Asian Christians Are Thinking (ed) Douglas J. Elwood (Quezon City: ... Brian K. Blount, Cultural Interpretation: Reorienting New Testament Criticism (Eugene;.
Separation of Church and State: A Case Study of Myanmar (Burma)* Pum Za Mang**
Introduction The military regime in Myanmar (Burma) has systematically committed a crime against humanity — political oppression, religious persecution, massive human rights violation, and ethnic cleansing — in the name of national security ever since 1962, and the church in Myanmar (Burma) has been silent in the face of those human evils primarily because of two basic theological grounds, namely, the principle of separation between church and state and the subjugation of church to the political authority. This paper takes a different direction by strongly arguing that a deeper combination of church and state for the well-being, full humanization, and authentic liberation of all human beings is necessary. The church in Myanmar (Burma) must daringly resist the state when the state denies social justice, political liberty, religious freedom, human rights, and democratic principle, and that its silence in the face of social evils simply means betraying Christ who was unfairly accused, trialed, tortured, and condemned to death for the liberation of those oppressed, persecuted, and dehumanized.
Formerly known as Burma, Myanmar designates today the same nation. Pum Za Mang is a lecturer at Myanmar Theological College, Mandalay, Burma.
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Asia Journal of Theology Whether in Burma/Myanmar or any other country colonised earlier, these countries have gone through or going through internal, ethnic and thus political turmoil for various reasons. Thus the issue of the role of the church in such countries continue to whet the theological reflection of upholding freedom, human rights etc., as for Christ. Burma is a very ethnically diverse country, with over 100 different ethnic groups, and the majority Burmans make up an estimated 68 percent of Burma's 60 million people. Other major ethnic groups include the Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, Rakhine, and Shan, and those non-Burman ethnic groups are called ethnic nationalities.' Burma is also a very religiously diverse country, and Buddhism is practiced by 89 percent whereas Christianity is practiced by 6 percent, Islam by 4 percent, and Hinduism by 1 percent of the population.^ Burma is truly a land of diversity, and she is known to the global community as a land of golden pagodas. No doubt Burma is a very rich country with fertile agricultural land, vast forests with a variety of hardwood, and a soil abounding in gems and minerals, but people are extremely poor basically because of 5 decades of the military rule. Accordingly, it has become one of the ten poorest countries in the world and was, thus, listed by the United Nations (UN) as the least developed country.^ Unfortunately, contemporary Burma is a land torn apart by human evil. Burma is ruled by one of the world's most brutal regimes, which took power by force, ignored election results, continued religious persecution, perpetuated ethnic genocide, violated human rights, and survived by creating a climate of fear. The military regime perpetrates crimes against humanity. It takes people for forced labor, uses villagers as human minesweepers, captures children and forces them to become soldiers, systematically rapes ethnic minority women," and burns down villages, churches, and crops.^ Being cognizant of those human evils, Jeff Haynes rightly stated that "Burma has never experienced democracy in over 50 years of independence, now ruled by the oppressive military regime, and it is a government with a very poor record in relation to civil liberties and political rights."* In Burma, "law and order" simply implies absolute submission to the oppressive law and order of the repressive military regime, and "peace and stability" simply means silent subjugation to the total control of the military regime 43
Asia Journal of Theology and the continuation of their political power in the country. Likewise, "national unity" means the assimilation of all ethnic minority groups in Burma Into Burman — Burmanization. Moreover, "suppression of terrorists" means suppression of all social activists who daringly speak of and work for human rights, democracy, freedom, and just peace in Burma. In this specific relation, Benedict Roger clearly claimed, "The military regime has killed thousands, and stands accused of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Over a million people are displaced in the jungles without food, shelter and medicine. 1,500 political prisoners remain behind bars."^ Kanbawza Win, as Haynes and Roger did, contended that "Burma has been undergoing a process of ethnic cleansing for nearly half a century even before the country gained independence in 1948."^ Unfortunately, the church in Burma has been silent in the face of such inhumane socio-political evils, especially the appalling military regime, because of its two basic theological grounds: the separation between church and state, and the subjection of church to the state. In this particular connection. Lap Yan Kung accurately wrote, "One of the characteristics of the Baptist tradition is the separation between politics and religion, and it may become an excuse for the church in Burma to refrain from politics."^ Indeed, I know from my personal experiences with the church in Burma that with an overemphasis on the theory of subjugation to the authority and separation between church and state, Burmese churches are too submissive to the authority and are mostly silent in the face of political oppression, religious persecution, ethnic genocide, and human rights violations brought about and perpetuated by the repressive military regime. Consequently, the presence of Christianity, Christian seminaries, Christian churches, Christian pastors, and Christians in Burma surely guarantee nothing for the liberation of the Burmese from their social, political, and economic sufferings. Against the traditional conception of the absolute demarcation between church and state and of the subjugation of church to the political authority, it is the thesis of this provoking article that the church must necessarily intervene in and daringly oppose the state, if the latter oppresses and abuses God's children, solely for political, religious, cultural, economic, social, and intellectual freedoms. Moreover, the church must not be subject to the state if the latter becomes a source of political oppression, religious persecution, social injustice, economic exploitation, human rights violation, and ethnic genocide. All in all the church
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Asia Journal of Theology remained, remains, and musf remain a vifal source of social movemenf for polifical freedom, social jusfice, efhnic equalify, democrafic regime, religious liberfy, and just peace. This paper is divided info three parfs, namely, efhnic genocide, polifical oppression, and fheological reflecfion.
