Psychol Stud (July–September 2011) 56(3):295–303 DOI 10.1007/s12646-011-0081-2
REFLECTIONS
Positive Approaches to Coping with the Challenges of Ageing: Research Priorities Steven M. Shardlow & Tina L. Rochelle & Sik Hung Ng & Jamuna Duvvuru & Elsie Ho & Honglin Chen
Received: 1 September 2010 / Accepted: 18 March 2011 / Published online: 21 April 2011 # National Academy of Psychology (NAOP) India 2011
Abstract This article identifies research priorities in respect of the social dimension of ageing. Three areas are explored; ageing in one's own community; ageing in another community as a consequence of migration and ageing in a residential community. Exemplar research studies, conducted by the authors (singly) are presented briefly and contextualised in the literature to reveal key research priorities. The determination of research priorities S. M. Shardlow (*) School of Social Work, Psychology and Public Health, The University of Salford, Allerton Building, Salford, Greater Manchester M6 6 PU, UK e-mail:
[email protected] T. L. Rochelle (*) : S. H. Ng Department of Applied Social Studies, City University of Hong Kong, Tat Chee Avenue, Kowloon, Hong Kong e-mail:
[email protected] S. H. Ng e-mail:
[email protected] J. Duvvuru Department of Psychology, Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati 517 502, India e-mail:
[email protected] E. Ho School of Population Health, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand e-mail:
[email protected] H. Chen Fudan University, Shanghai, China e-mail:
[email protected]
should take account of those aspects of social functioning that are associated with factors amenable to change. Key research priorities identified include the development of a better understanding of the importance of social networks; how these are created, maintained to promote the successful social ageing of individuals. Keywords Ageing . Research priorities . Social network . Community . Residential care . Hong Kong . India . New Zealand . Chinese During the second half of the twentieth century many countries across the globe have experienced unparalleled declines in mortality and fertility. Correspondingly, the number of young people is falling; consequently the age structure is in rapid transition from young to old. It is accepted that many parts of the world face major demographic change as the population ages and older people become a larger proportion of the population. The decline in physical functioning and the loss of social role are known to impact negatively on the individual in the ageing process. The changing age structure of the population provides an opportunity from which society could potentially benefit. Given a favourable policy environment, an increase in the proportion of the working age population, resulting from the age structure transition, can contribute significantly to economic growth. A greater proportion of midlife and elderly people, together with a higher life expectancy generally imply heavier demands on health and social services. If health and social services are already stretched with current demand of the midlife and elderly population around the globe, how are these services expected to cope in coming years with further increases to the midlife and elderly population?
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Thus the expected increase in the midlife and elderly population across the globe may pose a significant challenge to public health and medical care systems in many countries. Population ageing raises many fundamental questions for policy makers. How can we help people remain independent and active as they age? Research on successful ageing has traditionally been concerned with personal health and cognitive functioning for independent living. These concerns are fundamental and legitimate as health and functional independence are universal human needs. However, ageing successfully also has its social purposes beyond personal well-being. Several authors have attempted to include both social and personal aspects in their research on successful ageing in Western (Lennartsson and Silverstein 2001; Strawbridge et al. 2002) and Chinese (Hsu and Chang 2004; Sun and Liu 2006) societies. Despite these attempts, the literature shows, overall, that although much is known about health and functioning declining with age, relatively little is known about corresponding changes in the social dimension, and least of all the relationship between health and social factors. The resultant knowledge gap deserves remedy because the social and personal dimensions co-occur in public discourse on successful ageing and when lay people are asked to talk about what they mean by successful ageing (Bowling 2006; Phelan et al. 2004). Both dimensions are also intertwined and deemed to be necessary and important, as for example, in WHO’s healthy and active ageing initiatives (World Health Organisation 2002). Social functioning in a sense describes one’s ability to interact in the usual way in society. It covers a broad range of ‘social’ characteristics concerning the social role (Typer and Casey 1993), social contacts (Bowling and Stafford 2007), social support from friends and family members (Lubben and Lee 2001) social performance (McDowell and Newell 1996), spare time activities (Tyrer et al. 2005), and social exclusion (Lynch et al. 1997). Social functioning is considered as a pivotal element of one’s health and counts greatly on one’s quality of life (Bowling 2008). This article delineates research priorities in respect of the social purposes of ageing. Several recent research studies about the social functioning of older people, conducted by the authors, are presented in summary form. Key findings from these studies have been used to highlight broad areas of future research: ageing in one’s own community; ageing in another community; ageing in a residential community.
