Social and Organisational Structures in East Africa: a

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Social and Organisational Structures in East Africa: a Case for Participation Peter Blunt The Journal of Modern African Studies / Volume 16 / Issue 03 / September 1978, pp 433 449 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X00002512, Published online: 11 November 2008

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The Journal of Modem African Studies, 16, 3 (1978), pp. 433-49

Social and Organisational Structures in East Africa: a Case for Participation by P E T E R B L U N T * F O R some time, the general enthusiasm for viewing organisations as 'open systems' subject to a wide number of influences has had something of a hollow ring. This is shown by the way in which many scholars continue to concentrate their attention on certain selected parts of an organisation and its environment, and to ignore others.1 In 1970 this tendency was described as follows: One noticeable feature of the change agents' framework is their total focus upon in-plant variables . . . there are no references . . . to the community and family aspects. This is somewhat surprising when one considers the very considerable emphasis given to the 'open systems' approach.2 Accordingly, the emphasis in this article will be on those variables which have so far received insufficient attention, notably the traditional systems of government, although they could play an important part in the determination of organisational structures. Other aspects of the environment — in its broadest sense — are also taken into account: not least, the fact that the two East African countries to be considered have professed ideological differences of some magnitude. Tanzania is decidedly socialist in orientation and bent on the destruction of (largely inherited) class barriers, and the equalisation of its society. Kenya, on the other hand, actively promotes the acceptance of differentials based * Lecturer in Commerce, The University of Adelaide, South Australia. 1 For example, the focus on technology as an independent variable — begun in earnest by J. Woodward, Management and Technology (London, 1958), and developed by others, like D. S. Pugh and D. J. Hickson, Organisational Structure in its Context (Farnborough, 1976) — may have encouraged researchers to play down the potential of such basic influences as culture. As D. F. Gillespie and D. S. Mileti have suggested, there will be instances when technology can be most usefully seen as a dependent or mediating variable; 'Technology and the Study of Organisations: an overview and appraisal', in. Academy of Management Journal (Atlanta), 11, 1, 1977, pp. 7-16. 2 P. A. Clark and J. R. Ford, 'Methodological and Theoretical Problems in the Investigation of Planned Organisational Change', in Sociological Review (Keele), XVIII, 1, 1970, p. 42. Similar sentiments have been expressed by K. H. Roberts, 'On Looking at an Elephant: an evaluation of cross-cultural research related to organisations', in T. D. Weinshall (ed.), Culture and Management (Harmondsworth, 1977).

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on merit. The possible effects of such political systems on organisational structures in East Africa are also analysed, as well as the influence of other independent variables, such as educational systems, and cultural factors like the interaction between urban and rural life. Explanations are put forward for a number of conflicts which have arisen because of a basic clash between indigenous and imported methods of organisation, and ways are suggested of lessening their severity. Finally, it is argued that participatory forms of government are deeply rooted in the social and cultural milieux, and would, if permitted expression, facilitate the introduction of participative systems of management in organisations, without the birth pangs experienced in other countries.

ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURES IN EAST AFRICA

So far, social science research in East Africa has perhaps been best expressed in the field of education. Organisational theory and behaviour have received scant attention, and very little work has been published in this area,2 so that much of the evidence presented in this section is derived from a relatively small number of primary sources.3 Drawing on his investigations of five manufacturing companies in Kenya, J. S. Henley concluded that the most striking characteristic was their unswerving aim to maintain western bureaucratic ideals. This was achieved primarily by replacing outgoing expatriate administrators with Africans who were already employed in the colonial bureaucracy. Consequently, Since the most familiar role models were European, it is hardly surprising that after ten years of independence and political stability Kenyan employment relationships have most in common with the tenets of western bureaucracy.4 All the well-known hallmarks of the western bureaucratic ideal are evident: rigid sets of rules govern the behaviour of individuals; workers 1 David Court described the concept of social justice held by Kenyans in much the same terms, and suggested that their aim is 'less at the equalisation of wealth and status than at the equalisation of the opportunities to compete for the most privileged positions'; 'The Education System as a Response to Inequality in Tanzania and Kenya', in The Journal of Modem African Studies (Cambridge), xrv, 4, December 1976, p. 662. 2 M. Wober, 'Some Areas for the Application of Psychological Research in East Africa',

in International Review of Applied Psychology (Liverpool), xxn, 1, 1973, pp. 41-53. * For example, R. D. Grillo, African Railwaymen: solidarity and opposition in an East African

labour force (Cambridge, 1973), and John S. Henley, 'Employment Relationships and Economic Development - the Kenyan Experience', in The Journal of Modern African Studies, xi, 4, December 1973, pp. 559-89. * Henley, loc. cit. p. 588.