Ethnic Genocide The world musf regreffully confess her original sin in fhe presence of God primarily because when efhnic genocides in fhe modern fime, including Rwandan genocide, rufhiessly fook millions of innocent lives, fhe infernafional communify, especially fhe Unifed Nafions,'° and fhe global church, especially fhe World Council of Churches (WCC) and fhe Vafican," failed fo prevenf fhose ferrible genocides againsf humanify. While falking about those dreadful human evils, efhnocide is now faking place in differenf parfs of fhe world, including Burma, in differenf forms. Some mighf quesfion or doubf fhe occurrence of efhnic genocide in Burma. Whaf consfifufes genocide! Johannes Morsink carefully buf clearly wrofe in fhis regard: On December 11,1946, the very First General Assembly of the United Nations passed a resolution declaring genocide to be a denial of the right of existence of entire human groups. The purpose of the Genocide Convention was fo prevent the destruction of racial, national, linguistic, religious, or political groups of human beings. At fhat Convention, genocide was defined as any deliberate act committed with the intent to destroy the language, religion, or culture of a national, racial or religious group on the grounds of national or racial origin or religious belief.'^
In fhis lighf, all efhnic nafionalifies in Burma have suffered efhnic genocide af differenf sfages in fheir long hisfory of suffering—polifical oppression and religious persecufion. Thus, Guy Horton, fhe Brifish human righfs researcher, has righfly argued, 'The acfions of fhe Burmese miiifary againsf efhnic nafionalifies consfifufe genocide under infernafional law."'^ Narrowing down fhe scope of my research, cerfain affempfs are made here in fhis paper fo explore fhe biffer experiences of efhnic genocide sysfemafically perpefrafed and incessanfly perpefuafed by fhe Buddhisf miiifary regime againsf fhe efhnic Karen and Chin Chrisfians in confemporary Burma as part of fhe infamous policy of nafional assimilation dubbed Burmanizafion. The Karen, a fribe in Burma's easfern regions, number between four and five million, and have
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Asia Journal of Theology foughf ever since 1949 fo keep fheir homeland and national idenfify. Many — at leasf 50% — are Chrisfjans, and have suffered all forms of oppression and all kinds of persecution.'" The Burmese milifary force has continued ifs military offensive againsf fhe Karen National Union (KNU) in easfern Burma, and fhe milifary offensive has resulted in fhe displacement of over half a million civilians and fhe destruction or forced relocation of more than 3,200 villages befween 1997 and 2007. Unforfunafely, aftacks on innocent civilians, exfrajudicial killings, and forced displacements have continued fo occur in easfern Burma. Nof surprisingly enough, over fhe pasf year, an estimated 66,600 people have been forced fo leave fheir homes as a resulf of fhe military attacks, including 27,000 villagers in four townships in fhe northern Karen Sfafe where fhe regime's offensive was mainly concentrated.'= The Burmese milifary regime is currently continuing ifs milifary offensive againsf fhe Karen armed resistance groups in easfern Burma and more than 40,000 Karen civilians are fleeing fheir homes fo Thailand for survival while working on fhis projecf. Why do fhe Burmese milifary generals keep assimilating, oppressing, persecuting, and killing fhe efhnic Karens rufhiessly? Whaf is fhe hidden agenda behind those inhumane persecutions? In a public sfafemenf in 1992, Major General Kef Sein proclaimed fhe regime's intention, "In fen years all Karen will be dead. If you wanf fo see a Karen, you will have fo go fo a museum in Yangon.'"^ Hence, in December 2002, Baroness Cox charged fhe Burmese junta wifh genocide. She argued, "The regime continues fo perpefrafe gross violations of human righfs, such as fhe use of forced labor, human minesweepers, child soldiers, milifary offensives againsf innocent civilians, rape, torture and massacre. Such atrocifies in fhe Karen sfafe confinue unabated. The violations are so systematic, rufhiess, and comprehensive thaf fhey can jusfifiably be designated as efhnic genocide.""' In summing up, instead of profecfing ifs citizens, fhe milifary regime made a campaign of efhnocide againsf fhe ethnic Karens in Burma. Accordingly, thousands of fhe Karens have, as nofed earlier, leff fheir homeland behind, and I am fold fhaf more than 120,000 Karens are currenfly in fhe refugee camps along fhe Thai-Burma borders. Some world leaders, including US Congressman Joseph Piffs, have been well aware of fhe persecutions and fhe sufferings fhe Karens were and are facing. Joseph duly championed fhe cause, and he visifed fhe Karens in 2003. In an orphanage af fhe Mae La refugee
