405894
CCJ27210.1177/1043986211405894Sc
hugJournal of Contemporary Criminal Justice © 2011 SAGE Publications Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
Article
Schizophrenia and Matricide: An Integrative Review
Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 27(2) 204–229 © 2011 SAGE Publications Reprints and permission: http://www. sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1043986211405894 http://ccj.sagepub.com
Robert A. Schug1
Abstract Though a modest number of studies dating back several decades have addressed a possible relationship between schizophrenia and matricide, or mother-killing, this literature to date remains largely unintegrated and findings have yet to be aggregated in any meaningful way. To address this, a qualitative review of studies related to both schizophrenia and matricide was conducted. Sixty-one publications were identified, consisting of case reports, descriptive studies, and comparison studies. Results indicated variable rates across studies of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders among samples of matricidal offenders, though these rates appeared to be elevated in comparison to base rates of schizophrenia in the general population. Additionally, matricidal offenders with and without schizophrenia were in many cases characterized by negative family dynamics, pathological relationships with their mothers, and excessive offense violence. Though only limited generalizations can be made from qualitative synthesis of the literature in its current state, future investigations could lead to the establishment of a schizophrenia–matricide relationship which could have important implications in research, treatment, and criminal investigative areas of forensic psychology. Keywords mental illness, matricide, homicide, schizophrenia
Schizophrenia and Matricide: An Integrative Review An understanding of psychological factors related to specific forms of homicide, such as matricide (i.e., mother-killing) can be critical to applications in criminal justice in general and forensic psychology in particular. The taboo associated with mother-murder 1
California State University, Long Beach
Corresponding Author: Robert A. Schug, California State University, Long Beach, Department of Criminal Justice, 1250 Bellflower Boulevard, Long Beach, CA 90840 Email:
[email protected]
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has long been discussed in the mythology and legend of various cultures (Bunker, 1941; Green, 1981; Wertham, 1941). Reported rates of parricide in general, and of matricide in particular, however, are very low. For example, Weisman and Sharma (1997) cite U.S. Governmental reports which indicate that parricides account for only 2% of all homicide cases, or approximately 300 deaths annually (matricides 0.6%-0.8%, patricides 0.7%-1.1%). Over 80% of parricides involve father-killing by a son, and the rarest are mother-killings by daughters. In Europe, parricides account for 2%-5% of annual homicides, and in California 0.9%-1.1% of all homicides involve parents. Although many clinical analyses of parricidal juveniles, clinical studies of adult and adult/juvenile parricidal offenders, and English-language news reports of parricide have been published worldwide in the past several decades (e.g., 226 of the latter as of 2003; Heide & Boots, 2007; Heide & Petee, 2007; Marleau, 2002), these reports are not limited to motherkillings; and speak both to the comparative rarity of—yet significant public interest in—cases of this type of crime. Recent references have been made to matricide being more common among or specific to individuals with severe psychiatric disorders (Torrey, 2006), and schizophrenia in particular (Gudjonsson & Petursson, 1982; Modestin & Amman, 1996). Some have even referred to matricide as a “schizophrenic crime” (Gillies, 1965). Published case histories, beginning from the mid-20th century, demonstrate an early and ongoing psychiatric and psychoanalytic interest in the matricidal schizophrenic. Frederic Wertham (1949), in his seminal work Dark Legend, noted the dearth of scientific literature on matricide, and described the handful of published cases as predominantly young (ages 15-25), intelligent, hypermoral (rather than immoral) men with no criminal history, characterized by excessive attachment to their mothers and a lack of interest in other women. The murder almost always occurred in the mother’s bedroom, and postoffense behavior ranged from no emotion to extreme remorse and suicide attempts. Concealment of the crime was mostly absent or somewhat mechanical, and they usually made a full and voluntary confession. Though Wertham does not discuss the presence or absence of schizophrenia in these cases, such offense characteristics are not inconsistent with those of homicidal schizophrenic offenders reported in the literature (e.g., Gudjonsson & Petursson, 1982; Petursson & Gudjonsson, 1981; Robertson, 1988). Mothers have been shown to be common targets of violence and threats of violence from offspring with schizophrenia and other psychiatric illnesses (Estroff et al., 1998; Nordström & Kullgren, 2003). Earlier descriptive studies of matricide (e.g., Green, 1981; McKnight, Mohr, Quinsey, & Erochko, 1966; O’Connell, 1963) describe these predominantly schizophrenic offenders largely as highly dependent sons in close confining relationships with dominant/possessive mothers and attitudes of subservient hostility, unmarried with homosexual tendencies but minimal heterosexual experience, and by homicides that were excessively violent. Most matricidal offenders in Green’s (1981) sample were fatherless (e.g., via earlier death or divorce/separation) at the time of the killing. Higher proportions of absence of remorse were reported in the schizophrenic offenders compared to other groups, and previous physical attacks on the mother and histories of violence were associated almost exclusively with schizophrenia patients.
