја (Чачак) XVIII: 5‒12. Jovanović, B. 1994. Gradac phase in the relative chronology of the late Vinča culture. Старинар 43: 1–10. Jovanović, B. 1999. Technological significance of hoards from Rudna Glava, the copper mine of the Vinča culture, Старинар XLIV: 179–193. Jovanović, B., Ottaway, B. 1976. Copper mining and metallurgy in the Vinča Group. Antiquity 50: 104–113. Jurišić A. 1960. Gradine zapadne Srbije. Arheološko društvo Jugoslavije, Praistorijska sekcija I, Ohrid, Arheološko društvo Jugoslavije: 91–98. Костов, Р. И. 2007. Археоминералогия на неолитни и халколитни артефакти от България и тяхното значение в гемологията. София: Св. Иван Рилски. Љамић-Валовић, Н. и Валовић, С. 1988. Амулети и привесци са винчанског насеља у Ратини. Зборник Народног музеја XIII: 21–26. Mills, B. J. 2004. The Establishment and defeat of hierarchy: inalienable possessions and the history of collective prestige structures in the Pueblo Southwest. American Anthropologist 106 (2): 238–251. Milojčić. V. 1949. Chronologie der jüngeren Steinzeit Mittel- und Südosteuropas. Berlin, Verlag Gebr. Mann. 108

R. Balaban


Olsen,B. 2002. Od predmeta do teksta: teorijske perspektive arheoloških istraživanja. Beograd, Geopoetika. Ottaway, B. 1979. Analyses of Earliest metal finds from Gomolava. Рад војвођанских музеја 25: 53–59. Pernicka, E., Begemann, F., Schmitt-Strecker, S. 1993. Eneolithic and Bronze Age copper artefacts from the Balkans and their relation to Serbian copper ores. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 68 (1): 1–54. Pernicka, E., Begemann, F., Schmitt-Strecker, S., Todorova, H., Kuleff, I. 1997. Prehistoric copper in Bulgaria. Its composition and provenance, Eurasia Antiqua 3: 41–180. Porčić, М. 2012. Social complexity and inequality in the Late Neolithic of the Central Balkans – reviewing the evidence. Documenta Praehistorica XXXIX: 167–183. Pydyn, A. 1998. Universal or relative? Social, economic, and symbolic values in Central Europe in the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. In: D. Bailey (ed.): The archaeology of value: essays on prestige and the processes of valuation, Oxford, Archeopress: 97–105. Radivojević, M., Rehren, T., Pernicka, E., Šljivar, D., Brauns, M., Borić, D. 2010. On the origins of extractive metallurgy: new evidence from Europe. Journal of Archaeological Science 37: 2775–2787. Radivojević, M. 2014. Archaeometallurgy of the Vinča culture: a case study of the site of Belovode in eastern Serbia. Historical Metallurgy 47 (1) for 2013: 13–32. Radivojević, M. 2015. Inventing metallurgy in western Eurasia: a look through the microscope lens. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25: 321–338. Radivojević, M., Kuzmanović-Cvetković, J. 2014. Copper minerals and Archaeometallurgical Materials from the Vinča culture sites of Belovode and Pločnik: Overview of the evidence and new data. Старинар LXIV: 7–30. Radivojević, M., Rehren, T. 2016. Paint it black: the rise of metallurgy in the Balkans. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 23 (1): 200–237. Roberts, B. W. 2009. Metallurgical networks and technological choice: understanding early metal in Western Europe. Journal of World Prehistory 22: 461–81. Roberts, B. W., Thornton, C. P., Pigott, V. C. 2009. Development of metallurgy in Eurasia. Antiquity 83: 1012–1022. Séfériadès, M. L. 1995. Spondylus gaederopus: najzgodnejši sistem menjave na dolge razdalje v Evropi. Poročilo o raziskovanju paleolitika, neolitika in eneolitika v Sloveniji XXII: 233–256. Siklósi, Z. 2004. Prestige goods in the Neolithic of the Carpathian basin – material manifestations of social differentiation. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungarica 55: 1–62. 109


Срејовић, Д. 1969. Лепенски Вир: нова праисторијска култура у Подунављу. Београд, Српска књижевна задруга. Stalio, B. 1960. Pločnik – Prokuplje – naselje. Arheološki pregled 2: 33–36. Stalio, B. 1962. Pločnik – Prokuplje – naselje vinčanske grupe. Arheološki pregled 4: 19–25. Stalio, B. 1964. Novi metalni nalaz iz Pločnika kod Prokuplja. Зборник радова Народног музеја IV: 35–41. Stalio, B. 1973. Četvrti nalaz bakarnog i kamenog oruđa sa Pločnika kod Prokuplja. Зборник радова Народног музеја VII: 157–161. Šljivar, D. 1996. The Eastern settlement of the Vinča culture at Pločnik: a relationship of its stratigraphy to the hoards of copper objects. Старинар XLVII: 85–97. Šljivar, D. 2006. The Earliest copper metallurgy in the central Balkans. Journal of Metallurgy (Belgrade) 2-3: 93–104. Шљивар,Д., Јацановић, Д. 1996. Велико Лаоле, „Беловоде“: насеље винчанске групе. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 11: 185–189. Шљивар,Д., Јацановић, Д. 1997. Велико Лаоле, „Беловоде“: насеље винчанске групе. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 13: 115–125. Шљивар,Д., Јацановић, Д. 1998. Велико Лаоле, „Беловоде“: истраживања у 1997. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 14: 185–189. Šljivar, D., Jacanović, D., Kuzmanović-Cvetković, J. 2006. New contributions regarding the copper metallurgy in the Vinča culture. In: N. Tasić, C. Grozdanov (eds.): Homage to Milutin Garašanin,, Belgrade, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and Macedonian Academy of Sicences and Arts: 251–266. Шљивар, Д., Кузмановић-Цветковић, Ј. 1997. Плочник код Прокупља, насеље винчанске културе. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 13: 103–113. Šljivar, D., Kuzmanović Cvetković, J., Živković, J. 2011. Belovode, Ploč nik: on copper metallurgy in the Vinča culture. Зборник Народног музеја XX: 27–46. Thomas, J. 1991. Understanding the Neolithic (A revised second edition of Rethinking the Neolithic). London: Routledge. Thomas J. T. 2011. Fashioning identities, forging inequalities: Late Neolithic/Copper Age personal ornaments of the Portuguese Estremadura, European Journal of Archaeology 14(1–2): 29–59. Tringham, R., Brukner, B., Kaiser, T., Borojević, K., Bukvić, Lj., Šteli, P., Russell, N., Stevanović, M., Voytek, B. 1992. Excavations at Opovo, 1985-1987: socioeconomic change in the Balkan Neolithic. Journal of Field Archaeology 19 (3): 351–386. 110

R. Balaban


Tringham, R., Brukner, B., Voytek, B. 1985. The Opovo Project: a study of socioeconomic change in the Balkan Neolithic. Journal of Field Archaeology 12 (4): 425–444. Трипковић, Б. 2001. Улога опсидијана у неолиту: утилитарни предмети или средство престижа?. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 17: 21– 42. Tripković, B. 2003-2004. Obsidian deposits in the Central Balkans? Tested against archaeological evidence. Старинар LIII-LIV: 163–179. Vitezović, S. 2016. The Sea within: the use of mollusc shells as ornaments in the Central Balkans Neolithic. In: C. Preoteasa, C. D. Nicola (eds.): Cucuteni culture within the European Neo-Eneolithic context: proceedings of the International Colloquium „Cucuteni – 130” (15-17 October 2014), Piatra-Neamț, Romania, in memoriam dr. Dan Monah, in memoriam dr. Gheorghe Dumitroaia. Piatra-Neamţ, Editura „Constantin Matasă”: 237–256.

111


Radmila Balaban Filozofski fakultet, Odeljenje za arheologiju BAKARNI PREDMETI I NJIHOVA DRUŠTVENA ULOGA U VINČANSKOJ KULTURI U radu su predstavljeni podaci o nalazima bakarnih predmeta i njegovih minerala (malahit i azurit) iz perioda kasnog neolita, koji je na prostoru Srbije definisan arheološkom vinčanskom kulturom (5400/5300 - 4650/4600 cal BC) (Borić 2009). Artefakti od navedenih sirovina će biti iskorišćeni i kako bi se preispitala njihova uloga u tumačenju društvenih odnosa u navedenoj kulturi. Počeci, načini i efekti obrade bakarnih minerala i rude tokom praistorije samo su neka od pitanja koje se postavlјaju u arheologiji. Uprkos tome što postoje različiti artefakti izrađeni od bakra ili njegovih minerala, kako na prostoru Bliskog istoka, tako i u Evropi i Aziji, način prerade bakarne rude predstavlja još uvek otvoreno pitanje (Roberts et al. 2009: 1019). Arheometalurgija se izdvojila u okviru arheometrijskih istraživanja i najviše se, kako to ističu Miljana Radivojević i Tilo Reren (Thilo Rehren), okrenula ka pružanju odgovora kada i gde je došlo do otkrića prerade bakarnih ruda, dok se dosta manje pažnje posvećivalo traženju odgovora kako i zašto je do toga došlo (Radivojević 2015; Radivojević & Rehren 2016). Zbog toga novija istraživanja kombinuju saznanja dobijena prilikom arheoloških iskopavanja sa rezultatima različitih fizičko-hemijskih analiza. Na taj način znanje o počecima rudarenja se proširuje, a neka od davno postavljenih pitanja polako počinju da dobijaju odgovore. Na teritoriji Srbije upotreba bakarnih minerala za izradu ukrasnih predmeta beleži se od početka neolitskog perioda. Uprkos tome što se radi o artefaktima sa svega nekoliko lokaliteta, što može predstavljati i problem metodološke prirode, nalazi ovih predmeta ukazuju da se i tokom ranog neolita znalo za ležišta bakarnih minerala (Antonović 2006). Ipak, tek od kasnog neolita počinju procesi prerade bakarne rude na Balkanu, o čemu svedoče kako nalazi oruđa i oružja sa različitih lokaliteta, tako i tragovi rudarenja potvrđeni u nekoliko 112

R. Balaban


za sada poznatih rudnika. Najstariji i trenutno najbolje istraženi rudnik na ovom prostoru je Rudna Glava, koji je bio eksploatisan u periodu od 5400 do 4650 cal BC (Borić 2009: 205-206; Jovanović 1982; 1994; Jovanović & Ottaway 1976). U okviru rudokopa na ovoj lokaciji otkriveno je oko 40 rudarskih okana i pet ostava (Jovanović 1999). Osim ovog rudnika, zabeleženo je da se bakarna ruda eksploatisala iz rudnika Ždrelo kod Prokuplja (Šljivar et al. 2006) i Jaramovac kod Priboja (Дерикоњић 2005). Do danas poznato je 12 kasnoneolitskih lokaliteta na kojima su pronađeni predmeti od malahita, azurita i bakra: Opovo, Gomolava, Vinča, Selevac, Belovode, Divostin, Grivac, Petnica, Stapari, Ratina, Pločnik i Fafos I. Tokom celog trajanja vinčanske kulture pravljeni su ukrasni predmeti od malahita i azurita. Ležišta ovih minerala danas nije moguće pronaći na prostoru Srbije, ali to nije pokazatelј da je ista situacija bila i tokom neolita, na šta nam upravo ukazuju pronađeni predmeti (Antonović 2006: 90). Nalazi od malahita ili grumenje istog, često su bili pomešani sa malim količinama uglјa i pepela, a za većinu nalaza je potvrđeno da im je struktura termički promenjena (Šljivar et al. 2006). Slični konteksti nalaza perli i privezaka od malahita zabeleženi su na lokalitetima Selevac, Divostina, Vinča, Belovode, Pločnik. Na Selevcu su svi nalazi malahita bili koncentrisani u četiri kuće, dok je na Divostinu otkrivena kompletna radionica za njihovu izradu (Antonović 2006; Glumac & Tringham 1990; Radivojević et al. 2010). Amorfni oblici malahita su češći nalazi na neolitskim lokalitetima: Vinča, Belovode, Pločnik, Opovo, Fafos I, Divostinin i Selevac. Na osnovu konteksta nalaza, unutar objekata protumačenih kao radionice, sa lokaliteta Selevac, Belovode, Divostin i Pločnik, Dušan Šlјivar smatra da se proizvodnja predmeta vršila na periferijama naselјa (Šljivar 2006; Radivojević et al. 2010). Sa druge strane, bakarno oruđe i oružje, kao i malobrojni ukrasni predmeti bili su u upotrebi od 5200 do 5000 cal BC, što u relativno-hronološkoj podeli odgovara kraju Vinča-Tordoš faze i intenzivira se tokom gradačke faze vinčanske kulture (Antonović 2009; Borić 2009; Јовановић 1982; Radivojević et al. 2010; Šljivar 2006; Šljivar & Kuzmanović-Cvetković 2009). Proizvodnja bakarnih predmeta se u početku zasnivala na „imitacijama“ kamenih predmeta, o 113


čemu svedoče nalazi sa lokaliteta Pločnik: sekire-čekići sa otvorom za držalјu i dleta (Stalio 1964; 1973). Neophodno je naglasiti da sa uvođenjem u upotrebu perli od bakra, koje su u malom broju pronađene na lokalitetima Gomolava, Petnica, Vinča, Divostin i Grivac, nije prestala njihova proizvodnja od bakarnih minerala (Glumac 1988). Zbog različitog metodološkog postupka prilikom iskopavanja, kao i zbog neujednačenog kvaliteta dostupnih informacija o nalazištima bakarni predmeti, trenutno je moguće samo na tri lokaliteta (Vinča, Belovode i Selevac) utvrditi da se upotreba različitih bakarnih artefakata odvijala kontinuirano tokom kasnog neolita. Međutim, tokom trajanja vinčanske kulture (oko 800 godina) predmeti napravljeni od navedenih sirovina nisu bili podjednako zastupljeni. Zbog dubokog uverenja da nosioci vinčanske kulture nisu ovladali tehnologijom prerade bakra, ideja o početku metalurgije tokom ovog vremenskog perioda je dugo bila na marginama proučavanja u srpskoj arheologiji (izuzev radova Borislava Jovanovića). Kao rezultat toga, bakarni nalazi i arheološki konteksti u kojima su oni pronalaženi opredelјivani su uglavnom u eneolitski period (npr. predmeti sa Pločnika su prvo datovani u Bubanj-Hum grupu (Гарашанин 1973: 185)). Zahvaljujući apsolutnim datumima ova „nepravda“ je ispravljena, a bakarni nalazi su počeli da se proučavaju iz druge perspektive koja je svoj istraživački fokus usmerila ka fizičko-hemijskim analizama sa ciljem utvrđivanja porekla minerala i ruda korišćenih u izradi predmeta. Upravo je iz tog razloga bilo moguće skrenuti pažnju na jednu od najčešćih zabluda u interpretacijama, a to je da se prostorno najbliže ležište sirovina nije moralo eksploatisati. Rezultati analiza sa Belovoda su pokazale da predmeti nisu pravljeni od sirovina sa Rudne Glave – što je bilo očekivano, već najverovatnije iz rudnika Jarmovac (Radivoević et al. 2010; Radivojević & Rehren 2016). Intenzivnija arheometalurška istraživanja su proširila i set pitanja koja se odnose na društvene promene. Kako i u kojoj meri su društvene zajednice kasnog neolita bile podeljene i hijerarhijski ustrojne jeste veoma kompleksno pitanje i teško je na njega odgovoriti samo na osnovu analize jedne vrste arheloških nalaza. Ipak, posedovanje određenih predmeta ili znanje koje je neophodno za njihovu nabavku ili proizvodnju može predstavljati početak stvaranja druš114

R. Balaban


tvene stratifikacije koja će svoje jasnije (ili složenije) oblike poprimiti tek kasnije. Posmatrano sa pozicije eskploatacije bakra ili njegovih minerala, to bi značilo da su tokom kasnog neolita na prostoru Srbije ove sirovine: 1) imale različite tretmane – minerali su sakupljani i korišćeni tokom celog neolita, dok je ruda počela da se topi tek od oko 5000 cal BC; 2) predsavljale prostore za akumulaciju znanja koje se prenosilo sa generacije na generaciju; 3) zajedno sa drugim sirovinama koje se tumače kao luksuzne, doprinele izgradnji sistema materijalnih vrednosti koji se vremenom menjao.