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Asia Journal of Theology camp, Karen children, most of whose parents had been killed by the Burmese military personnel, gathered to tell their stories. One little girl began to talk about her father who had died, and as she spoke, tears flowed down her cheeks. Unable to continue, she clapped her hand over her mouth and stopped. Joseph returned to Washington deeply affected by what he had seen and vowed to strengthen his voice and influence for the cause. He did just that by introducing in the US House of Representatives a resolution calling for intervention in Burma. Joseph tells the world that the military yunfa is engaged in "ethnic cleansing" which amounts to "genocide under international law." In his speeches, Joseph told the Congress, "if the US Government and the international community fail to act, we will all be responsible for the successful genocide campaign and ethnic cleansing going on by the vicious military of SPDC."'^ Knowing deeply the ethnic nationalities' critical situations in Burma, Roger insisted, "If the Karen and other ethnic armed resistance groups give up their arms now, they are slowly but surely going to get squashed. Then, the Karen tribe shall no longer exist. When you see that happening in front of your eyes in the modern day it is scary. It is the same thing Nazis did to the Jews."'^ Indeed, the Karen are the most persecuted and the least wanted ethnic group in Burma, and they are encountering ethnocide for more than half a century though nobody is born for genocide. To summarize the points made so far, the oppression, the persecution, and the suffering they are facing do constitute ethnic genocide under international law. The Chin, a tribe in Burma's western corner, number 1.5 million and is 2.5% of the whole population in Burma, but more than 95% of the Chin population are Christians. They are particularly targeted for religious and political repression by the military regime primarily because of their minority status and religion,=° implying that they are suffering religious persecution and political oppression. In addition, Burma's military regime is systematically persecuting the Chins as part of a program of national assimilation — Burmanization, and Burmanization here implies the notion of one race, one language, and one religion — Burman, Burmese, and Buddhism.^' While working on this project, three Chin churches — the Myomya Baptist Church, the Methodist Church, and the Assembly of God Church — in Kanpalet, a small town in southern Chinland, are ordered by the military authority to stop building their respective churches. On November 17,2010, the Dawdin Baptist Church, Gangaw Township, Mergui Division, has
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Asia Journal of Theology also been closed by the local authority, and they ordered Pastor Mang Tling indefinitely to stop in the church regular worship service and other related programs. In sum, the military regime is systematically committing an act of ethnocide against the ethnic Chin Christians by trying to destroy their religious, cultural, linguistic, and national identities in order to Burmanize them. First, the Human Rights Watch (HRW) documents the restriction on freedom of assembly and worship, the arrest of pastors, the destruction of Christian churches, censorship on Christian literature and publications, discrimination against Chin Christians, coerced conversion, the destruction of crosses, and others. In the Chin State, where the people are 95 percent Christian, crosses — displayed by the people on mountain tops and roadsides as a symbol of their faith — are routinely destroyed, and people are forced to build Buddhist pagodas in their piaces.^^ Second, the Chin language and culture is another target for the military regime. Although Article22anú 27oi the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) clearly state that everyone has the right to show, develop, and protect their culture and literature,^^ the Chin Christians lost those innate rights. The Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) states that the prohibition of Chin language in schools and the restrictions on the publication of Chin literature has effectively deprived younger generations of the chance to learn their own language. One former schoolteacher described how he was arrested for teaching his students the Chin language.^" Though unbelievable but true learning the Chin language as weil as Chin culture at schools is illegal in their own homeland. The HRW reports that Chin people are undergoing harsh forced labor, ruthless sexual abuse, exploitation of resources, military attacks on innocent civilians, the destruction of homes, places of worship, arbitrary arrests, detention, torture, imprisonment, execution, religious repression, crop and livestock confiscation, and other restrictions on fundamental freedoms. The HRW also documented 16 extrajudicial killings, including four children, perpetrated by military forces in the Chin State between 2005 and 2007. None of the perpetrators in these cases have been brought to justice.^^ According to the CHRO, many priests were killed before 2004.^^ Many more were arrested and tortured for celebrating the Christian Centennial Celebration at Thangtiang, western Burma.^' Against the basic foundations of the historic Panglong Agreement, such as ethnic equality, political equality, economic equality, and social equality between national groups in Burma,^^ forced labor, forced portenngs, violent tortures, and 48
