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Journal of Career Development, Vol. 29, No. 4, Summer 2003 ( 2003)

Science Career-Related Possible Selves of Adolescent Girls: A Longitudinal Study Becky Wai-Ling Packard and Dam Nguyen Mount Holyoke College

This paper uses a possible selves theoretical framework to examine whether and how adolescent girls’ images of themselves as future scientists change during their transition from high school to college. Forty-one female high school graduates from diverse ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds, who had enrolled in an intensive math and science program while in high school, participated in interviews focused on their perceptions of factors that influenced their career plans over time. Participants suggested that career-related internships and intensive academic programs, especially those that yielded important mentoring relationships, were contexts in which they negotiated career-related possible selves and subsequent career plans. KEY WORDS: identity; female students; career development; mentors; high school-tocollege transition.

The career paths of adolescent girls are very complex; many girls, across the talent spectrum, who are interested in prestigious, highpaying careers change their career plans to pursue less prestigious careers during late adolescence (Arnold, 1995; Eccles, 1994; Farmer, Wardrop, Anderson, & Risinger, 1995). This trend is reflected in the lack of socioeconomic, ethnic, and gender diversity in science, math, engineering, and computer technology (SMET) fields. The National Science Foundation (NSF, 2000) reported that undergraduate women Address correspondence to Becky Wai-Ling Packard, Ph.D., Department of Psychology and Education, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, MA 01075; e-mail: bpackard@ mtholyoke.edu. A previous version of this paper was presented at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association. Seattle, WA. 251 0894-8453/03/0600-0251/0  2003 Human Sciences Press, Inc.

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still receive approximately 17% of physics, 17% of engineering, and 28% of computer science degrees; the numbers of Black, Hispanic, and Native American women in these fields are even smaller. Understanding why young women make the career decisions they do, especially with regard to SMET careers, is an issue of national importance. In order to consider science careers, young women need to be interested, efficacious, and academically qualified in science (Farmer et al., 1995; Seymour & Hewitt, 1997). Consistent with expectancy-value theory, they also need to value having a lifestyle and career of a scientist, and find science relevant to their future career goals (Eccles, 1987, 1994). It is this value side of the equation we were most concerned with, since the “nerdy, male, and White” stereotypes of scientists can be off-putting to girls (Eisenhart, Finkel, & Marion, 1996). As Eccles (1994) suggested, young women weigh the costs and benefits of scientific participation. They may ask themselves questions such as “Is there a good fit between science and me?” and “Is it worth it to pursue science?” The perceived conflict between family and career is one major factor young women consider in answering these questions, even today (Grant, Battle, & Heggoy, 2000). Young women who value family and relationships may see science careers as undesirable due to their association with a lack of family and relationships (Eccles, 1987). Thus, young women’s views of their future careers factor into career decisions. To persist in science, young women need to sustain positive views of themselves as future scientists (Baker & Leary, 1995). “Possible selves” is a psychological theory that offers a way of understanding how women’s future images guide their career behavior. According to Markus and Nurius (1986), possible selves are images of what people hope to become, expect to become, and fear becoming in the future. These images motivate behavior as people are energized to pursue images they hope for and strive to avoid images they fear. Career-related possible selves are relevant to adolescents; in the U.S., many adolescents’ future possibilities involve plans to complete high school, pursue work, or attain higher education in anticipation of a future career. Arguably, the development of career-related possible selves is one of the most salient developmental tasks in adolescence as young people attempt to determine who they are and who they would like to become (Erikson, 1950). Similarly, Super (1954) emphasized that as young adults solidify their identities as people, they also crystallize their occupational identities (cited by Gianakos, 1999). Oyserman, Gant, and Ager (1995) suggested that certain possible