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Study 1 (S1a&S1b) Study 1 comprises two linked components. For study 1a (S1a) respondents were recruited through a random household survey territory-wide across HK. Eligibility criteria include aged over 18 yrs, and able to speak Cantonese. Love, work, health and cognitive functioning formed a 4factor model of positive ageing for this study (S1a) (Ng et al. under review). The factors were measured by self-report based on responses to questions developed from existing questionnaires and contents of focus groups. Tests of the model showed a satisfactory goodness of fit with data collected from a survey (N=2970 adults aged 40 to 74 years) and a follow-up survey a year later (N=2120). A validation study confirmed that the model was able to discriminate between adults who have been judged independently to be ageing more or less positively. In a separate survey, study (S1b), a wider range of age groups (fifteen to seventy-nine years) was sampled (N=1130) to compare the social and personal dimensions of ageing with respect to effects due to demographic (gender and age), interpersonal (social network size and quality), and attitudinal (sense of humour) factors. Eligibility criteria were the same as for S1a, and a random household survey territory-wide across HK was again conducted. Study 2 (S2) In 2009, a questionnaire survey was developed to collect data from overseas-born Chinese aged 60 years and resident in New Zealand since at least 1986. Potential respondents were recruited from 16 older Chinese groups in two cities. A total of 266 questionnaires were distributed and 218 completed questionnaires were returned. This gave a response rate of 82 percent. Of the 218 people who participated in the survey, two were born in New Zealand and another six had been resident in New Zealand prior to 1986. These questionnaires were excluded from the study; therefore information from 210 respondents was used (Ho et al. 2010). The questionnaire consisted of items covering: general demographic information, household composition, contact with family, community participation, and subjective wellbeing in 11 domains of their lives in New Zealand. Finally, respondents were asked to list (a) the three most important things that would enable them to continue to participate in their regular activities in the community as they grew older, and (b) three people they considered as important for their wellbeing.
Approach Taken Study 3(S3) The following empirical studies were undertaken; findings from these studies have been used to develop research priorities:
For the purpose of this study, a sample of senior residential care homes (Pay and Stay) was drawn from Bangalore (N=
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48) and Hyderabad (N=36) urban locales (84 homes) using the Directories of Help Age India and APSSCON, Hyderabad. From these homes 170 residents, were randomly drawn and were interviewed. Of these 170 residents eighty four percent of the residents were women. The average age of the residents was 69.78 years. All these homes were age homogenous. Fifty-six percent of the residents had an average annual income less than rupees one lakh (INR) mostly belonging to the middle income group and the remaining to the upper income groups. Of these 36 percent of residents in Bangalore and 64 percent in Hyderabad were living alone before joining the Care Homes. The residential homes that were surveyed varied from luxury rooms to those providing general dormitory type of accommodation. These homes served elderly people belonging to middle and higher income groups. Many of the homes did not have provision to admit people with cognitive impairment or with restricted capability for activities of daily living (ADL). The interview schedule included: the reasons for joining the home, decisions on joining the care facility, self reported health, level of functional status (activity), satisfaction with present life conditions LSI-A instrument (Neugarten et al. 1961), which was standardized by Ramamurti and Duvvuru (1992), psychological problems, length of relationship and interaction with children and relatives in terms of visits by their family members and residents involvement in practices such as prayer/worship, and a measure of functional capability that included Activities of Daily living (Ramamurti et al. 1997) as adapted for the Indian older adults to assess competence in certain tasks such as bathing, grooming, feeding, walking in and around the care home.