Asia Journal of Theology religious restrictions have become part of the Chins' daily lives in their homeland, and they become slaves in the homeland of their ancestors. Since the Chins are no longer safe in Chinland, they have left their homeland behind to seek refuge in India, Thailand, and Malaysia.^^ Alexander's documentation perfectly reflects the real sufferings of the Chins in To conclude my historical documentation or record of ethnic genocide in Burma, I would reiterate Roger's short but dear report of a campaign of ethnocide against the Karen in eastern Burma. In terms of ethnic genocide it includes: 1) Destruction of villages, 2) Looting and burning, 3) Detentions, 4) Summary execution, 5) Systematic rape, 6) Poisoning the water, and 7) Violations of medical neutrality.^' Similarly, Samuel Ngun Ling rightly contended that the ethnic Christians in Burma have lost social justice, religious freedom, ethnic equality, and political freedom.32
Political Oppression Since 1962, the Burmese dictatorial regime has incessantly repressed political opponents, Buddhist monks, university students, and ethnic nationalities in the name of national security and the rule of law. The rights abuses range from the suppression of civil and political rights to arbitrary detentions and problems associated with the lack of an independent judiciary. It is really inconceivable that even Buddhist monks and nuns were brutally arrested, tortured, imprisoned, and murdered in the so-called Buddhist country. Consequently, Burma remains on the U.S. State Department's list of eight Countries of Particular Concern.^^ Since then many mass uprisings have erupted for upholding democracy, human rights and personal freedom including the one in August 1988,^" when many were killed,^= including the attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD)^^ the 60-day curfew imposed in 2007.^'' On October 11, the UN Security Council issued a presidential statement calling for restraint and the early release of political prisoners.^^ Why did Buddhist monks come out from monasteries to the streets in the cities across Burma? U. Gambira, leader of the 2007 Saffron Revolution, claimed, "The dictatorship has committed crimes against humanity. This is a great tragedy for our people and for the Buddha dhamma in our long history of monastic Buddhism. At present, the Sangha is the enemy of the regime. Our spiritual obligation is to freedom.
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Asia Journal of Theology nof fo silence or submission. So we, fhe Sangha of Burma, will nof sfop unfil fhe goal is reached."39 On fhe day of his arresf, fhe Washington Posipublished an arficle by U. Gambira in which he said: The regime's use of mass arresfs, murder, torture, and imprisonment has failed to extinguish our desire for the freedom that was stolen from us. We have taken their best punch. Now it is the generals who must fear the consequences of their actions. We adhere to non-violence, but our spine Is made of steel. There is no turning back. It matters little if it takes my life or the lives of colleagues should be sacrificed on this journey. Others will fill our sandals, and more will join and follow."" He was sentenced in November 2008 fo 68 years in prison and was soon fransferred fo a remofe labor camp in wesfern Burma. U. Gambira's mofher. Daw Yay, visifed her son in fhe unpopular labor camp in early 2009, soon affer he began a hunger strike. She said he was resolufe in his commifmenf fo change in Burma, felling her, "If one wanfs fo follow fhe way of Buddha, one musf pracfice Buddhism. If one wanfs independence, one musf pracfice fhe way fowards independence.'"" Like U. Gambira, hundreds of monks, sfudenfs, efhnic leaders, and NLD members were arresfed, puf on frial, and imprisoned for decades.''^ The predominanf religion in Burma is Buddhism, af fhe hearf of which are compassion (metta) and non-violence {ahimsa), and people cannof pracfice Buddhism wifhouf metta and ahimsa. Here my quesfion is why fhe cenfral feaching of Buddhism in Burma has so little impacf on fhe lives and deeds of fhe ruling miiifary leaders. Despife fhe eternal message of metta and ahimsa, fhey killed polifical dissidenfs, social acfivisfs, sfudenfs, efhnic nafionalifies, ordinary civilians, and even Buddhisf monks. I wonder how is if possible fhaf Buddhisfs kill Buddhisf monks in a Buddhisf counfry. Killing life is fruly un-Buddhisf. The Buddha sfricfly prohibifs desfrucfion of nof only human life buf also all ofher lives.
