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JOURNAL 10.1177/0095798405278494 Scott, HouseOF / DISCRIMINATION BLACK PSYCHOLOGY DISTRESS / AUGUST AND COPING 2005

Relationship of Distress and Perceived Control to Coping With Perceived Racial Discrimination Among Black Youth Lionel D. Scott, Jr. Laura E. House Washington University in St. Louis This study examines the use of approach (e.g., seeking social support, problem solving) and avoidance (e.g., distancing, internalizing, externalizing) strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination and their relationship to the subjective feelings of distress evoked by perceived experiences of discrimination and perceived control over discriminatory experiences among a small, relatively homogeneous sample of Black youth (N = 71). Results of hierarchical regression analyses support evidence from the general adolescent stress and coping literature that links avoidance coping to greater feelings of distress and approach coping to a greater sense of personal control. Greater self-reports of distress are related to greater use of internalizing and externalizing coping strategies. Greater self-reports of perceived control over discriminatory experiences are related to greater use of seeking social support and problem-solving coping strategies. Implications for promoting the successful coping of Black youth with perceived racial discrimination are discussed. Keywords: perceived discrimination; distress; perceived control; coping; Black youth

A recent review of studies that examined the effects of racism and discrimination on the well-being of Blacks in American society found that racial discrimination is related to a number of negative psychological and physiological outcomes (Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003). Although based AUTHORS’ NOTE: We would like to express our sincere appreciation to Dr. Vetta L. Sanders Thompson for the helpful feedback and suggestions on an earlier version of this article. We are grateful to the students who participated in this research project. Laura E. House is now at the JOURNAL OF BLACK PSYCHOLOGY, Vol. 31 No. 3, August 2005 254-272 DOI: 10.1177/0095798405278494 © 2005 The Association of Black Psychologists

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primarily on studies of Black adults, recent studies by Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton (2000), Nyborg and Curry (2003), and Simons et al. (2002) suggest that discrimination is also related to negative psychosocial outcomes, including depressive symptoms, psychological distress, feelings of hopelessness, and lower self-concept, among Black children and youth. Intragroup differences in susceptibility to negative outcomes are arguably related to the types of strategies used to cope with subjective experiences of prejudice and discrimination (Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999; Compas, Malcarne, & Fondacaro, 1988). Among youth, the strategies used to cope with various stressors have been linked to internal cues of emotional distress and perceptions of control (Compas, 1995). The present study examined the relationship of distress and perceived control to the use of approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination among a small, homogeneous sample of Black youth of relative affluence based on the professional and educational status of their parents or guardians. Black youth may be most vulnerable to the demoralizing effects of racial discrimination because of their evolving self-concept, self-esteem, and selfefficacy and greater movement into the larger social world (Caldwell, KohnWood, Schmeelk-Cone, Chavous, & Zimmerman, 2004). Comer (1995) suggests that socioeconomic status does not insulate more affluent Black youth from discriminatory behaviors and attitudes in that they are subject to the same negative public perceptions, images, and stereotypes as their counterparts from lower socioeconomic positions. There may be questions, however, about the extent to which Black youth are targets of discrimination and their ability to appraise discrimination when it occurs. Spencer, Cunningham, and Swanson (1995) assert, however, that by adolescence, Black and other ethnic minority youth are cognitively aware of the environmental hostilities that they are subject to because of their racial group membership. This cognitive awareness on the part of Black and other ethnic minority youth is evident in profiles and qualitative interviews (e.g., Carroll, 1997; Way, 1998). Furthermore, encounters by Black youth with what Harrell (2000) calls “daily racism microstressors” appear to be commonplace. Daily racism microstressors are defined as subtle and not-so-subtle experiences of personal discrimination attributable to one’s racial group membership (Harrell, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), Rockville, MD. The opinions expressed herein do not reflect official positions of the government. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lionel D. Scott, Jr., Research Associate, Washington University, George Warren Brown School of Social Work, Center for Mental Health Services Research, Campus Box 1093, One Brookings Drive, St. Louis, MO 63130; e-mail: lscott@ gwbmail.wustl.edu.