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invariably have explicit instructions as to how their jobs should be performed; and, as R. D. Grillo has noted, 'regulations also prescribe the form of the relationship that should prevail between the occupants of any two or more posts'. 1 Moreover, these have the force of a legal code, the breaking of which is an offence punishable with a standard procedure. Grillo maintained that for one particular organisation (in this case, the East African Railways and Harbours), the comprehensiveness of such regulations allowed responsibility for operational failures to be apportioned precisely, if not always legitimately. In addition, individual interactions between superiors and subordinates were characterised by extreme deference on the part of the subordinate. The classic authoritarian pattern is further confirmed by the subordinate's manner, which is 'quiet, almost reverential, in contrast with the strength and authority with which he asserts his views under other circumstances'.2 Even in Tanzania, where certain forms of employee participation have explicit political approval, bureaucratic structures are proving remarkably resistant to change. This has been noted by John Saul, who has accused those concerned with the introduction of more participatory structures of having little enthusiasm for the exercise.3 As suggested above, a large part of the reason for the close correspondence between East African organisations and western bureaucracies lies in the fact that both Kenya and Tanzania were subject for many years to a colonial administration which, in both the public and the private sectors, was inevitably bureaucratic: organisational levels were strictly defined according to race and function, with Europeans in positions of top pay and responsibility, Asians in middle-level posts, and Africans at the bottom. Since independence, Kenyan organisations appear to have remained just as rigid as previously, with differentiations continuing to be made according to ethnic origin. This situation has come about as a result of the considerable political and commercial power of the Kikuyu: To some observers, the post-colonial concern of the Kikuyu has been less one of ethnic balance than of Kikuyu dominance. Whether it is a matter of 1

2 Grillo, op. cit. p. 66. Ibid. p. 80. * John S. Saul, 'African Socialism in One Country: Tanzania', in Giovanni Arrighi and Saul, Essays on the Political Economy of Africa (New York and London, 1973). H. Mapolu has

also expressed some doubts in The Organization and Participation of Workers in Tanzania, Dar es

Salaam, Economics Research Bureau Paper 72.1, 1972, p. 30: 'It follows therefore that when one reaches the factory level, participation can only be minimal in substance. Essentially, the tasks of "management" belong to the managers, and the workers can come in only occasionally to "help" in certain fields and to quench their thirst for information on what is going on in the factory as a whole. This seems to be the only explanation of the preponderance of managers in the workers' council and the council's mere advisory powers.'


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Kenyanisation or Kikuyuisation, there were political demands that ascriptive traits compete with managerial competence in the selection of senior and middle level personnel.1 The above bureaucratic anachronism is likely to remain resistant to change so long as there are minority interest groups intent on maintaining their power; whether they be Kikuyu elites seeking to resist the pressures of other ethnic groups,2 or white elites clinging desperately to the vestiges of the colonial way of life, the result is likely to be the same. Another major influence on organisational structures is education. It has been argued convincingly that educational systems in the United States serve to reproduce and legitimate the social relations of industry, which are inevitably authoritarian. 3 David Court has implied that much the same happens in Kenya and, to a lesser extent, in Tanzania. More specifically, 'As the educational pyramid in most countries is sharply tapering in shape, the main socialising effect of education is to prepare the majority of students to accept relatively low status and small rewards'. 4 To some degree, the Tanzanian Government has realised this, and has attempted to change the process by encouraging ' an appreciation of the dignity of labour . . . a spirit of co-operative rather than individualistic behaviour and forms of production'. 5 In other words, the schools there are recognised as an important means of determining behaviour in the widest context and, as a result, their organisation and structure is designed to create an atmosphere and an environment which promotes and reinforces socialist modes of operation. The fact that African teachers in Tanzania - where democratic systems of organisation in schools are institutionalised - have shown some reluctance to adopt less authoritarian methods, indicates how strongly the colonial legacy is embedded. Moreover, it is apparent that in a country like Kenya, where differentials according to merit and bureaucratic forms of organisation are 1

D. L. Dresang and I. Sharkansky, 'Sequences of Change and the Political Economy of Public Corporations: Kenya', in The Journal of Politics (Gainesville), 37, 1975, pp. 163-86. 2 Henry Bienen has suggested, in Kenya: the politics of participation and control (Princeton, 1974), that this tendency has been reinforced from the apex of political power, where President Jomo Kenyatta himself has sought to enhance his own influence through the control of the civil service, described as perhaps the most extensive and efficient bureaucracy in Africa. 3 S. Bowles and H . Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America: educational reform and the contradic4 tions of economic life (New York, 1976). Court, loc. cit. p. 664. 6 Ibid. p. 670. W. R. Nord has criticised most modern management theories for being too individualistic in orientation; he used a Marxian perspective to illustrate the advantages of a more collaborative approach in ' The Failure of Current Applied Behavioral Science — a Marxian Perspective', in The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science (Washington), x, 4, 1974, PP- 557-77-


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institutionalised, the problems of change towards more democratic systems are colossal.1