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selves are perceived by adolescents to be more plausible than others because of the available role models in their social environment who imply what is really possible. Furthermore, Gianakos (1999) reported that young adults who followed Super’s (1954) “stable” career path, or those who chose a career path early and continued along the same path into adulthood, were more likely to report that career role models were salient in their career development. Given this framework, it is not surprising that in order to attract adolescent girls to science, or expand the range of girls’ career-related possible selves, mentoring and intensive science programs have been recommended. The notion of mentoring has received great notoriety over recent years, as it has been linked to career choice (Erinosho, 1997; Simpson, 1996), career success (Blake-Beard, 1999), and persistence (Baker & Leary, 1995; Bird & Didion, 1992; Hill, Pettus, & Hedin, 1990). A mentor is generally defined as an older, more experienced person who acts as a role model, guide, counselor, and advocate for a younger less experienced person (Casey & Shore, 2000). Mentoring can have a primarily academic or professional function, primarily personal function, or a blend of these qualities. Mentoring relationships can be developed through formal programs or informal networks, and they have an important role in career-related identity development by modeling or validating the career-related possible selves that young people desire. Intensive academic programs have been suggested as complementary to or as a way to extend mentoring programs. Farmer, Wardrop, and Rotella (1999) discussed the importance of sustaining girls’ values of science and math by exposing them to intensive programs that may provide early opportunities to learn about research. Intensive summer programs can also increase girls’ knowledge of careers and provide opportunities for career exploration (Rea-Poteat & Martin, 1991). Furthermore, internship programs can encourage young people to try relevant work experience and more realistically explore possible careers (Brooks, Cornelius, Greenfield, & Joseph, 1995).

Research Questions Despite evidence that mentoring and intensive programs targeting adolescent girls in science can be effective in developing their interests, there has been little longitudinal research studying the career paths of girls who have participated in such programs, in terms of their long-term career plans or attainment. What is the nature of girls’

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science career trajectories after they participate in intensive academic science- and math-related programs during early adolescence? We wanted to examine what career trajectories emerged from these data, and which factors young women perceived to be relevant to their subsequent continuity or change of career plans. In summary, we examined the stability and change of the science career-related possible selves of girls who participated in an intensive summer science and math-related academic program during early adolescence as a window into understanding the nature of adolescent girls’ career trajectories over time.

Method Participants Forty-one young women ranging in age from 18–21 years old were interviewed. Participants were ethnically diverse; 13 European American, 9 African American, 7 Asian, Hispanic, or Native American, 10 of multi-ethnic or other ethnic backgrounds were represented, and 2 students did not provide this information. They had recently graduated from high school or completed their 1st or 2nd year of college. Sixteen were among the first generation in their families to attend college. All participants attended an intensive college-based summer math and science program when they were in high school, and at the time of program attendance, they planned to pursue to careers in natural science, engineering, technology, and applied math. The program was not designed for gifted students, but rather those who wanted to further develop their confidence and competencies in these areas. Procedure and Materials Participants’ applications to the summer program revealed their career plans when they were in high school and had attended the program. Semi-structured phone interviews were used to obtain current career plans. The interview began with an open-ended question about their current career plans. The interviewer noted whether the career plans had changed or stayed the same (as compared with the summer program data). Next, participants were asked to reflect on what factors contributed to their decision to continue with or change their career plans. Finally, they were asked specific questions about signifi-


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cant adult relationships (parents, teachers, mentors), significant experiences or events (participation in academic programs), and their weighing of costs and benefits (challenge of career, flexible for family). Data Analysis In order to address the research questions, we compared participants’ initial plans from high school and current career plans to see which participants continued to stay with their initial career plans and who did not. We developed a classification system to account for changes we saw in the girls’ career plans over time, allowing the categories to emerge from the data as suggested by grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). These categories are represented in the form of career trajectories, with each set of trajectories couched within groups of persisting with initial science aspirations and not persisting with initial science aspirations. Then, we considered each participant’s perceptions of the factors that influenced their career plans over time.