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2000). McCoy (1998), for example, reports that Black youth have become accustomed to being watched and followed as they shop in malls and retail stores because of their race. Romero and Roberts (1998) have found that Black youth tend to perceive more discrimination than youth from other ethnic groups. In another multiethnic sample, Fisher et al. (2000) found that more than two thirds of the Black youth reported encountering institutional discriminatory experiences, such as being hassled by a store clerk or guard, people acting as if they are afraid of them, receiving poor service in a restaurant, and people acting as if they are not smart. In addition, Simons et al. (2002) found that the majority of preadolescent to early adolescent Blacks in their study reported personal experiences with racial discrimination and/or had awareness of experiences with discrimination by friends and family members.

DISCRIMINATION DISTRESS AND COPING Utsey and Ponterotto (1996) suggest that interpretation of racist and discriminatory encounters is filtered through “past experiences with racism, knowledge of other’s experiences with racism, and knowledge about the systematic nature of racism” (p. 490). Therefore, racist and discriminatory situations or encounters are likely to be appraised automatically as stressful (Outlaw, 1993; Utsey, Bolden, & Brown, 2001). The coping strategies used by Black youth are factors that may mitigate the link between stress responses triggered by discrimination and poorer psychosocial functioning and wellbeing (Clark et al., 1999). There are numerous conceptualizations of the coping process (Zeidner & Endler, 1996). The conceptualization that differentiates approach and avoidance coping strategies is a prominent one (Ebata & Moos, 1991, 1994). In many respects, approach and avoidance coping strategies are analogous to problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies, respectively (Moos & Schaefer, 1993). Coping strategies that are approach oriented include cognitive attempts to change the manner in which a stressor is understood or perceived and behavioral efforts to directly resolve a stressor or its consequences. In contrast, coping strategies that are avoidance oriented include cognitive attempts to minimize or deny a stressor and behavioral efforts to avoid or withdraw from a stressor (Ebata & Moos, 1994). The connection between approach coping strategies and better adaptation to life stressors and fewer psychological symptoms is a robust one. There is also a robust connection between avoidance coping strategies and poorer psycho-


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logical adjustment and greater distress (Herman-Stahl, Stemmler, & Petersen, 1995; Moos & Schaefer, 1993). Concerning distress and coping among youth, Compas (1995) indicates that emotion-focused or avoidance coping strategies appear to be more closely linked to emotional arousal and distress; that is, avoidance coping strategies may be “linked to internal cues of emotional distress” (p. 257). Nonetheless, the link between various forms of distress and coping among Black youth has not been widely examined in the literature.

PERCEIVED CONTROL AND COPING The control beliefs of individuals are an integral aspect of the stress and coping process (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Furthermore, for children and youth, control beliefs have been found to be influential in their adjustment to life stress (Deardorff, Gonzales, & Sandler, 2003). Perceived control is defined by Wallston, Wallston, Smith, and Dobbins (1987) as “the belief that one can determine one’s own internal states and behavior, influence one’s environment, and/or bring about desired outcomes” (p. 5). Incorporated in this definition are three types of control explicated by Averill (1973), which include (a) behavioral control, which refers to direct action on the environment; (b) cognitive control, which refers to how events are interpreted; and (c) decisional control, which refers to having a choice among a number of alternative courses of action. Averill (1973) asserted that the endurance of potentially noxious stimuli or experiences is an unavoidable part of everyday life. For Blacks, this is considered the case with daily racism microstressors (Harrell, 2000). Control beliefs as they pertain to daily racism microstressors, such as being followed in public places, are complicated by the general ambiguity and differential power dynamics inherent in such experiences (Harrell, 2000). Hence, the extent to which Black youth perceive behavioral, cognitive, and/or decisional control over personal discriminatory experiences is an empirical question worthy of study. Nevertheless, research that examines how youth cope with generic or interpersonal stressors indicates that the more control they perceive over these stressors, the more likely they are to use problem-focused or approach coping strategies (Compas, 1995). However, Compas (1995) suggests that it is important that there is a good match between control beliefs concerning a particular stressor and the coping strategies used. The actual control that individuals wield over a situation or experience will largely influence the outcomes or consequences (Wallston et al., 1987). For example,

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with stressors that are objectively uncontrollable, the use of problem-focused or approach coping strategies may exacerbate emotional distress, thereby contributing to poorer psychosocial youth outcomes (Compas, 1995).

