1995; Matos and Rick 1980; Rick 1980), with the exception of Bonavia's broad ...... Chacama 2012; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005). Similarly, mortuary buildings ...
Perales Munguía, Manuel F., 2016. Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs: Exploring sociopolitical complexity among late prehispanic agropastoralists of the upper Ricrán, Peru. In The Archaeology of Andean Pastoralism, edited by J. M. Capriles and N. Tripcevich, pp. 159-181. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Chapter
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Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs exploring sociopolitical complexity among late prehispanic agropastor alists of the upper ricr án, peru Manuel F. Perales Munguía
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the exception of Bonavia’s broad study (1996) of South American camelids. Pastoralist societies have been generally defined as groups with a somewhat loose sociopolitical organization, tribal-like in nature, with a population density lower than agriculturalists. It has been recognized, however, that in the Central Andes livestock herding, supplemented with agriculture, sustained large and stable population concentrations over long periods of time (Sutton and Anderson 2010:226). Yet we are still far from reaching a consensus on how we should define and understand agropastoralism in the Andean region, especially since it is still difficult to determine archaeologically the various ways in which agricultural production was organized around herding (Lane 2006:494). In this sense, while we cannot say much about how the many processes of sociopolitical complexity developed along with the different variants of this subsistence strategy, I define agropastoralism as a very versatile economic system that, at least in the case of the late prehispanic Peruvian central highlands, involved multiple organizational levels, each with its own economic bases. Some evolutionary approaches have postulated that the economy, military force, and ideology were impor tant and closely interrelated sources of power (Earle 1997; Mann 1986). Moreover, it has been pointed out that emerging political entities are often characterized by the
iscussions of economic aspects of the relationship between human societies and their physical environments have been important in anthropology almost from the beginning of the discipline (Harris 1968; Service 1985). Over time these concerns led to theories such as Julian Steward’s (1955) cultural ecology, which in archaeology prompted the development of settlementpattern studies such as those carried out by Gordon Willey (1953) on the north coast of Peru. Thereafter, approaches to topics such as subsistence and sociopolitical complexity began to be developed through studies of the dynamics of human occupation at the level of entire regions, mainly using the conceptual frameworks of human ecology and neo-evolutionary interpretative criteria (Adams 1965; Billman and Feinman 1999; Blanton 1972, 2005; Fish and Kowalewski 1990; Parsons 1971; Sanders et al. 1979). In this context much of the research on the sociopolitical complexity of prehispanic Andean societies, including approaches used in settlement pattern studies, has been dominated by an agro-centric vision that ignores the important role played by pastoralism in the economy of many populations of the Central Andes (Lane 2006:494; Lane and Grant, this volume). This is especially true for the late prehispanic periods, since the most significant archaeological work that paid attention to Andean herding focused on early time periods (e.g., Lavallée et al. 1995; Matos and Rick 1980; Rick 1980), with
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institutionalization of leadership, in which practices such as shamanism, magic, and ancestor veneration play a vital role in legitimizing existing and incipient social differentiation. This differentiation, in turn, may be reflected in evidence of production intensification or differential access to resources (Johnson and Earle 2000:250). Thus, for certain agropastoralist societies, such as those of the Andes, it would be logical to assume that some ritual practices, such as ancestor worship, may have served as mechanisms for the legitimation of power and control of critical economic resources in a framework of emerging sociopolitical complexity. From these considerations, this chapter explores forms of sociopolitical organization that may have developed within agropastoral communities of a small valley in the highlands of Junín, central Peru, during the periods prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century: the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 1000–1450 CE) and the Late Horizon (LH, 1450–1533 CE). Here, I present data related to settlement patterns and the existence and distribution of certain types of corrals and mortuary architecture, which I argue represent possible important places related to the performance of power. In this way, I hope to contribute to our understanding of the evolution of diverse forms of sociopolitical organization that existed among ancient Andean agropastoral populations.
pr e v ious r ese a rch on l at e p r e h i s pa n i c pa s t o r a l i s m i n j u n í n
The highlands of the modern Peruvian Department of Junín have received little research attention focused on late prehispanic pastoralism despite important research on early settlement of the Peruvian Andes and the domestication of camelids (see Lavallée et al. 1995; Matos 1975; Matos and Rick 1980). An important early contribution was made by David Browman (1970) as part of his study on the cultural history of the Mantaro Valley, between the modern cities of Jauja and Huancayo. Based on his systematic survey in this area, he proposed the existence of a form of specialized pastoralism during the LIP. Browman (1970) identified a settlement pattern that consisted of large sites established in the lower parts of the valley near agricultural land and large clusters of stone corrals with isolated structures of rectangular or circular plans, located above the valley f loor. According to Browman, these buildings were probably the residence
for small numbers of people who were devoted exclusively to grazing of the livestock that belonged to the larger, lower agriculturalist communities (Browman 1970:235–236). In a subsequent publication, Browman (1970) elaborated on the importance of pastoralism in the economy of the late prehispanic peoples of the Mantaro Valley. Based on early written sources, he estimated that 150,000 llamas and alpacas belonged to the Inka state around the time of the Spanish invasion, and hundreds of thousands of other animals belonged to local groups which, according to the analyzed documents, were mainly concentrated toward the puna highlands that surrounded the valley (Browman 1974:189). In light of ethnohistoric and archaeological data it might be suggested that during late prehispanic times the people of the Mantaro Valley developed economic organization principles such as those involving the vertical control of a maximum of ecological zones, as proposed by Murra (2002). However, as Browman stated, after the Middle Horizon pastoralism’s importance decreased in relation to agriculture, and the declining importance went hand-in-hand with a marked increase in population size (Browman 1974:190–191, 1976:474–475). This development contrasts with the livestock potential of this area and the surrounding highlands, reflected in Browman’s conservative estimate of 750,000 animals, calculated on the basis of a carrying-capacity of 50–125 camelids per square kilometer proposed by other specialists (Browman 1974:195). In contrast, research conducted by the Upper Mantaro Archaeological Research Project (UMARP) and led by Timothy Earle between 1970 and 1980 emphasized the role of agriculture in the complex sociopolitical changes that occurred before and during the Inka occupation of Jauja, in the northern part of the Mantaro Valley (Hastorf 1993; Hastorf and Earle 1985). As part of this project, Elsie Sandefur’s (2001) zooarchaeological studies revealed new insights into the role of late prehispanic pastoralism in this region. For instance, although much of the meat consumed in the late prehispanic communities of Jauja corresponded to camelids, there appears to have been no specialization in animal slaughtering or meat production. It is interesting that the recovered evidence suggests higher levels of camelid-meat consumption in elite households compared to commoner ones during the second part of the LIP, also known as Wanka II (1350–1450 CE). There are also differences in the forms of meat consumption and the presence of camelid-bone tools used