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Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 27(2)
Sexual elements in matricidal motives (e.g., sexual jealousy; beliefs in prematricide incest or postmatricide necrophilia; auditory hallucinations suggesting incest; vague unelaborated recorded statements, such as “it all has to do with sex”; elaborate sexual links, such as the delusion that the mother would take control of the wife’s body during intercourse, or the belief one required castration which the mother would not allow) were exclusive to the schizophrenic group. Motives for schizophrenics were predominantly persecutory paranoid (e.g., the perception the mother had dramatically changed—seeing mother as the devil, a witch, a zombie impersonating mother, or as one of the mythological Gorgons); the belief the mother was trying to poison them; the desire for liberation; the belief that the mother was trying to interfere between them and their wives/girlfriends). To date, this psychological profile of the “prototypical” matricidal offender has been perpetuated more through clinical lore than additional empirical research; and few efforts have been made to further clarify a possible schizophrenia–matricide relationship. The scant number of scientific studies related to schizophrenia and matricide is largely comprised of published case reports of matricidal offenders, and reports of the prevalence of schizophrenia among samples of matricidal offenders. These reports are rare, somewhat scattered and far-flung in the literature, and have yet to be integrated in any systematic fashion or aggregated into one distinguishable body of work. As such, a qualitative review and synthesis of the literature appears timely, and would contribute to solid empirical foundation on which further investigations of schizophrenia and matricide could be based.
Method A qualitative review of the literature on matricide was conducted to evaluate the following: (a) the prevalence of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders among published studies of matricidal offenders, and (b) the presence of the aforementioned pathological family dynamics and excessive offense violence which may be characteristic of matricidal offenders with schizophrenia. A convenience sample of publications was identified using an online database search (PsycInfo) for the terms matricide and parricide, and additional publications were identified within the reference sections of these original sources. In all, 61 publications from several different countries were located—34 case studies, 19 descriptive studies—with two studies (McKnight et al., 1966; Mohr & McKnight, 1971) reporting on the same sample, and eight comparison studies involving matricidal offenders. A small percentage of matricidal offenders in case reports also committed patricide, fratricide, or grandmother-killing. Of the descriptive studies, seven involved samples of parricidal offenders which included matricidal along with patricidal offenders, whereas one (DeVaux et al., 1974) did not specify the proportions of matricides to patricides. Among comparison studies, six involved parricidal offender samples which included matricidal offenders, whereas one (Marleau, 2003) did not did not specify the proportions of matricides to patricides. Some studies mentioned or described matricidal offenders without matricide necessarily being the main focus of the publication (Tables 1-4).
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Matricidepatricide Matricide
Raizen (1960)
Matricide
Matricide
Scherl & Mack (1966)
Szondi (1968)
Russell (1965)
Medlicott (1955)
22
16
17
17
?
Age
1
1
14
14
3 15-16
1
1
1
1
Matricide
Matricide (United States) Matricide
1
n
Matricide
Case or sample type
Wertham (1949)
Steffen (1933, in Wertham, 1949) Arnfred (1946)
Source
M
M
M
M
F
M
M
M?
Gender
Results
No information related to family dynamics or method of killing reported. Death of father at age 6; father schizophrenic; behaviors and mannerisms described as “peculiar” since birth by self and others; no interest in girls. Excessive violence used in crime (repeated blows to head with an axe, cut throat with a bread knife). Sexualized and promiscuous mother. Killed mother by stabbing with a bread knife, 2-3 times in chest and neck.
Comments
(continued)
Relationship with mother unremarkable; excessive violence used in crime (approximately 45 blows to the head with a brick). Paranoid schizophrenia Seductive mother, paranoid schizophrenic; father absent ages 11-14; poisoned parents with cyanide. 33% (n 1—“Luis”) Fathers absent, symbiotic relationship with mothers. “Luis” Schizophrenic killed mother by choking and stabbing. reaction type Some postoffense Physically abusive, sexualized and promiscuous mother; psychotic killed mother while sleeping with rifle—seven shots at symptomatology close range. Postoffense catatonic Psychotic and promiscuous mother; killed mother with episode, paranoid hatchet. delusions
Paranoia, folie à deux
Catathymic crisisa
Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia
Table 1. Case Reports of Matricide Involving Schizophrenia
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Matricide (4 cases)
Matricide
Case or sample type
Maas, Prakash, Hollender, & Regan (1984)
Oberdalhoff (1974) McCully (1978)
17
Age
1
29 35
MM
M
18
M
M M M F
M
(1) (2) (3) (4)
M
Gender
50
15
4 (1) 14 (2) 16 (3) 16 (4) 16
1
n
Matricide 1 (Germany) Matricide, 1 patricide (step-father), and fratricide (half-brother) (1) Matricide- 2 patricide (2) Matricidepatricide
Tanay (1973/1976) Matricide
Mack et al. (1973)
Sadoff (1971)
Source
Table 1. (continued)
Comments
(1) Paranoid schizophrenia (2) Paranoid schizophrenia
(continued)
Both with fawning/spoiling mothers and overly-indulgent fathers; (1) Shot parents with hunting rifle.(2) Shot parents with shotgun, ignited bodies with gasoline after deaths.