115

COPPER ORE EXPLOITATION AT THE SITE OF PRLJUŠA ON MALI ŠTURAC Dragana Antonović Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade Vidan Dimić Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade Abstract: Prljuša on Mali Šturac is the only evidence so far of prehistoric ore exploitation at Rudnik. Very hard rocks at this site, which contained mineralized malachite, affected the manner in which the ore was exploited. It is probable that the rock hardness was the reason why miners on this mining site exploited mineralization from the surface and from horizontal ore veins which were located near the surface of the soil. So far no vertical mining canals were discovered at Prljuša. Surface ore exploitation was discovered in the zone of Shaft 4 and 6, and underground exploitation in the Object 1. In all parts of the site the extremely large number of mining stone mallets was discovered. The manner of exploitation of ore and numerous stone mallets are the reason why the mine of Mali Šturac, regardless of the lack of certainty in the dating of pottery, can be determined to the very beginning of primitive metallurgy, i.e. the Early Eneolithic. Keywords: prehistoric mining, copper, raw materials, archaeometallurgy, Eneolithic, Serbia Apstrakt: Prljuša na Malom Šturcu je za sada jedini dokaz praistorijske eksploatacije rude na Rudniku. Veoma tvrde stene, u kojima se nalazila mineralizacija malahita, uticale su na način eksploatacije rude na ovom lokalitetu. Verovatno da je upravo tvrdoća stene bila razlog zašto su rudari na ovom rudniku eksploatisali rudu sa površine i iz horizontalnih rudnih žica koje su se nalazile plitko ispod površine terena. Do sada na Prljuši nisu otkriveni vertikalni rudni kanali. Površinska eksploatacija 117


rude je otkrivena u zoni Okna 4 i 6, a podzemna u Objektu 1. U svim delovima nalazišta pronađen je izuzetno veliki broj rudarskih kamenih batova. Način eksploatacije rude i brojni kameni batovi su razlog zašto se rudnik na Malom Šturcu, bez obzira na nedostatak sigurnog hronološkog opredeljenja keramičkih nalaza, može da opredeli u sam početak primitivne metalurgije, u doba ranog eneolita. Ključne reči: praistorijsko rudarstvo, bakar, sirovine, arheometalurgija, eneolit, Srbija

Introduction The great wealth in ores of the mountain Rudnik has been exploited, incessantly, since prehistory up to today. Prljuša on Mali Šturac is the only evidence so far of prehistoric ore exploitation at Rudnik. The existence of mining activities during the Roman period, and especially in medieval Serbia, was confirmed not only by archaeological findings, but also by written historical sources. The mountain Rudnik was one of the main sources of argentiferous lead in medieval times. During the Ottoman occupation, mining was reduced to the minimum in this area, and its’ renaissance occurred only after Serbia gained independence in the 19th century, continuing up to today (Јовановић 2007: 150–152, 255–261, 400–403, 427–431). The area of Rudnik is characterized by a complex geological structure (Ђајић 2014: 43). It consists of sedimentary, igneous and contact metamorphic rocks. Sedimentary rocks from the Cretaceous period are most widely distributed, and the most common ones are principally sandstones. The creation of igneous rocks is linked to the beginning of volcanic activity in the area of Rudnik in the period before the Upper Cretaceous series, when dacite-andesites intruded, while most of the quartz latite volcanic rocks, in the form of irregular masses of large dimensions or thin dykes and sills, intruded in the ore deposit of “Rudnik” in Miocene. Aside from 118

D. Antonović, V. Dimić

Copper ore exploitation at the site of Prljuša on Mali Šturac

Fig. 1. Position of the site Prljuša at Mali Šturac (Rudnik mountain) Sl. 1. Položaj nalazišta Prljuša na Malom Šturcu (planina Rudnik).

sedimentary and igneous rock, there are also contact metamorphic rocks present, namely, weakly metamorphosed marly-clay sediments, sandstones and conglomerates, and also products of higher degree of metamorphism – hornfels and skarns. On a larger area around the peak of Mali Šturac, explosive breccias were discovered, mostly composed of quartz latite, latite, metamorphosed sediments etc. The creation of these rocks is linked to diatreme, canal through which explosive volcanism occurred as the final phase of magmatic activity on Rudnik (Ђајић 2014: 59). The barren and very steep surface, the size of 2,5 ha on the South-Western slope of Mali Šturac, the lowest peak of the 119


mountain Rudnik in Central Serbia (Fig. 1), was named Prljuša precisely because of that unusual barrenness in the midst of a forest surroundings. This Serbian word denotes a piece of land which was burnt down, without any vegetation, giving a clear illustration of the look of the site. The site is ellipsoid in shape, its’ length along the Southwestern–Northeastern axis is 234 m, its’ width along the Northeastern–Southwestern axis is 138 m and it spreads from 882 m at the bottom to 994,41 m above sea level at the top of the slope. It is a very steep slope with the average inclination from 280 to 310, and in the lower part it reaches an inclination of even 370. In 1980 a prehistoric copper mine was discovered on this site, which has been, intermittently, researched up to today. From 1981 till 1989 the research was performed as part of the “Project for researching old mining and metallurgy on Rudnik” by the Institute of Archaeology from Belgrade in cooperation with the National museum of Čačak, Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments in Kraljevo and the National museum of Kraljevo, headed by Borislav Jovanović (Јовановић 1988: 11). The research was renewed in 2011 as part of a new project “Prospection of Mali Šturac: research of prehistoric mining” of the Institute of Archaeology, performed in cooperation with the Museum of Rudnik-Takovo region from Gornji Milanovac.1 It was precisely the aforementioned geological process, the forming of diatreme, that lead to the appearance of ore on the surface of the ground at the site of Prljuša. Shafts discovered so far showed that ore spread mostly across the surface, but also that it could be found in veins, many of which were spreading below the surface of the soil, on small depth. This type of ore deposits in this area affected the manner of exploiting copper carbonate ore, mostly malachite, in prehistoric times.

The project is headed by Dragana Antonović, in collaboration with Selena Vitezović from the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade, Ana Cicović from the Museum of Rudnik-Takovo region from Gornji Milanovac, Momir Vukadinović, geophysicist from Belgrade, and Vidan Dimić, PhD student at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade.

1

120



Fig. 2. Shafts 1 and 2 discovered in 1981. Sl. 2. Okna 1 i 2 otkrivena 1981. godine.

Researched shafts From 1981 up to today numerous finds of prehistoric mining activities were discovered on the entire slope of Prljuša. Firstly, in the central part of the site (940 m above sea level), in the first year of research three shafts were identified, marked as Shafts 1 and 2 (Јовановић 1988: 6). Those were, in fact, traces of surface exploitation of ore, which can be seen in all parts of this mine. Shaft 1 and Shaft 2 are small recesses in the rock, with diameters up to 3 m, from which copper ore was extracted (malachite). Traces of surface exploitation are visible on the surface of the rock around and inside those recesses (Fig. 2). The research of those shafts was not pursued, so we do not know if the spreading of the ore continued further into depth and whether an underground mining 121


Fig. 3. Objects 10–15 discovered during prospection in 2011, with Shaft 3 discovered in 1987. Sl. 3. Objekti 10–15 otkriveni tokom rekognosciranja 2011. godine, sa Oknom 3 otkrivenim 1987.

canal remains under the surface pit, filled with debris today, thus remaining hidden from archaeologists. Shafts 3, 4, 5 and 6 were discovered in 1987, also in the central part of the site. From the line connecting shafts 4–6 begins a vast scree layer in the lower part of the site, with thickness from 2,5 to 6 metres,2 which conceals the entrances into mining shafts, probably identical to those which are still located on the surface in the upper part of the slope of Prljuša. Shaft 3 is located above Shafts 1 and 2 (943 m above sea level) and it is somewhat larger than the previous two. Considering the fact that the site of Prljuša is specific precisely due to its’ stony structure, upon which it is very difficult to identify archaeological traces, previous researchers of this site did not perceive that Shaft 3 was, in fact, a part of a considerately larger complex of shafts, detected in 2011, and marked in the field documentation as Objects 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 and 15 (Fig. 3). Shafts 1 and 2 also belong to this complex, and they are located on its’ lower edge. In the vicinity of Shafts 1–3 stone mallets with grooves were found (Богосављевић In 2016 a geophysical research was performed in the lower part of the site, with which the thickness of scree was determined on 31 position and on those places on which, during the geophysical research of 2012, the existence of ore deposits or old mining work was identified. Publication dealing with results of the said researches is being prepared.

2

122



Fig. 4. Shaft 5, discovered and excavated in 1987. Sl. 4. Okno 5, otkriveno i istraživano 1987. godine

1988: 14), which allow us to date them into the early prehistoric mining. Shaft 5 was researched the most, though not completely, in excavation seasons 1987–1989. It is at this shaft that two mining canals spread from the approach platform, one towards the East and the other towards the West (Fig. 4). The Western one is very short, ca 2 metres, and the Eastern one, longer and wider, plunges into depth and it was not researched. The excavations did not discover any traces of ore exploitation, hence, we do not know whether it was underground or surface, as with Shafts 4 and 6. Shaft 4 and Shaft 6 were discovered in 1987, and researched in 1988–1989, and afterwards again in 2013–2014, when the manner in which ore was extracted in this part of the mine was completely defined. 123


Fig. 5. Shaft 4 with surface ore exploitation, excavated in 2013. Sl. 5. Okno 4 sa površinskom eksploatacijom rude, iskopavano 2013. godine.

After the geophysical research conducted in 2011, it was established that in the zone of Shaft 4, at the depth of ca 3 m below the soil surface, there was a spacious ore body or a mining gallery (Antonović & Vukadinović 2012). The link between this body or underground gallery and the surface of the soil is a thin vein of ore, which reached the surface and from which the ore spread down the slope. In 2013 a part of this zone was researched and traces of surface exploitation of ore were discovered on an area the size of 90 m2 (Antonović et al. 2014)(Fig. 5). Shaft 6 was discovered in 1987 and it was researched on smaller scale up to 1989. It was then that an approach platform was identified, with an opening for a narrow mining canal in its’ Eastern part. In lower layers of the platform several smaller atypical pottery fragments were found, dated loosely into the Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age (Јовановић 1988: 8; Богосављевић 1988: 21, 31). The 124



research was continued in 2013–2014 (Antonović et al. 2014; Antonović 2017). At that time it was discovered that the approach platform was, in fact, a filled-in wide and relatively shallow mining pit, with dimensions of 4 x 3 m, from which a short and narrow canal, 2 m long, was spreading towards the East, and two more canals towards the West, with shape and dimensions similar to the Eastern one. In the South-Eastern part there is a recess in the rock with traces of massive burning. In front of the mining pit, towards the South, there was a zone of ca 25 m2 with traces of surface Fig. 6. Shaft 6: inner gallery and surface ore exploitation in front of it, between them is the exploitation of ore (Fig. 6). entrance with vertical walls cut through rock During the excavations 56 Sl. 6. Okno 6: unutrašnja galerija i površinska stone mining mallets were eksploatacija rude ispred nje, između njih je ulaz sa vertikalnim zidovima prosečenim kroz stenu. found – 25 in the outer and 31 in the inner part of the Shaft. The Shaft named Object 1 is located at the top of the site of Prljuša, at 980 m above sea level. It was discovered in 2011, and excavated since 2014. This shaft represents the most extensively explored case of underground exploitation of copper ore on this site (Fig. 7). Up to today, 7 metres of mining canal, one gallery with dimensions of 4,2 x 5,3 m, an entrance into the shaft of regular rectangular shape, from which a mining canal forks towards the East and West, as well as numerous stone mallets were researched. Mining 125


Fig. 7. Shaft Object 1 Sl. 7. Okno Objekat 1

canals, which are, in fact, canals made by following and exploiting the ore, were spreading horizontally some 2–3 m beneath the surface of the soil. Centuries later, after the exploitation was over, the relatively thin ceiling collapsed into the emptied shafts. During the archaeological researches, large pieces of rock were encountered in those mining canals and galleries. The overview of the manner in which the shaft Object 1 was functioning helped us understand how ore was extracted in other shafts, whose remains, in the upper part of the slope of Prljuša, are numerous, and in large part visible on the surface (Fig. 3; 8). During the field surveys of the slope of Prljuša 15 objects were discovered so far –remains of shafts which are visible even today on the surface of the site. The most impressive is certainly the complex of several shafts on the Western end of the site (Objects 10–15) – a large rock, rising several metres above the surface of the rest of the surrounding terrain. There are numerous mining canals and galleries in it, which are open towards the sky today, since a thinned ceiling, which remained without support after the exploitation of the shaft, 126



Fig. 8. Shaft Object 13 with collapsed ceiling; the original entrance into the shaft is still visible at the bottom of the rock. Sl. 8. Okno Objekat 13 sa obrušenom tavanicom; pri dnu stene još uvek je vidljiv originalni ulaz u okno.

collapsed. On several places there are still visible regularly shaped entrances into shafts (Fig. 8). Numerous stone mining mallets found around this complex, especially on the slope beneath it, bear testimony of the intense prehistoric exploitation of copper ore. All visible remains of prehistoric ore extraction are located in the upper part of the site, higher than the point of 936 m above sea level. At this altitude, Shaft 4 and Shaft 6 were discovered. Shaft 5 is located at a somewhat lower point – 930 m, which represents the border for visible remains of prehistoric mining in the Western part of the site. Below this border, the surface of the soil is covered by a thick layer of scree. The geophysical research from 2012 detected anomalies indicating ore exploitation conducted long-time ago. New geophysical research from 2016 confirmed that those anomalies represent remains of old mining activities, covered by scree, which can be as thick as 10 m in several places. 127


Fig. 9. Pottery found in Object 1. Sl. 9. Keramika otrkivena u Objektu 1.

Object 1 is the only shaft in which pottery was found that can be dated more reliably. Several beakers with two handles were discovered, whose shape is typical for the Bubanj-Hum culture (Fig. 9). However, the small amount of samples, as well as the lack of absolute dating, does not allow for a more precise culturalchronological determination into one of the phases – Bubanj-Hum I or Bubanj-Hum III – which are separated by 2000 years. Shapes of this kind can be found in horizons of Early Eneolithic settlements in Bodnjik near Družetić (North-Western Serbia), which is determined 128



as belonging to the cultural complex of Bubanj-Salkuca-Krivodol (Живановић 2013: 27–28, 55), Kalenić at the colliery of Kolubara (Благојевић 2005: 58–61) and Bubanj near Niš in the horizon of the Bubanj-Hum I culture (Милановић & Трајковић-Филиповић 2015: 127). At Krivodol and Zaminec in Bulgaria, vessels were discovered which were completely identical to those found on Rudnik (Георгиева 2012: 125, T. 13/1, 19/3, 7, 35/7). Beakers with two handles, very similar to the Early Eneolithic ones, but still visibly different, were present in the Early Bronze Age culture of Bubanj-Hum III and Vatin, and they were found at the necropolis of Vranjane, the site of Velika Humka (Zotović 1985: 32, T. V/3), Prijevor, Ade (Stojić & Nikitović 1996) and at the site of Sokolica in the village of Ostra near Čačak (Дмитровић & Љуштина: 2007: 12, T. III/2). The manner in which the ore was exploited, i.e. the following and emptying of malachite veins, leaving behind irregular mining canals, was decisive for dating the shaft Object 1 into the Early Eneolithic, and hence the entire mine at Prljuša as well. More precise dating will be possible only once we have obtained the absolute dates and found a larger sample of pottery material. It is possible that the lower part of the slope was exploited even before that, during the period of the Vinča culture. That was also the supposition of the first researchers of the site, primarily due to the abundance of rock crystal, which can be found on the entire surface on the site, and for which it may be presumed that it was exploited during the Vinča culture (Јовановић 1988: 9; Bogosavljević-Petrović et al. 2017: 27–28). Ore exploitation Very hard rocks at Prljuša, which contained mineralized malachite, affected the manner in which the ore was exploited. In the diatreme zone at Mali Šturac, explosive breccias are spread, mostly composed of quartz latite, latite and metamorphosed sediment. Mineralized malachite was going through those hard rocks, and reached the surface at certain spots. The geophysical research of 2011 detected, in the zone of Shaft 4, a massive anomaly, which was interpreted as an ore body or a larger underground mining gallery, 129


to which a narrow canal lead, with an opening on the surface (Antonović & Vukadinović 2012). During the excavation of Shaft 4 the entrance to this gallery wasn’t discovered, and the narrow canal, for which it was believed that it would lead to the gallery, was, in fact, the location where the ore came up to the surface and spread from there, radially, across the terrain beneath it. So far no vertical mining canals were discovered at Prljuša, perhaps because in those times the miners had technical difficulties in extracting ore from the depth precisely because of Fig. 10. Shaft 6: burning traces on walls of the the hardness of the rocks gallery and the short canal probably used for setwhich contained the ore. ting beams for hanging large stone mining mallets. Sl. 10. Okno 6: tragovi paljevine na steni i kratak It is probable that that was kanal verovatno korišćen za uglavljivanje greda za the reason that ore was kačenje velikih rudarskih batova. exploited on this mining site from the surface and from horizontal ore veins which were located near the surface of the soil. Surface ore exploitation in the zone of Shaft 4 was researched on a larger surface, with dimensions 9 x 10 m (Fig. 5). The hard rock containing the ore was first being split with the use of fire. Burning traces can be seen on several places on the researched surface, and precisely on those parts where the ore once was. The use of fire for splitting rocks containing ores was noted in other 130