THE PRESENT STUDY The research questions that guided this study were as follows: (a) Is the level of subjective feelings of discrimination distress self-reported by Black youth related to their use of approach and avoidance coping strategies? (b) Is the level of perceived control over perceived discriminatory experiences selfreported by Black youth related to their use of approach and avoidance coping strategies? Based on evidence from the general adolescent stress and coping literature, it was hypothesized that greater self-reports of discrimination distress would be related to greater use of avoidance coping strategies and that greater self-reports of perceived control would be related to greater use of approach coping strategies.

METHOD PARTICIPANTS AND PROCEDURE

Participants included 88 Black youth attending a small, private, predominantly Black, and religious-oriented high school located in the South. Seventeen questionnaires were eliminated because of missing data, erroneous responses, or participants not identifying themselves as being of African descent and born in America. The resulting sample for the present study consisted of 71 youth. Thirty-seven were female and 34 were male, and the mean age was 15.6 (SD = .96, range = 14 to 18). The sample was fairly evenly distributed across grade levels: 9th (n = 20), 10th (n = 27), and 11th (n = 24). The majority of participants resided in homes of relative affluence where their parents or guardians were professional and had advanced degrees (47.9%, n = 34) or skilled and had some college education (42.3%, n = 30). A small proportion reported their parents or guardians as being nonworking or unskilled and having no college education (9.8%, n = 7). The majority of the sample resided in two-parent homes (53.5%, n = 38), whereas others resided in single-parent homes (29.6%, n = 21) or other home situations (e.g., relatives; 16.9%, n = 12).


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After obtaining cooperation from the principal, prospective participants were informed of the purpose of the study and invited to participate by proxy. Informational packets, which explained the nature of the study and the type of questions that would be asked, were provided along with youth and parental consent forms. All 9th-, 10th-, and 11th-grade students who returned signed consent forms and attended school on the date of data collection were administered self-report questionnaires in group sessions by school administrators and/or teachers who were also Black. Participants completed questionnaires at their own pace and were informed by the instructions that they could skip any questions that they wished not to answer. MEASURES

Perceived discrimination and discrimination distress. The Daily Life Experiences Scale (DLE-F) and the Racism Experiences Stress Scale (EXPSTR) were used to measure perceived discrimination and discrimination distress, respectively. The DLE-F and EXP-STR are from the Racism and Life Experiences Scales (Harrell, 1997). The DLE-F assesses the frequency to which respondents perceive microaggressions in their everyday life experiences attributable to race or racism. Examples include being observed or followed in public places; being ignored, overlooked, or not given service; and others reacting to you as if they were afraid or intimidated. Among a multiethnic sample of college students (16 to 40 years old; mean age = 18.44), the DLE-F was found to have good internal consistency, with a reported Cronbach’s alpha of .89 (Harrell, Merchant, & Young, 1997). In a recent study among Black young adults, Caldwell et al. (2004) reported a Cronbach’s alpha of .94 for the DLE-F. The EXP-STR assesses racism experiences in terms of their stressfulness. In the same multiethnic sample of college students, the EXP-STR was found to have good internal consistency, with a reported Cronbach’s alpha of .89 (Harrell et al., 1997). Moreover, Harrell et al. (1997) found that both the DLE-F and EXP-STR demonstrated adequate construct validity. Both the DLE-F and EXP-STR were significantly related to racial identity salience, that is, the importance of race to one’s self-concept and identity (r = .22, p < .01, and r = .24, p < .01, respectively), as well as to identity collective selfesteem, that is, the meaningfulness of one’s racial and ethnic group to their self-image (r = .26, p < .01, and r = .21, p < .01, respectively). In the present study, the DLE-F and EXP-STR were integrated from different scales of the Racism and Life Experiences Scale. Furthermore, only 10 of the 20 items from the DLE-F were used so as to reduce the length of time

