Religion & Education How Does a Muslim Teacher Fit?

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How Does a Muslim Teacher Fit? One Teacher's Journey Into and Out of the American Public School System Melanie C. Brooks

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Dept of Curriculum and Instruction , College of Education , Boise , Idaho Accepted author version posted online: 22 Oct 2013.Published online: 22 Oct 2013.

To cite this article: Religion & Education (2013): How Does a Muslim Teacher Fit? One Teacher's Journey Into and Out of the American Public School System, Religion & Education, DOI: 10.1080/15507394.2013.855086 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15507394.2013.855086

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ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT How Does a Muslim Teacher Fit? One Teacher’s Journey Into and Out of the American Public School System Melanie C. Brooks1 Melanie C. Brooks is an Assistant Professor in the Departments of Curriculum & Instruction and Leadership & Counseling at the University of Idaho. Her research focuses on using sociological theories as a way to understand issues related to religion and conflict in education.

Downloaded by [Melanie C. Brooks] at 11:21 14 January 2014

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Dept of Curriculum and Instruction, College of Education, Boise, Idaho

Corresponding Author: Melanie C. Brooks, Ph.D., College of Education, Dept of Curriculum and Instruction, 322 E. Front Street, Suite 440, Boise, Idaho 83702, Email: [email protected]

Abstract This comparative case study explored a Muslim teacher’s experience in two different types of schools: a public school and an Islamic private school. A conceptual framework guided the inquiry, which was comprised of constructs such as school culture, workplace relationships, and professional fit. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews and observations at the public and Islamic schools. The analysis of data revealed to this Muslim teacher that her failure to fit in at public school was a direct result of her identity as a Muslim. In each school, the direct and indirect actions of administrators were critical to her sense of belonging.

INTRODUCTION America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.1

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ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT The global population of Muslims is 1.6 billion with 6 to 8 million of these Muslims currently living in the United States, a number totaling less than 1% of the overall American population.2 According to the 2011 U.S. Religious Landscape Survey conducted by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, over 75% of Americans identify themselves as Christian, 16% as unaffiliated with a religion, 1.7% as Jewish, and


less than 1% as Buddhist, Hindu, or other world religions. By the year 2030, the number of Muslim Americans living in the U.S. is projected to double in size, yet their overall representation in the population will remain modest.3 Although Muslims represent a small percentage of the total population, the American media’s reporting of the September 11th terrorist attacks, the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars, and several other failed terror plots has contributed to a perception that Muslims comprise a much larger—and increasingly dangerous—segment of the population than they actually do.4 Many Americans fear Islam and view it as a violent, misogynistic, and oppressive religion; however, the vast majority of Muslims practice Islam as a tolerant, benevolent, and socially just religion, albeit with varying cultural interpretations.5 A number of Muslim social justice organizations, advocates, educators, and researchers agree in principle with President Obama’s statement at the beginning of this article, and are constructing counter-narratives that emphasize understanding, peaceful co-existence, and solidarity.6 While these newly constructed narratives of peace are encouraging, they also suggest a difficult and conflicted reality for Muslims in America.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT By and large American educators know little about Islam.7 University-based teacher preparation programs do not include classes on religion nor are different faith traditions presented in professional development programs. Avoidance of religious topics is the most common way educators deal with religious differences.8 Consequently, the purpose of this study was to explore a Muslim teacher’s perceptions of her schools’ principals while working in two different types of schools: a public school and an Islamic private


school, both located in the same southern U.S. state. Given the aforementioned social tensions that Muslims face in America and how topics of religion are generally sidestepped in public schools, the conceptual framework guiding the study was built on prior research exploring the ways in which leadership and school culture influences the work of educators and the how this shapes the way teachers experience fit in the workplace.9 The questions guiding this study emerged from the literature review and asked:

1.

In what ways did a Muslim-American teacher experience school culture in both

public and Islamic schools? 2.

How can public school principals build positive workplace cultures, supportive

relationships, and develop a workplace that allows religious-minority educators to experience good workplace fit?