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs for textile production, all of which suggests that the elite households hosted feasts and were more involved in textile production (Sandefur 2001:190–195). According to Sandefur (2001), the Inka conquest of Jauja during Wanka III (1450–1533 CE) did not significantly alter preexisting camelid-meat consumption patterns. She proposes that the slight decrease in the proportion of camelid meat consumed between elite and commoner groups, as well as the almost total disappearance of the camelid-bone tools for textile production, were a consequence of certain Inka policies implemented at the community level, which went hand-in-hand with a reorganization of textile production (Sandefur 2001:190–197). Regarding the highlands of Junín, research carried out in the mid 1970s in Tarma and Chinchaycocha by Jeffrey R. Parsons, Charles Hastings, and Ramiro Matos Mendieta (1997, 2000, 2013) allowed identification of different settlement patterns in each of the two areas during the LIP and LH. Near Lake Chinchaycocha local populations were established on sites of different size and widely distributed throughout the country. These settlements were located above 3,850 m above sea level (asl) and were consistently associated with corrals. In the case of Tarma, the settlement pattern is much more dispersed, with numerous small sites, many located in lower altitudes, closely associated with suitable land for agriculture (below 3,850 m asl). Interestingly, these settlements were not associated with corrals. From these sites, the so-called special function settlements deserve special attention because they consist of large sites that are not associated with corrals, nor with arable land. As the sites are consistently found at the conjunction of the puna and kichwa ecological zones, they probably served as administrative centers linked to the maintenance of long-distance ties between communities of the Junín altiplano and the deep valleys of Tarma. Thus, these special function settlements may have articulated pastoralist and agriculturalist economies, as well as the sociopolitical organizations built on them (Parsons et al. 2000:127–132). In the puna-kichwa juncture, Parsons and his colleagues identified significant concentrations of cemeteries with above-ground tombs that would have played an important role as markers of social borders and expressions of ethnic identities (Parsons et al. 2000:173–174). Similarly to Jauja (see LeBlanc 1981), during the Inka occupation in Tarma the greatest local population concentration was in the kichwa lower altitudes. However,
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the strong continuity of local architectural and pottery traditions greatly hampers the possibility of establishing a clear distinction between exclusively LIP settlements and those which might have been founded during the LH (Parsons et al. 2000:138). In this regard, it is impor tant to mention that the Upper Mantaro Archaeological Research Project (UMARP) refined the local chronology for the area of Jauja based on radiocarbon dates (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle et al. 1987). The UMARP-refined ceramic chronology has been recently accepted by Parsons and his colleagues (Parsons et al. 2013:6). Examinations of late prehispanic pastoralism in the highlands of Junín have been developed from different perspectives and through different lines of evidence. The research referenced here suggests that the articulation of agriculture and pastoralism depended on physical, ecological, and sociocultural factors specific to the region, which eventually led to an increased reliance on agropastoralism. Between the LIP and LH, creative responses to the challenges of the high-altitude Andean territory permitted the development of large populations and different types of polities whose characteristics we are just beginning to understand. In this perspective, several research problems emerge from the previous review, like the role of agropastoralism in the process of building local sociopolitical organization, the effects of the Inka conquest and Spanish invasion on local agropastoralist economies, and the archaeological correlates for identifying changes in subsistence strategies.
t h e l i p / l h a g r o pa s t o r a l i s t communi t ies of t he upper r icr á n
The Physical Setting The Ricrán Valley is located in the central part of the modern Peruvian Department of Junín, between the provinces of Jauja and Tarma. The principal stream in this drainage system is the Ricrán River, which springs from a group of lakes situated above 4,000 m asl in the Apohuayhuay mountain range separating the highland valleys and the puna from the eastern slopes that descend to jungle river basins like Tulumayo (Figure 10.1). The territory where the Ricrán River originates is characterized by typical puna rolling uplands, covered by large areas of grasslands, but to the north and northwest the valley becomes much deeper with a narrow floor that lies between 3,500 and 3,700 m asl and is enclosed by high mountains with steep slopes. The
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450000
er Ri v 00 38 00 40
RICRÁN
Apaicancha Ap
ha
Q
Paria
a rad
00 42
eb Qu
Jajachaca
Lomo Largo Puna
00 44
uy
38 00
00 46
t Shu
br ad a
er Riv
ue
rán Ric
ai ca nc
8720000
u Sh Apaicanchilla
00 42 00 40 0 00 60 38 3
c uyo r ur
8730000
Apohuayhuay Cordillera
R
Congas Antacucho
ic rá n
R
iv er
440000
40 00 42 00
40 00
Cayán
Chúlec Janchiscocha Ri crá n
Sacas
0
1
Ri ve r 2
3
4
Kilometers
±
Figure 10.1. Map of the upper Ricrán Valley, showing the main modern villages and the limits of the surveyed area (contour lines represent 200 m intervals). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
valley floor lies in the kichwa ecological zone and transitions into the suni above 3,600 m asl. My study area comprised a territory of 73 km2 in the upper section of the Ricrán Valley, between the hamlet of Chulec Janchiscocha in the southeast and the village of Congas Antacucho in the northwest (Figure 10.1). This territory has four mountain ranges, the highest located to the east with peaks, such as Apohuayhuay, that exceed 5,000 m asl. The many lakes at the base and between these peaks have led to the formation of wetlands (bofedales) above 4,000 m asl, as well as numerous streams that feed the Ricrán River. The second mountain range is located to the south and west of the study area and defines the boundary
between the basins of the Ricrán and Mantaro rivers. This range has peaks below 4,700 m asl and is considerably drier than the Apohuayhuay Cordillera. To the west this second mountain range reaches the puna territory locally known as Lomo Largo and separates the Mantaro and Tarma basins.