Theological Reflection "Lef every person be subordinate fo fhe higher aufhorifies, for fhere is no aufhorify except from God, and fhose fhaf exisf have been esfablished by God • (Rom 13:1). How shall fhe church inferpref fhis biblical fexf in such a sociopolifical confexf of Burma where God's children have suffered polifical oppression, religious persecufion, social injusfice, and efhnic genocide rufhiessly under fhe
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Asia Journal of Theology Pharaoh of fhe milifary regime? Can if sfill continue fo argue that fhe church should be subjecf fo fhe authority which utterly denies polifical freedom, social jusfice, human righfs, and democratic principle in Burma primarily because of Romans 13? How shall Burmese Chrisfians theologically, ethically, and rationally defend fhe principle of separafion between church and state in such a social and political context of Burma? James H. Cone articulated in fhis relation that "as Chrisfians, we are commanded nof to follow principles but fo discover fhe will of God in a troubled and dehumanized world.'"'^ Indeed, fhe eternal message of Chrisf is called fhe Good News primarily because if calls for fhe holistic liberation and full humanizafion of those economically exploited, politically oppressed, socially marginalized, materially poor, and ethnically alienated in sociefies. Ideally, fhe Bible is truly a book of liberafion from oppression. In this respect, Paul Lehmann, a former professor of Princeton, precisely sfafed that "whaf God is always doing is fo make and keep human life human."""" In addition, there is no hesitation fhat an acf of sympathetic love, civil courage, and social justice for those who are denied of fheir innafe righfs, inherent dignify, and inborn freedom, is nof going beyond the mandate, responsibility, and call of persons who are effectively engaged in the mission of God (missio Dei). Chrisf faughf equality - polifical, social, economic, and efhnic equality, as part of his selfless mission and ministry on earth back in fhe 1=' cenfury. Thaf is fo say fhaf, fhe agenda of God's mission should not narrowly be confined fo the frame of worship and rituals only because fhe mission of God necessarily includes promotion of human dignify, human value, and human righfs. In fhis connection, M.M. Thomas was right when he called for fhe integration of fhe church's presentation of Christ with the struggles of the people for fheir selfhood and dignify."= So, unless and until fhe efernal message of Chrisf becomes a liberating force for human beings, especially those on the margins of society, if loses touch wifh our contextual realities, and if ceases fo be fhe Gospel. Calling for 'engaged' Christianity, Edmund Za Bik, former professor of MIT, made a remarkable nofe: If our theology does not come to grips with our situational realities, theology becomes barren, non-existential, fossilized and disorienting. Theology should be academic, but not divorced from the hard realities of life. Burmese theology should be dialectic between academic and involvement, between commitment to Christ and solidarity with the victims of injustice and suffering, between ritual celebration of the cross and the struggle for human wholeness, freedom and dignity."^ 51
Asia Journal of Theology What for is the existence of the church? Can the church in Burma be the true church of Jesus the Christ and not stand for the oppressed, persecuted, and murdered in the country? Can one be a theologian in Burma and not address the social, political, ethnic, and human rights issues in the country? Can one be a church leader in Burma and not involve in the struggle of peoples for social justice and for just peace in the country? Can one be a faithful follower of Christ in Burma and not take the issues of religious persecution, ethnic genocide, and human rights violation in the country? I strongly believe that Christ constantly calls the church toward solidarity with those oppressed, arrested, tortured, imprisoned, and murdered for social justice, for political freedom, and for genuine peace. In this relation, Dietrich Bonhoeffer profoundly insisted that "Christ is the man for others and the church is the church only when it is there for others.""' Likewise, Martin Niemoller emotionally spoke of his sin of omission that "when the Nazis came for the Communists, I said nothing — I wasn't a Communist; when they locked up the Social Democrats, I said nothing — I wasn't a Social Democrat; when they took away the Catholics, I said nothing — I didn't protest - I wasn't a Catholic. When they came for me, there was nobody left to protest.'"'^ Is it enough if we pray for those arrested, tortured, and murdered? If the church is truly Christian, it must co-suffer with those dehumanized and victimized. What should be the message of the church to such a situation? Oscar Romero of El Salvador ardently claimed: Brothers, you are part of our own people. You are killing your own brothers and sisters. And over any order to kill... God's law must prevail: You shall not kill! The church, defender of the rights of God, of the law of God, of human dignity, of the person, cannot remain silent before such abomination. In the name of God, and in the name of this suffering people, whose laments arise to heaven, each day more tumultuous, I beg you, I beseech you, and I order you in the name of God: Stop the repression!''^ As noted before, the church in Burma must not claim that she is not responsible for the killings, and that her hands are clean just because she does not commit a sin of commission. Not killing is not enough, and the church must do something to stop the killing. Gustavo Gutierrez thoroughly argued, 'There are not two histories, one profane and one sacred, juxtaposed or closely linked. Jesus' redemptive work embraces all the dimensions of existence and brings