Results Of the 41 participants, 30 were still pursuing SMET career plans after high school graduation (SMET persisters), while 11 were pursuing non-science career plans (SMET nonpersisters). Regardless of SMET persister-status, career trajectories followed a similar set of patterns in terms of how they reached their current career plans. The career trajectories followed one of the four following patterns: 1) Maintained initial science career aspirations (initial array of interests still are intact) 2) Identified one particular primary aspiration from initial array of interests (either choosing science aspiration over non-science aspiration, vice-versa, or one science aspiration over another) 3) New aspiration emerged while an initial aspiration was eliminated (one or more particular areas from initial array of aspiration were eliminated as options, and new science or non-science aspirations were developed) 4) New aspiration emerged without eliminating original aspirations (new area that was not in the initial array of aspirations but

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emerges as primary career aspiration, often as an extension or shift from the original aspiration) In the following section, we describe each of these career trajectories and highlight the salient factors that emerged within each trajectory. Career Trajectory 1: Maintained Initial Science Aspirations Over Time Six participants maintained their initial science career aspirations from high school to college. They were initially interested in one or two science career aspirations while in high school and maintained their aspirations or developed more specialized versions of these aspirations as they approached college. In their interviews, they often said that they had always been interested in a particular subject matter or career area (specifically, physical therapy, medicine, biology writing for magazines, engineering, dentistry, or biology), that strong interest was the major factor that influenced the development of initial career aspirations, and what currently sustains their aspirations today. Participants who maintained their science career aspirations over time described involvement in numerous academic programs and opportunities in the workplace where they met science professionals, mentors, and teachers who taught them about their desired future careers. However, these participants were less likely than others in the study to credit relationships with significant adults or their involvement in programs or internships with influencing the maintenance of their career aspirations over time. Because they held strongly to their original aspirations, any support they received from adults and involvement in programs and internships only facilitated the young women’s abilities to follow their own inclinations toward certain careers over time. Although these participants had different ethnic backgrounds and interests, none were in the first generation of their family to attend college. It is possible that these students always envisioned going to college and felt supported to pursue their interests. For example, Chantel, an African American woman, was one of the six participants who maintained her initial career aspiration over time. In Grade 11, Chantel wanted to become a physical therapist, and later, after her first year in college, she reported the same career plan. Her mother provided encouragement for her future career plans, and she attended summer camps where she learned more about science and math. She found this relevant for her interests in physical ther-


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apy. In addition, Chantel volunteered at orthopedic and therapy centers to learn more about the career. Although she had a great deal of support, Chantel credits herself and her own interests with sustaining her career aspirations over time. Career Trajectory 2: Chose Current Career Aspiration from an Array of Initial Aspirations Twelve participants initially described an array of initial career aspirations in high school. Five of these twelve participants, in college, had chosen a science career aspiration from their initial array that included non-science options (such as choosing medicine from an initial array containing business and medicine), while two of the eleven participants in this category chose a non-science option (choosing business instead of medicine). Five participants chose a science career aspiration from an initial array that included only other science options. The process of choosing a science career aspiration from a pool, which includes only other science options, and a pool that includes science and nonscience options, did not appear to differ, and so these participants are discussed collectively as SMET persisters. While all SMET persisters within this category had participated in special science-related academic programs in high school and had support from teachers and parents, they all credited their own interest for the current science career aspirations. In addition, they were more likely to have actual work-related experiences in the initial aspiration area, found the experience to be positive, in contrast to their other aspirations they once considered but did not actively explore. For example, Karyn, a first generation college student and European American participant, wanted to pursue a career in technology, music, or theatre when she was in Grade 10. Karyn reported that her technology interests developed in the seventh grade and were only further developed over time. After her second year in college, she is planning to have a career as an Internet Webmaster or a software engineer, careers she perceives as having great job opportunity. She attended a science-related seminar where she learned more about technology career-related opportunities. In addition, her family friends were engineers and provided support for her goals. Finally, she had a chance to develop work-related skills at her job’s computer lab. Furthermore, four SMET persisters described the job opportunity and financial promise of the current career aspirations as being influential in making their selection. In addition, three SMET persisters