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required to complete the questionnaire and to account for those race-related experiences more generally reported by Black youth based on the popular print media and social science literature (e.g., Carroll, 1997; McCoy, 1998; Way, 1998). In this study, participants reported the frequency to which they perceived each racial microaggression in their daily lives, ranging from never (0) to all the time (4), with higher scores indicating greater perceived racial discrimination. The reliability estimate of the modified version of the DLE-F in the present study was .77, indicating adequate reliability. For each perceived racial microaggression, participants reported the degree of perceived stress evoked by the experience, ranging from no stress (0) to extremely stressful (4), with higher scores indicating greater discrimination distress. The reliability estimate of the modified version of the EXP-STR in the present study was .88, indicating good reliability. To determine whether the modified DLE-F and EXP-STR showed continued evidence of construct validity, their correlations with a measure of racial identity (i.e., centrality of race to youths’ sense of self and identity), which parallels that used by Harrell et al. (1997) in their reliability and validity study, were examined. Correlational analysis indicated that both the DLE-F and EXP-STR were related to racial centrality among youth in the present study (r = .29, p < .05, and r = .21, p < .10, respectively), indicating that the modified measures maintained some evidence of construct validity. Approach and avoidance coping strategies. The Self-Report Coping Scale (SRCS; Causey & Dubow, 1992) was used to measure approach and avoidance coping strategies and perceived control. The SRCS is a 34-item scale developed to assess the coping and perceived control of children and adolescents with specific daily stressors. Hence, the lead questions are modifiable making the scale usable across a range of stressors. In this study, participants were asked to report the extent to which they used each coping item when they perceived discrimination or unfair treatment because of their racial group membership. The SRCS assesses two strategies reflective of approach coping: seeking social support (e.g., “Tell a friend or family member what happened”) and problem solving (e.g., “Decide on one way to deal with the problem, and I do it”). Three strategies reflective of avoidance coping are assessed: distancing (e.g., “Tell myself it doesn’t matter”), internalizing (e.g., “Worry too much about it”), and externalizing (e.g., “Get mad or throw or hit something”). Responses to all items were based on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from never (1) to always (5). Cronbach’s alpha values for the subscales have been reported to range from .68 to .84 (Causey & Dubow, 1992). In that


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the SRCS was developed with a predominantly Caucasian sample, it was subjected to a principal components factor analysis with a varimax rotation to determine the psychometric characteristics of the scale for this study. Although items on a number of coping subscales were eliminated because of strong loadings on multiple factors or failure to load strongly on their original subscale, the alpha levels of the subscales retained their robustness in this study: seeking social support (α = .87), self-reliance and problem solving (α = .64), distancing (α = .79), internalizing (α = .76), and externalizing (α = .77). Perceived control. One item of the SRCS (Causey & Dubow, 1992) assesses perceived control. In the present study, participants were asked to indicate the extent to which they felt they could do something or change the situation when confronted with perceived discrimination or unfair treatment because of their racial group membership. Response options ranged from never (1) to always (5), with higher scores indicating greater perceived control.

RESULTS DESCRIPTIVE AND CORRELATIONAL ANALYSES

Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and ranges of the primary study variables. On average, Black youth reported perceiving the racial discriminatory experiences measured in the present study between a little and sometimes. It is important, although not shown, that less than a third of participants reported that they never experienced 6 out of the 10 perceived racial discriminatory experiences assessed. For example, 15.5% (n = 11) reported never “being stared at by strangers,” 18.3% (n = 13) reported never “being observed or followed while in public places,” and 23.9% (n = 17) reported never “being ignored, overlooked, or not given service” because of their racial group membership. Fortunately, however, the majority reported never “being insulted, called a name, or harassed” (62%, n = 44) because of their racial group membership, and a high proportion reported never “being treated as if they were stupid or being talked down to” (47.9%, n = 34) or “being avoided or moved away from physically” (46.5%, n = 33) because of their racial group membership. On average, participants reported only low to moderate use of approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived

262 Approach coping strategies Seeking social support Self-reliance and problem solving Avoidance coping strategies Distancing Internalizing Externalizing Race-related factors Perceived discrimination Discrimination distress Perceived control

Variable

2.47 2.45 2.53 1.89 1.97 1.26 1.21 2.90

6 3 3 10 10 1

M

7 6

Number of Items

TABLE 1

0.62 0.91 1.17

0.88 0.87 0.99

0.83 0.63

SD

0.10 to 2.80 0.00 to 3.50 1.00 to 5.00

1.00 to 4.33 1.00 to 5.00 1.00 to 4.50

1.00 to 4.50 1.00 to 3.88

Obtained Range

Means, Standard Deviations, and Ranges for Primary Study Variables

0.00 to 4.00 0.00 to 4.00 1.00 to 5.00

1.00 to 5.00 1.00 to 5.00 1.00 to 5.00

1.00 to 5.00 1.00 to 5.00

Possible Range


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racial discrimination, a relatively modest level of discrimination distress, and a moderate level of perceived control over discriminatory experiences. One-way analyses of variance were conducted to examine the relations of gender, grade level, socioeconomic position, and family structure to the primary study variables. With regard to gender, results indicated significantly greater self-reported use of seeking social support coping strategies by females (M = 2.71, SD = .94) than by males (M = 2.19, SD = .61). Moderate gender differences were found for the use of internalizing coping strategies, F(1, 69) = 3.20, p = .08 (M = 2.07, SD = 1.00, for females; M = 1.70, SD = .66, for males). With regard to grade level, differences in perceived control over discriminatory experiences approached significance, F(2, 68) = 2.88, p = .06, with greater self-reports of perceived control as grade level increased (M = 2.60, SD = 1.23, for 9th graders; M = 2.78, SD = 1.15, for 10th graders; and M = 3.37, SD = 1.05, for 11th graders). Moderate socioeconomic position differences were found for the use of externalizing coping strategies, F(1.62) = 3.29, p = .07 (M = 2.22, SD = 1.04, for youth in homes where there parents or guardians were skilled and had some college education; M = 1.77, SD = .92, for youth in homes where there parents or guardians were professional and had an advanced education). Finally, with regard to family structure, results indicated significantly greater self-reported use of externalizing coping strategies by youth in other home situations (relatives and so forth; M = 2.56, SD = 1.23) than youth in two-parent homes (M = 1.73, SD = .92). The self-reported mean use of externalizing coping strategies among youth in single-parent homes (M = 2.08, SD = .82) fell between their counterparts in two-parent homes or other home situations but did not significantly differ from either of them. Table 2 presents results of correlational analysis. In general, results indicated the simultaneous use of specific approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination. For example, youth who reported seeking social support coping strategies also tended to report the use of problem solving and internalizing coping strategies. On the other hand, those who sought social support for coping with perceived racial discrimination tended not to use distancing coping strategies. Other results indicated that Black youth who perceived more discrimination tended to report greater feelings of distress. PREDICTING APPROACH AND AVOIDANCE STRATEGIES FOR COPING WITH PERCEIVED RACIAL DISCRIMINATION

Separate hierarchical regression analyses were conducted for seeking social support, problem solving, distancing, internalizing, and externalizing

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JOURNAL OF BLACK PSYCHOLOGY / AUGUST 2005 TABLE 2

Intercorrelations for Primary Study Variables Variable

A

B

A. Seeking social support .— B. Problem solving .57*** .— C. Distancing –.36** –.20 D. Internalizing .32** .26* E. Externalizing .10 .08 F. Perceived discrimination .08 .03 G. Discrimination distress .23 .12 H. Perceived control .35** .37**