I chose this teacher for the study because she is both typical and atypical.10 She is a typical teacher in that she graduated from a large four-year public university teacher education program. However, she is not a typical educator in that she converted to Islam


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT from Catholicism while obtaining her undergraduate university degree. The article begins with an overview of the conceptual framework of this study, namely: school culture in American and Islamic schools, workplace relationships, and fit. The study employs a comparative case study design with the findings presented thematically. The article concludes with implications for further research.11


SCHOOL CULTURE IN AMERICAN PUBLIC SCHOOLS Public school teachers work in organizations that have “historically transmitted patterns of meaning that include the norms, values, beliefs, ceremonies, rituals, traditions, and myths understood, maybe in varying degrees, by the members of the school community.”12 These norms are often viewed as “‘givens’ or essential features” of the school and are referred to as the school’s culture.13 The culture of a school affects the entirety of the organization and can range from a collaborative, collegial, and productive one to a culture that is fragmented, indifferent, or contrived.14 School culture is comprised of a number of variable dynamics and there is no one ‘right way’ to create and sustain positive school cultures.15

Complicating the issue of school culture are “unwritten rules” about behavior, values, norms, interactions, conversations, professional development, decision-making, and instruction.16 Teachers entering a school as a new employee must learn how to successfully navigate the school’s visible and hidden cultures while still being responsible for organization, instruction, assessment, behavior management, and meeting


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT the needs of diverse learners.17 The particular culture in which a teacher works has a large bearing on his or her effectiveness and commitment to teaching.18

While many educational scholars examine school culture at the organizational level, Brooks and Miles19 argue for an expansion of the concept of culture in order to recognize the individual culture each person brings to the organization.20 According to Brooks and


Miles, school leaders who fail to value individuality and ignore the complexities of race, gender, subcultures, sexuality, and religious difference in their teachers and students create schools that operate from a “stuck” position.21 “Stuck” schools experience “teacher isolation, lack of dialogue, inadequate instruction, and [teachers’] lack of involvement in…decision-making processes.”22 Alternatively, key characteristics of “forwardmoving” schools are those where leaders create school cultures that are relevant, positive and supportive, as well as characterized by care and compassion.23 Positive school cultures also include a clear vision, core values, relational trust, centrality of relationships and sense of community, strong principal and teacher leadership, supportive structures, care, and opportunities for professional development.24 School cultures vary widely, are not static, and are a large component of shaping schools where teachers teach and students learn.

School Culture In American Islamic Schools Private schools provide alternative options for parents to choose the education they see appropriate for their child.25 Parents choose private schooling for their children for reasons ranging from academics to other issues concerning safety, curriculum, reputation,


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT and “the parents’ own experiences from back when they were in school.”26 Yet, the most important reason parents send their children to private schools “is the desire on the part of parents to guide the formation of their children’s values” and, for that reason, the majority of private schools in the United States are faith-based schools.27

According to the Islamic Schools League of America, there are an estimated 240 Islamic


schools operational in the United States enrolling approximately 26,000 to 35,000 students.28 The first Islamic schools in the United States that were associated with the Nation of Islam were established in the 1930s and later named The Sister Clara Muhammad schools.29 While the Sister Clara Muhammad schools currently enroll mostly African-American Muslims, other Islamic immigrant-based community schools enroll students from around the world.30

Both Clara Muhammad Schools and immigrant-based Islamic schools focus on developing their “students into dynamic, future Muslim-American leaders with a comprehensive understanding of Islam.”31 Islamic morality, ethics, theology, history, and Arabic language instruction are interwoven into the traditional Western-centric subjects of history, science, mathematics, English, and social studies. This “Islamitization of knowledge” establishes an environment viewed as essential to the development of a strong Muslim-American identity.32 Merry’s study of parental motivations for Muslim parents choosing to enroll their children in Islamic schools found the religious, academic, and cultural aspects of Islamic education as central to this decision.33 Furthermore, many Muslim students prefer Islamic schools because of their “daily prayer requirements, dress


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT codes, and dietary restrictions which…reinforce the ‘otherness’ [they] experience” when attending public schools.34 Similar in many ways to Catholic or Jewish schools, Islamic schools in the United States seek to provide an education grounded in a global faith tradition. However, not all teachers work in school cultures aligned with their personal faith traditions. For some teachers, being a religious minority brings challenges to the


workplace that may hinder the development of a good workplace fit.