ORGANISATIONAL CONFLICT IN EAST AFRICA

The rigid bureaucratic structures of Kenya have served to perpetuate many of the conflicts which take place within organisations. To some extent, the maintenance of the traditional antagonism between white bosses and black workers has been made easier by the widespread acceptance of such structures, notably where small enclaves of whites continue to dominate large subsidiaries of multinational organisations. The complete absence of governmental or union pressure to democratise decision-making procedures has been instrumental in allowing white managers to insulate themselves, and thus to educate their eventual black successors at their own leisurely pace.2 Not surprisingly, this practice is the cause of considerable tension within organisations. In particular, highly educated and ambitious black managers, who often have their paths blocked by less educated but more experienced whites, exhibit an inordinately high degree of job dissatisfaction, especially in relation to the opportunities available for participation in decisionmaking and the determination of methods and procedures.3 Admittedly, as whites are gradually replaced, this becomes a problem of diminishing 1 There are other dilemmas as well: for example, Tanzania, like most developing countries, needs technical and administrative skills of a high order which can only be acquired through formal education. The almost inevitable consequence of this is the formation of a technocratic and bureaucratic elite, which runs counter to Tanzania's declared ideals. Another concern is the extent to which it is possible to disengage from familiar educational practices (such as those inherited from the colonial era), without undermining general faith in the process of education itself. As Court, loc. cit. has pointed out, problems of this kind have already been encountered in Tanzania where it is proving difficult to find alternatives to (irrelevant) western forms of examination. 8 Unfortunately, the Government itself is in an awkward position: on the one hand, it must be seen to fulfil the popular demand for rapid Africanisation, while on the other it must protect its own fragile position by, inter alia, not encouraging participatory democracy in organisations. 8 Peter Blunt, 'Managerial Motivation in Kenya: some initial impressions', in Journal of East African Research and Development (Nairobi), vi, 1, 1977. This evidence was derived from a study of 127 black Kenyan managers working in the Nairobi-located subsidiary of a multinational organisation, where hostility towards the senior white managers was particularly strong owing to the fact that the blacks were members of the Kikuyu tribe, which has been dominant since independence. Moreover, comparisons with other studies of managerial job satisfaction that used the same measuring instrument in Africa showed that this group of Kenyans were substantially more dissatisfied than managers in other African countries. See Peter Blunt, ' Cultural and Situational Determinants of Job Satisfaction Amongst Management in South Africa', in The Journal of Management Studies (Oxford), 10, 1973, pp. 133-40, and P. Howell, J. Strauss, and P. F. Sorensen, 'Cultural and Situational Determinants ofJob Satisfaction Among Management in Liberia', in ibid. 12, 1975, pp. 225-7.


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magnitude. There is a danger, however, that as the heat is taken out of the black-white conflict situation, this will anneal the positions of the new - usually Kikuyu - elite along with the bureaucratic methods they watched their white forebears use so successfully to defend themselves. Indeed, ethnic conflict is one of the general problems emerging in Kenyan society, with serious implications for organisational behaviour.1 There is another less recognised, but equally important, conflict area which has to do with tensions between Africans of different ages. In the ethnic communities of Kenya, as elsewhere in most of the continent, elders are greatly respected and authority is traditionally associated with age.2 However, the general dislocation of traditional ways of life brought about by urbanisation and industrialisation has produced pockets of inter-generational conflict and hostility. This takes a number of forms: perhaps the most widespread is that between young and highly educated managerial and technocratic elites and older, less educated, lower-level workers. As I shall show in greater detail below, this situation turns the traditional system upside down - in any modern organisation, age and wisdom count for nothing if they are not coupled with technical expertise or high levels of formal education. Large commercial enterprises are the most likely setting for this type of conflict because of the more technical demands of managerial jobs, and the greater emphasis placed on efficiency and profitability. In public enterprises, on the other hand, the situation is reversed: here there is much less emphasis placed on efficiency, and there are little in the way of technical skill requirements for middle and senior positions.3 This has meant that the older Kenyans in the public service with relatively little education, and who were on hand when the white administrators were replaced, hold most of the senior positions. Henley has rightly pointed out that 'the rapidity of Kenyanisation [in the public sector] after independence now means that promotion prospects are effectively blocked for succeeding generations of civil servants, in spite of their being generally better educated than their superiors'.4 This is a critical problem, made worse by the fact that the public sector accounts for just over half of the employed persons not involved in agriculture.5 1

See Henley, loc. cit. and Dresang and Sharkansky, loc. cit. ' A. R. Rouyer, 'Political Recruitment and Political Change in Kenya', in The Journal of Developing Areas, ix, 1975, pp. 539-62. 8 Although this is by no means an invariable rule. For example, Grillo, op. cit. p. 8t, in his study of the East African Railways and Harbours, described the dissatisfaction of a shift foreman who complained 'about "the younger, less experienced men" being promoted over * Henley, loc. cit. p. 575. the heads of the older staff like himself'. 6 Economic Survey (Nairobi, 1972). R. A. Miller has also remarked on these problems in The