Fig. 11. Object 1: large stones in the upper layers, probably parts of collapsed shaft ceiling. Sl. 11. Objekat 1: veliko kamenje u gornjim slojevima, verovatno delovi obrušene tavanice okna.

prehistoric mines as well (O’Brien 2015: 204). The rock was heated by fire, the suddenly cooled with water. The ore was separated from the matrix of the rock with mallets. Traces of hitting are visible in mineralization zones (Fig. 10; 14). Mining stone mallets were found in all layers of excavation. They differ in size, shape and use-wear level. It is assumed that massive mallets, weighing over 2,5 kg, were used for the initial splitting of the rock, in order to set the ore free. Smaller mallets were probably used to separate malachite from the rock. During ore exploitation, large pieces of debris were laid aside on the Western edge of the surface mining pit, where there was no mineralization. The Eastern part of the mining pit, the one towards the near-by Shaft 6, wasn’t used for debris, because the ore exploitation was spreading that way. Used and damaged mallets of larger dimensions were also thrown on the rubbish pile to the West from the exploited surface, while smaller mallets were left in the mineralization zone. 131


Shaft 6 bears traces of surface and pit exploitation of ore (Fig. 6). The Northern part of the shaft represents a wider, though not very deep pit. Today it is an open pit, but traces on surrounding rocks, as well as large stones which were encountered during the excavation would indicate that it was an underground gallery, spreading on a small depth under the surface of the soil. A passage with vertical walls lead to it, cut through the rock. The dimensions of the pit are 4 x 3 m and it is at the depth of 1,5 m from the entrance level. There are several short Fig. 12. Reconstruction of construction for canals along its’ edges, 1–2 hanging large stone mining mallets (drawing Blagoje Dimić). m long (Fig. 10). It is possible Sl. 12. Rekonstrukcija konstrukcije za vešanje that these canals were used velikih kamenih rudarskih batova for setting beams, upon which (crtež Blagoje Dimić). large stone mining mallets were hung (Fig. 12). The rock was being split with fire in this shaft as well. Traces of burning on the rock, and on certain places even deposits of soot, are visible in the lower layers of the pit (Fig. 10). A considerate number of mallets was found, damaged by use. In front of the entrance to the pit there is a 25 m2 zone with traces of surface ore exploitation, spreading towards Shaft 4. It is beyond doubt that these two shafts, not far from one another, were exploited at the same time. In the shaft Object 1, underground ore exploitation was noted. The vein of ore was located on small depth below the surface of the soil, along the line East–West (Fig. 7). The ore was removed starting from the rectangular opening, by which two Early Eneolithic beakers 132



with two handles were left, one at each side. From the entrance, a mining passage of irregular shape was going towards the East and towards the West. On the Eastern end, some 5 metres from the entrance, the passage ended with a small gallery with dimensions of 5 x 3,2 m. Large pieces of rocks in the upper layers were discovered, both in the passages and in that gallery, which would indicate that there was underground ore exploitation conducted and that the ceiling collapsed after the shaft was abandoned (Fig. 11). Several recesses were discovered in Fig. 13. Objects 1: stone mallet weighing 19,8 kg the walls of the gallery; it is found at the entrance to the gallery at the west possible that they had the end of the mining canal. function of fixating some Sl. 13. Objekat 1: kameni bat od 19,8 kg težine nađen na ulazu u galeriju na zapadnom kraju sort of wooden construction, rudnog kanala. upon which massive stone mallets were hung. The discovery of one such mallet, weighing 19,8 kg, at the very entrance to the gallery from the passage leading to it, gave us the basis for such an assumption (Fig. 13). In the gallery itself, in its’ central part, 178 stone mallets were discovered. Traces of fire can be seen on the walls of the gallery, on places where there was mineralization. On such places, there are also traces of ore being removed from parent rock with the use of stone mallets. In the central part of the gallery, in which 178 mallets of different sizes were found, a large layer of burning was discovered, with up to one metre of thickness (Fig. 14). 133


Fig. 14. Object 1: the central part of the gallery with traces of fire. Sl. 14. Objekat 1: centralni deo galerije sa tragovima paljevine.

It would appear that it was not a fire that got out of control, judging by the stone mallets, which do not bear any damage caused by high temperatures, but only soot traces on their surface. The extremely large number of mining stone mallets was discovered in all parts of the site. It is estimated that there are ca 2000 of them in the surface layer alone. This estimation was made after the micro-field survey of the site during the geophysical research in 2012. At that time geophysical measurements were performed in the lower half of the site, by applying the Self Potential method, on 597 points distributed in a rectangular 5 x 5 m grid. In average, there was one stone mallet identified on every point. If we assume that for every mallet found on the surface there is at least one other in the underground layer, and that the same number of mallets can be found in the upper part of the site as well, we come to the number of over 2000 stone tools. To this we should add a considerate number of mallets discovered in researched shafts. During the excavations, it 134



was determined that a considerably larger number of these mining tools was located beneath the surface of the soil. In Shaft 4 there were 77 of them found, in Shaft 6 – 56 of them, and in shaft Object 1 an astonishing number of 197 mallets. In the mines of Rudna Glava and Jarmovac near Priboj, stone mallets were present in considerably smaller percentage.3 Such a ratio in the presence of mallets should be brought into connection with the hardness of the rock containing the ore. At Prljuša, the ore is found in considerably hard and compact rocks, which is not the case at Rudna Glava and Jarmenovac, where the rocks are somewhat softer and less coherent. Therefore, the splitting of rocks in the mine of Prljuša demanded a large amount of mallets because they were often getting damaged during the work, as witnessed by a large number of fragmented tools of this type. We may see another difference between Prljuša on one hand and Rudna Glava and Jarmovac on the other, namely, in the use of fire, which was only occasionaly used in the process of ore exploitation on the other two mines (Jovanović 1982: 64). Conclusion Every mine from the period of earliest metallurgy has its’ own specific characteristics which make it different from other mines. At the time when metallurgy appeared on the Balkans, the inhabitants of this region had almost no experience in mining (the exception is the flint mine at the site Kriva Reka near Shumen in Northeastern Bulgaria; Georgiev 1978: 70). Unlike other parts of Europe, for example, Central and Western, where metallurgy and ore extraction were preceded by a long period of underground exploitation of flint, such mines have not been discovered on the Balkans as yet. It is most probable that flint mines did not exist in this part of Europe due to a copious amount of quality stone that could be found on the surface. The surface exploitation of raw materials has a long “tradition” in this area ever since the Palaeolithic (Šarić 2013; Богосављевић-Петровић 2005: 92–102; Михаиловић et al. 2015; Mihailović et al. 2015). This Percentual values are taken into consideration due to the fact that these are mines with smaller exploitation surface.

3

135


manner of obtaining raw materials continued also in the Neolithic. Raw materials were mostly gathered along watercourses, but also in places known since the Palaeolithic (Šarić 2013: 23; БогосављевићПетровић 2005: 92–102). Undoubtedly, the prehistoric inhabitants of the Central Balkans would come to learn in this manner, ever since the Mesolithic, about the rich ore deposits of the territory they inhabited, as witnessed by ore fragments (malachite, galenite) in the Mesolithic and Neolithic collections of stone artefacts (Antonović 2003: 34; Antonović 2014: 17–20), so it is beyond doubt that the inhabitants of the Central Balkans had knowledge on mining sites since the Mesolithic. The earliest mines on the Balkans testify of the autochthonously developed method of ore exploitation. Local miners would extract the ore in the manner they deemed best for the type of ore deposit they encountered. At Ai Bunar in Bulgaria, they would reach the deposit by digging in long open canals, which could be even several metres long and which would follow the ore streak (Черных 1978: 59). At Rudna Glava, vertical shafts, i.e. canals which represent emptied veins of ore, were exploited up to the depth of 10–12 m, as far as the primitive technology known to the representatives of the Late Vinča culture would enable them to (Jovanović 1982: 4–13). At Jarmovac, there are vertical shafts present, which could be even from the Vinča period, but there are no mobile finds that would confirm that possibility. Surface ore exploitation, judging by the pottery findings, was exclusively linked to the Vinča culture in this mining site (Derikonjić et al. 2011). The mine of Mali Šturac, which is from the post-Vinča period, differs from the previous two because of the very hard rocks containing the ore, which forced the miners to limit their activity to surface exploitation, and demanded a considerable number of stone mallets. There are no crucial differences between early mines at the Balkans. There are no shafts in the sense of those existing since the Late Bronze Age and in many parts of Europe was not in use until Roman times (Stöllner et al. 2011: fig. 3; O’Brien 2015: 8, 169), which would enable the passage to the ore through underground canals; the ore veins were followed from the surface, and the extraction of ore from them would create shafts of irregular 136



shape and size. That is why the mine of Mali Šturac, regardless of the lack of certainty in the dating of pottery, can be determined as belonging to the very beginning of primitive metallurgy, i.e. the Early Eneolithic. Acknowledgements The article is the result of the projects “Archaeology of Serbia: cultural identity, integration factors, technological processes and the role of the Central Balkans in the development of European prehistory” (no 177020) and “Cultural changes and population movements in the early prehistory of the Central Balkans” (no 177023) financed by the Ministry of Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. Excavations at Prljuša, Mali Šturac are financed by the Ministry of culture and information of the Republic of Serbia. References Antonović, D. 2003. Neolitska industrija glačanog kamena u Srbiji. Arheološki institut (Posebna izdanja 37), Beograd. Antonović, D. 2014. Kupferzeitliche Äxte und Beile in Serbien (Prähistorische Bronzefunde IX, 27). Mainz, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Franz Steiner, Stuttgart. Antonović, D. 2017. Praistorijsko rudarstvo na Malom šturcu: Istraživanje 2014. godine. In: I. Bugarski, N. Gavrilović-Vitas, V. Filipović (eds.): Arheologija u Srbiji: projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2014. godini. Arheološki institut, Beograd: 23–29. Antonović, D. & Vukadinović, M. 2012. Eneolithic mine Prljuša – Mali Šturac: archaeological and geophysical investigations. Старинар LXII: 95–106. Antonović, D., Vukadinović, M. & Cicović. A. 2014. Prljuša – Mali Šturac. Istraživanje 2013. godine. In: D. Antonović (ed.): Arheologija u Srbiji: projekti Arheološkog instituta u 2013. godini Arheološki institut. Beograd: 34–37. Благојевић, М. 2005. Керамичке посуде из раноенеолитске куће са локалитета Ливаде, Каленић. In: Ч. Јордовић & М. Ђорђевић (eds.): Колубара 4. Београд, Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе: 31 – 77. Богосављевић, В. 1988. Покретни материјал са праисторијског рудника на Малом Штурцу, Зборник радова Народног музеја XVIII: 13 – 35. Богосављевић-Петровић, В. 2005. Праисторијски рудници на централном Балкану. Зборник Народног музеја XVIII-1: 79–113. 137


Bogosavljević Petrović, V., Jovanović, D., Marić Stojanović, M. & Andrić, V. 2017. The origin, production and use of quartz crystals in the Neolithic of Serbia: Vinča-Belo Brdo. Quaternary International 429-A, 30 January 2017: 24–34. Черных, Е. Н. 1978. Горное дело и металлургия в древнейшей Болгарии. Болгарска академия наук, София. Derikonjić, S., Radivojević, M., Pernicka, E. & Rehren, Th. 2011. The Vinča Culture Mining Complex in Jarmovac, Southwest Serbia. In: A. Hauptmann, D. Modarressi-Tehrani, M. Prange (Hrsg.): International Conference „Archaeometallurgy in Europe III“, 29th June – 1st July 2011. Bochum. Metalla, Sonderh. 4 (Bochum 2011): 39. Дмитровић, К. & Љуштина, М. 2007. Керамика из бронзаног доба на локалитету Соколица у Остри код Чачак. Зборник радова Народног музеја XXXVII: 11– 34. Ђајић, З. 2014. Геолошке карактеристике. In: Б. Челиковић, М. Кнежевић (ур.) Рудник: шапат висина. Службени гласник (Библиотека Саборник), Београд: 35–68. Georgiev, I. G. 1978. Das Spätchalkolithikum in Bulgarien im licht der neuesten archäologischen Untersuchungen. Studia Praehistorica 1–2: 68–78. Георгиева, П. 2012. Керамиката на култура Криводол-Сълкуца. Св. Климент Охридски, София. Jovanović, B. 1982. Rudna Glava: najstarije rudarstvo bakra na centralnom Balkanu. Muzej rudarstva i metalurgije, Bor, Arheološki institut, Beograd. Јовановић, Б. 1988. Прљуша – Мали Штурац: праисторијски рудник бакра и горског кристала на Руднику. Зборник радова Народног музеја XVIII: 5 – 12. Јовановић, П. 2007. Рударство на тлу Србије. Књ. 1. Од палеолита до средине 20. века. Југословенска инжењерска академија, Београд. Михаиловић, Д., Боровић Димић, Ј., Димић, В., Кајтез, И., Гавриловић, Н. & Хефтер, Е. 2015. Рекогносцирања налазишта из доњег и средњег палеолита на североисточним обронцима Гоча. Гласник Српског археолошког друштва 31: 165–185. Mihailović, D. Dimić, V. & Borović-Dimić, J. 2015. A survey of Palaeolithic sites in the Western Morava valley. In: XXXVIII Скупштина и годишњи скуп Српског археолошког друштва: Пирот, 4 – 6. јун 2015. године: програм, извештаји и апстракти, Пирот, Српско археолошко друштво, Музеј Понишавља: 79. Милановић, Д., Трајковић-Филиповић, Т. 2015. Стара ископавања на локалитету Бубањ: праисторијско вишеслојно налазиште код Ниша. Народни музеј, Ниш. 138



O’Brien, W. 2015. Prehsitoric copper mining in Europe: 5500 – 500 BC. University Press, Oxford. Stojić, M. und Nikitović, L. 1996. Ada in Prijevor bei Čačak – Beitrag zur der Bronzezeit im Moravagebiet und im sebischen Donaugebiet. Старинар н. с. XLVII: 205–212. Stöllner, T., Breitenlechner, E., Eibner, C., Herd, R., Kienlin, T., Lutz, J., Maass, A., Nicolussi, K., Pichler, T., Pils, R., Röttger, K., Song, B., Taube, N., Thomas, P. & Thurner, A. 2011. Der Mitterberg – Der Grossproduzent für kupfer in östlichen Alpenraum während der Bronzezeit. In: G. Goldenberg, U. Töchterle, K. Oeggl, A. Krenn-Leeb (eds.): Forshungsprogramm HiMAT: Neus zur Bergaugeschichte der Ostalpen (Archäologie Österreichs Spezial 4), Vienna: 113–144. Šarić, J. 2013. Kremenac: donjopaleolitsko nalazište. Arheološki institut (Posebna izdanja 54), Beograd. Живановић, З. 2013. Енеолитска градина Бодњик. Завичајни музеј. Коцељева. Zotović, M. 1985. Arheološki i etnički problemi bronzanog i gvozdenog doba Zapadne Srbije. Titovo Užice : Zavičajni muzej ; Beograd : Savez arheoloških društava Jugoslavije