Educational Fit And Workplace Relationships Fit refers to the conscious or unconscious assumptions of what is acceptable for members of a particular setting or organization and is a complex, multi-dimensional, fluid, organic, and relative notion. Educational leaders frequently view fit in reductionist terms; however, fit socially constructs reality by setting the “parameters of tolerance, roles, identities, and responsibilities.”35 As a consequence, tensions arise when teachers and leaders seek to find a balance between meeting organizational expectations while also contributing new ways of operating within the organization.

Finding a good professional fit is often a challenge for teachers and leaders. Workplace relationships are grounded in whether a teacher finds a fit within the school community. Westheimer detailed the qualities that helped create meaningful relationships between colleagues; namely, “interaction and participation, interdependence, shared interests and beliefs, [and] concern for individual and minority views.”36 Among all school-based relationships, teachers’ relationships with school leaders are significant, and one of the main reasons teachers leave the field is the lack of administrator support.37 Leaders often


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT have biases about an individual or the individual’s role in an organization.38 This, coupled with a changing school climate from teacher turnover or the implementation of new beliefs, values, policies, procedures, or reforms, can greatly influence teacher workplace relationships, and ultimately teacher fit.39 Principals often make leadership choices from what they perceive as best fits for the organization and by choosing what is most comfortable for the organization, they inadvertently reproduce socially constructed


norms and values, making teacher fit important to issues of diversity and teacher retention.40

METHODOLOGY I chose to ask Natalie41 to participate in this case study because I first met her as a math education major at a large Midwest university and knew that she continued to teach after her conversion to Islam over ten years ago. I approached this study in a similar way to other single-subject studies conducted in educational settings with the focus on obtaining rich and detailed descriptions of her thoughts, experiences, and behaviors.42

Design Data collection for this case study included 9 semi-structured interviews along with 16 observations at her home, workplaces, religious gatherings, and outings.43 Person-toperson interviews were my main source of data collection. I used semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions to better understand Natalie’s thoughts and experiences of her life as an educator. The questions ranged from the hypothetical and idealized to those taking more of an interpretive stance.44 Patton stated that interviews


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT allow a researcher to “enter into the other person’s perspective.”45 Although I did not literally enter into Natalie’s perspective, the interviews allowed me to question her views and ask her to elaborate on her professional experiences.

Observations took place only at one school, the International Islamic Academy in the state of Georgia. The study began after Natalie left public school teaching and data


gathered on these schools is wholly reliant on her recollections. While I include this data, it was not triangulated. Since I was in close proximity to Natalie during this time, and am not Muslim, it was extremely important for me to reflect on my position in the study. I maintained personal memos and journal entries to record my thoughts, reactions, and experiences. Collecting documents originating from a variety of sources helped to “thicken” the data and aid in triangulation. 46

Data Analysis I first sorted the data into initial categories of Muslim identity, peer relationships, principal-teacher relationships, work and relational expectations, public school culture, Islamic school culture, religious knowledge, acceptance, rejection, and fear. Within each of these categories, I identified initial themes of workplace fit, school culture, principal influence on school culture and teacher fit, teacher isolation, ignorance of Islam, and coworker acceptance and rejection. I explored these further using the constant comparative method and collected additional data focused on these particular themes so that they were more fully developed.47 This allowed me to explore emergent themes and trends in the data until the themes were theoretically saturated. To make certain that the


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT findings of this study were justified in the data, I used triangulation, member checks, and sought to clarify researcher bias.48 Not generalizable in a quantitative sense, this study sought to provide rich, thick descriptions that can be useful to understand the unique experiences of a Muslim educator in the United States.49

FINDINGS


A Muslim Teacher’s Experiences In A U.S. Public School Natalie’s first professional teaching position was in a rural public school in Georgia teaching mathematics. Robbins Middle School had 609 students in grades six through eight. Fifty-nine percent of Robbins students were classified as Black and thirty-nine percent of students were classified as White. Seventy-three percent of students qualified for free or reduced lunch. Natalie struggled to connect with both the students and teachers while working at Robbins, stating that the problems were a result of her Muslim faith.