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Moreover, these difficulties are not peculiar to either Kenya or Tanzania,1 but exist in many other countries. It seems reasonable, therefore, to predict an increase in the phenomena described by M. Crozier in his studies of French bureaucracy, namely that the public sector is likely to experience increasing hostility, battles for position, and inflexibility except in acute crises.2 All this seems inevitable if bureaucratic systems of organisation remain in East Africa. I would argue, however, that such unfortunate developments could be avoided if more participatory forms of management were introduced. PARTICIPATIVE SYSTEMS OF MANAGEMENT

Writers on management in the western world have for many years used the term' participation' without a clear definition of what it means. This deficiency, together with a reluctance to encourage any specific goal, has been the cause of considerable cynicism among workers and trade-union leaders. The Human Relations movement has perhaps been most closely identified with this haze of humanitarian humbug, and its allegiance to management, at best, has been thinly disguised. As a result, the methods of this school - for example, as regards job enrichment - have been regarded with considerable suspicion by workers and the approach has largely been discredited. It is sometimes referred to as 'moo-cow sociology',3 the implication being that most of the methods employed are manipulative devices aimed solely at increasing worker productivity. It is important to recognise that such techniques ignore issues relating to the devolution of power and decision-making within the organisation; in other words, there is little regard for quality of working life or job satisfaction as legitimate goals in their own right, quite apart, that is, from questions of productivity and efficiency. More recently, however, published reports on participation have shown greater clarity of definition, and have been much more outspoken in their recommendations for change.4 The bases of the current debate Journal of Modem African Studies, 'Elite Formation in Africa: class, culture, and coherence', xn, 4, December 1974, p. 536: ' I n dealing with generational conflict we are specifically dealing with highly educated young Africans who have already attained elite status because of their educational qualifications, and often, in addition, because they have been admitted to the administrative stratum of the bureaucracy. Their frustration arises from the fact that "super-grade" positions are blocked to them by individuals who often possess less formal qualifications than they do themselves.' 1 s Saul, op. cit. M. Crozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (London, 1964). * P . Blumberg, Industrial Democracy: the sociology of participation (London, 1968), and C. Balfour (ed.), Participation in Industry (London, 1973). * F. E. Emery and M. Emery, Participative Design (Canberra, 1975), and F. E. Emery and E. Thorsrud, Democracy at Work (Canberra, 1975).


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about job satisfaction can probably best be grasped by considering some of the fundamental problems of work organisation: (i) How can employers and managers share power with workers and their organisations ? (ii) What are the most effective ways of achieving management/ worker co-operation? (iii) How can workers best develop feelings of pride in their work and a greater sense of personal involvement ? These problems can be approached in a number of ways in East Africa, notably by participation that is (i) 'ascending', whereby the workers are able to influence managerial functions and decisions at levels above their own, and (ii) 'descending', whereby the workers are able to take over former managerial duties, and have a greater say in the control of their own jobs and immediate work environments. The most common form of descending participation involves the creation of semi-autonomous work groups which are responsible for attaining productivity goals in terms of both quality and quantity. 1 They determine such questions as allocation ofjobs to individual members, as well as whether and how these are to be rotated, thereby encouraging the development of multi-skilled workers within the group, capable of covering for those who are absent, and facilitating the training of new employees. The most important element, however, is the reduction or complete removal of close supervisory controls. The semi-autonomous work group thus becomes a self-regulating part of the organisation. It is argued that both ascending and (particularly) descending forms of participation are appropriate and necessary for modern organisations in East Africa, and that they can be introduced smoothly, all the more so because of the remarkable similarities that exist in traditional systems of government. It was earlier suggested that in Kenya, where the Kikuyu are striving to maintain their political and commercial dominance, both the governmental and organisational elites are extremely sensitive to measures which could undermine their positions of power. In particular, it is likely that suspicion would be aroused if some form of ascending participation was mooted, such as the workers' councils currently being developed in Tanzania, because this would allow workers, and perhaps supervisors, to have access to information relating to hiring, promotion, and assessment procedures, and other managerial functions which are peculiarly amenable to malpractices such as nepotism and tribalism. It is likely, therefore, that proposals for the introduction of this kind of participative system would be vigorously and successfully opposed at both the micro and macro levels. 1 See P. G. Gyllenhammar, 'How Volvo Adapts Work to People', in Harvard Business Review (Boston), 55, 1977, pp. 102-13.