Ageing in Own Community Given the worldwide trend of population ageing, crosscultural research in and about Asia would widen the understanding of successful aging as a global pursuit (Fry et al. 1997). A cross-cultural perspective is especially relevant because the social dimension of successful ageing, compared to the personal dimension, may be more culturespecific and its definition more open to alternative social construction. It would be useful to know what social aspects of ageing remains universal beneath the surface of cultural diversity. As ‘successful’ ageing implies failures and may lead to the (mis-)perception that people either succeed or fail, the alternative term ‘positive ageing’ was used in this research to refer to ageing well and meaningfully. The research on ethnic Chinese (in Hong Kong) commenced by grounding it in the concerns and meanings of positive ageing that have emerged from their discussion in focus groups. The discursive themes covered not only
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personal health and functional independence, but also a range of social purposes (Chong et al. 2006). Further analysis of the latter indicates a close correspondence with Euro-American concepts of ‘generativity’(Erikson 1963), ‘engagement with life’(Rowe and Kahn 1998), and ‘productive ageing’ (Morrow-Howell et al. 2001). Overall, then, there are common elements between Chinese and EuroAmericans as to what would constitute positive ageing. Instead of gathering all social aspects of positive ageing under one category, at least two categories are needed to avoid oversimplification, namely, love and work. Love refers to caring and giving social-emotional support to family and friends, thereby contributing to their well-being and keeping the social connectedness alive and well. Work, either paid or unpaid, provides the avenue for social participation in the labour force, community organizations, religious groups, transnational aid agencies and so forth, thereby making contributions of a productive or instrumental nature to society at large.
Findings from Study 1 The recently conducted research study (S1a) (Ng et al. under review) addresses the knowledge gap using Hong Kong, selected as an exemplar site for study as life expectancy is among the highest in Asia (Law and Yip 2003). Overall the survey results showed that significant age-related declines did not occur until after 60 years of age for health and work, and still later for functional independence. Love refused to decline even at seventy-four years. The scores for love and work were less positive than that for health and functioning across all age groups in the sample, suggesting that adult Chinese were better able to age well personally than socially When all actor (gender; age; social and personal dimensions of ageing; social network size and quality; sense of humour) from S1b were considered jointly so as to assess their independent effects, age and gender effects were found to be significant for the personal dimension only, not for the social dimension. Health and functioning were poorer for older people and for women. Effects of social network were positive but highly uneven. Network size affected only personal ageing, whereas network quality affected both personal and social ageing. Finally, a sense of humour was beneficial to both personal and social ageing. The results presented above have considerable implications for the management of ageing. For example, although there is little one cannot do to one’s own gender or age to minimize their negative effects on personal ageing, much can be done with respect to the cultivation of social network and learning a sense of humour. Social policy and community services to promote positive ageing would
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be more effective by targeting these interpersonal and attitudinal factors. Finally, as humour seems to be culturally less well endorsed or developed in Chinese than in Western cultures, its acquisition would require cultural as much as personal learning. Given Hong Kong’s high level of bicultural (Chinese-Western) environment, its Chinese residents can access Western culture relatively easily (Ng and Lai 2011). Having Western friends would be beneficial not only in terms of humour learning, but also because these friends may increase network size and enhance network quality. This hypothesis, if found true in future research for Chinese in Hong Kong, would pose interesting implications for other Chinese cities experiencing Western influence, such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou.