C

.— –.17 –.13 –.10 –.19 –.15

D

E

F

G

H

.— .46*** .— .20 .31** .— .36** .42*** .75*** .— –.08 –.05 .13 .09

.—

*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

coping strategies. Gender, grade level, socioeconomic status, and family structure were entered as covariates in Step 1 of each regression analysis. The predictors in Step 2 of each regression analysis were discrimination distress and perceived control. Table 3 presents the results of hierarchical regression analyses. As shown, discrimination distress was a significant predictor of internalizing coping strategies (β = .33, t = 2.93, Sr2 = .11, p = .005) and was the sole contributor to the unique variance explained in Step 2 (∆R2 = .11, ∆F = 4.63, p = .017). Similarly, discrimination distress was a significant predictor of externalizing coping strategies (β = .46, t = 4.43, Sr2 = .20, p < .001) and was the sole contributor to the unique variance explained in Step 2 (∆R2 = .20, ∆F = 9.85, p < .001). As hypothesized, greater discrimination distress was related to greater use of internalizing and externalizing strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination. Results also showed that perceived control was a significant predictor of seeking social support coping strategies (β = .27, t = 2.40, Sr2 = .07, p = .019) and accounted for 7% of the unique variance explained in Step 2 (∆R2 = .11, ∆F = 4.85, p = .011). Similarly, perceived control was a significant predictor of problem-solving coping strategies (β = .36, t = 2.98, Sr2 = .12, p = .004) and accounted for 12% of the unique variance explained in Step 2 (∆R2 = .13, ∆F = 5.02, p = .009). As hypothesized, greater perceived control over discriminatory experiences was related to greater use of seeking social support and problem-solving strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination.


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TABLE 3

Hierarchical Regression Analysis Predicting Approach and Avoidance Strategies for Coping With Perceived Racial Discrimination Final Step

1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2

Variable

Seeking social support Covariates Discrimination distress Perceived control Problem solving Covariates Discrimination distress Perceived control Distancing Covariates Discrimination distress Perceived control Internalizing Covariates Discrimination distress Perceived control Externalizing Covariates Discrimination distress Perceived control

B

.ns .17 .20 .ns .06 .20 .ns –.17 –.11 .ns .32 –.06 .ns .50 –.03

SE B

.10 .08 .08 .07 .12 .10 .11 .09 .11 .09

β

.19 .27* .09 .36** –.17 –.15 .33** –.08 .46*** –.04

R Change

2

F Change

.13

2.46*

.11

4.85**

.02

0.33

.13

5.02**

.00

1.00

.06

1.95

.09

1.73

.11

4.36*

.14

2.60*

.20

9.85***

Total 2 R

Adjusted 2 R

.24

.17

.15

.07

.06

–.03

.20

.13

.34

.29

NOTE: s = significant. ns = not significant. *p ≤ .05. **p ≤ .01. ***p ≤ .001.

DISCUSSION This study purposed to examine the relationship of the subjective feelings of distress evoked by perceived experiences of discrimination and perceived control over discriminatory experiences to the use of approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived racial discrimination. The sample consisted of 71 Black youth of relative affluence based on the professional and educational status of their parents or guardians. On average, participants reported only low to moderate use of approach and avoidance strategies for coping with perceived discrimination. The low to moderate coping means may be attributable to the coping measure used in this study. Harrell (2000) and Clark et al. (1999) suggest that racism-related coping styles and racism-specific coping responses, respectively, are distin-