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On the other hand, descending participation poses no immediate threat to the senior managerial preserve in terms of information sharing, but would have the advantage of overcoming many of the problems outlined earlier. F. E. and M. Emery have set out the necessary psychological conditions, and these include: (i) 'Adequate elbow room': the feeling that workers have control over their own activities, but not so much as to prevent them from knowing what to do next, (ii) Opportunities for continuing learning on the job: this requires reasonable goal-setting and prompt feedback of results so that behaviour can be corrected quickly, (iii) Optimal levels of variety: workers should be able to vary their activities so as to minimise boredom and fatigue. (iv) Conditions conducive to respect and help from workmates, (v) A sense of one's own work contributing meaningfully to social welfare: ' That is, not something that could as well be done by a trained monkey or an industrial robot machine'. 1 Meaningfulness in work includes both the worth and quality of a product, and having a perception of the whole product, (vi) A job with the potential to allow continuing personal growth. A number of questions emerge from the above: how would these measures help overcome the problems of racial, ethnic, and gerontocratic conflict outlined earlier? and how should they be introduced? In other words, how can senior management be sold on the idea ? and how, practically, are changes in work to be brought about ?2 Descending participation would have the advantage of removing (offending) superiors or supervisors (whether they be white, Kikuyu, younger or older) from the immediate working environment for relatively long periods. This would have the effect of lessening the opportunities for conflict: junior and middle-level black managers would have more autonomy, more scope to employ their skills, and less contact with white superiors; non-Kikuyu workers would have less need for contact with Kikuyu superiors;3 older less-educated senior personnel (particularly in the public service) would have less contact with their more educated subordinates, while they in turn would have greater freedom to develop themselves and to use their formal education. In large-scale commercial enterprises, older less-educated workers would have less need to interact with younger, more highly-educated 1

Emery and Emery, loc. cit. p. 2. The latter question is one which can be legitimately raised, but whose detailed answer falls outside the scope of this article: the approach the writer would recommend is that of Emery and Emery, loc. cit. 3 It is acknowledged that in some organisations this particular problem will not arise as the majority of employees will be Kikuyu anyway. 2


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supervisors and managers. And, in particular, under the conditions outlined by the Emerys, the older workers will be able to regain some of the dignity and respect which would normally be associated with people (but particularly men) of their age in the tribal situation. The need for social recognition of this sort is made more urgent by the system of migratory labour. 1 Most workers who come to the city particularly the non-Kikuyu - leave their wives and children in the village to take care of the small-holding.2 This means that the opportunities for 'normal' or traditional social interaction are severely limited. It has been shown, for example, that in Nairobi' only the small Kikuyu elite can afford the luxury of living with their families'.3 However, there is some evidence that this practice may be changing, and that a small stable proletariat is beginning to emerge. Thus, while Walter Elkan accepted that 'for the great majority [of workers] the village is still home', he also argued that a proletariat is developing, 'whose attitudes, ambitions and interests are purely urban and whose ties with their rural areas of origin have become increasingly tenuous'. 4 On the face of it, descending participation appears to be a largely negative step. The major effect of the recommendation is to separate the conflicting parties rather than to modify the ' philosophies' - nepotism, tribalism, racialism, etcetera - which allow the hostility to develop in the first place. Although this is probably true, there are immediate positive benefits to be derived as well, particularly in relation to points (ii), (iii), (iv), and (v) in the list of recommendations by the Emerys. Moreover, this could act as a base for future changes towards ascending participation and the complete devolution of power, both within organisations and the society as a whole. The rationale for this more gradual process is taken from Karl Popper's concept of'piecemeal social engineering': The characteristic approach of the piecemeal engineer is this. Even though he may cherish some ideals which concern society 'as a whole' - its general 1 Once again Grillo's account of the East African Railways and Harbours is illuminating here. He found that workers wanted to distinguish between juu kwa kazi, those who speak English, and who because of their jobs are wealthy, well dressed, with big houses and cars, and juu huku nyumbani, the important old men in the rural areas with many cattle and wives op. cit. p. 93. This clearly illustrates the dislocation which the majority of workers from the rural areas must experience when they go to the city. 2 G. E. Johnson, 'Notes on Wages, Employment and Income Distribution in Kenya', Nairobi, 1971. 3 G. P. Feraro, 'Kikuyu Kinship Interaction: a rural urban comparison', Ph.D. thesis, Syracuse University, 1971. • Walter Elkan, 'Is a Proletariat Emerging in Nairobi?', in Economic Development and Cultural Change (Chicago), 24, 4, 1976, pp. 804 and 696.


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welfare, perhaps - he does not believe in the method of re-designing it as a whole. Whatever his ends, he tries to achieve them by small adjustments and re-adjustments which can be continually improved upon . . . He knows that we can learn only from our mistakes. Accordingly, he will make his way, step by step, carefully comparing the results expected with the results achieved, and always on the look-out for the unavoidable unwanted consequences of any reform; and he will avoid undertaking reforms of a complexity which make it impossible for him to disentangle causes and effects, and to know what he is really doing.1 Popper also suggests that the piecemeal approach minimises the potential for human suffering (which Utopian changes do not), a consideration which has real meaning in Africa where examples of massive human suffering resulting from rapid and revolutionary change occur frequently and are well known. A final point of leverage for the introduction of a more participative form of management is that it will, for a while at any rate, act as a safety valve. This aspect is likely to have some appeal for the present incumbents of power positions, because one of the most widely received implications of the political and commercial situations in Kenya is that ethnic conflict is rapidly approaching flash point. Although for somewhat different reasons, both Colin Leys and Herbert Werlin have emphasised the potential explosiveness of the current Kenyan condition.2 There are, however, more fundamental arguments for the introduction of participatory forms of management because of the considerable similarities to be found in the traditional systems of organisation, and these provide compelling evidence of the need for bureaucratic change and of its compatibility with age-old practices. ETHNIC STRUCTURES IN EAST AFRICA