Settlements In the upper Ricrán, as well as in the Tarma area, it is difficult to establish a clear separation between sites belonging to the LIP and those that were either reoccupied during the LH or founded during the Late Horizon (see
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs Perales 2005). However, aided by ceramic style data, I believe that it is possible to identify certain trends in the settlement patterns that characterize the human occupation of this territory during both periods. The people in the upper Ricrán lived in settlements generally located in positions with difficult access, often surrounded by massive stone walls that enclose space occupied by the residential buildings. In addition, sometimes the entry points to these sites were restricted by ditches. Architecturally, residential buildings are predominantly circular with double course stone walls, usually around 30 cm thick and up to 2.5 m high. They are usually arranged around an open space and are built on previously constructed artificial terraces, forming the typical patio groups reported elsewhere in the Jauja region by the UMARP researchers (Earle et al. 1987). These buildings have a single doorway and no windows, whereas their roofs were probably made with perishable materials such as wood and straw or ichu grass. Interestingly, this pattern seems consistent across several contemporary habitation sites in Chinchaycocha, Tarma, Jauja, Huancayo, and northern Huancavelica (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle et al. 1980, 1987; Parsons et al. 2000). A first group of recorded settlements includes sites located in the puna above 4,000 m asl. These sites are almost always enclosed by walls and ditches and contain a significant number of associated corrals that are located inside and outside the space occupied by houses (Figure 10.2). The surrounding walls are usually 70–90 cm. thick and 1.6 m high, and they are built with blocks of stones of varying size, without signs of modification or use of mud mortar, as seen in the case of prehispanic corrals described below. Ditches are located specifically at the entry points to the settlement, protecting them like moats. These features are most commonly 20–50 m long, 1.5–3 m wide, and 0.5–1 m deep. Residential circular buildings commonly have diameters of 2.5–5 m, with an estimated average of 2.5 domestic units per patio group. In these sites ceramics are mainly represented by a mixture of fragments related to Mantaro Base Clara wares, with the remarkable occurrence of San Blas wares in the northernmost portion of the surveyed area (Perales 2005:133). A second important set of sites consists of settlements located at lower altitudes, between 3,800 and 4,000 m asl, within the suni (Figure 10.2). These sites are directly associated with extensive agricultural terracing and often lack surrounding walls, but some of the main entrances to the sites have ditches, as previously described in some
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puna sites. Interestingly, these settlements are smaller than those in the puna, although residential circular buildings are larger, with diameters that vary between 2.5 and 8 m. The average number of buildings per patio group is also 2.5. It should be noted that patio groups in these settlements seem to be larger than those observed in the puna. It is important to remark that other than the local ceramic wares mentioned above, in many of these sites, a recurrent presence of Inka-related ceramics are observed (Perales 2005:135).
Corrals Corrals in the upper Ricrán are a recurrent feature associated with settlements located in the puna. However, there are also many other isolated concentrations of these buildings in various parts of the study area. These are mainly concentrated near the headwaters of streams that descend to the Ricrán River from the Apohuayhuay mountain range, where the largest number of bofedales are situated (Figure 10.2). The identification of archaeological corrals is a problem that has been handled on a contextual basis. In the case of corrals directly associated with LIP/LH puna settlements, the association with these features and sites is unmistakable. In the case of isolated corrals, chronological assignation can be problematic, so in order to determine if they correspond to prehispanic or modern times I have relied on the following criteria: (1) formal attributes, (2) construction characteristics, and (3) associated features. With respect to the first criterion, whereas archaeological corrals are generally variable in size and are circular or oval in shape, modern ones are irregular in shape and usually have corners. However, as discussed below, there is a special type of prehispanic corral that is rectangular or square, and grouped in some cases following a grid pattern. Generally speaking, all corrals (ancient and modern), have variable dimensions that may range from as small as 8–10 m to as large as 20–50 m. The construction characteristics of both prehispanic and modern corrals includes construction with stones of varying size and usually without signs of modification or use of mud mortar. As previously mentioned, prehispanic corrals will typically have walls with a foundation that includes large vertical boulders of stone firmly sunk on the ground that may be up to about 50 cm high and 30 cm thick. These stones are often found in two courses, which facilitated stacking smaller stones to form the
Figure 10.2. LIP/LH settlement pattern in the upper Ricrán Valley. Circles refer to p-Herd-o settlements and triangles to p-Agr-o settlements. Diamonds indicate presence of funerary buildings and formal corrals at the entry points to p-Herd-o settlements. Wide crosses indicate presence of two-story funerary buildings and reticulated corrals associated to p-Herd-o settlements. Circles with inner crosses indicate cemeteries at the bottom of cliffs. Black asterisks mark cemeteries with rows of above-ground tombs. Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
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Figure 10.3. Pair of above-ground funerary buildings and formal corrals at the entry point to Site R-5 (B class p-Herd-o settlement).
walls. In many cases these foundations are the only remains of an ancient corral because the rest of the stones have been reused to build nearby pens during more recent times. These newer corrals are usually higher, although they rarely exceed 1.5 m. A third attribute associated with prehispanic corrals is their association with some natural locations such as springs and tragaderos or milpun, which are a kind of natural siphon where surface water enters into subterranean canals. A cultural attribute associated with ancient corrals is the presence of a few large and elongated rock boulders called huanca, which are a meter high or larger and are placed vertically inside the corrals, especially toward their center. Some local informants noted that some old corrals that belonged to gentiles, or ancient people, contain large boulders that can have pictographs on their surfaces, called derroteros. After intensive search, I have only identified this attribute in a single corral located in the head waters of the Tingo Quebrada and, even in that case, the rock-art evidence had almost completely vanished.
The LIP/LH settlements of the puna have corrals both within and outside the residential area occupied by the circular dwellings. The corrals associated with residences are also irregular in shape, and whereas they are linked to habitation areas, the nature of their use and function at the community level is unclear. In contrast, the external corrals, outside the residential areas, are relatively rare, and such corrals have only been identified in association with three of the four major puna settlements (sites R-5, R-8, and R-24), which in turn are concentrated in the foothills of the Apohuayhuay cordillera. These corrals are located near the main entrances to the sites (Figure 10.3). As in other cases, the walls of these corrals were originally formed by two rows of medium and large blocks of local stone, 50 to 80 cm thick. These buildings have rectangular plans with curved corners in some cases, as well as varying sizes between 12 and 30 m per side. In some cases, they have internal subdivisions of unknown function that vary in size. Springs are sometimes found adjacent to these corrals.
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Figure 10.4. Reticulated corral in the immediate vicinity of Site R-47 (B class p-Herd-o settlement). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
A second type of external corral, sometimes found in association with the settlements in the puna, consists of sets of attached square or slightly rectangular structures that follow a consistent grid or reticulated pattern. Each set of buildings consists of around twenty attached cells arranged in two rows of ten units each (Figure 10.4). Often located on gently sloping hillsides, these corral groups are located a few hundred meters away from the nearest associated settlements. It is possible that some of these corrals have been reused in recent times, and this could explain why their walls have been reconstructed in a very rudimentary way to a height of about 1.5 m. These reticulated corrals are intriguingly concentrated toward the southern limits of the study area, along the dry mountain range that separates the Ricrán and Mantaro basins and joins the Lomo Largo puna. The corrals are typically associated with somewhat large puna settlements, such as site R-47.