Difficulty Finding A ‘Fit’ Natalie graduated from her teacher preparation program optimistic and passionate about teaching and she was taken aback when she observed negative teacher-student interactions. She spoke of a conversation where the teacher told a young boy that he was a failure. She stated:

I found the teachers not caring for the kids very much. Student work was way below grade level and so much work needed to be done. I just didn’t see how it was possible for the kids to improve when they were being told that they were failures.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT Working in a school culture that did not support students made Natalie very apprehensive about sharing her religion. Natalie was aware that the majority of her coworkers were conservative Christians and forthright in their beliefs. She reported overhearing teachers asking for Jesus’ guidance and help in solving classroom issues or personal problems. Being the only Muslim in the school, Natalie was worried as to how her colleagues and


students would react. She reflected:

I was so afraid to let anybody know that I was a Muslim, but I told my close co-workers because I wasn’t eating and they were worried that I had an eating disorder. I told them not to worry because it was Ramadan. I got the impression that they were okay with it, but I do know that they thought it was a little weird.

Natalie felt that she just didn’t fit with the other teachers in the school and saw herself as ‘out of place’ because she was different in a fundamental way.

Facing Ignorance, Indifference, And Isolation Once some of the teachers at Robbins learned of Natalie’s faith, she realized that they had little understanding of her religion. Natalie acknowledged that she became the unofficial authority on Islam. She explained:

One teacher told her students that Islam was violent and that from its first contacts in this country, it was known as a violent religion. This was brought to my attention. I was


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT frustrated at how little the teachers knew. But, even though I was frustrated, I talked to the teacher and was able to get her back on track.

Although some teachers knew she was Muslim, Natalie felt that she needed to keep her faith secret from the parents and the students:


I always felt like I had to hide my faith from the parents and the students, and yet doing this made me feel incomplete and not comfortable. When I had to pray, I would have to lock my door, turn out the lights like I wasn’t in my room at all. I didn’t want anyone to see me pray.

Natalie hid her prayers because she was fearful, self-conscious, and concerned about possible negative reactions she might receive as a Muslim living in rural Georgia.

Natalie also avoided that which was haram: being alone with an unrelated male, eating pork, and not drinking alcohol. This made workplace relationships difficult to establish because a group of the single teachers frequently socialized. Natalie joined them one night, which turned into an awkward experience for her:

One time I decided to go out with some faculty members to dinner. It wasn’t a restaurant; rather, it was a bar. I refused to sit near the bar. I chose to sit in back, as far away as possible from the alcohol. The teachers had no clue and didn’t know that they were being insensitive.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT This was the one and only time Natalie socialized with her colleagues after work.

Natalie also experienced difficulties during faculty meetings because they opened with a prayer said by a Christian minister. This made her feel awkward for not participating. She explained, “When we had teacher meetings, there was a reverend on duty. He would


always start the meeting with a prayer. I would never fold my hands and I would never pray. It was hard.” The Parent Teacher Association would also provide food at faculty meetings. Natalie was frequently frustrated because it was often ham that was served: “They thought I was Jewish, I think, because they figured out that I didn’t eat pork. One PTA member said, ‘You could just take the ham off your sandwich.’ It still has the oil from the pork on the cheese. That just doesn’t work.”

No Hijab And Still No Acceptance Natalie did not wear a hijab when she worked in public schools. She quickly said that she was “scared to death wearing a hijab in a Georgian public school. I was worried about not being accepted. I was worried about being fired.” Although she didn’t cover her head, she was attentive to dressing modestly. She explained, “There is a section in the Qur’an which talks about covering and dressing appropriately. I wore longer shirts and pants. I looked Muslim, but also Western.” Natalie was unclear as to how many people in the larger school community knew she was Muslim, as seen through her non-relationship with the school principal: “I invited the principal to my classroom many times to come and watch a lesson. He never came. He would visit other teachers’ classrooms, but he


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT never came to see what I was doing.” Natalie thought that the reason he didn’t observe her teaching was because somehow he knew that she was Muslim, even though she never spoke to him about her faith. It troubled her to be so blatantly ignored by her principal.