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Asia Journal of Theology them to their fullness. The history of salvation is the very heart of human history.''^" For him, the church's mission is to proclaim an integral liberation, because nothing is left untouched by the saving work of Christ.^' Of course, Christ carried the cross not in the holy sanctuary but in the profane world for human liberation from human sufferings. Christ also commands us to carry our respective cross not in the sacred church, but in the secular world for freedom, justice, equality, and peace. We must stress the lordship of Christ in all spheres of human life. We should press that Christ cannot be shut up in the sacred society of the church but he must be served in the secular world. This means, there is nothing that stands outside the relationship to Christ. To this end. Brain K. Blount wrote, "The spirituals look not to metaphysical liberation, but physical justice and freedom."^^ Let us return to the ongoing issue of the principle of separation between church and state in Burma. The unknown numbers of the Chin and Karen Christians have been arrested, tortured, and executed in the homeland of their ancestors. Some disappeared, and their dead bodies were found later. Similarly, thousands of the Burman political dissidents and ethnic nationalists have been repressed, arrested, tortured, and murdered. Can the church in Burma still continue to argue that she should be obedient to the authority in the present context of Burma? How should the church respond to such theoiogicai and ethical issues? What should the church's reaction be? Romero asserted: As a shepherd, I am obliged by divine mandate to give my life for those I love — all Salvadoreans, even for those who may be going to kill me. If their threats are carried out, from this moment I offer my blood to God for the redemption and for the resurrection of El Salvador. A Bishop will die, but God's church, which is the people, will never Subordination to the political authority in contemporary Burma context is simply betrayal to Christ, who was persecuted, arrested, tortured, and condemned to death for the cause of social justice, political freedom, racial equality, and just peace. In this instance Gustavo Gutierrez argued, "When the church speaks about the promotion of justice in human societies or when it urges the faithful laity to work in this sphere according to their own vocation, it is not going beyond its mission."^" Indeed, the goal of the very mission of God undertaken by the church
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Asia Journal of Theology includes the promotion of social justice, political freedom, ethnic equality, human rights, and democracy in human societies, and it includes the full humanization of those dehumanized and enslaved by social evils, including the state. The church in Burma must not disengageUom the secular world but engage with the profane world to resist the state when the state creates a culture of d e a t h political oppression, religious persecution, social injustice, human rights violation, and ethnic genocide.
Concluding Remarks In his classic speech delivered in April 1933, Bonhoeffer spoke of three possible tasks of the church: "The church can ask the state whether its actions are legitimate and in accordance with its character as state. The church can aid the victims of state action. The church is not only to bandage the victims under the wheel, but to put a spoke in the wheel itself."^^ This third one is a direct political action that the church should take when the state ceases to function as a state with law and order. Bonhoeffer continues to say, "Man is challenged to participate in the suffering of God at the hands of a godless world."^^ Likewise, the church in Burma is challenged by God to responsibly engage with civil courage and deep faith more in the socio-political struggles of the Burmese against the state, which has become a source of political, social, economic and ethnic problems in contemporary Burma. It is overdue for the church in Burma to reinterpret the principle of separation between church and state, and the church must boldly resist the state, when the latter becomes oppressive and abusive, simply to protect humanity from destruction. I entirely agree with Jim Wallis when he said, "To prophetically challenge unjust structures and policies is part of our religious vocation."" Karl Barth interpreted subjection to the will of the authority, which Paul in Romans 13 demands from Christians, as simply paying somebody the respect due to his or her position. By no means would "due respect" to the authorities have the meaning of affirming and voluntarily supporting the intentions and enterprises of the authorities, even when these are oriented to suppress rather than protect the proclamation of the Gospel of justification. Karl Barth said, "Christian respect to the authorities assumes a critical form."^^ Barth did not make a plea for tyranny, referring to the Zurich reformer Zwingli and to the Confessio Scotica. For Zwingli, "a faithless government, which has abandoned the rule of Christ, must be dismissed with the help of God." In the Calvinist