Tombs and Cemeteries Evidence of ancient rituality in the upper Ricrán is found in sites containing isolated groups of funerary structures and in mortuary buildings associated with settlements in the puna (Figure 10.2). Such sites have been designated as cemeteries and are usually found in large rock shelters located at the bottom of very steep cliffs enclosing the streams of the tributary quebradas that descend from the Apohuayhuay cordillera toward the Ricrán River (Perales 2005). These sites have been classified into two major groups based on the number of funerary structures found (Table 10.1) and following the criteria established by Parsons and colleagues (2000:99).
The funerary structures in these cemeteries seem to be cists because they are oval or circular in plan and have internal diameters that do not exceed 60 cm. Walls are usually 20 cm thick and are formed by a single row of stones settled in mud mortar and, in many cases, can be attached to the wall of rock shelters. Most of these structures have been looted but there are still a few where it is possible to see their roofs built with stone slabs, like false vaults that can serve as the floor for a second story. However, it has been impossible to record any kind of doorway because if they existed, they were destroyed by looters to create larger holes to facilitate quick removal of the tomb contents (Perales 2011:20). A total of ten cemeteries were recorded, and four of them have associated pictographs decorating the rocky walls of the shelter where the funerary buildings were built. These pictographs correspond to a defined style that is characterized by simple, geometric, and abstract motifs like circles, lines, and points executed in red ocher with bold and rough strokes (see Perales 2008). One of the largest cemeteries in the study area, R-30, contains a D-shaped large structure built with stones set in mud mortar. It is 4.4 m long and 1.7 m wide, it has no visible doorways, and the walls are 0.5 m thick and about 2 m high (Figure 10.5). Inside, as with the smaller circular or oval structures, it contained dismantled human skeletal remains belonging to several individuals (Perales 2011:20). A second type of evidence of rituality consists of a specific type of mortuary buildings that are circular in plan, one meter in diameter, and have 40 cm thick walls of stones set with mud mortar. Some of these buildings are one story high, while others are two, although in either
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs T a ble 10.1. C emeter ies in the upper R icr á n a nd their gener a l cl assification . SITE NO.
ELEVATION (M ASL)
LOCAL SITE NAME
CL ASSIFICATION
R-6
3980
Auquispuquio
Small cemetery
R-12*
4040
Campanayoc
Large cemetery
R-13
3985
n/d
Small cemetery
R-15
3780
Huacrapuquio
Small cemetery
R-19
3955
Ayamachay
Large cemetery
R-21
3750
Cruzpata
Small cemetery
R-22
4005
n/d
Small cemetery
R-30*
3907
Huarimachay
Large cemetery
R-33*
3690
Huachuamachay
Small cemetery
R-34*
3702
Jallumachay
Small cemetery
R-44
4150
n/d
Large cemetery
These mortuary buildings occur in association with certain patio groups, particularly in the largest settlements of the puna, where some of these tombs are near the main entrances to the sites and close to the rectangular exterior corrals. In most cases, including R-5, these mortuary buildings are almost completely destroyed, yet the presence of human skeletal remains in the rubble makes clear their funerary purpose. In R-44, these tombs are arranged in rows in significant concentrations at some distance from the main settlement entrance, and they thus form a particular type of cemetery that is different from others reported in the research area. Finally, the notable absence of these types of mortuary buildings in the settlements of the suni zone is intriguing. The only exception is R-11, where an external platform is associated with a small cave.
Note: n/d = data not available, * = sites with associated rock art.
case the height of the interior space does not usually exceed a meter (Figure 10.6). In general, these structures have slightly trapezoidal openings or doorways, which in turn are 80 cm high and 50 cm wide at their base and 40 cm at their lintel level. Each story has roofs built by overlapping stone slabs as a false vault or dome. The roof of the lower story serves as a floor for the second story, which in turn has a domed roof made of mud and small stones (Figure 10.7).
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gener a l t r ends iden t ified t h r o u g h s e t t l e m e n t pa t t e r n s
Settlement Characteristics Based on the collected data, I have previously proposed a two-division classification for late prehispanic settlements in the upper Ricrán (Perales 2005, 2011). The first category includes the settlements located in the puna above 4,000 m asl, and by using the full range of these residential sites, calculated using the area enclosed by the
Figure 10.5. Plan of funerary cists and D-shaped structure in Site R-30.
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Figure 10.6. Plan and section of funerary building in Site R-35 (D class p-Herd-o settlement).
walls, I have divided them into five size classes (see Table 10.2). The second category consists of settlements located in the suni between 3,800 and 4,000 m asl, which I have divided into three size classes based on the estimated total house floor area (see table 10.3). In the upper Ricrán the land falling within the puna and suni ecological zones are not large and, unlike other areas, both are complexly distributed or ecologically and physically intertwined; it would be a mistake to consider the development of agricultural and pastoral economies independently. For this reason, I propose to refer to the puna sites as primarily herding-oriented settlements or p-Herd-o settlements and the suni sites as primarily agriculturally oriented settlements or p-Agr-o settlements. Although the temporal sequence is still unclear, a general chronological trend can be inferred. The evidence
includes (1) a notable absence of walls in the p-Agr-o settlements; (2) absence of Inka-related ceramics in the p-Herd-o settlements; (3) notable presence of possible Inka rectangular buildings, different from the local, circular-in-plan architectural tradition in the p-Agr-o settlements; and (4) a few Inka ceramics on some sets of terraces associated with the p-Agr-o settlements. In addition, there are p-Agr-o settlements on the same mountain ridge just below a p-Herd-o settlement, as in the case of sites R-7 and R-8, separated by only 665 m in a straight line, and by 300–400 m vertically (Figure 10.2). The evidence suggests that the vast majority of the p-Herd-o settlements were occupied predominantly during the LIP, when the upper Ricrán was dominated by agropastoralist communities whose economy was built mainly on the exploitation of puna resources. These sites were complemented by limited agriculture
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Figure 10.7. Two-story funerary building in Site R-47 (B class p-Herd-o settlement). Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
developed on the slopes adjacent to the valley bottom, which in turn is easily accessible in less than an hour’s walk from the puna settlements. This trend is clearly seen in the total number of settlements located in that ecological zone, as well as in the estimates of the total area occupied both in the puna and suni zones (Figure 10.8; see also Tables 10.1 and 10.2). According to the reported data, I also propose that many of the p-Agr-o settlements were established during the LH, as a consequence of political reorganization of the local population by the Inka. This led to greater demographic concentration at lower altitudes, which is not unlike observations made in other parts of the highlands of Junín such as Tarma (Parsons et al. 2000:138) and Jauja (Earle et al. 1980, 1987). It follows that, after the Inka conquest of the upper Ricrán, economic activities of its inhabitants were increasingly refocused on agriculture, but without relegating camelid herding to a secondary role (Perales 2005, 2011). Regarding the density of buildings per hectare observed in the reported settlements in the upper Ricrán, the apparent similarity observed in comparison with settlements recorded in the eastern edge of the Lomo
Largo puna by Parsons et al. (2000) serves to project some estimates. With respect to that, these authors have suggested that an average density of 29 buildings per hectare can be used as a very general guide, especially because there is no clear relationship between building density and site type (Parsons et al. 2000:94–95). In this regard, it should be noted that while the average building density indicated by Parsons and his colleagues (2000) seems to fit with my data in the case of the p-Agr-o settlements, it does not appear to match the p-Herd-o settlements, where the density is closer to the figure of 50 buildings per hectare proposed by Earle and colleagues (1987:9) for LIP Yanamarca Valley sites in Jauja. Therefore, I calculated a plausible density range of 19 to 29 buildings per hectare for settlements in the suni of the upper Ricrán, and a density range of 29 to 39 buildings per hectare for settlements in the puna between the LIP and LH times. A further consideration in this discussion of settlement analysis is the definition of the household unit. Previous work suggests that during LIP/LH times the typical residence of a local household consisted of a set of circular buildings and their respective roofless open
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T a ble 10.2. P r im a r ily her ding - or iented set tlements (p -H er d - o set tlements) in the upper R icr á n a nd summ a ry of site sizes a nd popul ation estim ates . SITE NO.