139


Dragana Antonović Arheološki institut Beograd Vidan Dimić Filozofski fakultet Beograd EKSPLOATACIJA RUDE BAKRA NA LOKALITETU PRLJUŠA NA MALOM ŠTURCU Veliko rudno bogatstvo Rudnika eksploatiše se, bez prestanka, od praistorije do danas. Prljuša na Malom Šturcu je za sada jedini dokaz praistorijske eksploatacije rude na Rudniku. Od 1981. godine do danas na celoj padini Prljuša otkriveni su brojni ostaci praistorijske rudarske aktivnosti. Veoma tvrde stene u kojima se nalazi mineralizacija malahita na Prljuši uticali su na način eksploatacije rude. Do sada su otkriveni tragovi površinske eksploatacije, horizontalni hodnici plitko ispod površine terena, a vertikalni hodnici, kakvi su postojali na Rudnoj Glavi i Jarmovcu, nisu otkriveni na ovom rudištu, možda upravo zbog velike tvrdoće stena u kojoj se nalazi ruda i tehničke ograničenosti praistorijskih rudara da u takvoj geološkoj sredini prave vertikalne kanale. Površinska eksploatacija rude otkrivena je u zoni Okana 4 i 6. Tvrda stena u kojoj se ruda nalazila prvo je razbijana vatrom. Sama ruda odvajana je od osnovne stene pomoću batova. Kameni rudarski batovi nalaženi su u svim slojevima iskopa. Različitih su veličina, oblika i stepena istrošenosti. Pretpostavlja se da su masivni batovi težine preko 2,5 kg korišćeni za početno razbijanje stene kako bi se oslobodila ruda. Manji batovi su verovatno služili za odvajanje malahita od stene. Jamska eksploatacija otkrivena je u Oknu 6 i Objektu 1. Severni deo okna 6 predstavlja širu i ne mnogo duboku jamu u koju se dolazilo preko zone sa površinskom eksploatacijom. Danas je to otvorena jama, ali tragovi na okolnim stenama, kao i veliko kamenje na koje se nailazilo tokom njenog iskopavanja upućuju na to da je reč o podzemnoj galeriji koja se prostirala plitko ispod površine tla. U nju je vodio prolaz vertikalnih zidova, prosečen kroz stenu. Po obodu 140



ima više kratkih kanala dužine 1–2 m. Moguće da su ovi kanali korišćeni za uglavljivanje greda o koje su se vešali veliki kameni rudarski batovi. I u ovom oknu stena se razbijala vatrom. Tragovi gorenja na steni, a na pojedinim mestima i naslage gareži, vidljivi su u donjim slojevima jame. U oknu Objekat 1 zabeležena je samo podzemna ekploatacija rude. Rudna žila se nalazila plitko ispod površine tla i pružala se pravcem istok–zapad. Njeno pražnjenje je počinjalo od četvorougaonog otvora kod koga su bila ostavljena dva ranoeneolitska pehara sa dve drške, po jedan sa svake strane. Od ulaza rudni hodnik nepravilnog oblika je išao na istok i na zapad. Na istočnom kraju, 5 metara od ulaza završavao se jednom nevelikom galerijom dimenzija 5 x 3,2 m . Veliki komadi stena u gornjim slojevima otkriveni su kako u hodnicima tako i u toj galeriji, što ukazuje da je reč o podzemnoj eksploataciji rude i da se tavanica obrušila nakon napuštanja okna. Na zidovima galerije otkriveno je više udubljenja koja su moguće imala funkciju u fiksiranju neke drvene konstrukcije o koju su se vešali masivni kameni batovi. Otkriće jednog takvog bata, težine 19,8 kg, na samom ulazu u galeriju iz hodnika koji je vodio do nje, daje osnovu za takvu pretpostavku. Tragovi vatre primećuju se na zidovima galerije, na mestima gde je bila mineralizacija. Na tim mestima postoje i tragovi izbijanja rude iz matične stene nastali upotrebom kamenih batova. Izuzetno veliki broj kamenih rudarskih batova otkriven je na celom lokalitetu. Procenjuje se da ih samo u površinskom sloju ima oko 2000. Ova procena izvedena je nakon mikrorekognosciranja lokaliteta tokom geofizičkih istraživanja 2012. godine. Tokom iskopavanja je ustanovljeno da se znatno veći broj ovog rudarskog oruđa nalazi ispod površine terena. U Oknu 4 prikupljeno ih je 77, u Oknu 6 njih 56, a u oknu Objekat 1 čak 197 batova. Svaki rudnik iz vremena najranije metalurgije ima svoje specifičnosti koje ga čine različitim u odnosu na druge rudnike. U vreme pojave metalurgije na Balkanu stanovnici ove regije nisu imali nikakvog iskustva u rudarenju. Za razliku od drugih delova Evrope, na primer centralnog i zapadnog, gde je metalurgiji i iskopavanju ruda prethodio dug period podzemne eksploatacije kremena, na Balkanu takvi rudnici do sada nisu otkriveni. Najverovatnije da rudnici kre141


mena nisu ni postojali u ovom delu Evrope zbog obilja kvalitetnog kamena na površini. Površinska eksploatacija sirovina na ovim prostorima ima dugu “tradiciju” još od paleolita. Ovakav način pribavljanja sirovina nastavlja se i tokom neolita. Sirovine se skupljaju najčešće po vodotocima, ali i na mestima poznatim još od paleolita. Nema sumnje da su se praistorijski stanovnici centralnog Balkana, još od mezolita, na taj način upoznavali sa rudnim bogatstvom teritorije koju su naseljavali, o čemu svedoče komadi rude, uglavnom malahita, ređe i galenita, u mezolitskim i neolitskim kolekcijama kamenih artefakata, pa nema sumnje da su stanovnici centralnog Balkana još od mezolita znali za rudišta. Najraniji rudnici na Balkanu svedoče o autohtono razvijenom metodu eksploatacije rude. Lokalni rudari su iskopavali na način za koji su mislili da je najbolji za orudnjenje na koje su naišli. U Ai Bunaru u Bugarskoj do rude se dolazilo ukopavnjem dugih otvorenih kanala dubokih i do nekoliko metara, kojima se pratila rudna žica. Na Rudnoj Glavi vertikalna okna eksploatisana su do dubinen 10–12 m, dokle je dozvoljavala primitivna tehnologija kasne vinčanske kulture. Na Jarmovcu postoje vertikalna okna koja bi mogla biti čak i vinčanska, ali nema pokretnih nalaza koji bi to potvrdili. Površinska eksploatacija rude, sudeći na osnovu keramičkih nalaza, na ovom rudištu je isključivo vezana za vinčansku kulturu. Rudnik na Malom Šturcu, koji je post-vinčanski, razlikuje se od prethodna dva po veoma tvrdoj steni u kojoj se nalazi orudnjenje što je rudare ograničavalo na površinsku eksploataciju i zahtevalo priličan broj kamenih batova. Ne postoje suštinske razlike među ranim rudnicima na Balkanu. Nema okana u onom smislu reči kakva postoje od kasnog bronzanog doba kojima se orudnjenju prilazilo podzemnim hodnicima, nego se rudna žica pratila od mesta na kome je izbijala na površinu, a iskopavanjem rude iz nje nastajala su okna nepravilnog oblika i veličine. Zato se i rudnik na Malom Šturcu, bez obzira na nedoumice u datovanju do sada pronađene keramike, može opredeliti u sam početak primitivne metalurgije, a to je rani eneolit i vreme Bubanj Hum I kulture.

142

THE PRIMARY PROCESSING OF IRON IN THE DRAVA RIVER BASIN DURING THE LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES – THE SOURCE OF RAW MATERIALS Tajana Sekelj Ivančan Institute of archaeology Tamara Marković Croatian Geological Survey Department of Hydrogeology and Engineering geology Abstract: In the lowland area of the midstream of the Drava River two locations were researched in the surroundings of Virje (Croatia) in the basin of the river Drava, on which the primary processing of iron was confirmed during six archaeological campaigns. This tedious process of iron ore smelting took place on these locations during the late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, as was demonstrated by the results of the radiocarbon analysis (C14) taken from furnaces examined and accompanying archaeological material. Such sites are extremely rare in Northern Croatia. Virje is located in the area which, throughout history, was rich in resources necessary for the production of iron (wood, clay, water), but there is the question of the sources of raw material, i.e. iron ore. Starting from the basic assumption that raw materials come from surrounding areas, an analysis of the concentration of iron in the surrounding sediments was conducted. The results have revealed that some of the samples show extremely low values, however, one part of it contains about 20% of iron in the soil. This leads us to the conclusion that the lowland, marshy landscape along the river Drava, where groundwater is high and where water is retained longer during colder and more humid periods, is a perfect environment for the natural settling of iron ore necessary for the process of smelting. Conducted studies have shown that the positioning of smelting activities in the vicinity of Virje is conditioned by natural resources in the Drava River basin, where smaller local deposits of iron can be found. 143


Keywords: Virje, the Drava River basin, late Antiquity, the early Middle Ages, analysis of soil samples, raw materials, iron ore Abstrakt: U nizinskom području srednjeg toka rijeke Drave istražena su dva položaja u okolici Virja u Podravini (Republika Hrvatska), na kojima je tijekom šest arheoloških kampanja potvrđena primarna obrada željeza. Ovaj zahtjevan postupak taljenja željezne rude odvijao se na tim pozicijama tijekom kasne antike i ranoga srednjeg vijeka, kako su to pokazali rezultati analiza radioaktivnog ugljika (14C) iz istraženih peći i popratnih arheoloških tvorevina. Takva nalazišta su na području sjeverne Hrvatske iznimno rijetka. Virje je smješteno u prostoru koji je kroz povijest obilovao potrebnim resursima za proizvodnju željeza (drvo, glina, voda), no nameće se pitanje izvora sirovine tj. željezne rude. Polazeći od osnovne pretpostavke o podrijetlu sirovine iz okruženja, provedena je analiza koncentracije željeza u okolnom tlu. Rezultati su pokazali da dio uzoraka pokazuje iznimno niske vrijednosti, no dio je sadržavao oko 20 % ukupnog željeza u tlu, što upućuje na zaključak da je nizinski, močvarni krajolik uz rijeku Dravu, gdje su visoke podzemne vode i gdje se tijekom hladnijih i vlažnijih dijelova godine voda dulje zadržava na površini, pogodno okruženje u kojem se prirodno taloži željezna ruda neophodna u postupku taljenja. Provedena istraživanja ukazala su da je odabir pozicije za smještaj talioničke djelatnosti u okolici Virja uvjetovan prirodnim datostima u nizini rijeke Drave, gdje se nalaze manja lokalna ležišta željeza. Ključne riječi: Virje, Podravina, nizina rijeke Drave, kasna antika, rani srednji vijek, analiza uzoraka tla, sirovina, željezna ruda

In the lowland area of the midstream of the Drava River, between modern settlements Molve and Virje, in the Drava River basin (Croatia) (Fig. 1), two locations in the vicinity of Virje were investigated, on which, during six archaeological campaigns (2008, 2010, 2012 -2015), the primary processing of iron was confirmed (Sekelj 144

T. Sekelj Ivančan, T. Marković

The primary processing of iron in the Drava river basin...

Fig. 1. Sites Volarski Breg and Sušine nearby Virje in the Drava River basin (Republic of Croatia) (made by: K. Botić). Sl. 1. Položaji Volarski breg i Sušine u okolici Virja u Podravinu (Republika Hrvatska) (doradila: K. Botić).

Ivančan 2014a, 2014b, 2015). The first location is a small hill in the otherwise extremely lowland landscape, which is known as Volarski Breg, while the other location – Sušine, is situated about 700 metres west of the above-mentioned elevation. Three archaeological trenches (S-1, S-2, S-3) were set and excavated on Volarski Breg (Sekelj Ivančan 2009, 2011, 2013), while on Sušine two trenches (S-5, S-6) were excavated before the sediment was sampled (Sekelj Ivančan 145

Fig. 2. Location of trenches S-1, S-2, S-3 and S-4 at Volarski Breg and trenches S-5 and S-6 at Sušine (made by: K. Jelinčić Vučković). Sl. 2. Položaji sondi S-1, S-2, S-3; S-4 na Volarskom bregu i sondi S-5 i S-6 na Sušinama (izradila: K. Jelinčić Vučković).


146



2013). Additionally, on Volarski Breg, in the area where, after the ploughing, the surface of the soil was of the intense orange colour, a small trench (S-4) was started in order to collect samples of the sediment for analysis (Fig. 2). The demanding process of iron ore smelting and iron production took place on these positions during the late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, as demonstrated by the results of the radiocarbon analysis (C14) taken from the considered furnaces and accompanying archaeological features (Sekelj Ivančan 2009: 70; Sekelj Ivančan, Mušić 2014: 178-179, note 8). Sites like these two locations in the vicinity of Virje, where smelting furnaces in situ were explored, from the late Roman and early medieval archaeological contexts, were not previously known in the northern Croatia. Therefore, special attention was dedicated to finding an answer to the question of natural factors which may have conditioned the choice of this location in particular for the smelting industry. By considering immediate and wider natural environment, one can establish that Virje is located in an area that has historically abounded in resources necessary for the iron production. These are mainly clay and water for the production of cupped furnace walls and wood as essential fuel component in the process itself, but the question of sources of raw material, i.e. iron ore, in this swampy area, arises. According to the geological-tectonic classification, the investigated area, belonging to the basin of the river Drava, is filled with Quaternary sediments (Miletić 1969; Babić et al. 1978; Prelogović 1975; Prelogović, Velić 1988). Also, the investigated area belongs to the fluvial type of relief and it is formed mainly in Holocene sediments. The main forms of relief are: the bed of the Drava River and the Drava River terraces. Vertical and lateral erosion occurred and is still an active process in the bed of the Drava River. The emphasized lateral erosion has caused formation of terraces, shoals, beaches and river islets which have been destroyed and created again. There are three Drava’s terraces: Younger Drava’s terrace (formed during the third Würm interglacial), Older Drava’s terrace (formed during the second Würm interglacial) and Old-Pleistocene terrace whose age is not determined (Prelogović, Velić 1988). The site is located on the 147


second Drava’s terrace. The second Drava’s terrace sediments consist mainly of alluvial sediments (deposited by river or surrounding streams) but Aeolian or paludal sediments are present too. At the site, the alluvial sediments consist of sand, gravel, sandy gravel and mixture of silt and clay (aQ2), and paludal sediments (sediments accumulated in a marsh environment). According to the mineralogical composition of sediments, their source at this site where metamorphic, magmatic and carbonate rocks from the Alpine area (Mutić 1975; 1989). Also, Pleistocene sediments (aQ1) occur as well at the site and they are consisted of yellow-brownish gravels and sand with interlayers of clay, silt and peat (Mutić 1975; 1989). Gravel-sand sediments which are accumulated in the basin of the river Drava represent a valuable aquifer system with a substantial amount of groundwater and, due to the mineralogical composition of sediments and pH-Eh conditions which are prevailing in the aquifer system, high concentrations of iron are measured. At the pumping site “Molve” (which is very close to the site), the iron concentrations in groundwater vary from 1970 to 3570 ppb. Iron shows the typical chemical properties of transition metals, namely the ability to form variable oxidation states. However, iron can be naturally found in two states: i) ferrous – as bivalent; and ii) ferric – as trivalent ion, and their chemical behaviour is highly dependent on the pH-Eh conditions within the sediment and/or water. In addition to pH-Eh conditions, the chemical behaviour of iron can be affected by the presence of organic matter and some inorganic compounds and microorganisms. Iron in nature comes from minerals containing iron (hematite, goethite, magnetite, lepidocrocite, limonite, etc.), organic matter and fossilized organic matter (peat, lignite, coal). One of the areas in which there is a large amount of iron deposition is wetlands. In such environments the so-called bog iron is occurring as a result of chemical and/or biochemical oxidation of iron carried in the solution. Bog iron is a form of impure iron deposit, it consists of iron-oxyhydroxides, and its’ most common forms are goethite (FeO(OH)) and limonite (FeO(OH)·nH2O). Goethite often forms due to chemical weathering of iron-rich minerals such as ironrich sulphide minerals, olivine, pyroxene, amphibole and biotite etc. 148

-

Profile 1

Profile 2

Profile 3

Profile 4

Profile 5

Profile 6

2

3

3

3

4

6

5

Sample -3

Sample -2

Sample -1

Sample -1

Sample -3

Sample -2

Sample -1

0,4

0,5

1

1,3

0,8

2,7

4,1

3,6

0,5

Sample -1

Sample -3

4,9

Sample -1 5,1

6,3

Sample -1-2

Sample -2

23,4

Sample -1

Total Fe (%) 19,3

Sample

Sample-U-50

Description

SU 229 – from the top of the well, absolute high -118,27 m

Yellow layer from the wall of the well, absolute high -117,58 m

Grey layer from the bottom of the well, absolute high -117,12 m

SU 209 – yellow sand

from 80-90 cm from the level of excavation, grey sand

till 24 cm from the level of excavation with pieces of iron minerals

SU 196 – depth interval from 10 to 12 cm under the level of excavation

SU 195 – depth interval from 53 to 78 cm under the level of excavation

SU 194 – grey layer with charcoal

SU 194 – yellow/grey layer under SU 178

SU 178 – upper part with red/brownish colour

SU 194 – grey layer under SU 179

SU 197 - layer with precipitated iron

SU 173 - layer with precipitated iron

Tab. 1. Total concentration of iron in the sediment samples (made by: T. Marković). Tab. 1. Ukupna koncentracija željeza u uzorcima tla (izradila: T. Marković).