Reflecting on her time as a public school teacher, Natalie made an insightful comment: “Our schools aren’t as religiously tolerant of their teachers as they teach us to be


religiously tolerant of our students.” Working in a public school did not allow Natalie to be herself: “I really wanted to teach in an Islamic school because I always felt like I wasn’t accepted, not so much by the students—the students loved me—but by my colleagues.” She felt isolated and detached from her colleagues and stated: “I just never felt that I belonged.”

FINDINGS A Muslim Teacher’s Experience In An Islamic Private School The International Islamic Academy enrolled fifty-two students spanning pre-kindergarten to sixth grade. The staff included eleven teachers and one principal, all of whom were women. The school’s mission stated: “All children should have an opportunity to become well-rounded individuals and to mature to their fullest human potential in an Islamic environment that promotes high academic achievement and moral excellence based upon the guidance of the Qur’an.” In keeping with its mission, Islamic posters and sayings were hung around the school. I watched Natalie create a poster for her classroom, which said: “Allah (SWT)50 loves the person who excels at his work.” The top was written in Arabic, the bottom was the English translation. Natalie explained: “My students complain


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT a lot and this poster is to remind them that Allah is watching and he wants them to do their best work.” Natalie felt free to discuss Islam and Islamic teachings to students throughout the day.

The students and teachers of the International Islamic Academy came from a wide range of countries: Iran, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Egypt, Indonesia, and Sudan. Natalie found


this diversity to be a positive attribute for the school, and commented: “The diversity really adds a lot to our school. Even though their families come from around the world, their religion connects them.” Natalie was the only religious convert working in the school. Like the other Muslim teachers, she wore a hijab daily.

Intimate And Supportive Workplace Relationships The workplace relationships Natalie experienced at the International Islamic Academy stood in stark opposition to her experience teaching in the public schools. Natalie explained:

When you are a Muslim and you enter a new community, you automatically have a sense of family and you have friends. Even the principal let me live at her house for three months while I saved the money for an apartment. These are not things that people, who are culturally like us, do.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT Natalie’s living arrangement allowed her to easily connect with the Muslim women associated with the school. After she saved enough money for her deposit, the women


supported Natalie by giving her:

•

one twin bed with brand new mattresses;

•

one computer desk;

•

one bureau;

•

one large dining room table and four chairs;

•

two love seats;

•

one sofa;

•

one television stand; and,

•

assorted kitchen supplies.

The school community also held a house warming party for her. She explained, “They also gave me a gift card to Wal-Mart and that bought my microwave and my vacuum cleaner. I didn’t spend any money on this apartment and it is the best apartment I’ve ever had.” Natalie was appreciative for the attention she received from the school community. By living with the principal and then moving to an apartment furnished by the community, Natalie felt welcomed and acknowledged as a member of the school community.

Natalie continued working at the International Islamic Academy while she was engaged to Omar. They were supportive of her but unhappy to see her leave the school and


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT community. In an Islamic context, Natalie’s personal and professional lives merged. The community knew of her finances and interest in marriage. Natalie did not mind the attention, and was comfortable with these intimate and supportive workplace relationships.

Finding The Perfect “Fit”


Natalie explained how she was a ‘good fit’ for the International Islamic Academy’s school community: “Because I’m American but also Muslim, it was the perfect combination that the school needed to have.” Natalie was quickly integrated into the school community and took her work as a teacher seriously. She actually saw her role as being more than that of a teacher: “I see myself as an ‘aunt’ or ‘2nd mom’ to my students. I feel great responsibility towards them. Here the teacher-student relationship extends far beyond a traditional teacher-student relationship that one might have in a public school.” Natalie considered the International Islamic academy as an “extended family” and like all families, Natalie faced learning the subtle nuances and unwritten expectations of the school board, the principal, and faculty.

While visiting her school, I observed a faculty meeting where the principal requested teachers to turn in their lesson plans every Friday. Natalie, having learned to understand subtle nuances, explained to me what the principal was really saying:

Teachers are not consistently turning in their lesson plans. To remedy this situation in a manner that doesn’t single out the ones that are not turning them in, the principal decided


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT to have all the teachers turn them in together. In this way, the ones that were not cooperating would have more of an incentive to turn in their lesson plans.