A major purpose of this article is to focus attention on the contradictions between imported, bureaucratic forms of organisation, and the ethnic structures of East Africa. This should serve to emphasise the point that decision-makers need to consider more carefully the relationship between indigenous methods of organisation and the more modern, essentially western, approach. The same sort of appeal has been made in a recent study of irrigation systems: ' In areas where the project serves local water users with previous irrigation experience, one 1

K. R. Popper, The Poverty of Historicism (London, 1961), pp. 20-1. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: the political economy of'neo-colonialism (London, 1975), and H . H. Werlin, Governing an African City: a study of Nairobi (New York, 1974). 28 MOA 2


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solution to this problem is the adaptation of indigenous irrigation leadership roles to link bureaucracy and local users'. 1 In this section, the systems of organisation and government of a few of the major ethnic groups in East Africa are described and discussed in relation to participative and bureaucratic systems. The Kikuyu The Kikuyu and Kamba are the most numerous of the Bantu-speaking peoples of East Africa, and their proximity to Nairobi, the main industrial and commercial centre, probably makes them the most urbanised. Because of considerable similarities between their social and political institutions, discussion in this article will be largely confined to the Kikuyu where there are two main categories of relationships, described as being composed of groups based on ties of land and marriage, and groups cutting across these specific ties, based on status, age, and generation within a given territory.2 The traditional institutions of most East African peoples are characterised by the orderly government of popularly accepted councils. For example, an important part in the life of the Kikuyu is played by the mbari, ' a descent group which may be of considerable depth (7 or 8 known generations), mostly named after its founder . . . and owning jointly a piece of land, its githaka'.3 All the male, circumcised and married members form a council which governs the affairs of the mbari, and they thus participate in all decisions relating to the use and allocation of land and other resources.* Furthermore, council elders will frequently 'co-opt any likely young men who are renowned for their wisdom',5 and when matters of wider importance are involved, elected members are drawn in from other mbaris. 1

E. W. Coward, 'Indigenous Organisation, Bureaucracy and Development: the case of rrigation', in Journal of Development Studies (London), xm, I, 1977, p. 102. The Sonjo of Tanzania also have a system of government which is primarily designed to administer scarce resources, particularly water. All matters relating to the frequency of irrigation and the allocation of work are dealt with by the Wenamiji, which is quite democratic because ' the authority possessed by this council of ruling elders resides with the group as a whole, not with the members as individuals'. Furthermore, and unlike most bureaucracies, 'in enforcing their orders and decisions, the Wenamiji rely strongly on the fact that the law commands the assent of the people, that their authority is regarded as valid, and that public opinion is usually behind them'. See R. F. Gray, The Sonjo of Tanganyika (London, 1963), pp. 139 and 144. 2 J. Middleton and G. Kershaw, The Central Tribes of the Horth-Eastern Bantu (London, 3 1965), P- 23Ibid. p. 25. 4 There were no indigenous chiefs among the Kikuyu according to G. Dundas, 'The Organisation and Laws of Some Bantu Tribes in East Africa', in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (London), 45, 1915, pp. 234-306, and Middleton and Kershaw, op. cit. Present-day chiefs are appointed by the Government. 6

C. W. Hobley, Bantu Beliefs and Magic, with Particular Reference to the Kikuyu and Kamba

Tribes of Kenya Colony (London, 1938), p. 212. The Kamba councils behave in much the same


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From this brief description it is clear that the hallmarks of Kikuyu organisation are representativeness, and decision-making through the participation of mature, but especially older, adults. Indeed, the generation-set system or rika ' regulates access to power throughout the institutions of Kikuyu society'.1 Jomo Kenyatta has interpreted this as a 'democratic revolution against the tyranny of King Gikuyu'. 2 Although there is some uncertainty as to how much of the traditional system has survived, it seems probable that the organisational elements described above will still feature prominently in the socialisation of most of the Kikuyu. The Arusha and the Samburu