Profile

Trench

T. Sekelj Ivančan, T. Marković The primary processing of iron in the Drava river basin...

149


The formation of goethite is marked by the oxidation state change of Fe2+ (ferrous) to Fe3+ (ferric), which allows goethite to exist at surface conditions. Limonite as goethite usually occurs by the hydration of hematite and magnetite; chemical weathering of iron rich sulphide minerals; and chemical weathering of other iron rich minerals such as olivine, pyroxene, amphibole and biotite. In swamps or oxbow lakes, iron precipitate within the sediments, filling the space between grains in the sediment. Usually, deposits which contain iron are in contact with groundwater. During the hydrological year, groundwater changes its’ level and due to oscillations of groundwater level oxidation/reduction of iron occurs. Also, microorganisms are present in these deposits, for example bacteria such as Leptothrix which enhance the iron precipitation (Pacini et al. 2005; Williams et al. 2016). Such conditions prevail in the area of the investigated site. On the basis of the assumption that the raw materials originate from the surroundings, an analysis of the concentration of iron in the surrounding sediments was conducted in 2012 (Tab. 1). Sediments sampling was done on Volarski Breg within trench S-3 (three profiles with multiple samples) (Fig. 3, 4), and within trench S-4 (one profile with three samples) (Fig. 5) and on Sušine within trench S-5 (one profile with three samples) (Fig. 6) and within trench S-6 (one profile). Sediment samples were taken from 6 profiles (locations) and the total amount of analysed samples was 14. Samples were treated with aqua regia – mixture of HNO3 : HCl = 1 : 3. Afterwards, they were filtered and measured by atomic absorber Analysts 700, Perkin Elmer in Hydrochemical Laboratory of Croatian Geological Survey. The results showed that some of these samples have very low concentrations of total iron, but some samples contain 20% or more of total iron (Fig. 7). It is generally known (Dorian et al. 1993) that if the sediment contains 20% or more of iron it can serve as a source of iron ore. According to the obtained total percentage of iron in the sediment (Fig. 7), it is evident that two samples from trenches 2 and 3 on Volarski Breg (SU 173 = 19.3%; SU 197 = 23.4%) originating from layers which are located immediately below the ploughed layer stand 150

Fig. 3. Trench 3 – ground plan of noted archaeological layers and formations marked with numbers of stratigraphic units (SJ=SU) (made by: K. Jelinčić Vučković). Sl. 3. Sonda 3 – tlocrt zamijećenih arheoloških slojeva i tvorevina označeni brojevima stratigrafskih jedinica (SJ=SU) (izradila: K. Jelinčić Vučković).

T. Sekelj Ivančan, T. Marković The primary processing of iron in the Drava river basin...

151


Fig. 4. Trench 3 – the view of the trial dig in the SE part of S-3 with layers SU 194 and 195 (photo by: T. Sekelj Ivančan). Sl. 4. Sonda 3 – pogled na probni iskop u sjeveroistočnom dijelu S-3 sa slojevima SJ 194 i 195 (snimila: T. Sekelj Ivančan).

Fig. 5. Trench 4 – the view of the layer SU 195 (photo by: T. Sekelj Ivančan). Sl. 5. Sonda 4 – pogled na sloj SJ 196 (snimila: T. Sekelj Ivančan).

152



Fig. 6. Trench 5 – the air view of noted archaeological layers and backfills with marked location of the pit-well and the pit-well after the excavation (photo by: T. Tkalčec). Sl. 6. Sonda 5 – pogled iz zraka na zamijećene arheološke slojeve i zapune, s označenim mjestom jame-bunara, i njegov ukop nakon istraživanja (snimila: T. Tkalčec).

out, while the other values gained at that position can be classified into two separate groups. Samples whose values range from 4.1% to 6.3% (higher values) can be classified into the first group, while the other group consists of samples whose values of iron in soil can be found in a total range from 0.4 % to 2.7% (extremely low values). From the description of layers and depths from which analysed samples originate it can be concluded that the higher percentage applies to the samples collected from the first layer located immediately below the humus (SU 178 = 4.9%; SU 196 = 4.1%) and also two separated samples, and/or from the second layer below the humus (SU 194 = 5.1% and 6.3%), while the extremely low percentage refers to the deeper layers. This is particularly evident in Profiles 2 and 4, where the value of share of iron in the sediment decreases as it goes deeper into the layers (Fig. 7, Tab. 1). 153


Fig. 7. Concentrations of iron in sampled soils (made by: T. Marković). Sl. 7. Koncentracija ukupnog željeza u uzorcima tla (izradila: T. Marković).

Although this study deals with a small sample, the overall results suggest that the lowland, marshy landscape along the river Drava, where groundwater is high and where water is retained on the surface longer during colder and more humid periods, is a perfect environment for the natural settling of iron ore necessary for the process of smelting. The colour of earth visible on the surface of arable following modern tillage (Fig. 8) shows that the soil is rich in iron, while during the excavations lumps of iron ore, i.e. precipitated iron minerals, such as sample SU 173 from trench S-2 and sample SU 197 from trench S-3, were found in some of the pits (Tab. 1). The natural settling of iron ore was obviously recognised in late Antiquity and during the early Middle Ages, and that is precisely why the area around Virje was chosen as suitable for smelting activities. Since sampled samples represents the current state in iron concentration iron at the site after exploitation during late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, it can be assumed that due to favourable natural conditions, large amounts of iron ore were present in the investigated area, so habitants could use ‘‘in situ’’ iron ore for production. The mere exploitation was probably not a major issue because the natural deposition of iron ore took place at relatively 154



Fig. 8. The view of the arable land located between Virje and Molve (photo by: T. Sekelj Ivančan) Sl. 8. Pogled na oranicu smještenu između naselja Virje i Molve (snimila: T. Sekelj Ivančan).

shallow depths, as was preliminary concluded based on the results of the analysis (Tab. 1, Fig. 7). Large amounts of crushed slag found on several newly recorded locations in the basin of the river Drava – on the Croatian side of the river –indirectly indicate that the archaeological site of Virje, with its’ smelting centre characteristics is not unique in that area. At this point, it is certainly worth mentioning that in the area of present-day village Hlebine there are multiple locations on which this tedious process took place, probably during the Antiquity and/or the Middle Ages, as is indicated by surface findings (Sekelj Ivančan 2016: 125, Map 1, 2). A similar conclusion was made after a systematic field survey of a wider area along the Hungarian side of the river Drava, where, according to our Hungarian colleagues and on the basis of indicative surface findings, locations where iron ore smelting was performed, probably during the Middle Ages, were recognized (Zatykó 2013: 171, Fig. 3). All these data are a clear in155


dicator of the existence of sites (or entire areas) on which the primary processing of iron took place. The main prerequisites for primary processing of iron were sufficient raw materials, i.e. iron ore, which is naturally deposited in the surrounding sediment, as was confirmed by the soil analysis from the vicinity of Virje. For now, we may only assume that the same natural sedimentation occurred throughout the wider area in the basin of the river Drava, while the accuracy of these preliminary conclusions is yet to be confirmed by future analyses. References Babić, Ž., Čakarun, I., Sokač, A., Mraz, V. 1978. O geologiji kvartarnih naslaga porječja rijeke Drave. Geološki vjesnik 30-1: 43–61. Dorian, J.P., Minakir, P.A., Borisovich, V.T. 1993. CIS Energy and Minerals Development. Kulwer. pp 371. Miletić, P. 1969. Hidrogeološke karakteristike sjeverne Hrvatske, Geološki vjesnik 22: 511–524. Mutić, R. 1975. Pijesak rijeke Drave u naslagama bušotine B-12 nedaleko Podravske Slatine. Geološki vjesnik 28: 243–268. Mutić, R. 1989. Korelacija kvartara Istočne Slavonije na osnovi podataka mineraloškopetrografskih analiza (Istočna Hrvatska, Jugoslavija). Acta Geologica 19-1, JAZU, Zagreb: 59. Pacini, V.A., Ingallinella, A.M., Sanguinetti, G. 2005. Removal of iron and manganese using biological roughing up flow filtration technology. Water Research 39: 4463–4475. Prelogović, E., Velić, I. 1988. Kvartarna tektonska aktivnost u zapadnom dijelu Dravske potoline. Geološki vjesnik 41: 237–253. Prelogović, E. 1975. Neotektonska karta SR Hrvatske. Geološki vjesnik 28: 97-108. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2009. Arheološka istraživanja ranosrednjovjekovne radionice za preradu željezne rudače na lokalitetu Virje – Volarski breg. Annales Instituti Archaeologici V: 65–70. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2011. Rezultati istraživanja nalazišta Virje – Volarski breg u 2010. godini. Annales Instituti Archaeologici VII: 50–53. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2013. Nastavak arheoloških istraživanja na položajima Volarski breg i Sušine kraj Virja u 2012. godini. Annales Instituti Archaeologici IX: 48–54. 156



Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2014a. Četvrta sezona arheoloških istraživanja nalazišta Virje – Volarski breg/Sušine. Annales Instituti Archaeologici X: 99–103. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2014b. Pregled dosadašnjih arheoloških istraživanja na lokalitetu Virje – Volarski breg/Sušine, Podravski zbornik 40, Koprivnica 2014: 158–166. Sekelj Ivančan, T., Mušič, B. 2014. Geofizička i arheološka istraživanja na nalazištu Virje – talioničkoj radionici iz vremena kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 3. s. 41: 177–184. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2015. Arheološki ostaci triju naselja na Sušinama u Virju, Annales Instituti Archaeologici XI: 50–53. Sekelj Ivančan, T. 2016. Predindustrijska obrada željeza: pokazatelji talioničke djelatnosti na primjeru arheoloških nalazišta u Podravini, Podravina. Časopis za multidisciplinarna istraživanja XV/29 : 118–125. Williams, M.R., Wessel, B.M., Filoso, S. 2016. Sources of iron (Fe) and factors regulating the development of flocculate from Fe-oxidizing bacteria in regenerative streamwater conveyance structures. Ecological Engineering 95: 723–737. Zatyko, Cs. 2013. Settlement pattern. Landscape use in medieval Berzence (Hungary) / Obrasci naselja. Korištenje krajolika u srednjovjekovnom Berzencu (Mađarska). Podravski zbornik 39: 164–172.

157


Tajana Sekelj Ivančan Institut za arheologiju Tamara Marković Hrvatski geološki institut Zavod za hidrogeologiju i inženjersku geologiju PRIMARNA OBRADA ŽELJEZA U NIZINI RIJEKE DRAVE TIJEKOM KASNE ANTIKE I RANOGA SREDNJEG VIJEKA – IZVOR SIROVINE U nizinskom području srednjeg toka rijeke Drave istražena su dva položaja u okolici Virja u Podravini (Republika Hrvatska), na kojima je tijekom šest arheoloških kampanja potvrđena primarna obrada željeza (Sl. 1). Ovaj zahtjevan postupak taljenja željezne rude odvijao se na tim pozicijama tijekom kasne antike i ranoga srednjeg vijeka, kako su to pokazali rezultati analiza radioaktivnog ugljika (14C) iz istraženih peći i popratnih arheoloških tvorevina. Takva nalazišta su na području sjeverne Hrvatske iznimno rijetka. Virje je smješteno u prostoru koji je kroz povijest obilovao potrebnim resursima za proizvodnju željeza (drvo, glina, voda), no nameće se pitanje izvora sirovine tj. željezne rude. U geotektonskom smislu razmatrano područje pripada pridravskoj nizini ispunjenoj kvartarnim naslagama. Samo nalazište je smješteno na drugoj dravskoj terasi koju uz riječni i potočni sediment karakterizira eolski i jezersko-barski tip, ovisno o tome kojim je sedimentima pokrivena. Šljunkovito-pjeskovite naslage istaložene u Dravskom bazenu predstavljaju vodonosni kompleks sa znatnom količinom podzemne vode te zbog mineraloškog sastava sedimenta i pH-Eh uvjetima koji vladaju u vodonosniku, zabilježene su visoke koncentracije željeza. Tako je primjerice poznato kako se u blizini arheološkog nalazišta nalazi crpilište ‘’Molve’’ gdje su koncentracije željeza u podzemnoj vodi visoke i nalaze se u intervalu od 1970 do 3570 ppb. Jedna od sredina u kojima dolazi do taloženja velikih količina željeza su močvare. U takvim sredinama nastaje tzv. močvarno želje158



zo kao posljedica kemijske i/ili biokemijske oksidacije željeza iz otopine. Močvarno željezo su željezoviti oksihidroksidi, a najčešći oblik je getit. U močvarama ili mrtvajama dolazi do punjenja prostora sa sedimentom i organskom tvari koji sadrže željezo. Obično su ove naslage u doticaju s podzemnom vodom koja tijekom hidrološke godine mijenja svoju razinu, odnosno razina podzemne vode (RPV) oscilira što utječe na promjenu oksidacijskih uvjeta. Ovakvi uvjeti prevladavaju na području razmatranog nalazišta. Polazeći stoga od osnovne pretpostavke o podrijetlu sirovine iz okruženja, provedena je tijekom 2012. godine analiza koncentracije željeza u okolnom tlu (Tab. 1). Uzeto je 14 uzoraka sedimenta i analizirani su na ukupno željezo pomoću AAS metode (Tab. 1). Uzorkovanje tla obavljeno je na Volarskom bregu u iskopu sonde S-3 (Sl. 3, 4) i S-4 (Sl. 5) te na Sušinama u iskopu sonde S-5 (Sl. 6) i S-6. Dodatno je na Volarskom bregu otvorena jedna manja sonda na mjestu gdje je nakon oranja po površini bila intenzivno narančasta boja zemlje, a radi uzorkovanja tla za analizu (S-4) (Sl. 2). Uzorci su otopljeni u zlatotopci tzv.’’aqua regia’’- HNO3:HCl u 1:3 molarnom odnosu. Rezultati su pokazali da dio uzoraka pokazuje iznimno niske vrijednosti, no dio je sadržavao 20 i više % ukupnog željeza u sedimentu, a općenito je poznato da stijene odnosno sedimenti koji sadržavaju 20 ili više posto željeza mogu služiti kao izvor željezne rude. Sagledavajući detaljnije dobivene vrijednosti ukupnog postotka željeza u sedimentu (Fig. 7), vidljivo je da se izdvajaju dva uzorka iz sondi 2 i 3 na Volarskom bregu (SJ 173 = 19,3%; SJ 197 = 23,4%) koji potječi iz slojeva koji se nalaze odmah ispod oranog sloja, dok se ostale vrijednosti s tog položaja mogu grupirati u dvije razdvojene skupine. U prvu se mogu uvrstiti uzorci čije se vrijednosti kreću od 4,1% do 6,3% (više vrijednosti), koji također potječu iz slojeva koji se nalaze odmah ispod humusa, dok se u drugu skupinu mogu opredijeliti uzorci čije se vrijednosti ukupnog željeza u tlu kreću u rasponu od 0,4% do 2,7% (izrazito niske vrijednosti) iz dubljih slojeva. Iako je riječ o malom uzorku koji se u ovom radu donosi, ukupni dobiveni rezultati upućuju na zaključak da je nizinski, močvarni krajolik uz rijeku Dravu, gdje su visoke podzemne vode i gdje se tijekom hladnijih i vlažnijih dijelova godine voda dulje zadržava na 159


površini, pogodno okruženje u kojem se prirodno taloži željezna ruda neophodna u postupku taljenja. Da je tlo bogato željezom vidljivo je u boji zemlje uočenoj po površinama oranica nakon suvremenih obrada i u današnje vrijeme (Sl. 8), a tijekom iskopavanja u nekim su jamama pronađeni i istaloženi željezni minerali kao što je to primjer s uzorkom SJ 173 iz sonde S-2 i uzorkom SJ 197 iz sonde S-3 (Tab. 1). Prirodno taloženje željezne rude bilo je očito prepoznato i u kasnoj antici i ranom srednjem vijeku, te je bilo razlogom odabira upravo područja u okolici Virja kao pogodnog za obavljanje talioničke djelatnosti. Sama eksploatacija vjerojatno nije predstavljala veći problem jer se prirodno taloženje željezne rude odvijalo na relativno plitkim relativnim dubinama, kako je to preliminarno zaključeno na temelju rezultata provedene analize (Tab. 1, Sl. 7). Provedena istraživanja ukazala su da je odabir pozicije za smještaj talioničke djelatnosti u okolici Virja uvjetovan prirodnim datostima u nizini rijeke Drave, gdje se nalaze manja lokalna ležišta željeza.