Psychotic disorder— Domineering mother, good relationship with father; killed most likely mother with firearm. acute paranoid schizophrenic reaction (3) “Luis” (1) Lifelong highly eroticized sadomasochistic relationship schizophrenic with mother. Shot mother to death. (2) Domineering, reactive type dependent mother; father distant, cold, punitive. Struck (diagnosed in mother repeatedly with blunt edge of axe blade. Russell, 1965, 1984) (3) Relationship with mother unremarkable, father mostly (4) Post-offense absent. Choked and stabbed mother 3 times with stiletto paranoid psychosis and butcher knife while attempting to murder father. (4) History of physical abuse by mother; shot mother to death. Mother highly punitive, demanding, and depriving; no Schizophreniab overkill (one shot with pistol). Schizophrenia Strict, religious upbringing by mother; offender returned to live with mother after father’s death. Borderline paranoid Parents divorced (age 1) and father absent; slept in same schizophrenia bed with mother for a time, age 12. Overkill—shot stepfather once and mother five times in the head after death.
Results
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9 31
1
Matricide (Denmark) Matricide
1
34
Mouridsen & Tolstrup (1988) Akuffo, McGuire, & Choon (1991)
1 8 13-25
Matricide
Lipson (1986)
Age
4 (1) 16 (2) 15 (3) 16 (4) 16
n
Macdonald (1986) Matricide (8 cases)
Matricide (4 cases)
Case or sample type
Russell (1984)
Source
Table 1. (continued)
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Results
Comments
(continued)
M 25.0% (n 1; Case 3 (1) Parental discord; sexualized relationship with mother; M “Luis”) schizophrenic cold, distant, punitive father. (2) Parental discord; M reactive type sexualized relationship with mother; cold, distant, punitive XM father. Killed mother with axe. (3) Choked and stabbed mother. (4) Critical, demanding mother with deep pathological attachment to offender; accidentally shot mother with rifle. M Paranoid psychosis Mother frustrating and sadistic; killed mother by striking and repeated kicking. Seductive mother/sexual relations with mother mentioned M 37.5% (n 3) schizophreniac, 37.5% in two cases (no diagnosis offered). Schizophrenic (n 3) no mention of matricides consisted of bludgeoning to death with a diagnosis. wringer, beating with a claw hammer and decapitation, and stabbing. M Schizophrenia Relationship with mother unremarkable. Shot mother with rifle. M Psychosis, temporal Father died when patient age 31; mother chronic alcoholic lobe epilepsy, mental and domineering, frequently provoked patient into handicap aggressive outbursts; killed mother by striking over head with heavy bottle during violent argument.
Gender
210
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(1) Matricidepatricide (2) Matricide (3) Matricidepatricide Matricide (United States) Matricide (Japan)
Kirschner (1992)
Meloy (1996)
Sugai (1999)
Heide (1992)d
Attempt matricidepatricide, killed grandmother (1) Matricide (2) Matricide
Case or sample type
Newhill (1991)
Source
Table 1. (continued)
24
Age
1
1
25
33
3 (1) 18 (2) 44 (3) 14
2 (1) 20 (2) 19
1
n
M
M
M
M
M
Gender
Comments
Schizophrenia
(1) Severe dissociative features (2) Possible MPD (3) Dissociative state and brief reactive psychosis Schizoaffective disorder
(1) Psychotic disorder (2) Paranoid schizophrenia
(continued)
(1) Close-knit family, relationship with mother unremarkable. Nude and battered body of mother found in master bedroom of family home.(2) No information reported about family dynamics. Stabbed mother 40 times in chest, stomach, back, slit throat. (1) Adoptive parents harsh and rejecting; bludgeoned parents to death and set fire to bodies.(2) Rejected by adoptive parents at age 12. Poisoned adoptive mother. (3) No information reported about family dynamics; given up by birth mother at age 3 and adopted away from foster parents at age 5. Set fire that killed adoptive parents. Father died and mother hospitalized when offender was 18 months old. No other information related to dynamics reported. Repeatedly stabbed mother with sword. No information related to family dynamics or method of killing reported in English language abstract.
Paranoid schizophrenia Hostile-dependent relationship with parents: Mother domineering/controlling, father passively rejecting. Stabbed father with kitchen knife, stabbed mother and grandmother multiple times.
Results
211
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Matricidepatricide (France)
Bouchard & Bachelier (2004)
Age
Gender
1
27
M
2 (1) 14 (1) M (2) 14 (2) F
n
Comments
Schizophrenia
Early schooling and professional life marked by difficulties and instability; parental divorce; hospitalized on four occasions in 5 years preceding murder, all related to violence against mother; persecutory delusions centered largely around the mother; two previous arrests for violent offenses. Method of killing: Single gunshot to abdomen (mother), two gunshots to chest (father).
(1) Possible “transient” (1) History of parental discord. No history of physical or psychotic break sexual abuse reported. Hammer and hack-saw blade used (2) Some evidence as weapons.(2) Family dynamics appear unremarkable. for post-offense No history of physical or sexual abuse reported. Killed psychotic mother with kitchen knife. symptomatology
Results
a. An author-proposed proposed mental illness—not schizophrenia—but with some characteristics resembling psychotic features (i.e., delusional qualities). b. Author states his notes and the report indicate a wish to diagnose the participant as schizophrenic. This appears to be an initial forensic consultation diagnosis. However, author also indicates he “observed no overt psychopathology,” and that all three cases were not psychotic. Of the three total cases presented, schizophrenia was mentioned only with the matricide case (the other cases were patricides). c. In two more-well-known cases (Edmund Kemper, Henry Lee Lucas), diagnoses of schizophrenia were not mentioned by this author but were mentioned in other sources. d. The author presents the matricide cases of (a) Michael Miller and (b) Jonathan Cantero as examples of the severely mentally ill child parricidal offender. Examples of the severely abused child parricidal offender and the dangerously antisocial child parricidal offender were also presented, though these examples were patricides.