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guishable from general coping behaviors. The coping items of the measure used in this study tapped more general coping behaviors and were normed on a sample primarily comprising Caucasian children. Nevertheless, the nature of many of the correlations across coping strategies were similar to those in the study by Causey and Dubow (1992) that focused on two disparate stressors (poor grades and peer conflict), thereby suggesting that there may be some cross-situational consistency in the coping strategies assessed. Furthermore, the tendency of Black youth to cope with perceived racial discrimination by using both approach and avoidance coping strategies lends support to Roth and Cohen’s (1986) contention that the use of these strategies are not mutually exclusive; that is, certain aspects of a given stressor might be approached, whereas other aspects might be avoided. Also, as suggested by Contrada et al. (2000), some responses to perceived racial discriminatory experiences might be directed at their emotional impact, whereas others are directed at the given social situation. Overall, our hypotheses concerning the relationship of discrimination distress and perceived control to approach and avoidance coping were supported. The greater use of internalizing and externalizing coping strategies by Black youth reporting greater discrimination distress is consistent with research linking avoidance coping strategies to internal cues of distress (Compas, 1995). In this study, internalizing coping included strategies such as worrying too much about it and just feeling sorry for oneself. Such strategies can be considered akin to rumination that involves coping responses where individuals are highly attuned to their emotional experience or a depressive reaction pattern, which can increase negative self-evaluations, feelings of helplessness, and social anxiety (Compas, 1995; Meijer, Sinnema, Bijstra, Mellenbergh, & Wolters, 2002). Externalizing coping included strategies such as yelling to let off steam and cursing out loud. These can be considered more of an immediate, impulsive, or automatic response to perceived discriminatory experiences. Although the use of externalizing coping strategies may be purposeful for alleviating negative emotions (Stevenson, Reed, Bodison, & Bishop, 1997), they may also escalate feeling of distress as well as hostile interactions (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, Hou, & Rummens, 1999). In standard models of the stress process, events are experienced as stressful when individuals perceive they lack the resources to meet the demands presented (Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991). That perceived racist or discriminatory experiences would evoke subjective feelings of distress seems only natural. Whether Black youth can manage these feelings without resorting to internalizing or externalizing coping strategies, however, may indeed be indicative of a real or perceived lack of internal as well as external resources. Research, for example, suggests that youth with


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lower self-perceptions of competence may be less prone to use approach or problem-solving coping strategies, which are generally related to lower levels of maladjustment (Compas & Phares, 1991). Findings indicating greater use of seeking social support and problemsolving coping strategies by Black youth reporting greater perceived control over discriminatory experiences are consistent with research linking approach coping strategies to a high sense of personal control (Compas, 1995). As suggested by Smith (1985), the perception that one has the resources to cope with a given life event and its consequences is an important quality of control. Factors that have been found to relate to personal control and to act as important coping resources include positive self-esteem, high levels of self-efficacy, hardiness, optimism, and availability of a supportive social network (Compas, 1987; Holahan, Moos, & Schaefer, 1996). Such resources may be more evident among youth with greater perceived control over discriminatory experiences. However, given the general ambiguity, power differential, unpredictability, and uncontrollability of racist and discriminatory acts (Harrell, 2000; Outlaw, 1993), the appraisal of lower control over perceived discriminatory experiences could be considered a realistic and appropriate one. From this vantage point, lower use of approach coping strategies by Black youth who perceive lower levels of control should not necessarily be viewed as maladaptive. It is when stressful life events or experiences are perceived as uncontrollable or unchangeable that the use of approach coping strategies are generally considered more maladaptive (Compas, 1995). However, whether maintenance of a low sense of control over discriminatory experiences across situations and context is favorable for the long-term adjustment of Black youth is questionable. Last, it is important to note that neither discrimination distress nor perceived control were significantly related to participants’ use of distancing coping strategies, a third measure of avoidance coping. In this study, distancing coping included strategies such as telling oneself it doesn’t matter, saying I don’t care, and refusing to think about it. Strategies such as these would seem to signify more of a calm or introspective response to perceived racially discriminatory experiences. The favorableness of distancing coping strategies for the short- or long-term well-being of Black youth, however, depends on the potentiality of the suffering of real harm. For example, continually pushing certain perceived racial discriminatory experiences from their minds might diminish the costs to their psyches but does little to diminish the chance of the experiences occurring again in certain contexts (e.g., being continually followed while in a particular mall or department store). As suggested by Harrell (2000), the accumulative effects of daily racism microstressors may increase the overall stress load of targets of discrimina-