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specifically mentioned their high ability in the career area they selected, and their enjoyment of the challenge that the selected career aspiration offered them. It is interesting to note that six of the nine SMET persisters were first-generation college students, possibly helping to understand why job opportunity or financial promise, and high ability in the career area, were so important in their career selection over time. For example, Jacqui, an African American participant who is part of the first generation in her family to attend college, reported that in Grade 9 she wanted to become either an accountant or teacher. After her first year of college, Jacqui wanted to become a certified internal auditor. She explained that she likes math and that auditors make “good money” which made the career attractive to her. She knew about this specialized option within her interest of accounting because her mother’s friend is an auditor. Her positive experience in university courses served to further sustain her interests over time. In contrast, the three SMET-nonpersisters credited their choice of a nonscience option with the influence of a mentor. For example, Loren, a Native American participant, was interested in either engineering or law in Grade 9. After participating in the summer math and science program, she undertook a mentorship with a patent lawyer. She found support from her parents and teachers. She planned to pursue college with a major in physics, with the goal of being a patent lawyer. Career Trajectory 3: Developed a New Aspiration After Actively Eliminating an Initial Aspiration Eight participants developed a new career aspiration after actively exploring and then eliminating an initial career aspiration. Only one participant developed a non-SMET career aspiration (eliminating interests to become a veterinarian or photographer in favor of becoming a writer or museum worker) while seven eliminated initial aspirations in favor of a newly developed SMET career aspiration (e.g., eliminating pediatrician in favor of physical therapy, eliminating flight engineer in favor of pediatrics). These participants had explored one of their initial aspirations (e.g., through a summer internship), discovered negative aspects about the career, and discarded it as an option. Negative aspects of careers included perceptions of strenuous work hours to prepare for and undertake the career and a lack of financial reward. In early adolescence, these participants did not have much information about the careers to which they aspired, and learned over time that they were not as interested in the careers as they once thought. However, they were


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open to new experiences, most often within SMET fields. At this point, participants reported that teachers and mentors during classes or an intensive SMET academic program, introduced them to new ideas about alternative science careers, and as a result, the participants identified new career plans. For example, Valerie, a European American participant, described in Grade 10 that she was interested in becoming a doctor, teacher, or homemaker. She discovered through discussions with others that becoming a doctor was “too much work.” Through encouragement from her parents who are software engineers, discussions with an algebra teacher, and her participation in the math and computer science club, she developed a new career aspiration involving the computer field. She currently aspires to becoming a software engineer or programmer. As evidence, after her second year of college, she is majoring in computers and mathematics. Career Trajectory 4: Developed a New Aspiration, Usually a Shift from an Initial Aspiration Fifteen participants developed new career aspirations, without eliminating initial aspirations; often, new aspirations constituted only a small shift from the initial aspirations. These participants did not describe any experiences, either positive or negative, that led them toward a decision regarding continuing with or abandoning their initial aspirations. Seven of the eight SMET-persisters who took this career path developed new career aspirations very related to the initial career interests, shifting from one SMET sub-field to a related subfield (e.g., doctor to nursing; marine biology to entomology). Only one SMET-persister participant made a more substantial change from one set of science career interests to another (computer engineering or medicine to accounting). The seven SMET non-persisters followed similar paths, with three participants shifting to related work but not technically in science or math (e.g., mechanical engineering to professional pilot, architecture to photography; sports medicine, marine biology, nurse, or physical therapist to social worker), and four made more substantial changes (e.g., chef, actress, computer programmer to creative writing; medicine and law to high school or college English teacher; marine biology, philosopher, professor to diplomat; psychiatrist or medicine to actress or marketing). Like those in career trajectory 2, these participants were most likely to credit income prospects of the new career as their reasons for their change in career aspirations. For example, Ellie, a Hispanic American