(1) Fratricide, attempt matricide (Australia) (2) Matricide (Australia)
Case or sample type
Lennings (2002)
Source
Table 1. (continued)
212
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Cases of parricidal offenders (matricidal and patricidal offenders; patricide more frequent— Poland) 38
Adult/ Juvenile
62
Rozycka & Thille (1974)
15-39
12
McKnight Matricidal offenders among et al. Penetanguishine Hospital (1966); patients (Canada) Mohr & McKnight (1971) Devaux et al. Parricidal offender cases in (1974) France, 1958-1967
Adult
11-67
63
Scottish homicide offenders with/without mental illness
Adult
Age
Gillies (1965)
13
n
Matricidal offenders among Broadmoor Hospital patients
Case or sample type
O’Connell (1963)
Source
29 M, 9F
? M, ? Fa
M
59 M, 7F
M
Gender
Table 2. Descriptive Studies Involving Matricide and Schizophrenia
11) schizophrenia.
Most lived with a possessive mother. Approximately 50% showed close interest in mother’s sexual conduct. No information about the family dynamics of or method of killing by matricidal offenders reported. 75% (n 9) from unbroken homes. 66.7% (n 8) excessive force used.
Comments
(continued)
At least half of families “classically negative type” (parent missing, parents tyrannical and physically abusive, indifferent to child’s needs, etc.). No information about method of killing reported. 50.0% (n 19) psychosis, 21.1% No information related to (n 8) character disorder, 18.4% family dynamics reported (n 7) impaired intellectual in English language abstract. functioning, 10.5% (n 4) normal Crimes by psychotic offenders individuals. characterized by unusual cruelty.
10) schizophrenia.
60.0% psychotic disorder, 20.0% epilepsy, 20.0% alcoholism.
83.3% (n
All matricides (n 4) committed by male schizophrenic offenders.
84.6% (n
Results
213
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22
15
35
Matricidal offenders among forensic hospital homicide offender inpatients (France)
Matricidal offenders among New York UniversityBellevue Hospital patients (U.S.)
Benezech, Yesavage, Addad, Bourgeois, & Mills (1984) Campion et al. (1985)
Cassani et al. Matricidal (11 men and 15 (1985) women) and patricidal (9 women) offenders (Italy)
58
Matricidal offenders among Broadmoor Hospital patients (U.K.)
Green (1981)
n
Case or sample type
Source
Table 2. (continued)
M
24 M, 11 F
20 – 60
?
M
Gender
21-63
Adult
Adult
Age
Psychotic disordered offenders mentioned but prevalence rates not reported.
53.3% (n 8) schizophrenia, 26.6% (n 4) substanceinduced psychosis, 20% (n 3) impulse disorders.
81.8% (n 18) schizophrenia or paranoid disordered.
74.0% (n 43) schizophrenia, 15.5% (n 9) depression, 10.5% (n 6) personality disorders.
Results
(continued)
Close confining mother/son relationships (dominant mothers and immature, dependent sons); father often absent. Excessive violence in 25 cases (stabbing and battering group). Method of killing for schizophrenic offenders: primarily stabbing, battering, and shooting. Acts of schizophrenics (matricidal and non-matricidal) often involved enmeshed relationship with mother reaching delusional proportions. No mention of excessive violence. Schizophrenic offenders lived alone with mothers, in hostile, dependent relationships with them. Overall rates of excessive violence not reported, though extreme violence reported in individual case examples. Presence of impulses related to the Oedipus complex suggested, though these were not specific to psychotics. Matricidal men more likely to use firearm or blunt instrument, matricidal women strangulation or suffocation. No mention of excessive violence.
Comments
214
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Parricidal offenders (14 matricides, 3 patricides) from a prison, Broadmoor Hospital, and a Regional Secure Unit
Parricidal offenders (3 matricides, 6 patricides, 1 fratricide)
High Court record review of all matricidal offenders in Scotland, 1957-1987
Heide (1992)
Clark (1993)
Matricidal offenders in Greece
Case or sample type
D’Orban & O’Connor (1989)
Tsalicoglou (1988)
Source
Table 2. (continued)
26
7
17
8
n
39-80
12-17
Adultb
24-38
Age
23 M, 3F
6 M, 1F
F
M
Gender
Comments
(continued)
At the time of the offense, all had an “intimate and intense relationship” with mothers. Projective drawing tests revealed no sexual desire for the mother. No information about method of killing reported. Matricides: 64.7% (n 11) 76% of offenders living alone psychotic disorders, 13.3% (n 2) with victim. Matricides: mothers personality disorders, 6.7% domineering, overwhelming, (n 1) alcohol dependence. demanding, over-critical, Patricides: 6.7% (n 1) authoritarian. Extreme violence antisocial personality disorder, in 8 cases of matricide. 13.3% (n 2) no diagnosis. 33.3% of matricide offenders History of child verbal and (n 1—a matricide-patricide psychological abuse in 6 cases, offender) paranoid disorder. sexual abuse in 1 case. Emotional and physical neglect in 6 cases, emotional incest in 3 cases. All victims killed by firearm. 23.1% (n 6) schizophrenia, No information related to family 19.2% (n 5) personality dynamics or excessive violence disorder, 15.4% (n 4) alcohol reported. dependence, 11.5% (n 3) depression, 26.9% (n 7) no diagnosis.