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Asia Journal of Theology Confessio Scotica (1560), if is fhe Chrisfian vocation fo support fhe life of the good people, fo oppress fhe fyranf, and fo defend fhe weak againsf fhe violence of fhe malicious.=3 Barfh firmly insisfed, 'The church never thinks, speaks, or acfs on principle. Rafher, if judges spirif ually and by individual cases."*" Ideally, unless and unfil fhe miiifary regime respecfs democrafic principle and human righfs, upholds social jusfice and civil freedom, and cares for fhe poor and fhe leasf in fhe counfry, fhe church in Burma musf daringly resist and fighf againsf fhe miiifary aufhorify in non-violenf ways. Kathrin Wessendort, The Indigenous World 2009 (Copenhagen: The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2009), 368. Simon Pau Khan En, "Syncretism: A Key to Doing Relevant Contextual Theology for Myanmar," in Myanmar Theological Bulletin, Vol. 3 (ed) Vanlal Vena (Mandalay: Methodist Press, 2007), 100. Saphir Athyal, Church in Asia Today: Opportunities & Challenges (Singapore: ALCWE, 1996), 349. Some hundreds of the ethnic women have suffered physical violence and sexual abuse in the war zone in eastern Burma and many of them have been beaten, suffocated, and stabbed to death after being raped. For more reading, see: Shan Human Rights Foundation and The Shan Women's Action Network, License to Rape, May, 2002. For more information about ethnocide against the ethnic nationalities in Burma, see: Benedict Roger, A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma's Karen People (Oxford: Monarch Books, 2004). Jeff Haynes, Politics in the Developing World: A Concise Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 160. Benedict Roger, A Land Without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma's Karen People, back cover. Kanbawza Win, "Are Christians Persecuted in Burma?" in The Asia Journal of Theology, Vol. 14, No. 1 (ed) K. C. Abraham (Bangalore: BTESSC, April 2000), 170. Lap Yan Kung, "Love Your Enemies: A Theology for Aliens in Their Native Land: The Chin in Myanmar," in Studies in World Christianity (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2009), 93. Unfortunately, Member States in the United Nations refused to admit that genocide was occurring in Rwanda. For more reading, see: Derek S. Jeffreys, Defending Human Dignity: John Paul and Political Realism (Grand Rapids: Brozos, 2004), 178-180. Surprisingly enough, the church, especially the Roman Catholic Church, was not the answer but part of the problem, which brought about ethnic genocide in Rwanda and took one million lives. For more reading, see: Theo Tschuy, Ethnic Confiict and Religion: Challenge to the Churches (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1997), 40-56. Johannes Morsink, "Cultural Genocide, the Universal Declaration, and Minority Rights," in Human Rights Ouarterly, Vol. 21, No. 4 (November, 1999), 1024. Sille Stidsen, The Indigenous World 2006 (Copenhagen: The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2006), 347.
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Asia Journal of Theology Nathanayla, "The Karen of Myanmar," in Engagement: Judson Research Center Bulletin, Vol. 7, ed. Samuel Ngun Ling (Insein: MIT, 2006), 15-21. Kathrin Wessendorf, The Indigenous World 2009, 371. Benedict Rogers, A Land without Evil: Stepping the Genocide of Burma's Karen People, 40. ibid., 226. ibid., 228. ibid., 204. Samuel Ngun Ling, Theological Themes for Qur Times: Reflections on Selected Themes of the Myanmar institute of Theology (Insein: MIT, 2007), 155. Lap Yan Kung, "Love Your Enemies: A Theology for Aliens in Their Native Land: The Chin in Myanmar," in Studies in World Christianity, 88. Human Rights Watch, The Chin People of Burma, Unsafe in Burma, Unprotected in india (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009), 45-52. Damien Keown, Buddhism and Human Rights (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1998), xiii-xiv. Human Rights Watch, The Chin People of Burma, Unsafe in Burma, Unprotected in India, 45. Ibid., 26. Salai Za Uk Ling & Salai Bawi Lian Mang, Religious Persecution: A Campaign of Ethnocide Against Chin Christian in Burma (Ottawa: Chin Human Rights Organization, 2004), 45-50. Kanbawza Win, "Are Christians Persecuted in Burma?," in The Asia Journal of Theology, 173. Lian H. Sakhong, Religion and Politics among the Chin People in Burma (1896-1949) {Uppsala: SIMR, 2000), 319. http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-01-28-voa19.cfm http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-01-28-voa19.cfm Benedict Roger, A Land without Evii: Stopping the Genocide of Burma's Karen People, 25ff. Samuel Ngun Ling, "Our Hope and Their Hope: Reading Amos' Justice Message in Myanmar Context," in CTC Bulletin, Vol. xxiii. No.'2, (ed) Hope S. Antone (Chiang Mai: CCA, 2007), 65-73. Paul A. Marshall, Religious Freedom in the World (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2008), 110. During the public uprising in Burma which started on August 8, 1988, more than 3,000 lives perished at the hands of the military regime, and the said day was known in Burma history as the bloody 8888. Federico Ferrara, "Why Regime Creates Disorder: Hobbes Dilemma during a rangoon Summer," in The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 47, No. 3 (June, 2003), 305. Donald M. Seekins, "Burma and US Sanction: Punishing an Authoritarian Regime," in Asian Survey, Vol. 45, No. 3 (May-June, 2005), 437. Ivan Suvanjieff and Dawn Gifford Engle, Peace Jam: A Billion Simple Acts of Peace (New York: Penguin Group, 2008), 184. David I. Stenberg, Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 138.