ELEV. (M ASL)
SITE LOCAL NAME
LIP OR LIP/LH C L ASSIFICATION
ESTIMATED HABITATION AREA (HA)
AVER AGE N UMBER OF E STIMATED BUILDINGS
AVER AGE N UMBER OF E STIMATED D OMESTIC UNITS (2.5 BUILDING/ PATIO)
AVER AGE P OPULATION (4 PERSONS/ DOMESTIC UNIT)
R-24
4396
Huarancayo
p-Herd-o Sett., Class A
15.19
516.46
206.584
826.336
R-8
4230
Huacrash
p-Herd-o Sett., Class A
14.51
493.34
197.336
789.344
R-5
4360
Culimalca
p-Herd-o Sett., Class B
11.29
383.86
153.544
614.176
R-17
4280
Pariamarca
p-Herd-o Sett., Class B
10.9
370.6
148.24
592.96
R-47
4050
Shutuymalca
p-Herd-o Sett., Class B
9.61
326.74
130.696
522.784
R-9
4290
Jaygucuchu
p-Herd-o Sett., Class C
7.88
267.92
107.168
428.672
R-18
4345
Huajá
p-Herd-o Sett., Class C
7.4
251.6
100.64
402.56
R-35
4250
Huaychaomarca
p-Herd-o Sett., Class D
5.48
186.32
R-4
4550
Malca Malca
p-Herd-o Sett., Class D
5.25
178.5
71.4
285.6
R-29
4170
Taurishnioc
p-Herd-o Sett., Class D
4.86
165.24
66.096
264.384
R-23
4240
Huacacorral
p-Herd-o Sett., Class D
4.52
153.68
61.472
245.888
R-42
4120
n/d
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E
2.93
99.62
39.848
159.392
R-46
4070
Marcacancha B
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E
2.79
94.86
37.944
151.776
R-41
4015
n/d
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E
2.68
91.12
36.448
145.792
R-20
4233
Uyash
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E
2.57
87.38
34.952
139.808
R-39
4210
n/d
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E
1.07
36.38
14.552
58.208
R-40
4145
n/d
p-Herd-o Sett., Class E Total:
74.528
298.112
0.61
20.74
8.296
33.184
109.54
3724.36
1489.744
5958.976
Note: n/d = data not available.
space or courtyard. As said before, this basic unit was called a patio group by UMARP (D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle et al. 1980, 1987; LeBlanc 1981), and this pattern has been identified in contemporary sites of the Tarma-Chinchaycocha areas (Bonnier 1997; Parsons et al. 2000), the northern part of the department of Huancavelica (Lavallée and Julien 1983), and in the Upper Ricrán (Perales 2005). In the case of Jauja, there is substantial variability in the number of buildings per patio group, but they typically range from three to six buildings for elite households and one to three buildings for commoner ones (DeMarrais 2001:130). In the neighboring areas to the Upper Ricrán, Parsons and colleagues (2000) did not clearly indicate their criteria for defining the number of household units in each of the registered sites. Based on my own observations as well as estimates made by Earle and colleagues (1987) and by Bonnier (1997), I tentatively suggest an average of between two and three buildings per patio group for both LIP and LH settlements in the Upper Ricrán.
Human Population and Camelid Herd Sizes From the values given with respect to the density of buildings per hectare and the average number of buildings per household, it is possible to make a general estimate of approximately 1,490 LIP/LH households that lived in the puna and 338 in the suni of the upper Ricrán (see Tables 10.1 and 10.2). On the other hand, taking into account the camelid-carrying capacity values provided by other scholars for the kichwa of the Mantaro Valley and the puna of Junín, of 0.5–1.25 animals/ha (Browman 1974:195) and 0.4–0.5 animals/ha (Matos 1994:45) respectively, we can deduce that the 14,963.14 hectares of puna grasslands that exist in the upper Ricrán above 4,000 m asl could have supported between 7,400 and 18,700 animals. The 4,936.18 ha of lower-altitude suni land could have supported between 2,400 and 4,300 animals, forming a range between 9,800 and 23,000 domestic camelids for the total size of the livestock that could have been sustained in the research area during LIP/LH times.
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs
171
T a ble 10.3. P r im a r ily agr icultur e - or iented set tlements (p -A gr - o set tlements) in the upper R icr á n a nd summ a ry of site sizes a nd popul ation estim ates . SITE NO.
ELEV. (M ASL)
SITE LOCAL NAME
LIP OR LIP/LH CL ASSIFICATION
ESTIMATED HABITATION AREA (HA)
AVER AGE N UMBER OF E STIMATED BUILDINGS
AVER AGE N UMBER OF E STIMATED D OMESTIC UNITS (2.5 BUILDINGS/ PATIO)
AVER AGE P OPULATION (4 PERSONS/ DOMESTIC UNIT)
R-45
3950
Marcacancha A
p-Agr-o Sett., Class C
6.53
156.72
62.688
250.752
R-10
3860
Ricramarca
p-Agr-o Sett., Class C
5.82
139.68
55.872
223.488
R-7
3870
Chanchanloma
p-Agr-o Sett., Class C
5.74
137.76
55.104
220.416
R-11
3820
Oyuncuy
p-Agr-o Sett., Class D
2.78
66.72
26.688
106.752
R-28
3778
Jarapunco
p-Agr-o Sett., Class D
2.68
64.32
25.728
102.912
R-25
3807
Cashamarca
p-Agr-o Sett., Class D
2.49
59.76
23.904
95.616
R-14
3804
Tantarnioc
p-Agr-o Sett., Class D
2.35
56.4
22.56
90.24
R-49
3790
n/d
p-Agr-o Sett., Class E
1.75
42
16.8
67.2
R-27
3926
Sillajasha
p-Agr-o Sett., Class E
1.64
39.36
15.744
62.976
R-16
3795
Cahuayacmarca
p-Agr-o Sett., Class E
1.47
35.28
14.112
56.448
R-48
3720
n/d
p-Agr-o Sett., Class E
1.1
26.4
10.56
42.24
R-50
3865
n/d
p-Agr-o Sett., Class E
0.88
21.12
8.448
33.792
35.23
845.52
338.208
1352.832
Total: Note: n/d = data not available.