As with the Kikuyu, the elders of Arusha and Samburu society are at the centre of control of family and settlement affairs.3 P. Spencer has remarked that 'Gerontocracy is a recurrent theme in the analysis of East African age systems. The age hierarchy entails respect by the younger men for the older; and as they climb up the ladder, so they acquire new privileges.'4 The leadership style of the elders is distinctly non-authoritarian. Rather, the emphasis is on 'peaceful compromise, controlled debate, subtlety, ritual control and unostentatiousness'.5 Nevertheless, their control over the younger men and warriors is complete, and is seen as a means of instilling 'queue discipline'.6 In both societies the problems of social control relate to the distribution of scarce resources: women among the Samburu and land among the Arusha. Younger men, after their period of warriorhood, and at the level of junior elders, acquire the knowledge and wisdom necessary to have influence by attending carefully to the methods of their elders and listening to their debates. In the words of one Samburu: 'When I first became an elder . . . I knew nothing. But I sat in the shade with the older men and listened to their gossiping and debates. And now I am way: 'among these elders are often young men, and some old men are not elders'; Middleton 1 and Kershaw, op. cit. p. 75. Ibid. p. 37. 2 Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya (London, 1938), p. 196. • The Arusha of Tanzania and the Samburu of Kenya are closely related. P. Spencer has described them as 'Masai-speaking and Masai-oriented societies whose hierarchy of age grades provided the major dimension of social stratification in what were otherwise strongly egalitarian societies'; 'Opposing Streams and the Gerontocratic Ladder: two models of age organisation in East Africa', in Man (London), xi, 2, 1976, p. 154. The two tribes belong to the Nilo-Hamitic group of peoples. 6 * Spencer, loc. cit. p. 155. Ibid. 6 It need hardly be said that for most workers in East African organisations there are few possibilities for orderly progression because of the number of 'dead end' jobs. 28-2 http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 08 Apr 2015

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beginning to know things.' Among the Samburu, decisions are normally made after public debate, and this varies according to the importance of the matter to be discussed: thus, what Spencer has referred to as a 'minor crisis', the beating of a junior wife, led to a discussion involving only a few elders, while a 'major crisis', such as an attack on a group of elders by some moran, requires a much larger and more formal discussion: Influential elders travel many miles (up to 50 in the above instance) to attend the discussion, and there may be 40 or more men present. The length in time of a discussion, the numbers that attend it, and the formality with which it is conducted are all indices of the seriousness of the topic that is discussed . . . These discussions provide excellent opportunities for men to air their grievances in public and gain a general sympathy.2 There is a generally accepted procedural etiquette on such occasions which is straightforward and effective. The discussion begins when one of the gathered elders rises to his feet, always with a stick in his hand hence the term 'firestick elder', a senior elder - and addresses the others on the nature of the problem as he sees it, and possible solutions. The elder pauses after each major point in his argument, and squats for a few seconds as an invitation to any other man to rise and express his views on that particular point. If no other person intervenes then the first speaker will rise and continue his argument. When he has finished speaking he returns to his place and sits down. The discussion proceeds with one elder after another getting to his feet and giving his views on matters which have been raised, and raising new issues relevant to the subject of the debate. After all views have been expressed and various compromise solutions suggested, one of the more influential elders present 'sums up what has been said and suggests a course of action which will be acceptable to them all'. 3 In complete contrast with most bureaucratic forms of organisation, the Samburu system depends on popular support and assent gained through reason, logic, and co-operation: Samburu elders are far too sensitive of public opinion to assert themselves in order to gain power: the virtues of being a worthy man, a prudent man, and a wise man are all necessary to attain influence and they cannot be held by any man who shows a marked tendency towards competition with his fellow elders.4 1

Ibid. p. 175. Ibid. p. 176. The Samburu say that a debate or discussion is like an acacia tree, with many branches but only one trunk: each man comes with his own ideas, and through discussion these are modified until there is a compromise solution. P. Spencer, The Samburu (London, 1965). The contrast that this provides with decision-making in most modern s 4 organisations is stark to say the least. Ibid. p. 177. Ibid. p. 184. s


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The Samburu have great faith in this system, and they believe that it should be changed as little as possible. Among the Arusha, the equivalent of the discussion is the 'parish assembly' or engigwana e mbalbal, which handles a wide range of legal issues (e.g. adultery and theft) and policy decisions (e.g. government announcements), age-group matters, and so on. 1 It is made up of representatives drawn from the grades of senior and junior elders, along with notable members of the warrior group. Gulliver noted that such spokesmen 'have an obligation to their age-mates and in general to fellow members of the parish to attend more or less regularly, for they are selected to perform these kinds of duties because of their assessed abilities'.2 The emphasis in these meetings is on compromise and on acceptance of the decisions reached by all the parties involved. The various representatives must always ensure that they have the support of their age group if their decisions are to carry any weight and, as a result, 'spokesmen are chronically apprehensive of accusations that they are attempting to exercise too great a power, and they are careful to consult and not to dominate'. 3 The principles of the Samburu and Arusha systems outlined above hold true for other members of the Nilo-Hamitic group.4 As J. G. Peristiany has noted in his study of the Kipsigis, 'justice is decentralised and its administration democratic. At every point. . . sovereignty lies with the people . . . there is popular participation injustice, and . . . the people are the real authors of it. ' 5 There are a number of common strands in the Bantu and Nilo-Hamitic systems described above. Perhaps the most outstanding feature is the orderly government of democratically elected councils: traditional administration has the full support of the people. Above all, the systems described do not emphasise authoritarianism; for example, 'the Arusha are especially conscious of their egalitarian ideals and are critical of any man who attempts to assert himself unduly'. 6 Most of the systems are characterised by an extreme reluctance to use coercive measures. Among the Arusha: 1