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Asia Journal of Theology Aung San Suu Kyi, The Voice of Hope: Conversations witfi Alan Clement (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2008), 224. Ugambira, "What Burma's Junta must Fear" in Washington Post, November 4, 2007, 7. Human Rights Watch, The Resistance of Monks: Buddhism and Activism in Burma (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009), 67. Forum-Asia, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development: Asian Solidarity and Human Rights for All, 15 June 2009, 2. James H. Cone, "Black Theology on Revolution, Violence, and Reconciliation," in Christian Declaration on Human Rights (ed) Allen O. Miller (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1977), 74. Edmund Za Bik, "Liberation Now" in RAYS MtT Journal of Theology, Vol. 2 (ed) Samuel Ngun Ling (Yangon: MIT, 2001), 1. M.M. Thomas, "The Struggle for Human Dignity as a Preparation for the Gospel," in What Asian Christians Are Thinking (ed) Douglas J. Elwood (Quezon City: Publishers, 1978), 268. Edmund Za Bik, "Liberation Now" in RAYS MIT Journal of Theology, 2. I vividly remember that when members of the National League for Democracy, dissident monks, university students, and ethnic leaders were arrested, put on trial unfairly, and taken to the infamous labor camps following the Saffron Revolution in 2007, the church in Burma was completely silent. On the bloody 8888, when thousands of Buddhist monks, university students, and ordinary civilians were ruthlessly massacred by the military personnel, the event still remains in my memory. The blood of those innocent lives would surely reach God, but the church in Burma really did nothing to prevent those horrible killings. She might have thought that she was not responsible, and her hands were clean. As a matter of fact, silence in the face of human evils like the bloody 8888 has indisputably constituted indirect cooperation or solidarity with those in power who are responsible for the murder of countless innocent lives. Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Who Is Jesus Christ for Us Today? (ed.) Renate Wind (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002), 5. Hans Hafenbrack, "Martin Niemoller [1892-1984]" in Ecumenical Pilgrims: Profiles of Pioneers in Christian Reconciliation (eds) Ion Bria & Dagmar Heller (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1995), 159. I was deeply shocked that when students, monks, nuns, and civilians were arrested, tortured, and murdered in Yangon and Mandalay streets, the churches in Burma, especially the Myanmar Council of Churches (MCC) and the Myanmar Catholic Bishops' Conference (MCBC), were silent like Pilate. As stated earlier, the presence of Christian Institutions in Burma surely guarantees nothing for political freedom, social freedom, and economic freedom, and it also guarantees nothing for those struggled and died for democracy, social justice, and human rights in Burma. For me, the church in Burma completely failed to play an important role in nation-building. Moreover, those arrested, tortured, and murdered are simply our own brothers and sisters. Maria Teresa Porcile Santiso, "Oscar Romero 1917-1980" in Ecumenical Pilgrims: Profiles of Pioneers in Christian Reconciliation, 196. James B. NIckoloff, Gustavo Gutierrez: Essential Writings (ed.), (New York: Orbis Books, 1996), 79. Gustavo Gutierrez: Essential Writings, 260.
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Asia Journal of Theology Brian K. Blount, Cultural Interpretation: Reorienting New Testament Criticism (Eugene; Fortress, 2004), 66-67. Maria Teresa Porcile Santiso, "Oscar Romero 1917-1980" in Ecumenical Pilgrims: Profiles of Pioneers in Christian Reconciliation, 199. Gustavo Gutierrez: Essential Writings, 62. Renate Wind, Dietrich Bonhoeffer: A Spoke in the Wheel (Grand Rapids; William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1992), 69. Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Letters and Papers from Prison, published originally as Prisoner for God, ed., Eberhard Bethge, trs., Reginal H. Fuller (New York: Macmillan, 1962), 198. Jim Wallis, Faith Works: Lessons from the Life of an Activist Preacher (New York: Random House, 2000), 177. HIaing Bwa, "The Relation between Church and State; 20th Century Karl Barth and Dietrich Bonhoeffer," in Engagement: Judson Research Center Bulletin Myanmar Institute of Theology, Vol. 6 (Insein; MIT, 2006), 105. Ibid., 106. Ibid., 104.
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