Natalie quickly learned to navigate the gradations of communication. This was especially helpful when it came to understanding the expectations that were placed on her as a


Muslim educator. During a lesson on Islam, Natalie told her students:

The men are the leaders of the family and society. Women are a support. They have their own role, but men make the final decision. Women are responsible for raising the children and their moral education. The male is to be the breadwinner and to make sure the woman is doing her job as wife, mother, and being a good Muslim.

Natalie accepted Islamic teachings on the roles of men and women, and the students quietly listened. During student presentations of poets, one student discussed Maya Angelou’s unwed pregnancy during her time in the Army. Again reiterating the moral teachings of Islam, Natalie told the student to not discuss this part of Maya Angelou’s life, stating: “there are lots of other things that you could discuss.” The student quietly accepted this remark and took her seat.

Being an American convert, Natalie expressed appreciation for the religious and cultural guidance given to her by other Muslim women. Natalie stressed that she did not replace her American culture with Arab culture. Rather, she sees herself shifting between the two when she finds one cultural way of being more advantageous than the other:


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT When I’m out and about, I act very American. But yesterday, when my Muslim coworkers were visiting, I was more aware to speak Arabic and more conscious about how I am treating older people. I know how to be shy when I receive a compliment.

Natalie fully embraced Islam. She found that working in an Islamic school allowed her to


be a better teacher, develop her faith and Arabic language, and connect to a community of like-minded believers.

Natalie’s full acceptance into the school community was solidified when a school board member, Farah, connected her to a potential future husband who was living in Egypt. Natalie commented:

Everyone at the Islamic school knew I was single. A friend of Farah’s asked if she could tell Omar’s family about me. I agreed. Omar and I started talking through Messenger because he lived in Egypt. Because I was recommended and we shared some common interests, Omar’s family invited me to Cairo. When you get married, it is not an ‘oh, we’re in love feeling,’ it is more focused on the family. Is the family nice, is the family good? Are all the personalities matching? It doesn’t have to be perfect, but is has to be enough. We all liked each other and found that we all got along, so I agreed to marriage.

She chose to leave at the end of the school year because of her marriage, which was viewed as the proper choice by her Muslim colleagues.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT DISCUSSION Natalie’s experience working in a public school was challenging. She believed that her failure to fit in was a direct result of her identity as a Muslim. However, the burden cannot sit entirely with the school’s administration and faculty. Natalie’s interpretation of her challenging experiences teaching as a Muslim in a public school circumvented any


admission as to her responsibility in helping to create positive workplace relationships. In a private Islamic school context, Natalie saw herself as an asset to the school and actively reached out to build relationships with the Islamic school community. These relationships culminated in her recommendation to a Muslim man for marriage, which she took as a compliment and an indication of her acceptance into the Muslim school community. Accordingly, the following discussion section elaborates on Natalie’s different workplace experiences in relation to extant literature followed by suggestions for further research.

Failure To Find Relationships In A Public School McAdamis’ research on school community emphasized the central role workplace relationships play in establishing positive school cultures and supportive environments for teacher work.51 Similarly, Westheimer identified the importance of teachers interacting together, relying on each other, holding common interests and beliefs, and paying attention to individual views and differences.52 Yet, when considering Natalie’s experience as a Muslim educator, she quickly became aware that she did not share the same interests as her colleagues. Natalie’s choice to not participate in social activities diminished her ability to interact and build relationships with her colleagues.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT Natalie also felt a lack of care throughout the school, most noticeably in teacher-toteacher relationships.53 She felt isolated; was scared to let anyone know she was Muslim, and chose to pray in a darkened and locked classroom. She did not have a mentor to bounce ideas off of and was not socialized into the school community.54 Even after she shared her religious beliefs with a few colleagues, their ambiguous responses gave rise to


a realization that her religious difference was an obstruction, and would not be engaged, understood, or accommodated.