160

POTTERY DISTRIBUTION AND RAW MATERIAL RESOURCES IN THE AREA OF MEDIEVAL RAS Vesna Bikić Uglješa Vojvodić Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade Abstract: Technological properties of ceramic vessels from medieval sites in the area of Ras reveal a unique production trend, including well defined technological choices with respect to raw materials, workmanship and firing procedures, whereas preliminary results of petrographic analyses are indicative of local sources of raw materials. By combining all available data, both archaeological and archaeometric, including environmental features and characteristic toponyms, this article proposes a framework for a strategy for obtaining raw materials and organizing pottery production in the greater area of Ras from the beginning of the thirteenth to the beginning of the fifteenth centuries, relying on ethnographic and ethnoanthropological investigations and established threshold models. Keywords: pottery, raw material selection, landscape, resources, ceramic ecology Apstrakt: Tehnološke odlike keramičkog posuđa sa srednjovekovnih nalazišta na prostoru Rasa pokazuju jedinstven proizvodni trend, uključujući i definisane tehnološke izbore u pogledu sirovina, primenjenih tehnika izrade i procedura pečenja, dok preliminarni rezultati petrografskih analiza upućuju na lokalne izvore sirovina. Ukrštanjem svih raspoloživih podataka, arheoloških i arheometrijskih, uz analizu građe iz pisanih dokumenata, odlike prirodnog okruženja i karakteristične toponime, u tekstu se predlaže okvir za strategiju nabavke sirovina i organizaciju proizvodnje keramike na širem prostoru Rasa u razdoblju od početka 13. do početka 15. veka, oslanjajući se na etnografska i etnoantropološka istraživanja i ustanovljene modele procesa proizvodnje keramike. Ključne reči: keramika, izbor sirovina, pejzaž, resursi, keramička ekologija 161


Introduction The procurement of raw materials for the production of pottery not only represents the beginning of the chain of operation, but is also an indicator of a production context that includes a number of social, behavioral, technical and ambiental factors (cf. Arnold P. 1991; 2017; Costin 2000). In this respect, a strategy for obtaining raw materials for the production of pottery yields a series of data important for a better understanding of not only the technology itself, but of the economic and social background of a period and the organization of a community as well. Existing research, primarily that of Dean E. Arnold (cf. Arnold D. 1971; 1975; 2016; 2017), has yielded a number of results that allow for establishing a broader theoretical and methodological framework for the strategy and thereby for pottery production as a whole. Even though they are primarily applicable to prehistoric communities, the proposed threshold models also prove to be an inevitable starting point for studying certain phenomena in historical epochs, such as the period of the Late Middle Ages in this case. We shall discuss the issues related to the raw materials for the production of pottery on the example of medieval Ras, an area yielding such results of archaeological investigations as make it a model for investigating “ceramic ecology”, a concept dealing with the relationship between the natural environment and pottery as a sociocultural phenomenon (Arnold D. 1975; 2000; Albero Santacreu 2014: 129-145). In our investigation, we shall be moving “backwards”, from the final product, i.e. ceramic vessels that, owing to their properties, represent indicators for studying sources of raw materials. Furthermore, data on potters and the organization of the craft of pottery in written sources will lead to an analysis of the landscape and the natural environment in which the potters lived in order that we may view all the results in the context of the existing ceramic resources threshold model and establish a general framework for a strategy of raw material procurement, that is, a model of the organization of pottery making communities in the Balkans during the Middle Ages. 162

V. Bikić, U. Vojvodić

Pottery distribution and raw material resources...

Fig. 1. Medieval monasteries in region of Raška. Sl. 1. Manastiri na području srednjovekovnog Rasa.

163


The starting point for the study of ceramic ecology is contained in the premise that the composition of pottery reflects the composition of the raw material used, which includes raw clay, organic and/ or inorganic tempers, water, wood (fuel for firing pottery), as well as pigments and glazes obtained from minerals and ores (Arnold D. 1976: 92-94). On the other hand, a potter consciously selects raw materials in order to make a vessel with quite particular characteristics. By all means the most important among them are clay, water and fuel, whilst non-plastic inclusions are desirable but not required (Arnold D. 1985: 20-30). Some of the raw clays already contain certain amounts of the “ingredients” that make all the difference between raw clay and potter’s clay, primarily quartz, sand, feldspar and lime, but this does not necessarily mean that they are suitable for pottery (Arnold D. 2017: 16). Thus a potter’s unique selection of raw materials reveals his experience in recognizing the clay of certain properties – by its color, presence of shimmering tempers, plasticity or salinity – as well as his ability to visualize the final product (Arnold D. 2016: 3-4; 2000: 240-242). The very term majdan (quarry) of clay has multiple meanings and indicates various phenomena, such as an area or geographic region, or the community that exploits it, depending on local practices and traditions. A source of raw materials can be one or several places at varying distances and with clays of slightly different compositions, which a potter can mix in order to obtain the required characteristics, so that raw clay with temper carries both natural and cultural information (Arnold, Neff, Bishop 1991: 84-88; Costin 2000: 380382). Furthermore, it should be borne in mind that the very addition of temper may mean a divergence from the original composition of clay, which is then reflected in the similarities or differences of composition between the clay and pottery (Arnold, Neff, Bishop 1991: 74). Over time, suitable clay may have been exhausted, as attested by documents in the Dubrovnik Archive on a land lease by the Dubrovnik town council for the purpose of producing bricks (Динић 2003: 66-72). Likewise, sources of raw materials change over time due to erosion, change of owner or mine exhaustion, which may be further reflected in clay composition and the organization of the pro164



Fig. 2. Ceramic vessels from medieval monasteries in region of Raška: 1-6, 9. Studenica monastery; 7. Đurđevi stupovi; 8. Gradac monastery. Sl. 2. Keramičke posude iz srednjovekovnih manastira u Raškoj oblasti: 1-6, 9. Studenica; 7. Đurđevi Stupovi; 8. Manastir Gradac.

165


duction of ceramic vessels as a whole (Arnold D. 2000: 346-351). It is therefore necessary for researchers to define the “profile” of the composition of raw materials by taking samples from various clay mines and vessels from various functional groups. In this respect, preliminary sampling in the area of medieval Ras has yielded positive results (Damjanović et al. 2011: 825-828). The distribution of raw material resources provides clear indications of the organization of pottery activities, as it contains data on the geological matrix, climate, hydrology, and thus indirectly not only on the order, intensity and volume of production and the technology involved, but on the economic and social environment as well (Costin 1991: 13-15; Arnold P. 1991: 4-5). Besides, the presence of specialist potters, also attested in the territory of medieval Serbia (Bikić 2016: 170-171), reveals a degree of standardization and regional variability in production (Costin 1991: 33-43). Vessel properties – technological choices and specialization in ceramics Representative sets of ceramic vessels from the area of medieval Ras have mostly come from monastic complexes (Fig. 1), because they have been most thoroughly investigated and, in some cases, precisely dated. Monastic communities, like other settlements, show certain patterns of ceramic vessel consumption. At the same time, the vessels reflect production tendencies, that is, clear technological choices expressed through a set of formal properties in each functional category, including the choice of raw materials and firing procedures (Бикић 2015b). In the area observed, there are substantial similarities in the ceramic material, not only on the technological plane, but on the morphological one as well (Зечевић & Радичевић 2001: 29-32; Поповић 2015: 211- 218; Bikić 2015a; Јуришић 1989: 28-33, 37-42; Јуришић 1991: 71-85). As regards morphology, the assemblages of vessels, particularly those in the group of cooking vessels, demonstrate a certain constancy (Fig. 2). Moreover, patent uniformity is evident in the group of glazed cooking pots, which are also of a sim166



Fig. 3. Ceramic vessels from medieval monasteries of Ras region: 1-2,4,7-8. Studenica; 3, 6. Đurđevi stupovi; 5. Gradac. Sl. 3. Keramičke posude iz srednjovekovnih manastira u Raškoj oblasti: 1-2,4,7-8. Studenica; 3, 6. Đurđevi stupovi; 5. Gradac.

167


ilar medium size, i.e. volume of 2-3 liters on average. More variety is exhibited by tableware, primarily jugs and pitchers, which are characterized by a particular production process and artistic expression (Fig. 3). Being luxury products, they were made in small series and were often custom-made. As a rule, cooking pots and matching lids were made with pastes to which tiny mineral tempers had been added. After firing, the vessels were of brown shades, from brownish red to gray. Besides the said glazed cooking vessels, some of the smaller series have hardy, but comparatively thin walls. Almost identical to those of unglazed cooking pots are the characteristics exhibited by water pitchers, which were discovered in rather large quantities in the monastic complex of Studenica (Поповић 2015: сл. 96/5, 97/25, 26, 123/13, 14, 132/14). Of a slightly coarser texture, with larger grain sand as a temper, are storage vessels, as well as vršnik clay ovens, which, for now, have only been found in more substantial quantities in parts of the monastic complexes of Studenica and Nova Pavlica (Поповић 2015: сл. 82/8, 94/6, 7, 96/14, 15131/12-13; Јуришић 1991: 71). Both of these types of vessel have thicker walls and frequently also reinforcements in the form of applied strips, which enhanced their durability. Substantially different in the group of hearth vessels are crepulja baking pans, characterized by a broad and shallow receptacle and flat walls (Fig. 2; Поповић 2015: figs. 97/19-22; 119/4-8; Јуришић 1989: 32-33). They were made from clay mixed with tempers of large granulation, such as large grain sand, gravel and pebbles. They also have thick walls. Unlike in the case of other vessels, the firing of crepulja baking pans takes place when they are used for cooking for the first time (Филиповић 1951). All the above characteristics are directly linked with their purpose, which is baking bread/flatbread over open fire or in a cooking stove, and their resistance to sudden temperature changes, the so-called “thermal shock”, and mechanical pressure (Kilikoglou, Vekinis & Maniatis 1995; Tite, Kilikoglou & Vekinis 2001: 304; Schiffer & Skibo 1987: 607). Unlike kitchen pottery, tableware is of a finer texture and, in most cases, of red color (Зечевић & Радичевић 2001: 35, 47, 51, 54168



55, figs. 5, 14, 15; Поповић 2015: 215; Бикић 2015a; Јуришић 1989: 37, figs. 39-44; Јуришић 1991: figs. 64-66). In addition to increasing the working quality of clay, small grain mineral tempers (predominantly sand), noticeable on cross sections, also improve their mechanical performance during firing and their overall durability (Rye 1981: 27, 31-35; Kilikoglou, Vekinis & Maniatis 1995). On the other hand, the homogenous fine grained paste allows the forming of a surface suitable for decoration using sgraffito technique and painting, as it makes it possible to apply high precision strokes. The process is rounded off by double firing, that is, before (the so-called “biscuit” firing) and after glazing. According to all the parameters, presented here in a summary form, the medieval pottery from the area of Ras exhibits the characteristics of specialized production (Bikić 2016: 170-173). The selected categories of vessels exhibit comparatively small variability in raw materials, technology and morphology, which leads to the conclusion that several sources of raw materials in the area were being utilized, not only those of clay and mineral tempers, but also of the pigments/ glazes that were extracted from ores, predominantly copper, iron and lead. The utilization of local sources is also confirmed by the preliminary results of petrographic and physico-chemical analyses (Damjanovic et al. 2011). In all likelihood, the raw materials for the manufacture of pottery that were being extracted from ores were also of local provenance, from the mines whose exploitation had begun in the last decades of the thirteenth and the early fourteenth centuries, primarily the ones at Brskovo (1254), Rudnik (1293), Trepča, Rogozna and Gračanica (1303) and, some time later (from 1346), also from the mines of Koporić, Plana and Ostrava on Mount Kopaonik (Ćirković 1979: 42-44). Potters and their craft in written sources Potters and their craft are first mentioned in medieval deeds of donations by Serbian rulers of the fourteenth century, most notably in King Milutin’s Saint Stephen Chrysobull, written between 1313 and 1318 (Светостефанска хрисовуља: 23, 124), 169


King Milutin’s chrysobull issued to the estate of the Monastery of Saint George, near Skopje (Грујић 1936: 25), King Stefan Dečanski’s chrysobull to the Dečani monastery (Ивић & Грковић 1976: 308), and Emperor Dušan’s chrysobull of 1348 for the Monastery of the Holy Archangels (Мишић & Суботин-Голубовић 2003: 89, 120). We learn from these charters that, in addition to villages and estates, rulers as ktetores (donators) also donated artisans to their foundations, who then owed their services to the monastery to which they had been assigned. These documents also defined the rights and obligations of potters within the complexities and layers of the Serbian medieval society. The most important among the provisions are those stating that, in addition to all the activities related to his craft, a potter is obliged to plough and scythe, as if he were also a sokalnik, a member of the social category whose obligations mostly involved working the land (Бубало 1999: 680-682; Динић 1962: 149-157). Moreover, only one son could inherit his father and continue in his craft, whilst any other sons had to join the sokalnik class. (Светостефанска хрисовуља, 123). This piece of regulation expressed the tendency both to preserve a craft and to strengthen the sokalnik class (ΒajalovićHadži-Pešić 1981: 12; Новаковић 1965: 59). The said data indirectly lead to the conclusion that these two groups – the artisans and the sokalnik – occupied rather similar positions within the social hierarchy. The surviving sources provide meager data on the organization of the craft of pottery in medieval Serbia. The provisions of the said charters do mention the existence of potters in villages, particularly in areas where the natural conditions were suitable for pottery production. Potters supplied with their products a broad area, not just the neighboring villages, but also towns and monasteries. One of the known instances of this refers to a potter supplying Novo Brdo with earthenware from a nearby village (Ковачевић 1964: 527-528). An important reference is also that to the potter called Lješa, from Prizren, who, together with his sons, supplied the Monastery of the Holy Archangel with vessels (Шафарик 1862: 270). 170



As attested in the Dubrovnik archival material, in order to limit the number of producers of certain goods, regulate the manner of a product’s manufacture, its quality and price, and fight competition, city craftsmen organized themselves in guilds (Вучо 1954: 1-2). However, Dubrovnik potters had no guild of their own. Between 1477 and 1480, they were included in the painters’ guild, together with other artisans whose work involved the use of paint, varnish, wood, leather and other materials (Βajalović-Hadži-Pešić 1981: 12-13). Of particular importance in this respect is a request from the year 1489 of a Dubrovnik citizen, Alegretto, for a certificate of specialization in the craft of pottery. He stresses the difficult character of his occupation and the fact that, unlike common citizens, the nobility demands particularly sumptuous items, whose production requires the services of a potter specializing in painting (Βajalović-Hadži-Pešić 1981: 13). A similar situation prevailed in Serbia until as late as the middle of the nineteenth century, when, trying to fend off the competition of village and foreign potters, town-based potters organized themselves in guilds. However, even at this late date, potters were still members of mixed guilds (Вучо 1954: 22-78). According to V. Karić, the craftsmen engaged in the production of items made with earth at that time included potters, clay pan makers (crepuljari), tile makers (crepari) and brick makers (ćeramidžije and cigljari), with potters living exclusively in towns and tile makers in villages (Карић 1997: 408). Potters in the natural environment The production of pottery implies certain natural conditions, among which clear skies and dry weather are by all means a desirable convenience, particularly during vessel drying and firing processes (Arnold D. 1975: 193-194). In that respect, a moderate continental climate prevailing in the mountains, characterized by short, cool summers and long, harsh winters, such as in the area of Ras, must have been a limiting factor. On the other hand, a number of other favorable factors, such as the geological matrix, streams and forests, as well as the accessibility of mining resources, complete the list of re171


quirements necessary for the establishment and continuance of the craft of pottery in the area of Ras. The county (župa) of Ras covered the area between the Raška river and the southern slopes of Mount Golija, that is the valleys of the Ljudska, Deževska and Tušimska rivers, whereas the territory of the land of Ras was much larger and probably coincided with the territory under the jurisdiction of the Bishopric of Ras (Мишић 1997: 133). This mountainous area is characterized by a high degree of dissection, with the slopes of Mount Golija in the north and northwest and Mount Rogozna in the south and southeast making communication between villages difficult. Albeit meager, the surviving medieval sources, primarily the Chrysobull to the Monastery of Banjska, indicate that there were a large number of villages and hamlets in the area of the county of Ras in medieval times (Светостефанска хрисовуља: 219). On the other hand, the existence of a large number of rural settlements in the nearby counties of Brvenik and Zvečan is attested in Emperor Uroš’s charter of 1363, which affirms the exchange of counties between Prince Vojislav Vojinović and Palatine (čelnik) Musa (Шуица 2003: 143-166). This information suggests that there was a large market that required a substantial quantity of earthenware, mostly kitchen vessels. On the other hand, there were also communities, such as monasteries, forts/towns and manors, which commissioned luxurious products of artistic workmanship. The area encompassed by the county of Ras is characterized by good road communications with the other parts of the medieval Serbian state. The so-called “Dubrovnik road”, which ran from the direction of Rožaj and Gluhavica, to Novi Pazar, to Banja, and then through Izbica, Pasji Potok, Vučja Lokva led to Gornji Kalin and further on to Beluće and across the Ibar river to Ostrać, Belo Brdo and Đerekari and beyond, down the valley of the Lim river towards Niš (Шкриванић 1974: 109, 126-127). This road intersected the road that connected Belgrade and Skopje, through Mount Rudnik and the valley of the Ibar river (Шкриванић 1974: 103-114). From Kraljevo, the road mostly followed the valley of the Ibar river, passing next to Maglič, Brvenik and Zvečan. One of its branches started at the Monastery of Banjska and ran over Mount Rogozna to present-day Novi 172