8

P. H . Gulliver, Social Control in an African Society (London, 1963).

Ibid. p. 54. According to Gulliver, the parish assembly had been adopted since 1948 as the lowest level of local government in Tanzania and recognised as a consultative body to which the Administration could refer questions for opinion. • Spencer, loc. cit. p. 159. 4 Other tribes in the Nilo-Hamitic group include: the Nandi, the Keyo, the Tuken, the Suk, the Marakuet, the Barabaig, and the Masai. 6 J. G. Peristiany, The Social Institutions of the Kipsigis (London, 1964), p. xxiv. ' Spencer, loc. cit. p. 159. There is evidence to suggest that egalitarianism is a characteristic of odaer groups in Eastern Africa as well: for example, I. M. Lewis refers to the 'fundamentally egalitarian character of Somali society' in A Pastoral Democracy (London, 1961), p. 197-


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Particular roles such as those of age-group spokesmen or lineage counsellors were, as they still are, inherently ones of influence rather than authority; and although it was not altogether impossible for men in these roles to resort to coercive sanctions to achieve their public end, this was uncommon and was disapproved by the men themselves and by the members of the groups which supported them. Such infrequently-used sanctions were a final recourse in the face of utter intransigence, and were exerted only with general, explicit public approval.1 The decision-making discussions among the East African peoples mentioned above are notable for their emphasis on controlled debate, reason, the consideration of all points of view, and the aim to arrive at an acceptable compromise solution. Finally, gerontocracy and the orderly progression to elderhood, with the influence and respect that go with this, are perhaps the most profound aspects of traditional systems of government. CONCLUSION

The imported bureaucratic structures which are so common in East Africa contradict all the administrative principles of traditional systems in that region. Bureaucracies are noted for their lack of democracy; their hierarchical, authoritarian nature; their detailed, frequently applied, strictly enforced, and powerful punishments; their administrative decisions by decree; and their inflexibility. Not only do they cement many of the conflicts described earlier in this article, but in addition they violate the ethnic institutions in which the majority of their members have been socialised. On the other hand, participative systems of management would overcome (or at least reduce the magnitude of) many of the human problems currently faced by East African organisations. At the same time, descending participation would restore to many individuals - and especially the older, lower-level workers - some of the dignity, respect, and egalitarianism enjoyed in the ethnic setting. Of course, this is not to say that there is complete correspondence between indigenous systems of organisation and descending/ascending participation. The point is, however, that there are significant parallels, and these could have - and, indeed, should have — an important effect on the ways in which contemporary organisations are designed and managed. In this regard, I differ quite markedly from the conclusions arrived at by Robert M. Price in his recent analysis of society and bureaucracy in Ghana, 2 although he also found that there was little correspondence 1

Gulliver, op. cit. p. 149. • Robert M . Price, Society and Bureaucracy in Contemporary Ghana (Berkeley and London, 1975)-


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between local social structures and the prevalent bureaucratic forms of organisation. Unlike the present study, however, Price considers that an 'unsupportive socio-cultural environment' is a major obstacle to the creation of' effective governmental administrative organizations', and that the remedy is 'for the modern organizational [bureaucratic] roleset to merge with and dominate the traditional corporate role-set'.1 Despite the interesting examples of maladministration so clearly described by the author, I find that his attitude is both surprising and distressing because bureaucracy - and the authoritarianism which usually goes with it - has been shown, in many developed countries, to be less effective and perhaps even less humane than was once thought. As a result, alternative forms of organisation, such as those advocated above, are being created and implemented on a fairly large scale in Norway and Sweden, to mention two European examples only. As E. L. Trist has pointed out, the bureaucratic type of organisation adopted by the developing countries may ' retard development of their productivity, increase their comparative economic disadvantage, and all too rapidly create alienated workers likely to cause severe political problems'. His suggestion is eminently sensible: that the best strategy for the developing countries would be to 'century skip'. Indeed, they should do their best to ignore outmoded nineteenth-century models of industrial organisation and their dehumanising values,' and experiment in ways suitable to conditions in the Third World, with new forms of organisation that give first importance to the quality of working life'.2 1

Ibid. p. 209. E. L. Trist, ' Planning the First Steps Toward Quality of Working Life in a Developing Country', in L. E. Davis and A. B. Cherns (eds.), The Quality of Working Life (London, 1975) P- 792


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