Experiencing An Unwelcoming School Culture Natalie characterized her experience of public school culture as one that was uninformed about Islam and inconsiderate toward her as a Muslim. Natalie did not ask for special accommodation; yet, she seemed to expect the school community to adapt to her unique religious needs without her providing the school direction first. The “unwritten rules” found within school culture makes navigating the underlying organizational complexities challenging, especially for newcomers.55 Natalie failed to fully examine the unseen minutiae of her workplace. She expressed a desire to be accepted and supported by the school community, just via her own “unwritten rules” without properly understanding her school’s mores. If Natalie understood the customs, values, traditions, history, and behaviors, which over time created the culture of the school, she may have been able to recognize a path she could take to familiarize her colleagues about Islam and open a dialogue about Muslims in America.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT However, Natalie didn’t trust her colleagues. She was fearful to share her faith because she was aware of how Muslims were generally regarded in the South and the possible negative reactions she might receive. Bryk and Schneider found relational trust to be essential to creating positive school cultures.56 Whether her fears would become a reality was unclear. When she did share her faith, support structures were not in place, such as trust and reliability, individual concern, honesty, and supportive relationships.57 Both


Natalie and her colleagues were unprepared to face this unique difference in a productive manner.58

Brooks and Miles stressed the need for school leaders to recognize the individual culture each person brings to the organization.59 Specifically, school leaders ought to acknowledge the diversity of their faculty and students, whether it is difference in race, social class, sexuality, or religious difference.60 Natalie’s principal did not observe her teaching and did not make an effort to build a rapport.61 Rosenholtz described school leaders who lead from a “stuck” position as not engaging in dialogue, actively allowing for teacher isolation, and not providing opportunities for new teacher induction.62 Natalie felt that there was no opportunity for her to connect with her school principal. This lack of interest by the school leader sent Natalie the message that her contribution to the school was unimportant and that she should be avoided.63 Consequently, Natalie did not renew her contract.

Centrality Of Relationships In An Islamic Context


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT Natalie’s experience teaching in an Islamic school was markedly different, and much more positive, than her time working in a public school. This was largely a result of her shared belief in Islam with her colleagues.64 Natalie sought to live her daily life in accordance to Muslim tenets and the things she struggled with in public schools were not an issue in an Islamic setting. For example, she easily avoided things that were haram without offending anyone. She prayed openly with students and colleagues. She wore a


hijab and listened to Islamic music. Islam was not something to hide. Natalie embraced her identity as a Muslim and was pleased that she found a good fit in this type of school environment.65

In the context of a shared belief in Islam, Natalie had the self-assurance to interact with colleagues and did not shy away from revealing her financial situation and desire for marriage. Natalie went beyond professional collegial interaction and shared very personal information.66 Rather than rebuff her, the Muslim school community realized that Natalie was dependent upon them for her well-being, just as they were dependent upon her for her work as a teacher. This interdependence and interaction was maintained throughout the year through mutual care, which was reinforced by her workplace relationships extending beyond the schoolhouse.67

A teacher–friendly workplace is one that supports collaboration and provides structured time for communication about the school and the students, classroom experiences, curricula, and goals.68 Uniquely, the Islamic International School did not provide time during the school day for teachers to communicate about work. Rather, communication


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT about work frequently occurred in homes over shared tea and during informal dinners. This resulted in workplace relationships that included immediate and extended families. The Islamic school was an important component of the tight-knit Muslim community. Relationships were central to the work of the school, as evidenced by the school leader inviting Natalie to live in her home and abiding by the principle of haqook-al-abaad – the obligation of humans have to each other. In essence, it is a religious duty for the Muslim


principal to sustain a positive school culture that both extends and supports the larger community.69

Integrated Islamic School Culture The Islamic International Academy’s community was grounded in shared values, norms, and traditions, characteristics of a positive school culture.70 In this environment Natalie felt comfortable opening up to students and teachers alike. She viewed herself as a motherly figure to her students, offering them advice and direction to reinforce their Islamic values. Rosenholtz and Simpson stated that school culture influences teacher effectiveness and commitment to the profession.71 Natalie was able to teach without anxiety and fear of being a Muslim thus allowing her to take pleasure in being a teacher.