100.0% (n 8) with schizophrenia.
Results
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Parricidal and attempted parricidal offenders referred for forensic psychiatric evaluation (including 31 matricidal/ attempt matricidal offenders, and 7 offenders who killed or attempted to kill both parents) (U.S.) Parricidal offenders (49.0% matricides, 40.0% patricides, 10.2% killed grandparents) among Cadillac hospital patients (France), 1963-2003
Weisman & Sharma (1997)
Bihan & Bénézech (2004) 42
64
12
n
M
29.9
Adult
17-44
Age
M
56 M, 8F
M
Gender
Results
83.3% (n 35) schizophrenia, 14.3% (n 6) delusional disorder, 2.4% (n 1) substanceinduced psychotic disorder. (All offenders psychotic disordered)
All with psychosis: 41.7% (n 5) paranoid schizophrenia, 16.7% (n 2) paranoid disorder, 16.7% (n 2) substancerelated delusional disorder, 16.7% (n 2) bipolar disorder with psychosis, 8.3% (n 1) depressive disorder with psychosis. 65.6% (n 42) psychotic, 15.6% (n 10) depressed, 7.8% (n 5) drug user, 10.9% (n 7) personality disorder.
a. Of the parricides, 65% were of father by son, 20% mother by son, and 6% father by daughter. b. Ages for matricidal offenders (M 39.5, SD 9.7) and patricidal offenders (18, 20, 26).
Parricidal/attempt parricidal offenders (6 matricides, 5 patricides, 1 matricidepatricide) (Canada)
Case or sample type
Millaud, Auclair, & Meunier (1996)
Source
Table 2. (continued)
Most offenders single, without profession, and living with parents. Offenses characterized by extreme violence.
73.4% (n 47) living with parent. No other information related to family dynamics reported. Psychotic patients most often used beating and repetitive stabbing as method of killing.
50% family history of violence. No other information related to family dynamics or excessive violence reported.
Comments
216
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Baxter et al. (2001) Adult
Adult
? (“young”)
Age
43 Adult (18)
Psychotic parricide vs. filicide (Lewis et al., 1998 sample)
2
Marleau (2003)
n
Matricidal offender 1 in comparison study of psychotic and nonpsychotic violent prisoners Parricidal offenders 257 (57 matricides, 41 patricides) and stranger killers among secure hospital inpatients (England and Whales)
Matricidal offenders in comparison study of homicide cases
Case or sample type
Taylor (1993)
Petursson & Gudjonsson (1981)
Source
39 M, 4F
240 M, 17 F
?
M
Gender
Table 3. Comparison Studies Involving Schizophrenia and Matricide
2) schizophrenia.
“Circumstances closely resembled those described in the psychiatric literature on the topic” (e.g., McKnight et al., 1966). No information about the family dynamics of or method of killing by matricidal offenders reported. No information about the family dynamics of or method of killing by matricidal offender reported.
Comments
(continued)
78.6% (n 77) of parricidal Almost twice as many of offenders and 43.4% (n 69) of fathers dead at time of stranger killers schizophrenic. homicide in matricidal offenders compared to stranger killers. Similar methods of assault among parricides and stranger killings. 100.0% (n 43) psychotic at No information about the time of offense (roughly same family dynamics of parricidal sample as Marleau et al., 2003). offenders reported. Higher percentage of weapon use than Lewis et al. (1998) psychotic filicidal sample.
100% (n 1) of parricidal (matricidal) offenders in this sample schizophrenic.
100.0% (n
Results
217
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Bourget et al. (2007)
Marleau et al. (2003)
Source Parricidal and attemptparricidal offenders among Institut Philippe Pinel de Montréal hospital patients (17 matricides, 20 patricides, and 2 cases of both parents) (Canada), 1976-1999 Coroner file review of all parricide cases (27 matricides, 37 patricides) in Quebec, 1990-2005
Case or sample type
Table 3. (continued)
18-59
Age
56 Adolescent, adulta
39
n 100.0% (n 39) psychotic at time of offense. Most common: 56.0% (n 22) paranoid schizophrenia, 13.0% (n 5) bipolar disorder with psychosis, 8.0% (n 3) schizoaffective disorder.
Matricides: 55.6% (n 15) psychotic disorders, 14.8% (n 4) depression, 7.4% (n 2) intoxication, 7.4% (n 2) no diagnosis, 14.8% (n 4) unknown. Patricides: 48.6% (n 18) psychotic disorders, 16.2% (n 6) depression, 5.4% (n 2) intoxication, 5.4% (n 2) no diagnosis, 18.9% (n 7) unknown. Mixed diagnostic results for matricidal/patricidal sons/daughtersb.
52 M, 4F
Results
36 M, 3F
Gender
(continued)
Majority of male matricidal offenders living with parents at time of offense. No other information about family dynamics or excessive violence reported.
31% family history of violence, 18% victims of violence as a child. 57% used a knife, 7 victims were killed with excessive force.