Ageing in Other Community Current migration trends have given rise to a great variety of profiles and settlement models. Migratory movements have become a subject of great interest globally due to their significant impact both on the country of origin and the host community. Immigration, involuntary or voluntary, is a transition that often entails the severing of community ties, loss of social networks and familiar bonds. Much research has discussed the negative social and psychological challenges and outcomes associated with migration and settlement in unfamiliar environments (Berry 1997; Segall et al. 1999). There is a wealth of research documenting the social and psychological implications of cross-cultural transition and adaptation. Intercultural interaction requires migrants to negotiate group boundaries and identities and make adaptations to meet the demands and challenges of the new context. In these contexts, migrants often find themselves in minority positions, this can have implications for the way in which migrants adapt and negotiate their ethnic and cultural identities. Within a social functioning framework, ageing experiences in another country are usually associated with issues concerning family and social networks, social activities, social roles, religious beliefs, mobility and the ability to participate in society, welfare status as well as social exclusion and discrimination (Blignault et al. 2008; Wong 2007). These factors are closely related to older migrants’ quality of life (Bowling 2008; Warnes and Williams 2006). Social functioning among Chinese elders is closely related to connections with family members, friends from ethnic organizations, and kinship in their home country. The shared trust, norms, cohesion, cultural rituals, reciprocity of elderly care, and grandparenting etc. in the receiving country, constitute a social functioning agency within and outside the family (Owen 2006). The bonding Chinese elders enjoy among the kinship ties and bridging of
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wider connections through ethnic organisations enables these individuals to be socially functional (Goulbourne 2006; Guo 2005). However, these connections may be constrained within the ethnic circle. Thus some ethnic elderly groups may encounter difficulties in participating in formal networks in wider society due to cultural, language, and transportation barriers; consequently making ethnic elders ‘feel socially isolated’ (Liu 2003). Family is an important social functioning facilitator of many ethnic Chinese elders. However, even living with families, loneliness is sometimes apparent, especially among those individuals who have migrated in old age. Isolation and loneliness are witnessed when adult children are busy earning a living, and friends and relatives live apart, allowing little time to spend with family, relatives, and friends (Chappell and Lai 2001). Elders remain isolated in the host country (Tam and Neysmith 2006; Wang 2006). Intra-ethnic relationships are advantageous in offering instrumental and emotional support to migrants (Owen 2006) and playing a key role in the maintenance of ethnic culture (Zhou 2006). Different histories of migration, different generations, different religion beliefs, and gender differences all contribute to the culturally-related social functioning of the ethnic Chinese both within a family and the wider community (Benton 2003; Lee 2005). All these attributions act together in contributing to the social functioning of ethnic Chinese. Different experiences of migration will have a different impact on the ageing of migrants. Migrants’ years of arrival, language proficiency, occupation history in the residing country, citizenship (welfare), originality, religious culture, selection of living location, relation within the family, and the experience of acculturation all contribute to social functioning in the host society (Rochelle et al. 2009). Social functioning in different ethnic Chinese groups varies greatly due to these factors. Compared with native-born ethnic minorities, foreign born seniors are less educated, more likely to live in a poorer economic situation and less likely to have health care coverage. Associated within a social functioning framework, research has been conducted to understand the social roles of the ageing Chinese minorities, to ascertain the problems encountered by Chinese elders in their daily lives and social activities, to facilitate policy and service recommendations with a view to mitigating their problems, meeting their unmet needs, improving their quality of life, and enhancing participation in western society (Tsang et al. 2004; Warburton and McLaughlin 2007). Attainment of social functioning varies greatly among different Chinese elderly groups according to cultural background (Chou 2007), years of migration (Ngan, 2008), and other family attributions (Ip, Lui, & Chui, 2007). Therefore, Chinese elders who have been maintain-