The fact that here I am projecting estimates including all sites as if they were occupied contemporaneously involves the risk of misinterpreting the data. However, if we consider the evidence that suggests that a majority of the p-Herd-o settlements of the puna were more intensively occupied during the LIP, while a great number of the p-Agr-o settlements of the suni belonged to the LH, then it might be proposed that the LIP camelid flocks in the upper Ricrán were substantially bigger than those in the LH. I am tempted to believe that this phenomenon could be an indirect evidence of a major reorientation of the local economy in this area toward agricultural production under the Inka control. Whereas the former estimates of camelid herds sizes in the upper Ricrán are considerably fewer than the figures proposed for neighboring regions such as the altiplano of Chinchaycocha (see Matos 1994:45–46; Parsons et al. 2000:69), if we take into account Browman’s estimates on the sizes of economically viable herds for successful households in ancient times, which range between 150 and 200 animals (Browman 1974:195), as well as ethnographic data regarding f lock size (Custred 1977; Palacios 1977), we find a discrepancy between human population sizes and the number of animals belonging to camelid herds. In other words, it appears that the number
of LIP/LH households in this area was disproportionately larger than the camelid-carrying capacity of the territory that they occupied, especially in the puna. Overall, this suggests that there were certain families that controlled large camelid herds (elite households), and many others (commoners) who owned only a few animals, which could be also an indicator of some kind of social differentiation during the late prehispanic times, especially in the LIP. Again, this pattern can be made visible by comparing the estimated carrying capacities of the puna, more intensively occupied in the LIP, and the suni, with an apparent greater population during the LH (Figure 10.8).
Site Clustering Another notable trend is a greater demographic concentration in the eastern section of the study area along the eastern margins of the Ricrán Valley (Figure 10.9). It is likely that with the greater presence of surface water and bofedales near the Apohuayhuay mountain range this area was emphasized, in particular by communities herding alpacas dependent upon soft bofedal pastures (Flores Ochoa 1977; Palacios 1977; Parsons et al. 2000:69). In the upper Ricrán, the higher concentration of isolated corrals, as well as to the presence of large primarily
Figure 10.8. Comparative estimates of (top) LIP/LH habitation areas, (middle) buildings and domestic units, and (bottom) population between the puna and suni ecological zones.
172
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs herding-oriented settlements, such as Site R-9, is probably related to bofedales. In contrast to reports from other regions of the central Andes (see Lane 2006; Lane and Grant, this volume) our research team did not find clear evidence of infrastructure designed to artificially enhance the pastures or other water-control features. The distribution of the LIP/LH sites in the upper Ricrán suggests that some level of clustering developed that is possibly related to sociopolitical structure (Figure 10.9). Notably, the eastern part of the study area is dominated by three principal sites corresponding to p-Herd-o settlements of classes A and B (Sites R-5, R-8, and R-24). Each of these sites seems to articulate a set of smaller settlements established from the suni foothills near the bottom of the valley up to the grasslands of the high puna (clusters 1, 2, and 3). Each cluster also seems to have a cemetery area located under cliffs, along the quebradas dividing the territories associated with each cluster.1 It is possible that these burial sites served to reinforce social boundaries as discussed in recent studies of the relationship between ethnic identity and late prehispanic funerary architecture (e.g., Duchesne and Chacama 2012; Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005). Similarly, mortuary buildings found close to the main entrances to the dominant puna sites and also near the adjacent rectangular corrals may convey information related to expressions of ethnicity characteristic of each agropastoralist community. Near the center of the study area lies Cluster 4 (Figure 10.9), which consists of two p-Herd-o settlements that are very close to each other (Sites R-17 and R-18). These settlements probably dominated a set of smaller sites found at lower altitudes. Cluster 4 may have controlled the dry mountain range that is located between the courses of the Ricrán River and Apaicancha Quebrada. No cemeteries were found in the cliffs here, but an above-ground cemetery with tombs in a row, Site R-44, is located close to the main entrance to Site R-17. Cluster 5, located near the chain of mountains separating the Apaicancha and Shutuy drainages in the western section of my study area, is dominated by a p-Agr-o settlement of class C. Cluster 5 may be a good example of the agropastoralist economy of the local population. Interestingly, we do not have cemeteries on cliffs in this area, but mortuary architecture, probably two-story buildings, is associated with some patio groups in the interior of the settlements. Cluster 6 consists of a group set of small p-Agr-o settlements located east of the Apaicancha Quebrada
173
between the modern villages of Apaicancha and Apaicanchilla. It is possible that these small sites were associated with settlements located in the neighboring puna on top of the mountain range to the east, and outside of the study area. Site R-47 is a p-Herd-o settlement that appears alone with no links to any other nearby site. This site occupies the slopes around a high rocky promontory that forms part of the dry mountain chain that separates the Ricrán and Mantaro basins. Interestingly, this settlement does not seem related to any isolated cemeteries but rather has two-story funerary structures associated with patio groups. Site R-47 is linked with reticulated corrals reported in other settlements in the same mountain range (but outside of the study area). Similarly, Site R-35, a class D p-Herd-o settlement in the far north of the territory (Figure 10.9), may be associated with other settlements that also fall outside of the survey area. Finally, in the western section of the study area, almost adjacent to the territory surveyed by Parsons et al. (2000), it is intriguing that we failed to identify any sites which correspond to the category that Parsons and colleagues (2000) call special function settlements, referring to sites that would have constituted management centers for maintaining long-distance trade relationships between communities from the puna and the kichwa or suni (Parsons et al. 2000:129–132). However, only 4 km northwest of Site R-47 is Aras (Site No. 364 in Parsons et al. 2000:451), a special function settlement that is believed to have served as a joint axis of the pastoralist economy from the Lomo Largo puna and the more agriculturalist one found in the lower valleys located toward the Ricrán area. Moreover, there is a significant concentration of above-ground tomb cemeteries, which probably marked a social boundary between these two territories (Parsons et al. 2000:132, 173–175). Future studies should help to clarify this issue.
sociopol i t ic a l compl e x i t y in t he upper r icr á n a r e a : some wor k ing h y p ot heses
I began this chapter by stating that my intention was to explore the forms of sociopolitical organization among the late prehispanic agropastoralist populations in a small valley in the central highlands of Peru by examining settlement patterns and evidence related to herding and rituality. I will now explore working hypotheses developed from the data presented above.