Comments
218
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Case or sample type 192
n
Age M
Gender
Comments
No information about family Matricides: 46.5% (n 40) dynamics of method of killing psychotic disorder. Patricides: reported. 26.4% (n 28) psychotic disorderc. Matricidal offenders significantly higher proportions of psychotic disorders; Patricidal offenders significantly higher proportions of personality and other nonpsychotic disorders.
Results
a. Matricidal offenders (male): 14-58, M 30.3, SD 12.6; patricidal offenders (male): 18-58, M 32.8, SD 11.4. b. Daughters: Three matricides and one patricide—66.7% of matricidal daughters psychotic disordered. Sons: Patricides outnumbered matricides (60% versus 40%). 54.2% of matricidal sons psychotic disordered, 48.6% of patricidal sons psychotic disordered, 66.7% of double-parricidal sons (n 9) psychotic disordered. c. Matricides: 55.8% (n 58) alcohol/drug-related disorder, 45.4% (n 39) personality disorder, 12.8% (n 11) depressive disorder, 3.5% (n 3) other nonpsychotic disorder, 2.3% (n 2) mental retardation, 9.3% (n 8) brain organic disorder. Patricides: 44.3% (n 47) alcohol/drug-related disorder, 64.2% (n 68) personality disorder, 11.3% (n 12) depressive disorder, 11.3% (n 12) other non-psychotic disorder, 7.5% (n 8) mental retardation, 6.6% (n 7) brain organic disorder. Offender may have diagnosis from several categories.
Liettu, Säävälä, File review of Hakko, Räsänen, forensic psychiatric & Joukamea statements of male (2009) parricidal offenders (86 matricides, 106 patricides) in Finland, 1973-2004
Source
Table 3. (continued)
219
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Juvenile
2
Matricide (2 cases)
16
18
13
Age
20 Unknown
1
1
1
n
Matricides among 245 family murderers (descriptive study)
Matricide
Schlesinger (1999)
Other studies Morris & BlomCooper (1961) in McKnight et al. (1966) Kearney & White (1968, in Mack et al., 1973)a
Matricide
Matricide
Case or sample type
Mittleman & Murphy (1961)
Case studies Schwade & Geiger (1953)
Source
?
19 M, 1F
M
M
M
Gender
Unknown
No mention in McKnight et al. (1966) of psychiatric diagnoses.
No evidence of schizophrenia.
Author mentions offender participant of psychiatric study, but no diagnosis reported.
Without psychosis.
Results
(continued)
No information about family dynamics or method of killing reported.
No information about family dynamics or method of killing reported.
Abnormal EEG suggestive of thalamic or hypothalamic disorder. History of parental discord. Possible “unresolved oedipal complex.” Shot mother 6-7 times. History of parental discord, relationship with mother appears unremarkable. Stabbed mother repeatedly with scissors, choked, and battered her head with hammer. History of maternal sexual abuse. Strangled mother to death, engaged in necrophilia.
Comments
Table 4. Case Studies Not Involving Schizophrenia, and Other Studies Where Involvement of Schizophrenia is Unknown
220
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Case studies of parricidal/attempt parricidal) offenders (1 male matricidal, 1 female and 2 male patricidal, and 1 male matricidal/patricidal) Parricidal offenders (2 matricides, 6 patricides, 2 matricide-patricides) among forensic hospital unit patients
Duncan & Duncan (1971)
Corder, Ball, Haizlip, Rollins, & Beaumont (1976)
(1) Matricide (Case 2) (2) Matricide (Case 7)
Case or sample type
Cuthbert (1970)
Source
Table 4. (continued)
Adolescent
(1) 16 (2) 15
Age
10 Adolescent
5
2
n
9M, 1F
6 M, 1F
M
Gender
Comments
Psychiatric diagnoses not available for most; hospital records listed majority as “without psychosis.”b
(continued)
40% sexually overstimulated by parent.c 60% overly attached to mother.c (2 matricides overly close sexually provocative relationships with mother, father absent). 70% abused by parent. 40% father absent.c 60% parental discord, neglect.
(1) No mention of psychiatric (1) Stepmother self-righteous, diagnoses. No indicators of cold, rejecting; killed with psychotic symptomatology hammer blow to head. in case material. (2) Killed with rifle. (2) No mention of psychiatric diagnoses. Some indicators of psychotic symptomatology in case material. No mention of psychiatric Father physically abusive in diagnoses. No indicators of one patricidal case. No other psychotic symptomatology information about family in case material. dynamics reported. Method of killing primarily shooting.
Results
221
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Descriptive study of 9 maximum security hospital patients (including one matricidal offender) (Broadmoor Hospital)
Scragg & Shaw (1994) Adult?
14-15
17
Age
M
3M, 1F
M
Gender
Matricidal offender (case 8) equivocal diagnosis of Asperger’s syndrome. No mention of other psychiatric diagnoses.
Author reports no overt symptoms of (presumably current) psychosis, but that 90% of the overall homicidal adolescent sample had history of transient psychotic schizophrenic episodes. No mention of psychiatric diagnoses. No indicators of psychotic symptomatology, though one male spent 8 months in a psychiatric hospital post-offense.
Results
No information about family dynamics of or method of killing by matricidal offender reported.
Author focuses on parental abuse with other situational factors as causes. All victims shot. No information related to excessive violence reported.
Death of father age 12; mother became ambivalent and seductive; stabbed mother to death.