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ing their far-reaching connections worldwide (Owen 2006), both from their country of origin and other diasporas may have a different profile of ageing experiences in terms of social functioning compared to local-born ethnic groups (Hooghe et al. 2006). The concept of ageing in place represents a policy goal of enabling older people to live independently and continue to participate in their communities (OECD 1994, 2003). Although policymakers acknowledge diversity of the ageing population, ageing in place strategies have rarely addressed the diversity of cross-cultural experiences and understandings of ageing in ethnic minority communities (Li et al. 2010). In New Zealand in 2006, one person in four aged 60 years and over was born overseas. For example, Chinese make up one of the fastest-growing overseas-born elderly groups in New Zealand. In 1986, the older Chinese population in New Zealand was 1,600. Twenty years on, this population had grown to 13,350 in 2006. This growth is largely driven by migration. Following major changes in immigration policies in 1986, a substantive wave of Chinese migration has occurred. While a majority of the new Chinese immigrants are young, well-educated and skilled, a large number of older, dependent parents have also immigrated to New Zealand for family reunion (Selvarajah 2004). However, there is little information about the settlement experiences of this group of older immigrants
Findings from Study 2 In 2009, a survey (S2) of 210 older Chinese who have migrated to New Zealand since 1986 was undertaken to examine a range of factors that impact on the ability of both individuals and communities to sustain ageing in place (Ho et al. 2010). Overall, the outcomes of the survey provided an impression that the participants were living well, especially in conjunction with their high levels of selfreported life satisfaction. The top five domains of life with which older Chinese had expressed the most satisfaction with were: contact with family, physical environment inside and outside the house, contact with other people, feelings of safety, and being aware of entitlement and rights. • Main findings from study 2 • Top five domain wellbeing: most respondents felt satisfied with their contact with family (92.4%), physical environment inside and outside the house (92%), contact with other people (85%), feelings of safety (81%) and being aware of entitlements and rights (78%). • Main factors affecting older people’s participation in community activities: Health (78%), friends and community organizations (39%), transport (34%), finance (20%) and family support (11%). • Key contacts contributing to wellbeing: children (90%), spouse (75%), friends (45%) and other family members (23%).
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A number of individual and environment factors contributed to the ability of older Chinese to remain as independent as they could in a new country in their later lives. Health was clearly perceived as the most important factor for older people’s active ageing. Although over half of participants rated their health status as ‘fair’ or ‘poor’, many considered their lives to be satisfactory despite health problems. A sense of attachment to place is important for successful ageing (Wiles et al. 2009). There are some variations in older Chinese immigrants’ attachment to place in comparison with that of older people in New Zealand as a whole. In general, older New Zealanders have a strong attachment to their homes, and have quite stable housing arrangements as indicated by a high level of home ownership and a low desire to move (Koopman-Boyden and Waldegrave 2009). In contrast, the older Chinese in this study were more likely to have resident in their current dwelling for shorter duration, and to report that they intend to move; home ownership was considerably lower. A significant proportion did not own the dwellings in which they lived—50 percent lived in dwellings owned or rented by their own children, and 24 percent were tenants. While many older Chinese considered their current homes as temporary, most have a strong desire to remain living within their community where they have intensive involvement and strong social and personal networks. Among survey participants, large proportions participated in local community group activities once a week (56%), and visited their friends once a week (36%), or up to several times a week (41%). Participants placed considerable importance on their co-ethnic networks and considered that regular participation in social and community activities offered those opportunities for contact outside the home, emotional support and the exchange of information. Another aspect that Chinese participants in this research differ from the older population in New Zealand as a whole is their living arrangements. According to the 2006 Census, over two-thirds of older people aged 65 years and older live in one of two broad living arrangement types: a couple without children household (48%), and a one-person household (30%) (Statistics New Zealand 2008). Among Chinese survey participants, however, the most common living arrangement type was co-residence with a spouse, one or more children and other people such as their grandchildren and sons/daughters-in-law (45%). Only 34% lived in a couple without children household and 6% lived in a one-person household. In traditional Chinese culture, co-residence with one’s aged parents is deemed a filial obligation. The diversity of living arrangements within the Chinese community demonstrates that the values and practices of filial piety is changing (Hsu 2007). Amongst older Chinese, there is a