450000
8730000
440000
Cluster 1
Cluster 6 Cluster 7
Cluster 2
Cluster 5
Cluster 3
! !
Herding Settlement Large
!
# #
> @
! !
#
Small Herding Settlement
>
YF
Ag Settlement Large Ag Settlement Mid Ag Settlement Small Large Cemetery
0
Rows of tombs
1
2 Kilometers
Small Cemetery Funerary features
Figure 10.9. Proposed LIP/LH site clustering in the upper Ricrán Valley. Courtesy Manuel F. Perales Munguía.
174
3
4
±
UTM Zone 18 South WGS 1984
8720000
Cluster 4
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs T a ble 10.4. P roposed equi va lence bet w een UMARP a nd upper R icr á n set tlement cl assifications . UMARP SET TLEMENT CL ASSIFICATION (YANAMARCA VALLEY) (EARLE 2005; EARLE ET AL. 1987)
UPPER RICR ÁN CL ASSIFICATION (P-HERD-O S ET TLEMENTS)
UPPER RICR ÁN CL ASSIFICATION (P-AGR-O S ET TLEMENTS)
Regional center
—
—
Town
Classes A and B
—
Large village
Class C
Class C
Small village
Class D
Class D
Hamlet
Class E
Class E
The LIP Setting First, settlement clusters suggest that at least in the time before the Inka occupation the local population of the upper Ricrán was organized into various polities with an essentially agropastoralist economic base, and with their main settlements located in the puna above of 4,000 m asl. Defensive features of these sites, such as restricted access areas and enclosing walls, suggest that the LIP was a time of conflict and social tension as has been observed elsewhere in the Andes (see Arkush 2008; Wernke 2006). I propose a three-level settlement hierarchy among the Ricrán puna contemporary polities (see Table 10.4) drawing on Earle’s approach to the structure of LIP settlement systems in the area of Jauja (Earle 2005) as well as the classification of settlements used by Parsons and colleagues (2000). I hypothesize that each of the p-Herd-o settlements of classes A and B would have become the centers of chiefdom-like polities. These centers would have been at a smaller scale than the ones that existed in the Yanamarca Valley, where the largest settlements were larger than 25 ha in size with estimated populations of more than 10,000 inhabitants (Earle 2005:97). Comparing the two areas, we note that in the upper Ricrán the largest settlements only approximate the town level of the Yanamarca Valley that were represented by sites like Umpamalca, which was 14.8 ha large and had an estimated population of 5,200 inhabitants. The main towns of the upper Ricrán polities also lack the central open spaces and the internal two-part subdivisions characteristic of the exceptionally large regional centers like Tunanmarca in the Yanamarca Valley. If the Tunanmarca plazas were part of the large patio group belonging to the chief (Earle 2005:105), it is curious that we did not find such large, open central spaces in the interior of the largest sites in my study area. The performance of
175
power typically involved corresponding architectural focus areas, and the central plaza complex of Tunanmarca possibly served that role, albeit in a limited sense. In contrast, in the upper Ricrán I have reported large courtyards as part of patio groups in the central sector of the settlements, but those roofless areas are very small in comparison to the central plaza complex of Tunanmarca (Figure 10.10). We may assert that in ancient Ricrán, the performance of power in the LIP settlements developed with greater emphasis at the domestic level, with the participation of fewer people linked to local elites. Furthermore, the zooarchaeological evidence reported by Sandefur (2001) regarding camelid-meat consumption patterns in the Yanamarca Valley as well as other lines of evidence reported by the UMARP researchers in that area (Hastorf 2001) support this idea. The identification of architecture and public spaces is a particular problem in LIP archaeology in the highlands of Junín, as discussed by Parsons, Hastings, and Matos (2000). Then, in lieu of large plazas, the roofless areas of the patio groups belonging to local elites in Ricrán could have played a pivotal role in scenarios for collective activities in which power was negotiated. The presence of mortuary buildings in certain patio groups supports this assertion, as it has been noted that among societies undergoing processes of emergent complexity claims of kinship ties with the ancestors is a key tool for gaining power and legitimizing control over critical economic resources (Earle 1997; Johnson and Earle 2000; Mann 1986). Current data indicates that public spaces associated with ritual practices within the settlements are small in the upper Ricrán. However, the presence of funerary structures near the main entrances to the largest sites suggests that some types of ancestor veneration practices were carried out far from the immediate domestic space at a community level, and outside the surrounding walls. Following Isbell (1997), I infer that perhaps these extramural mortuary buildings contained the remains of personages considered founders of the various kin groups within the entire community. It is also possible that the rituals performed in honor of these ancestors involved the active participation of large groups of people, making them suitable opportunities for public legitimation of power by local elites. Overall, the data suggest some correspondence between the identified settlement clusters and the distribution of mortuary-architecture types (Figure 10.9), which in turn would confirm that in the case of the late prehispanic Central Andes this type of construction can be
Figure 10.10. Patio groups in the central part of Site R-24 (A class p-Herd-o settlement).