Comments
a. Unpublished essay. b. Comparative study (with 10 relative/acquaintance murderers and 10 stranger murderers). One parricidal offender psychotic/bizarre behavior in follow-up data (none in other groups). c. Significant increase relative to one or more comparison groups. d. From a larger sample of 10 homicidal adolescents in a children’s psychiatric center.
Case studies of 4 parricidal offenders (3 matricide-patricides, 1 patricide)
Post (1982)
1d
n
Matricide (case study)
Case or sample type
McCarthy (1978)
Source
Table 4. (continued)
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Studies were further examined for content which was qualitatively consistent with factors related to matricide often reported in the literature (see above). Specifically, information was sought related to family dynamics and the nature of the relationship of the offender with the mother (i.e., if this relationship was characterized by sexualization or other forms of abuse—see Hillbrand, Alexandre, Young, & Spitz, 1999), and if the homicidal acts were characterized by excessive forms of violence (i.e., beyond what was needed to physically accomplish the act of matricide).
Results Schizophrenia and/or other psychotic disorders are mentioned in 26 of the 34 case studies (76.5%), 16 of the 18 descriptive study samples (88.9%), and 7 of the 8 comparison studies (87.5%). Within these, prevalence rates of psychotic disorders among matricidal offenders vary from 25%-100% among case studies, 33.3%-100% among descriptive studies, and 46.5%-100% among comparison studies. Of the 49 matricidal offenders reported across the 34 case studies of matricide, 34 (69.4%) were described with psychotic disorder diagnoses or symptomatology (though one case, “Luis,” was reported in three separate publications; Russell, 1965, 1984; Mack, Scherl, & Macht, 1973). In half of the comparison studies identified for this review, all (100%) of the matricidal offenders were diagnosed with schizophrenia or were psychotic at the time of the offense. Additionally, in eight studies (five case reports, two descriptive studies, and one comparison study—see Table 4) psychiatric diagnoses or diagnostic procedures were not reported, so the presence of schizophrenia or other psychotic disorders among these samples could not be determined. Cases and samples of children, adolescents, and adults were identified—with the former being particularly interesting given the typical early-adulthood age of onset for schizophrenia. Sources commonly reported problematic family dynamics (e.g., fathers who were unavailable either physically or emotionally, histories of various forms of abuse, histories of parental verbal or physical discord) and pathological relationships with mothers (e.g., sexualized, hostile, or overly dependent). These factors appeared across studies in which schizophrenia is present, absent, and unknown; and was more often reported in case and descriptive studies—though these studies by nature are generally characterized by richer clinical detail. Additionally, many studies (involving and not involving schizophrenia) reported matricides which were extremely violent and in many cases characterized by what would be considered excessive violence (e.g., bludgeoning to death and setting fire to the body of the victim; stabbing the victim 40 times in the chest, stomach, and back, and slitting her throat; repeated stabbing of the victim with a sword).
Discussion Individuals with schizophrenia appear to be overrepresented among case reports, descriptive studies, and comparison studies of matricidal offenders in the literature. Prevalence rates of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders among matricide offenders across the three types of studies examined here reflect rates that are significantly higher than
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those seen for these disorders in the general population (i.e., 0.5%-1.5% in adults; American Psychological Association, 2000). Though there is substantial overlap, rates of schizophrenia in matricidal offenders here do appear at the extreme end somewhat increased compared to those reported in adult samples of homicide offenders (6%-50%; e.g., Okasha, Sadek, & Moneim, 1975; Szymusik, 1972), and rates of schizophrenia and psychotic symptomatology reported in juvenile murderers (0%-86%; e.g., Bender, 1959; Cornell, Benedek, & Benedek, 1987; Lewis et al., 1988; Lewis, Yeager, Blake, Bard, & Strenziok, 2004; Myers & Kemph, 1990; Myers, Scott, Burgess, & Burgess, 1995; Rosner, Wiederlight, Horner-Rosner, & Wieczorek, 1979). Given methodological limitations, however, it is difficult to ascertain whether these differential rates reflect a specific relationship between schizophrenia and matricide, or a more general schizophrenia– homicide or mental illness–homicide relationship. Additionally, while elements of negative family dynamics, pathological relationships with the mother, and excessive offense violence are commonly reported in the studies of schizophrenia and matricide reviewed here, there is no way currently to ascertain if these characteristics are specific to the matricidal schizophrenic (as opposed to matricidal offenders in a broader sense), or if they are reflective of a more general victim–offender dynamic characterizing homicidal violence overall.