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growing preference for independent living (either as a couple or alone) over intergenerational living (Tsang et al. 2004). Nonetheless, regardless of whether older Chinese live with their children or not, they may benefit from varied levels of interactions with their children. In this survey, over half of participants (56%) co-resided with their children in the same household. In addition, 32 percent reported that they have children residing in the same city where they lived, 6 percent have children living elsewhere in New Zealand and 36 percent have children overseas. Only 2 percent did not have any children. Among participants who have children living in the same city, large proportions phoned, or met up with offspring several times a week (61% and 52% respectively), demonstrating that older Chinese have a good relationship with their children, but have chosen to live independently. Finally, the immigration experience can create needs that are not traditionally part of the familiar ageing process (Ip et al. 2007). The type of assistance and support older Chinese receive from, or provide to, their children may change as a result of migration. Specifically a lack of proficiency with the English language, as well as financial and transport barriers, can cause concerns for older migrants, not regarding their lack of independence but also the burden that their reliance places on their families (Ho et al. 2006), as the following respondent commented: The biggest problem we have as elderly people is the language barrier. We wish we could have an interpreter who can help us whenever and wherever we go. When I was sick, my son needed to go to different places with me—family doctor, blood test, hospital, CT scanning. Even going to have a blood test, [at] the reception was a Kiwi [and] I couldn’t talk to her. I felt that I was a burden for him and I felt bad. I feel awkward that I couldn’t be a help to him while asking him to help me all the time. Thus a cross-cultural perspective on successful ageing in place is imperative for framing policies and practice for ethnic minority elders and their communities.
Ageing in Residential Community A series of socio-technological changes such as modernization, a rise in the number of nuclear families, dual careers, an increasing consumer orientation and extension of life with empty nest characterized by disability, dependency have negatively impacted elder care arrangements and family care of elderly is dwindling fast, necessitating alternate care arrangements (Duvvuru 1999, 2004, 2006). There is an increasing flow of senior citizens into
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residential homes in India, which are fast growing in number, both for the free homes and the pay and stay variety. In spite of growing need for alternative living arrangements especially for senior care homes (Ramamurti and Duvvuru 2010a, 2010b). There is a paucity of information on life experiences of residents in these senior care homes. It is in this context that the present study is proposed to discuss some of the psychosocial issues related to the lives of senior citizens living in pay and stay senior care homes.
Findings from Study 3 Findings from study 3 indicated that the major reasons given by residents for why they decided to join residential homes were: difficulty in adjusting to the families of their children (son and daughter-in-law) (41%); severe conflicts (32%); childlessness (16%); and being alone (22%). The most common reasons for relocation were: adjustment problems (68%), conflicts with in–laws (30%), childlessness (38.5%) and being a widow (43%). In most cases the decision to move into the home was their own, though they would prefer to stay in their own homes if conditions were favourable. Functional competence is an important contributor and also indicator of good health and fitness. Thirty two percent of residents stated that they had good functional capability, while forty two percent stated they had fair functional capability. Several residents mentioned experiencing some impediments, such as lack of safe walkways outside the home and poor vision. The data on frequency of visits by family indicates that six percent reported daily visits, thirty two percent have monthly and forty two percent have once/ twice a year visits from family. Life satisfaction (LS) results among residents indicated that about fifty three percent were fairly satisfied with their life. Only nine percent stated that they were not satisfied with their present life condition. Many elderly (63%) pointed out that though they had a satisfactory life all along; they did not anticipate that they would be joining in senior (old age) residential care home in their later years. The major sources of life satisfaction as reported by the residents were mainly prayer and meditation (31%), followed by feeling of independence and the security they get in the home where they live (15%). Disagreements and conflicts with adult children are being increasingly reported. Some residents mentioned having conflicts with their children. These individuals felt that very often it was their property (financial assets) that was the issue as children wanted it to be assigned to them. In some cases, the adult children turned on (parents) them or ill-treated them once the property was transferred in their