176
Settlement Patterns, Corrals, and Tombs understood as a very important material expression of ethnic identity (Kesseli and Pärssinen 2005). It is relevant to note that according to available ethnohistorical evidence, in colonial times the reducción of Santa Margarita de Ricrán was ethnically linked with the Xauxa of the northern Mantaro Valley, while Apaicancha and Apaicanchilla territories were occupied by people with a Tarama ethnic affiliation from the Tarma area (Arellano 1988). Ethnographic literature on Andean pastoralism shows the importance of certain rituals in relation to reproduction and maintenance of livestock (Flores Ochoa 1976; Rivera 2003). For instance, in Ayacucho clean corrals separated from other ones were used by herders to conduct the herranza, a propitiatory ceremony through which they seek the favor of the wamani, or mountain spirit, to take care of and increase the flock (Flannery et al. 1989:151,173–174). On the other hand, Arnold and Hastorf (2008:160–161) have noticed the continuity of two sets of ceremonies in the Bolivian altiplano, performed to promote or stop rain through ritual action on the skulls or bones of ancestors, which, in some cases, are removed from local chullpas or above-ground sepulchers. The cases cited above bring to mind an association between the funerary buildings located at the main entrances of some of the p-Herd-o settlements and the nearby rectangular corrals. Considering the proposed hypothesis that during the LIP public rituals involving a large number of members of the community would have taken place outside the surrounding walls of the settlements, then it is also possible that the mentioned corrals would have served equally well as locations for rituals, or just that the spaces where people corralled the flocks were an important part of these practices. It is further suggestive that these corrals and their associated tombs are located in the largest sites near the Apohuayhuay Mountain, which according to ethnohistoric sources was considered the main huaca of the Tarama (Albornoz 1967 [1582]; Hastings 1985:194). Moreover, according to evidence I have reported previously (Perales 2004) as well as that reported and discussed by Parsons and colleagues (2000:55; 2013:101), this place could have also marked an ethnic border. Previous studies of sociopolitical evolution point to the importance of three types of power among processes leading to complexity: economic, military, and ideological (Earle 1997; Johnson and Earle 2000). In the case of LIP agropastoral communities of the upper Ricrán it is
177
clear that they have an interest in the exploitation of the resources of the puna.2 While there are no signs of largescale intercommunity projects oriented toward intensification of livestock production, there is some evidence to suggest that concentrations of large herds were under the control of certain local groups. It is possible that tension and competition between local polities in the Ricrán territory limited the growth of the local economies. This phenomenon could have led to the emergence of power based on military strength due to the need to defend people and resources, as it is described in ethnohistorical documents regarding the Mantaro Valley (see Toledo 1940 [1570]; Vega 1965 [1582]). This in turn may have stimulated further sociopolitical organizational complexity, as observed in other parts of the world (Haas 2007). Thus it is possible that the same groups that controlled large herds became active emerging elites who formed a political horizon where principles of hierarchy and heterarchy operated, as suggested for the neighboring area of Jauja (Hastorf 2001). In this context I also believe that we cannot deny a priori the existence of significant local alliances and interregional exchange networks between the upper Ricrán and other areas. Consequently, the presence of sites with reticulated corrals on the mountain range that separates the Mantaro and Ricrán basins may indicate that settlements like Site R-47 served as important nodes in a network connecting local and long-distance trade in the region and filling the role played by the special function settlements of the Tarma and Chinchaycocha areas discussed by Parsons, Hastings, and Matos (2000). This idea is supported by the association of those sites with the remains of ancient trails that connected the nuclear area of Jauja with the narrow and deep valleys to the northeast, including Ricrán. On the other hand, it seems that there is evidence that points to the existence of important ideological sources of power among the LIP upper Ricrán agropastoralist communities. As mentioned before, among the processes of emergent complexity, the power of rising elites is legitimized through claims of kinship to shared ancestors. In the upper Ricrán, I see the local elites gaining power, status, and preferential access to critical resources such as flocks, pastures, and bofedales through the demonstration of their ties to the founding ancestors of each community. These, in turn, served to externalize their ethnic identities in particular through the display of certain types of mortuary architecture.
Perales Munguía
178 a n ou t l ine of t he l h set t ing a nd f ina l consider at ions
It is possible that the scenario described above changed during the LH following the Inka conquest of the upper Ricrán, especially due to a shift in the local economy toward agriculture, expressed in a greater emphasis on the occupation of the suni. This probably shrank the economic foundations of local preexisting LIP polities, forcing them to adapt to the new rules introduced by the expanding empire. In this sense, the incorporation of rectangular foreign buildings into the local architectural tradition in patio groups of several p-Agr-o settlements and in only a few p-Herd-o settlements, like Site R-17, probably expresses the incorporation of some segments of the local elites within the Inka state bureaucracy (Perales 2005). Moreover, the marked increase of the circular residential buildings and patio groups’ sizes within p-Agr-o settlements in comparison to the sites of the puna could also be an indicator of changes caused by the imperial Inka regime at the domestic level, such as the increased importance of patio groups as scenarios for administrative and ceremonial activities. The latter, in turn, could indicate the rise of certain local lineages to new positions of authority with the probable approval of Inka officials (DeMarrais 2001:146). Another important aspect worth mentioning is the notable absence of walls in the p-Agr-o settlements in upper Ricrán, as well as their location in easier access points in comparison with sites of the puna. According to evidence reported by other researchers (D’Altroy 1992; D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001; DeMarrais 2001; Earle et al. 1987; Parsons et al. 2000, 2013), this could be due to the establishment of a sort of Pax Incaica that would have drastically altered the situation of conflict and factional competition that dominated during the LIP, expressing at the same time that under the Inka rule the military aspect would no longer play a key role as a source of power, but rather now the economic and ideological foundations prevailed. The latter could rely on the fact that in certain p-Agr-o settlements like Site R-11, well-made platforms were built external to the site but were evidently associated with caves where the ancestors rested. According to my observations, I consider new spaces of this nature to have replaced the formal rectangular corrals associated with funerary buildings at the entry points of the LIP p-Herd-o settlements. Similarly, the existence of a site with Inka state architecture and probable ceremonial function associated with the sacred mountain of Apohuayhuay (Site R-32), and previously reported (Perales 2004), also suggests a major change in the
ways that the ideological bases of power operated in the local political scene during the LH, a change supported by Inka patronage around the cult of the mentioned local huaca (Covey 2015:92). It is possible, perhaps, that in this context new elites emerged and that the people of the upper Ricrán experienced new processes of sociopolitical complexity that continued up to the Spanish invasion in 1533. This time, however, local societies were based on a primarily agricultural economy, sustained by the massive agricultural terraces built near the reported p-Agr-o settlements. Just like in prehispanic times, today these terraces are still used to produce tubers such as potatoes (Solanum spp.), oca (Oxalis tuberosa), olluco (Ullucus tuberosus) and mashua (Tropaeolum tuberosum), as well as quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa). In fact, in a former publication I proposed that these terrace systems probably served to supply the state storage complexes in Hatun Xauxa and Tarmatambo (Perales 2005:138–139). It is plausible that during the late prehispanic epoch populations from the upper Ricrán were experiencing important processes of sociopolitical complexity triggered by a long-standing agropastoralist economic subsistence system. In this sense, people developed novel livelihood strategies and creative solutions to the limitations of their challenging territory, including the puna, which is steadily neglected by modern Peruvian state agencies. In addition to shedding light on anthropological questions concerning sociopolitical change, the evidence for the diversity of solutions to prehispanic agropastoralism in the Ricrán provides guidance to current and future challenges for agropastoralists in the region. This knowledge could be used to formulate and implement appropriate policies that would provide better living conditions for contemporary populations inhabiting these territories.
not es
1. As I show later, the spatial association between the cemeteries under cliffs and the quebradas may be evidence of ancient beliefs associated with the power of the ancestors to control rain as well as the water flows and procurement in the area. 2. However, at this moment I cannot discard the possibility that these agropastoral communities showed interest in the exploitation of the suni ecozone, as has been observed by Lane and Grant (this volume) in the Nepeña headwaters.
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