Pazar. Still another major road communication entered the county of Raška from the northwest, from the direction of Croatia and Bosnia. It ran through Prijepolje to Sjenica and then down the valleys of the Ljudska and Raška rivers through Zvečan and Kosovo Polje to Skopje or Niš (Шкриванић 1974: 123-128). The so-called “Zeta road” ran through Sjenica to the county of Ras. It connected Ras with Scutari and the cities on the Adriatic coast (Шкриванић 1974: 67-68). Given the dependence of the craft of pottery on natural resources, it has been surmised that communities of pottery makers founded settlements right in the center of an area rich in pottery resources, most notably clay sources (Arnold D. 1985: 35-37). Traces of settlements and remains of pottery activities in the area of medieval Ras are rare. Despite the generally accepted paradigm on the local production of ceramic vessels, virtually the only archaeologically attested production site is in the area of the Monastery of Studenica and dates from the first half of the thirteenth century (Bikić 2015). However, indirect testimony to old crafts is borne by a number of toponyms that have survived since the Middle Ages. Thus, the names of the villages of Grnčari and Lončari, in the vicinity of Novi Pazar, which are indicative of organized production of ceramic vessels, have been preserved until the present day (Βajalović-Hadži-Pešić 1981: 12). Good quality clay was regarded as an important resource in the Middle Ages. This is evident in the fact that sometimes the name given to a village was linked to a clay source within the village boundaries, such as the village of Gnila (Gnjila), mentioned in the Charter to the Monastery of Žiča as monastery property in the county of Jelci (the village, which has retained its name to this day, is situated south of Tutin, on the right bank of the Vidrenjak river). Namely, the term gnila/gnjila in the Serbian language denotes soil suitable for the production of ceramic vessels (Караџић 1969, 90, 103). Also, the importance of sources of good quality clay is also evident from the provisions of the earlier mentioned charters of fourteenth century Serbian rulers. Namely, when a monastic estate was being established, great attention was paid to who and under which conditions could be granted the right to exploit it. For instance, a 173


special provision of King Milutin’s hereditary charter written for the Monastery of Saint George, near Skopje, sets compensation in the event that a potter utilized clay from monastery land, i.e. he would have to give a share of his products to the monastery (Грујић 1925: 69). Further confirmation that the toponym Gnila indicates a place where clay suitable for working was mined is provided by geomorphological tests of the soil. The areas called Gnila/Gnjila are characterized by clay sediments in the form of clay shale and clay limestone that were deposited in the vicinity of Novi Pazar during the Paleozoic and formed during the Tertiary and the Upper Cretaceous periods (Пајковић 1992: 219-220). Many of the clay deposits, which formed through decomposition of the flysch series and partial re-sedimentation, are still exploited by the Sloga construction material industry (Пајковић 1992: 226). Procurement of raw materials – model application Raw materials procurement is a complex process that involves several stages, including understanding an area, not merely its topographic features, but also the social and cultural contexts in which ceramic objects are made (Arnold D. 2017: 16). The starting point in analyzing the strategy for the procurement of raw materials and the organization of pottery activities in the area of medieval Ras related to it is based on the premise that local resources were exploited, which served as a basis for the development of a threshold model on a micro plane, based on the “ceramic resource threshold model” (Arnold D. 1985: 35-57). According to this model, which resulted from ethnographic research in South America, the estimated distance of the source of raw material to the place of dwelling or workshop is up to seven kilometers for raw clay and temper, which corresponds to a distance that can be covered on foot in both directions in a single day, carrying a load of approximately 50 kg, whereas in the case of the supplies of slips, paints and glazes the distance can be greater and they can be replenished less often (Arnold D. 2000: 343-344; 2006: 4-7). If carts or rowing boats are used, 174



the distance to resources increases, as does the quantity of the raw material transported (Arnold D. 1976: 94-95; 2017: 17). This model has several applications in archaeology: along with ceramic paste data, to locate sites and pottery making communities and also to identify the organization of pottery production and the model of trade and exchange between communities in a region (Arnold D. 1975: 193-194; 2006: 8). In our attempt to apply the above model to the area of old Ras, we started at the locales called Gnila/Gnjila, which, as we have stated above, got their name from the sources of good quality clay exploited in the past by local craftsmen. A certain confirmation was also provided by a previous scrutiny of geological maps, which established that the said locales are characterized by layers of clay sediments in the form of clay shale and clay limestone, which were deposited during the Paleozoic and formed during the Tertiary and Upper Cretaceous periods, as well as those that resulted from a decomposition of the flysch series. Clay sediments in these locales were being exploited until recently by local craftsmen. One of them, the locale of Gnila-Rupe, is in the area of the village of Donje Oholje (Fig. 4). According to the inhabitants of the village, until recently a bowl maker from the nearby village of Znuš mined green, sandy clay, which they also occasionally use in their day-to-day work.1 Another area of the same name is located slightly more to the south, between the villages of Vrapče and Jablanica. The inhabitants of the village of Vrapče also remember that good quality yellow clay was mined in that area for the manufacture of ceramic vessels. When we drew circles of seven kilometers in radius from the places where clay was exploited, the said villages of Znuš and Lončare were at their intersection, as was the village of Grnčare, northeast of Gnjila. The same method was applied to the area around the Monastery of Studenica. Given the existence of a workshop for the production of ceramic vessels (Bikić 2015), the monastery was marked as the center of an area rich in ceramic resources. This area contains deposits of shale, formed within ophiolitic mélange formations in the We owe a debt of gratitude to archaeologist Vladan Vidosavljević, curator of the archaeological collection of the Ras Museum at Novi Pazar, for this information.

1

175


Fig. 4. Geomorphological map of Raška river and Municipality of Novi Pazar city: 1. Aluvium; 2. Rockslide; 3. Deluvium; 4. River bank; 5. Gravels, sands, clays; 6. Andesit-baslats; trahit-basalts and basalts; 7. Quartz latite; 8. Pyroclastic quartz latite; 9. Dacite-andesite; 10. Flysh sequence of sandstones, marlstones and clay stones; 11. Diabase-chert formations; 12. Diabase and spilites; 13. Gabbro and rodingite; 14. Harzburgite; 15. Limestones and dolomites; 16. Oolitic and clayish limestones; 17. Quartz conglomerates and sandstones; 18. Sandstones; 19. Slates, phyllites and sandstones; 20. Phyllites. Sl. 4. Geomorfološka karta doline reke Raške i opštine Novi Pazar: 1. Aluvijum; 2. Sipar; 3. Deluvijum; 4. Rečna terasa; 5. Šljunkovi, peskovi, gline; 6. Andezitbazalti, trahitbazalti i bazalti; 7. Kvarclatiti; 8. Piroklastiti kvarclatita; 9. Dacito-andeziti; 10. Flišna serija peščara, laporaca i glinaca; 11. Dijabaz-rožnjačka formacija; 12. Dijabazi i spiliti; 13. Gabrovi i rodingiti; 14. Harcburgiti; 15. Krečnjaci i dolomiti; 16. Oolitični i glinoviti krečnjaci; 17; Kvarcni konglomerati i peščari; 18. Peščari; 19. Argilošisti, filiti i peščari; 20. Filiti.

176



Upper Jurassic, to the north and southeast of the monastery (Fig. 5)2. Along with results of archaeometric analyses of ceramic vessels, the planned field trip and analyses of samples from the locations that yielded results during the preliminary sampling should provide an answer to the question of raw clay resources and thus contribute to discussions on the organization of pottery activities in the area of the Monastery of Studenica. According to the proposed model, the place for the production of ceramic vessels for the Monastery of Djurđevi Stupovi, the Church of Saints Peter and Paul, and the Monastery of Sopoćani should be searched for in the immediate vicinity of the zone of ceramic resources. In this case, the latter would be the earlier mentioned sediments in the valleys of the Raška and Deževska rivers, formed during the Tertiary and Upper Cretaceous periods, as well as those formed by a decomposition of flysch series. In the vicinity of Brvenik, the zone of conglomerations of shale, sandstone and marl, which could be suitable for exploitation, spreads to the north and east of the Monastery of Gradac, in the direction of Baljevac. Pigments extracted from ores and used in the production of glazes, paints and slips by all means belong among the raw materials necessary to produce pottery in the Late Middle Ages. Unlike clay and mineral tempers, these raw materials were used less frequently and therefore their procurement was organized in a different manner and, in all likelihood, at longer intervals (Arnold D. 1985: 37). Nevertheless, the distance to these resources should also be borne in mind when considering the strategy for the procurement of resources needed for the production of ceramic vessels. The closest mines, with deposits of iron, lead, zinc, copper and, to a lesser extent, silver, were situated at Gluhavica, on Mount Rogozna, on the southern slopes of Mount Golija, and in the vicinity of the Monastery of Sopoćani (Симић 1975: 66-77).

Analyses of pottery samples, including potential raw materials, from the Monastery of Studenica are underway. Our gratitude for the data goes to Prof. Kristina Šarić and Prof. Suzana Erić (Faculty of Mining and Geology, Belgrade University).

2

177


Fig. 5. Geomorphological map of Studenica and Ibar river valleys: 1. Aluvium; 2. Deluvium; 3. River bank; 4. Finegrained granodiorite and quartzdiorite; 5. Conglomerates, sandstones, clay stones and marlstones; 6. Dacite-andesite; 7. Pyroclastic dacito-andesite; 8. Diabase-chert formations; 9. Sandstones, clay shales,cherts; 10. Limestones and dolomites; 11. Granite; 12. Serpentinite; 13. Harzburgite; 14. Actinolit-chlorite epidotic shales; 15. Chlorite-sericite shales; 16. Biotitic phyllites; 17. Gneiss and biotic shales; 18. Marbles; 19. Sericit-chlorite shales; 20. Ampibolic shales. Sl. 5. Geomorfološka karta doline Studenice i Ibra: 1. Aluvijum; 2. Deluvijum; 3. Rečna terasa; 4. Sitnozrni granodioriti i kvarcdioriti; 5. Konglomerati, peščari, glinci i laporci; 6. Dacito-andeziti; 7. Piroklasti dacito-andezita; 8. Dijabaz-rožnjačka formacija; 9. Peščari, glinoviti škriljci, rožnjaci; 10. Krečnjaci i dolomiti; 11. Graniti; 12. Serpentini; 13. Harcburgiti; 14. Aktinolit-hlorit epidotski škriljci; 15. Hlorito-sericitski škriljci; 16. Biotitisani filiti; 17. Gnajsevi i biotički škriljci; 18. Mermeri; 19. Serija sercit-hloritskih škriljaca; 20. Amfibolitski škriljci.

178



Final considerations Substantial uniformity of raw materials, texture, color and shapes supports the view that there existed a certain standard that applied to ceramic vessels of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. At the same time, it is a clear indicator of their organized production, which took place in unique political, economic, social and cultural circumstances. The properties of vessel assemblages, primarily those from monastic complexes, as well as the remains of a kiln in the Monastery of Studenica, triggered a program of petrographic and physico-chemical tests that will provide answers to questions related to technological choices – the choice of raw materials and certain procedures involved in making vessels of different purposes and questions related to the provenance of the raw materials. However, the raw material procurement strategy allows for looking at the manner of the organization of pottery activities within a broader framework. The framework, defined by the term “ceramic ecology,” establishes a link between the environment and the cultural milieu within which a potter operates. Already Stojan Novaković (Новаковић 1965: 57) observed that the type of soil on which a village was erected often determined which economic activity the villagers would pursue. The analysis of the information contained in charters has revealed that the variety of crafts in a given place was affected by the latter’s geography and climate, and probably also by its tradition (Фостиков 2013: 65). In that regard, the development of organized pottery manufacture in a village is directly related to soil morphology, that is, the existence in the surrounding area of deposits of clay suitable for producing ceramic vessels. In medieval Serbia, there were several types of settlements with craftsmen, that is, places with developed craft production activities: local workshops in villages, in the vicinity of monasteries, settlements of artisans of different crafts, villages with artisans of the same craft, settlements near large installations (e.g. mines, smelters), towns as economic or administrative centers (Фостиков 2013: 65). In any case, the establishment of artisan villages was conditioned by the needs of a ruler’s court or a feudalist/landowner, and also of a 179


monastery as the economic center of an estate (Фостиков 2013: 65). It would be unfounded to claim that all the inhabitants of a specialized village engaged in the craft implied by the name of the village, as the primary occupation of medieval villagers was cultivation of animals and plants. In addition to their obligations related to these economic activities, the inhabitants of medieval villages had to perform a number of other jobs necessary for the normal operation of their households, such as procuring firewood and timber, building houses and outbuildings, spinning flax, hemp and wool, making clothes and footwear, etc. (Новаковић 1965: 56). It is evident on the basis of the said information from surviving historical sources that deposits of good quality clay could be within monastic estates (Грујић 1925: 69). Due to the lack of written data, we cannot be absolutely sure that these sources of raw materials became part of a monastic estate separately or together with the village in whose territory they were located. If they used to belong to a village, the earlier mentioned provision in the charter to the Monastery of Saint George, near Skopje, indicates that after donation they became monastery property. For this reason, local potters had to give to the monastery a share of their production in exchange for the right to exploit the source. The provision also highlights the importance of the clay deposit and the donor’s explicit desire to establish a controlled exploitation of raw materials and ensure for his foundation an additional source of income in the form of a compensation for use. Earlier investigations of the style of production of tableware lead in the same direction, that is, support the views on the role of local nobility in the organization of pottery activities, given their dual role as patrons/consumers of the production and owners of the land, that is, raw materials (Bikić 2016: 172-173). The mention of a potter by name is suggestive of the existence of production within a household or workshop, whereas names of settlements are indicative of the existence of some sort of production center with a community of potters producing pottery according to certain standards. The analysis of ceramic vessels and preliminary results of the analysis of raw materials support the view of a planned approach to the organization of pottery production (Bikić 2016: 172). 180



Given the natural environment and spatial arrangement of settlements, in this case predominantly monasteries, this was, in all probability, a complex workshop district with several communities of potters sharing the same tradition of producing ceramic vessels, that is, a whole set of cognitive and practical rules related to the sources and selection of raw materials and tempers (Arnold, Neff, Bishop 1991: 72). The model for the organization of production arose at the Monastery of Studenica, which in addition to its religious role, being the temple and mausoleum of Stefan Nemanja, the progenitor of the Nemanjić dynasty, also served as an economic center for the inhabitants of the surrounding areas, with an organized production of pottery in the first half of the thirteenth century (Bikić 2015: 139-140). With Studenica as a model, production of vessels may have been organized in several other places (Fig. 6). One of them may have been in the area of the fortified city of Brvenik, which was also an important spiritual center, with its monasteries of Stara Pavlica, Nova Pavlica and Gradac and several churches dedicated to Saint Nicholas at Šumnik, Radošić, Baljevac and Končulić, respectively (Булић 2011: 62-74, Т. 8-12). Another place of production may have been in the area of the county of Ras, that is, in the territory between the Monastery of Djurđevi Stupovi, the Church of Saints Peter and Paul and the Monastery of Sopoćani. A little later, in the center of this area was the settlement at Trgovište (Милошевић 1997: 87-97, with a bibliography). The herein discussed toponyms, Gnjila/Gnila, located in the area of the county of Jelci, are suggestive of a third production zone. Unlike Studenica, where the exploited clay deposits were retraced from the only so far attested production center, in the other cases, of which the county of Jelci is the best example, the starting points for the discovery of the location of production centers were the clay deposits that were surmised to have been exploited in the Middle Ages. When the results of the analyses of the pottery, topography, soil morphology and information in written sources are entered into the ceramic resource threshold model, they provide good guidelines for establishing the existence of organized pottery production in the area of medieval Ras. In order to double-check and further confirm the proposed method, it would be necessary to conduct a reconnais181


Fig. 6. Ceramic manufacture areas (according to the presented model). Sl. 6. Područja keramičke proizvodnje (prema predloženom modelu).