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tion. Research that elucidates those factors that contribute to Black youths’ resistance and vulnerability to the stress evoked by perceived racist and discriminatory experiences is greatly needed. Several limitations of this study require discussion. First, this study was based on a small, homogeneous sample of Black youth. Although Black youth who are more advantaged in terms of their parents’ or guardians’ professional and educational statuses are an important group worthy of study, they do not represent the vast majority of Black youth in American society. It is probable that Black youth who are less insulated by parental or family resources may not only experience differential levels of distress arising from perceived experiences of racial discrimination but may also perceive differential levels of control over discriminatory experiences. It would be easy or natural to conjecture that Black youth who are more insulated by home or family resources would fare better psychosocially in response to perceived racist or discriminatory stressors. Nevertheless, it is also plausible that they might experience greater distress than their less insulated or less advantaged counterparts because of greater naiveté, experientially, in confronting racism-related stressors. Furthermore, Johnson (2005) suggests that “variations across racial ecologies” (p. 96; e.g., school racial composition) influences the types of racial stressors children and youth are likely to confront as well as the racial coping strategies they are likely to use. Given these plausibilities, conclusions or generalizations about the relationship of discrimination distress and perceived control to the use of approach and avoidance coping strategies cannot be made about Black youth beyond the study sample. The second limitation concerns the single item measure of perceived control used in this study, which may undermine the reliability of the findings and their ability to be replicated in future studies. Interpretation of findings should, hence, proceed with caution. Research studies that use multi-item measures of perceived control over discriminatory experiences which also demonstrate adequate reliability are needed. In addition, future research among Black youth should assess perceived control over various types of racism-related stress. For example, Black youth may perceive disparate levels of control over racism-related life events, such as being harassed by the police; daily racism microstressors, such as being followed or observed while in public; and collective experiences, such as stereotypic portrayals in the media (Harrell, 2000). Third, the measures of perceived discrimination and discrimination distress used in this study were based on self-reports and hence are subject to problems of recall and social desirability. Furthermore, assessment of Black youths’ emotional state or of a substitute measure of discrimination was not done to rule out the possibility that their perceptions of racial discrimination


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were biased or influenced by their mood states (e.g., Simons et al., 2002). In addition, Meyer (2003) notes that measures of discrimination, such as the one used in this study, are limited in that they (a) do not tap detection of more covert and hidden forms of discrimination and (b) do not account for the general propensity of targets of discrimination to discount or ignore evidence of discrimination. Although reliance on such subjective measures may serve to undermine the notion of discrimination as a social stressor (Meyer, 2003), the approach used in this study is in keeping with the assertion that merely the perception of situations and events as oppressive or discriminatory is enough to affect the well-being and adjustment of Black youth (Stevenson, 1998). Last, the measures of perceived discrimination and discrimination distress were modified for the purposes of this study. Although estimates of the reliability for the modified scales were adequate and showed evidence of continued construct validity, the findings should be interpreted with caution (see Harrell et al., 1997, for additional information concerning reliability and validity). Before definitive statements about programmatic and intervention efforts can be made, further research with larger, more representative samples of Black youth are needed to more clearly elucidate the nature of the relationship of distress and perceived control to coping with perceived racial discrimination. Nevertheless, programs and interventions that seek to promote the successful coping of Black youth with race-related stressors, such as discrimination, might consider incorporating aspects of various intervention programs that target more generic or normative stressors and chronic stressors. These include (a) helping youth develop attitudes and behaviors that foster positive feelings about themselves, (b) fostering youth’s ability to consider alternative solutions to a problem, (c) helping youth make realistic appraisals about their capacity to act and understand the consequences of their actions, and (d) facilitating youth’s understanding of what coping strategies match the demands of a given situation or experience (Compas, 1995). Despite apprehension that broaching the issues of racism and discrimination inflames passions, incites further divisiveness, or perpetuates victimization, Black youth should be provided with a safe and nonjudgmental environment to vent their frustrations and discuss their personal stories. The implementation of programs that provide group learning opportunities might be very valuable for these purposes. Such programs may not only aid in the ability of Black youth to make more accurate appraisals of racist and discriminatory experiences, but they might also contribute to their development of competencies that not only limit the adverse effects of racial discrimination but also promote their resilience in spite of it.

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