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participant, was interested in engineering and science in Grade 10. She shifted to nursing in the pharmaceuticals field after her second year of college. She enjoyed math and science, and though she found courses difficult, she persisted. She was aware of the demand for nurses, and became acquainted with a nurse practitioner that was a role model on a career panel that she attended. Ellie was impressed with what the nurse practitioner did and became drawn to the nursing field. Ellie’s cousin, a neurosurgeon, supported her exploration in health care and her interest in nursing. In addition, however, they cited the desire to help people as a reason for re-examining their initial career aspirations, and searching for alternatives that might allow them to help people through their career. Another example is Shatha, a Middle Eastern participant, reported that she was interested in sports medicine, marine biology, nursing, and physical therapy when she was in Grade 9. She became involved in an intervention program for autistic youth where she met an influential social service worker. She realized that ultimately, she wanted to make a difference through her career. Her mother, counselor, and coach supported her shift to social work. These participants were also most likely to credit their involvement with summer programs and coursework, which led them to work with an influential mentor. The mentor’s encouragement influenced the participants to try a new career in the nearby subfield or in a completely different field altogether—a career held by the mentor. These participants appeared to be generally interested in their initial career areas, but did not have any specific experiences at the time. Finding an enthusiastic mentor, or learning about a new career area, of which they were previously unaware, caught their attention and attracted them to the new interest. For example, Gillian, a multiracial, first generation college participant, reported in Grade 9 that she was interested in marine biology or oceanography. However, during her participation in a summer math and science camp, she was introduced to insect study and saw her entomology instructor as a role model. After Grade 12, she described her plans to pursue entomology in college.

Discussion Within this sample, only six participants maintained their initial career aspirations from early to late adolescence, even though 30 persisted within SMET fields. Further research can examine the possibil-


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ity that early exposure to an intensive science and math program can encourage young women to keep SMET fields as an option, even when their initial plan is not sustained. Young women who maintained their career aspirations over time often credited their own interest in the subject area as the reason their original career interest remained. In contrast to Giankos’ (1999) study, adolescents in this study who followed a stable career path were least likely to credit relationships with career role models. Most of our participants considered multiple career aspirations in early adolescence; they chose one of their initial aspirations, actively eliminated aspirations through exploration and experience, or became attracted to new aspirations of which they had recently learned. Results of this study suggest that mentoring relationships, developed through intensive summer programs or work-related internships, are critical to on-going career development. Oyserman and Saltz (1993) described significant adults as negotiation partners in the development and sustenance of career-related possible selves. Essentially adolescents can create, develop, or imagine possible selves through interactions with the significant adults in their environments. This is likely an iterative process where possible selves are continually developed and changed, and the durability of desired possible selves relies heavily on the validation of significant adults in one’s environment and reflections by the adolescents. Future research can examine the possibility that mentoring relationships often solidify preexisting career plans, but that mentoring also can also serve to prematurely foreclose options. The longitudinal design is a strength of this study because many career development studies occur at only one point in time. Furthermore, the diverse sample of young women provides valuable information about adolescents of multiple ethnic backgrounds and socioeconomic levels. This study has certain limitations that affect generalizability. It is important that participants had completed one intensive academic program; however, that distinguishes them from other adolescents in the general population. In addition, the study also employed qualitative research methods on a modest-sized sample, which did not allow for statistical analysis, and prohibited any causal claims. Despite the study’s limitations, the results have important implications for practice. Mentors and career internship programs should be made more accessible to young women as an integral part of education, as they provide vehicles to role-play and “try-on” careers and

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relevant possible selves. Young adults require systematic opportunities for self-reflection and career exploration to make informed decisions. Curriculum integration of career exploration is recommended throughout the K–12 years and into college (Arrington, 2000; Packard & Hudgings, 2002). This way, students learn important subject matter, while they are encouraged to think about themselves in the futures. Consistent with past research (see Badger, Craft, & Jensen, 1998; Simpson, 1997), girls appear to be concerned with helping others through their careers. Discussions of how careers impact communities need to be an explicit focus of career programs so careers are not eliminated due to a lack of information or stereotypical perceptions. Furthermore, students, especially from low-income backgrounds, may benefit from an explicit discussion about exploring a range of careers that may appear to promise financial stability. Having mentors should not be left to happenstance. Students should be encouraged to seek out mentoring and taught to have a more active role in their own mentoring. It is important to teach young adults that mentoring is an important part of career development, not a sign of weakness or a ruthless business strategy. Mentoring programs can include mentoring awareness focus groups, where young adults discuss their ideas about mentoring, can voice any concerns, and reflect on the their role in the process. Helping young people to see the explicit connection between mentoring and their own possible selves can increase the likelihood of career exploration and intentional engagement in career-related activities, and serve to facilitate positive career development over time.

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