The school administrator was supportive of Natalie as a person and as a teacher; however, it is uncertain if the International Islamic Academy encompassed the entirety of what was needed to be “forward-moving.”72 In some ways, the culture was “forwardmoving” in the values emphasized by the school leader: care, hospitality, and collegiality. In other ways, it was not. The school did not provide Natalie, or any of the other teachers,


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT professional development opportunities to foster the development of learning communities.73 Whether the school was classified as “forward-moving” or not, the school culture was one where Natalie felt accepted and supported.74

Natalie as a convert to Islam did not challenge school or community norms, which eased her socialization. Additionally, she felt no need to improve her skills. She saw herself as


an effective teacher and colleague who could easily move between American and Arab cultures. Working in an Islamic school was much more rewarding for Natalie because of the supportive culture.75 The principal had no reason to challenge Natalie’s effectiveness as a teacher and trusted her professionalism. Although Natalie moved to Egypt at the end of the school year, she was committed to continuing her work in education.

CONCLUSION This research began with seemingly simple questions: (1) How did a Muslim-American teacher experience school culture in both public and Islamic schools? Did differing school cultures influence her perception of fit? (2) In what ways can public school leaders create school cultures that allow religious-minority educators to experience good workplace fit? Natalie was a unique subject as a Muslim convert because she experienced teaching both in an American public school and a private Islamic school.

Working in the American public schools as a Muslim, Natalie felt excluded from other teachers and administrators. Instead of providing a supportive environment, teachers remained largely indifferent and the school principal avoided Natalie altogether. Her


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT experience in a private Islamic school, in contrast, allowed Natalie to share a common belief system with her colleagues. She formed relationships built on care and concern, and quickly found herself accepted in both the school and Muslim community.

What can public school educational leaders take away from this teacher’s experience?


1.

Workplace Relationships and fit: It is essential that school leaders recognize

barriers that prevent positive workplace relationships and that they diligently work to dismantle these obstacles. School leaders who value workplace relationships actively work to co-create beneficial and supportive connections, especially for religious minority educators. Doing so can help build collegial trust and aid in the integration of religious minority teachers into the school community. This will help educators from non-majority faith traditions the opportunities to find a good professional fit. 2.

School Culture: School leaders should make it a priority to outwardly

acknowledge everyone in the school community. Avoiding challenging or uncomfortable situations or individuals can send unintended messages, have a negative influence on faculty and staff morale, and damage workplace collegiality. 3.

Diversity: Each member of the school community is different, whether due to

religious differences, sexual orientation, social class, ethnicity, race, etc. It is imperative for school leaders to reflect on their personal biases, preconceived notions, and the unspoken assumptions they hold. School leaders must actively work to directly challenge deficit thinking by identifying the contributions and positive influence all individuals have on the school community.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT 4.

Professional Development: School leaders should provide rigorously evaluated

professional development programs that push faculty to experience activities and conversations that are outside of their comfort zones. This tough work is necessary to create a safe school environment for faculty and students.

Lastly, it is not the intent of this article to suggest that “like works best with like.” Indeed,


I hope the opposite message comes through, that “like will gain immeasurably by working with unlike.” School leaders need to be aware of religious difference in their schools. What is said and unsaid influences the entirety of the school environment. Further research is needed to better understand how religious diversity influences workplace relationships and school culture. What do members of minority religions experience working in schools? How does locale or geographic location influence school culture and religious difference? Are school leaders more knowledgeable and inclusive of religious diversity in urban centers than in rural centers? What do school leaders need to know about religious diversity and its influence on teachers and students? How do principals with strong religious identity work with others of a different religious tradition? I will conclude with one last thought gleaned from Obama’s statement at the beginning of the article. How can school leaders ensure that the religious diversity experienced in America’s public schools is not in competition, and unintentionally inducing the voluntary segregation of teachers, students, and communities by faith tradition? It is important that during a time of religious division, coupled with increasing globalization, that educational leaders choose not ignore the role of religion in schools.


ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT Educational leaders must recognize the benefits that can be gained from a religiously diverse, nondiscriminatory, inclusive, and accepting school environment.

NOTES 1

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