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(children’s) name. These unfavourable situations in their erstwhile homes drove them to seek alternate residential arrangements in old age homes. In a few cases as they were alone (spouse deceased or childless) they had no option other than to shift to an old age home, where some care and board facilities were available. There were also cases where children were away in foreign locations and were receiving financial support to remain in residential care. Thus a variety of factors determined the relocation. The findings of the study reveal a growing trend in India for elders seeking alternate living arrangements other than residing with adult children. Staying in their own households is another option. However, this would mean a comfortable income and the availability of trusted domestic help. Since most residential homes were admitting only people with reasonable health and/or good ADL capability, there is a dire need for homes for those with restricted cognitive and ADL. At the moment most of these individuals are forced to rely on adult children or other kin. These careproviders are themselves stressed up in various ways e.g., in dual careers, urban migrated or with relationships strained over a variety of issues. These issues need to be addressed in elder care policies. Data on the prevalence of a few health problems indicate the need for appropriate medical facilities in these residential homes. Conditions like arthritis, diabetes, hypertension, heart ailments and sensory deficiencies can be controlled by safe medication, exercise, appropriate nutrition, use of assistive devices. Though seventy six percent of homes included in the study had the facility of visiting doctors, medical professionals are restricted to performing routine health examinations and attending to minor health problems. The community, where the senior citizens stay, has to be educated to participate in tasks related to the care of the elderly and in the running of these residential homes. More senior citizens organizations should be formed. Such voluntary community participation would go a long way in alleviating the problems of caring for senior citizens in developing countries like India where the per capita income of senior citizens is appallingly low. Ultimately, a senior residential care facility is to be regarded not just as a place to reside but as a ‘home away from home’. There is much that can be done to improve these senior residential care facilities in India, be it free home, pay and stay home or other type of facility. In many of the metros, builders have constructed a variety of senior residential apartments which are age-friendly, some of which are very expensive catering only to those who can afford. Whatever be the type of facility, senior residents need to interact with the community and also invite the community to participate in the activities of the home. Such
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mutual interaction will help to replace much of the social life that residents have lost in relocating to a residential facility.
Conclusions The studies presented, albeit briefly in this article, are illustrative exemplars of that define key research priorities if we are to understand in more detail the social functioning of older people. These examples are situated in three distinct sites; the community in which older people have a long term relationship throughout their lifespan—their own community; the community to which they have migrated; the residential community in which they may live if they are no longer able to live independently. In respect of their own community, the research focus should be on those aspects of social functioning that are associated with factors amenable to change. Hence, although, research findings have indicated the importance of gender in the ageing process, it is perhaps more important to concentrate upon research priorities where findings can impact upon the life experience of those that age in their own community. This suggests a focus upon interpersonal and attitudinal factors that relate to the ability to generate, sustain and enjoy social networks as these appear to be central in personal ageing within the community. Not all will age within their own community; attention should be paid in the research priorities to the experiences of particular groups of older people. Of particular importance in an increasingly globalised world are the ageing experiences of those older people that have migrated and age in an ‘other community’. We cannot assume that their social ageing will be similar to that of non-migrants; a detailed understanding is required of moderating affect of migration upon the ageing process. In this article the experience of one community, Chinese migrants has been explored using an exemplar project; similar arguments apply to all other migrant communities. The social networks of migrants are likely to be significantly different to those of non- migrants. For example their networks may well be restricted to contacts within their own communities; they may also have significant connections back to their community of origin. Finally, not all older people, whether or not they are migrants are able to live independently. A proportion of older people will require care at some point in their lives, necessitating that they live in a residential unit. If social networks are key to successful ageing then a research priority in respect of those living within residential community must be to explore the nature of their social networks. In particular how these can be maintained and retain a robust and lively character. This implies the need for network connectivity external to the residential unit.
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