Limitations Although a preliminary summary and synthesis of the literature in this area of forensic psychological research may be of scientific value in its own right, important critical points must be raised. First, the two thirds prevalence rate of schizophrenia among case reports must be interpreted with caution, as this “sample” of reports was in effect obtained via convenience rather than random sampling methods. Also, results here speak only to the prevalence of schizophrenia within published cases and descriptive/comparative samples—not the true population—of matricidal offenders. On balance, reports in the literature indicate that parricide in general is extremely rare. Although it may be that only sensationalized cases of public or scientific interest are published, given these numbers and the aforementioned matricide prevalence statistics, it might be that although all published matricide cases are not included here, a representative percentage likely are. If the rates of schizophrenia among matricidal offenders are no higher than the rate of schizophrenia in the general population (e.g., 0.5%-1.5%), the amount of published material related to nonschizophrenic matricide should exceed what is listed here by one hundred–fold. Additionally, even the lowest sample prevalence rates of psychotic matricidal offenders listed above (25%) far surpass this baseline rate of schizophrenia. Nonetheless, interpretations of reported prevalence rates in aggregate across studies should be considered premature at this early stage, and should be reserved until after more qualitative, meta-analytical approaches can be applied to this body of work. Second, matricide is clearly not schizophrenia specific (e.g., Wertham, 1941). Although psychotic motives for matricide are understandable (e.g., fantastic bizarre delusions, such as a patient believing that after killing his adoptive parent, a UFO would help him find his natural parent; Marleau, Millaud, & Auclair, 2003), motives such as property
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crimes could also motivate matricide. Kenneth Lee Allen, for example, in late 2004 and early 2005 killed first his mother and then his grandparents, dismembered and buried their bodies in concrete in his grandparents’ basement, all for the purposes of financial gain (his grandparents’ money—his mother was killed first for her refusal to help Allen steal the money). Though reports indicate Allen’s defense attorneys had lined up six professionals to testify to his brain damage and mental illness, he eventually pled guilty to the crimes and these opinions were not entered into testimony. Other related factors and motivations for matricide reported in the literature include preserving family honor (Wertham, 1949), abuse (Hillbrand et al., 1999; Tanay, 1973), arguments—alcohol-related, over money or property, or other reasons (Heide & Petee, 2007), EEG abnormalities, and hypoglycemia (review in Green, 1981). Furthermore, there is no reason to assume that although an individual may suffer from schizophrenia, it is not these motives rather than psychotic symptomatology that drives that individual to kill his or her mother. In other words, although schizophrenia may play a role in the etiology of matricidal violence, the degree of its potential influence remains uncertain, and the possibility of other etiological factors not related to schizophrenia suggest that it is not necessarily a causal role. Third, reports of patricide among schizophrenic and psychotic offenders (Cravens, Campion, Rotholc, Covan, & Cravens, 1985; Newhill, 1991; Singhal & Dutta, 1990; Tucker & Cornwall, 1977) suggest that these parricidal offenders do not exclusively kill their mothers. Also, interstudy differences in rates of schizophrenia could be accounted for by diagnostic practices which differ from study to study (see Clark, 1993) and which have changed over the years with the evolution of various psychiatric diagnostic systems. Additionally, it is important to note that sons commit both matricide and patricide, matricide is not specific to sons or necessarily sons with schizophrenia (Bourget, Gagné, & Labelle, 2007). Together, these points are critical considerations in understanding the association between schizophrenia and matricide. Fourth, matricide by schizophrenic individuals may be what amounts to a statistical artifact. If schizophrenic murderers are more likely to kill family members and other individuals that are known (due to availability, proximity because of social isolation and withdrawal), then it is only logical that matricide would be overrepresented among these individuals. Mothers may have traditionally been the family members most likely to care for schizophrenic individuals, hence they would be more available as victims. Additionally, the overrepresentation of schizophrenia patients in descriptive studies of matricidal offenders culled from forensic hospital settings may actually reflect the overrepresentation of schizophrenic offenders in general in these hospitals. Results from these studies would be more telling had they published the population diagnostic characteristics of the hospitals from which they were sampled, and compared these characteristics to those of the matricidal offenders. Future studies addressing this issue could provide further clarification.
Conclusions In summary, a preliminary qualitative review and synthesis of the limited number of publications related to schizophrenia and matricide revealed some discernable trends.
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First, individuals with schizophrenia appear to be overrepresented in the literature published to date on matricide (i.e., case material and a limited number of descriptive and comparative investigations)—though what cannot be ascertained with any degree of certainty, given the current state of the literature, is if these individuals are in fact overrepresented among actual populations of matricidal offenders. Second, consistent with earlier published descriptions of the schizophrenic matricidal offender, pathological family dynamics and excessive offense violence do appear prominently across case reports and descriptive and comparative samples of matricidal offenders with schizophrenia, though it is unclear at this point if these factors are specific to schizophrenic offenders who commit matricide, matricidal offenders in general, or even homicidal offenders overall. The establishment of an empirically supported relationship between schizophrenia and specific forms of violent crime such as matricide could have important implications in the field of forensic psychology—particularly in research, treatment, and criminal investigative arenas. Future empirical efforts are needed, however, to further elucidate this relationship, and determine if matricide is in fact largely a “schizophrenic crime.” Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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Bio Dr. Robert Schug is assistant professor of criminal justice and forensic psychology in the Department of Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach. He earned a BA in psychology and an MS in forensic psychology from California State University, Los Angeles, as well as an MA and a PhD in psychology, with emphases in clinical neurosciences, from the University of Southern California. His area of specialization is the biology and psychology of the criminal mind. His research interests are predominantly focused on understanding the relationship between extreme forms of psychopathology and antisocial, criminal, and violent behavior from a biopsychosocial perspective—with the application of advanced neuroscience techniques from areas such as neuropsychology, psychophysiology, and brain imaging. He has published his research in leading international psychological and neurological journals, including the British Journal of Psychiatry, Clinical Psychology Review, and the Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. His first book, Mental Illness and Crime, will be published by SAGE this year.
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