182



sance survey of the said area, which would also involve interviews with local people aimed at locating the sources of clay known to them, as well as obtaining samples for archaeometric analyses. Completed results, including earlier samples of pottery and raw materials from the complex of the Monastery of Studenica and the fort of Ras (Damjanovic et al. 2011; 2017), would provide more specific indicators for the location of sources of raw materials and spatial contexts of production, which would bring us closer to an understanding of the social contexts of production in the area of medieval Ras (Costin 2000: 384-385; Sinopoli 2003: 24-28). Acknowledgments This article was written in the course of research for the project, Urbanisation Processes and Development of Mediaeval Society (no. 177021) of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. References Albero Santacreu, D. 2014. Materiality, Techniques and Society in Pottery Production The Technological Study of Archaeological Ceramics through Paste Analysis. Warsaw/Berlin: De Gruyter. Aličić, А. 2008. Sumarni popis sandžaka Bosna iz 1468/69. godine, Mostar. Arnold, D. E. 1975. Ceramic Ecology of the Ayacucho Basin, Peru: Implications for Prehistory. Current Anthropology 16 (2): 183-205. Arnold, D. E. 2000. Does the Standardization of Ceramic Pastes Really Mean Specialization? Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7(4): 333-375. Arnold, D. E. 2017. Raw Material Selection, Landscape, Engagement, and Paste Recipes: Insights from Ethnoarchaeology. Matières à Penser: In: L. Burnez-Lanotte (ed.): Raw materials acquisition and processing in Early Neolithic pottery productions, Proceedings of the Workshop of Namur (Belgium) 29 and 30 May 2015, Paris, Société préhistorique française, 2017 (Séances de la Société préhistorique française, 11): 15-27. Arnold, D. E., Neff, H., Bishop, R. L. 1991. Compositional Analysis and ‘Sources’ of Pottery: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach. American Anthropologist 93 (1): 70-90. Arnold, P. J. 1991. Domestic ceramic production and spatial organization: A Mexican case study in ethnoarchaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 183


Bajalović - Hadži-Pešić, M. 1981. Keramika u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji, Beograd. Bikić, V. 2015. Pottery manufacture in the Studenica monastery: preliminary considerations. Starinar 65: 131-144. Бикић, В. 2015а. Хронолошки, технолошки и стилски оквири глеђосане керамике у Србији: пример манастира Студенице. In: М. Поповић, Манастир Студеница – археолошка открића, Београд: 337-357. Бикић, В. 2015b. Посуђе и кување у Манастиру Студеница у 13-14. веку: анализа трагова употребе. Архаика 3: 167-190. Bikić, V. 2016. Byzantine inspiration in Serbian medieval pottery. In: V. Bikić (ed.): Processes of Byzantinization and Serbian archaeology. Byzantine heritage and Serbian art I, Belgrade: 167-173. Булић, Д. 2011. Прилог познавању града Брвеника из перспективе археолошких истраживања. Историјски часопис LX: 57-96. Costin, C. L. 1991. Craft Specialization: Issues in Defining, Documenting, and Explaining the Organization of Production. In: M. B. Schiffer (ed.): Archaeological Method and Theory. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press: 1-56. Costin, C. L. 2000. The Use of Ethnoarchaeology for the Archaeological Study of Ceramic Production. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7 (4): 377-403. Ćirković, S. 1979. Production of Gold, Silver and Copper in the Central Parts of the Balkans from the 13th to the 16th Centuries. In: Precious Metals in the Age of Expansion, Wirtschaftsgeschichte 2, Stuttgart: 41-69. Damjanović, Lj., Holclajtner-Antunović, I., Mioč, U. B., Bikić, V., Milovanović D., Radosavljević Evans I. 2011. Archaeometric study of medieval pottery excavated at Stari (Old) Ras, Serbia, Journal of Archaeological Science 38: 818–828. Damjanović, Lj., Stojanović, S., Bikić, V., Radosavljević Evans, I., Erić, S., Šarić, K. 2017. Characterization of the medieval pottery from the Studenica Monastery, Serbia, A UNESCO world heritage site. In: 15th Conference & Exhibition of the European Ceramic Society (ECerS2017) Budapest, July 9-13, 2017: 653. Динић, М. 1957. Из Дубровачког архива, Књига I, Зборник за историју, језик и књижевност српског народа, III одељење, књига XVII, Београд: Академија. Динић, М. 1962. Сокалници. Прилози за књижевност, језик, историју и фолклор 3-4: 149-157. Динић, М. 2003. Из српске историје средњег века, Београд: Equilibrium. Зечевић, Е., Радичевић, Д. 2001. Керамика Ђурђевих ступова. Новопазарски зборник 25, Нови Пазар: 23-67. 184



Филиповић, М. 1951. Женска керамика код балканских народа, Београд: Етнографски институт. Фостиков, А. 2013. Занатство средњовековне Србије у светлости три повеље из XIV века. Београдски историјски гласник IV: 51-69. Грујић, Р. 1925. Властелинство Св. Ђорђа код Скопља: од XI до XV века. Гласник Скопског научног друштва 1: 45-77. Грујић, Р. 1936. Три хилендарске повеље. Зборник за историју Јужне Србије и суседних области I, Скопље: 5-24. Ивић, П., Грковић, М. 1976. Дечанске хрисовуље. Нови Сад, Институт за лингвистику. Јуришић, А. 1989. Градац, резултати археолошких радова. Београд: Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе. Јуришић, А. 1991. Нова Павлица, резултати археолошких радова. Београд: Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе. Калић, Ј. 1988. Прилог методологији проучавања српског средњовековног друштва. Историјски часопис 35: 5-21. Караџић 1969. В. С. Караџић, Српски рјечник. Београд: Нолит. Карић, В. 1997. Србија, опис земље, народа и државе. КИЗ Култура: Београд –Православна реч: Нови Сад (репринт издања из 1887). Kilikoglou, V., Vekinis, G. and Maniatis, G. 1995. Toughening of Ceramic Earthenwares by Quartz Inclusions: An Ancient Art Revisited. Acta Metallurgica et Materialia 43(8): 2959‒2965. Ковачевић, Д. 1964. Прилог проучавања занатства у Новом Брду и околини, Зборник Филозофског факултета VIII, Споменица Михаила Динића, књига 2, Београд: 525-532. Бубало, Ђ. 1999. Сокалник. In: С. Ћирковић, Р. Михаљчић (eds.): Лексикон српског средњег века. Београд: Knowledge. Милошевић, Г. 1997. Становање у средњовековној Србији, Београд: Археолошки институт. Мишић, С. 1997. Земља у држави Немањића. Годишњак за друштвену историју IV, свеска 2-3, (1997): 133-146. Мишић, С., Суботин-Голубовић, Т. 2003. Светоарханђеловска хрисовуља, ур. Тибор Живковић, Београд, Историјски инстит. Новаковић, С. 1965. Село, Београд: КИЗ Култура. Пајковић, В. 1992. Приказ геолошког састава и тектонског склопа терена околине Новог Пазара са посебним освртом на палеографију настанка и појаве минералних сировина. Новопазарски зборник VI (1992): 219-233. Поповић, М. 2015. Манастир Студеница – археолошка открића. Београд: Републички завод за заштиту споменика културе, Археолошки институт. 185


Rice, P., 1986, Pottery analysis. A sourcebook. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press. Rye, O. 1981. Pottery Tecnhnology: Principles and Reconstruction, Washington D.C.: Taraxacum. Светостефанска хрисовуља. Повеља краља Милутина манастиру Бањ ска, Светостефанска хрисовуља. Књига II – Фототипије издања и пратеће студије, приредио Ђ. Трифуновић, Приштина–Београд: Музеј у Приштини–Мnemosyne–Службени гласник. Simić, V. 1975. Staro rudarstvo gvožđa Golije, Troglava, Čemerna, Rogozne, Gluhe Vasi i Kuršumlije. Rudarski glasnik 14 (3): 66-75. Sinopoli, C. 2003. The Political Economy of Craft Production, Crafting Empire in South India, c. 1350–1650. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Šabanović, H. 1964. Krajište Isa-bega Ishakovića, zbirni katastarski popis iz 1455. godine. Sarajevo: Orjentalni institut. Шафарик, Ј. 1862. Хрисовуља цара Стефана Душана. Гласник друштва српске словесности XV: 266-317. Шкриванић, Г. 1974. Путеви у средњовековној Србији, Београд: КИЗ Култура. Шуица, М. 2003. Повеља цара Уроша о замени поседа између кнеза Војислава и челника Мусе. Стари српски архив, књига 2, 143-166. Tite, M. S., Kilikoglou, V. and Vekinis, G. 2001. Review Article: Strength, Tughness and Thermal Shock Resistance of Ancient Ceramics and their Influence on Technological Choice. Archaeometry 43(3): 301‒324. Schiffer, M. B. and Skibo, J. M. 1987. Theory and Experiment in the Study of Technological Change. Current Anthropology 28(5): 595‒622. Вучо, Н. 1954. Распадање еснафа у Србији, књига I. Београд, Научна књига.

186



Vesna Bikić Uglješa Vojvodić Arheološki institut, Beograd DISTRIBUCIJA KERAMIKE I IZVORI SIROVINA NA PROSTORU SREDNJOVEKOVNOG RASA U okviru procesa proizvodnje keramike nabavka sirovina predstavlja početak operativnog lanca, ali i pokazatelj određenog proizvodnog konteksta koji uključuje niz socijalnih, bihejvioralnih, tehničkih i ambijentalnih faktora. S tim u vezi, strategija nabavke sirovina za izradu keramike donosi niz podataka značajnih za bolje razumevanje ne samo tehnologije, već i privredne i društvene pozadine jednog vremena i organizacije određene zajednice. Dosadašnja istraživanja, pre svih Dina Arnolda, donela su niz rezultata koji su omogućili uspostavljanje šireg teorijsko-metodološkog okvira te strategije time i proizvodnje keramike u celini. Ponuđeni ekonomski modeli (threshold model), iako prevashodno primenljivi na zajednice iz razdoblja praistorije, pokazuju se kao nezaobilazno polazište za razmatranje datih pojava i u istorijskim epohama, u ovom slučaju u razdoblju zrelog srednjeg veka. U ovom radu, razmotrena su pitanja u vezi sa sirovinama za izradu keramike na primeru srednjovekovnog Rasa (sl. 1). U tom ispitivanju krenuli smo „unazad“, od finalnog proizvoda, tj. keramičkih posuda. Dosada uočena znatna uniformnost u pogledu sirovine, fakture i boje, kao i u oblikovnom pogledu, upućuje na mišljenje o postojanju određenog standarda za keramičko posuđe u razdoblju 13-14. veka (sl. 2, 3). Istovremeno, to je jasan pokazatelj postojanja organizovane i planske proizvodnje koja se odvijala u jedinstvenim političkim, privrednim, društvenim i kulturnim okolnostima. Odlike setova posuda pre svega iz manastirskih kompleksa, kao i ostaci grnčarske peći u manastiru Studenica, prethodno su pokrenule program petrografskih i fizičko-hemijskih ispitivanja, koja su pružila preliminarno pozitivne rezultate. Analiza podataka iz povelja ukazala je da na raznovrsnost zanata u datom mestu utiču različita geografska sredina i klima, a 187


verovatno i tradicija date oblasti. U tom smislu, i nastajanje organizovane grnčarske proizvodnje u okviru sela direktno je povezano sa morfologijom tla, tojest postojanjem ležišta gline pogodne za izradu keramičkog posuđa u okviru seoskog atara (sl. 4, 5). Takvo okruženje neophodno je grnčaru koji svesno bira sirovine u cilju izrade posude sasvim određenih karakteristika, među kojima su svakako najvažnije glina, voda i gorivo za pečenje, dok su neplastični dodaci poželjni, ali ne i neophodni. S tim u vezi je i ideja da jedinstven izbor sirovine otkriva iskustvo grnčara da prepozna glinu određenog kvaliteta – po boji, prisustvu svetlucavih primesa, lepljivosti ili salinaciji, kao i njegovu sposobnost da percipira finalni proizvod. Na osnovu rezultata obavljenih analiza ponuđen je model organizacije keramičke proizvodnje. Ona je, po svemu sudeći, započela u prvoj polovini 13. veka u Studenici, koja je pored verskog imala i ulogu ekonomskog središta za žitelje bliže i dalje okoline. Po uzoru na Studenicu, proizvodnja posuđa mogla je biti organizovana na još nekoliko mesta (sl. 6). Jedno od njih moglo je biti u arealu utvrđenog grada Brvenika, koji je takođe i značajno duhovno središte, sa manastirima Stara Pavlica, Nova Pavlica i Gradac i nekoliko crkava posvećenih svetom Nikoli, u Šumniku, Radošiću, Baljevcu i Končuliću. Drugo mesto proizvodnje je moglo biti na prostoru župe Ras, to jest na području koje uokviruju manastir Đurđevi Stupovi, Crkva sv. Petra i Pavla i manastir Sopoćani. Nešto kasnije, u središtu ovog areala nalazi se naselje u Trgovištu. Ovde razmatrani toponimi Gnjila/Gnila, koji se nalaze na području župe Jelci, upućuju na treću zonu proizvodnje. Za razliku od Studenice, gde se od jedino potvrđenog proizvodnog centra tragalo ka ležištima gline koja su bila eksploatisana, u ostalim slučajevima, a što se najbolje ogleda na primeru župe Jelci, pošlo se od ležišta gline za koje se pretpostavlja da su korišćena tokom srednjeg veka, kako bi se ustanovio položaj proizvodnog centra. Ugrađeni u ceramic resource threshold model rezultati analize keramike, topografije, morfologije tla i podataka iz pisanih dokumenata pružaju dobre smernice za utvrđivanje organizacije grnčarske proizvodnje u oblasti srednjovekovnog Rasa. U cilju provere i daljih potvrda predloženog metoda, neophodno bi bilo obaviti rekognosciranja pomenutog prostora, koja bi podrazumevala razgovore sa me188



štanima u cilju pronalaženja njima poznatih izvora gline, takođe i uzimanja uzoraka za arheometrijske analize. Kompletirani rezultati, uključujući i ranije uzorke keramike i sirovine iz kompleksa manastira Studenica i tvrđave Ras, pružili bi konkretnije indikatore za mesta izvora sirovina i proizvodnih zona (spatial contexts of production), što bi nas približilo razumevanju društvenog konteksta proizvodnje na prostoru srednjovekovnog Rasa.

189

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Dragana Antonović Insitute of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Radmila Balaban University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Vesna Bikić Insitute of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Vidan Dimić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Vedrana Krištofić Croatian Archaeological Society, Zagreb, Croatia [email protected]

Tamara Marković Croatian Geological Survey Department of Hydrogeology and Engineering geology [email protected] Milica Mitrović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Archaeological Collection, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Selena Vitezović Insitute of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia [email protected] Tajana Sekelj Ivančan Insitute of Archaeology, Zagreb, Croatia [email protected] Uglješa Vojvodić [email protected]

191

CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији Народна библиотека Србије, Београд 903.2-035.56”634”(082) 903.2-035.56”04/14”(082) ARCHAEOTECHNOLOGY Studies : raw material exploitation from Prehistory to the Middle Ages / editors Selena Vitezović, Dragana Antonović ; [english translation/prevod na engleski Miloš Krnetić, Jelena Vitezović]. - Beograd : Srpsko arheološko društvo, 2017 (Beograd : DC Grafički centar). - 191 str. : ilustr. ; 25 cm Na spor. nasl. str.: Studije arheotehnologije : eksploatacija sirovina od praistorije do srednjeg veka. - Tiraž 100. - Str. 7-12: Raw Material Managing and Exploitation in the Past / Selena Vitezović, Dragana Antonović. - List of contributors: str. 191. - Napomene uz tekst. Bibliografija: uz svaki rad. - Rezimei. ISBN 978-86-80094-07-6 a) Aрхеолошки налази - Сировине - Праисторија - Зборници b) Aрхеолошки налази - Сировине - Средњи век - Зборници c) Коштана индустрија Праисторија - Зборници COBISS.SR-ID 253631244