Social Science Perspectives on Religion and Climate ...

Social Science Perspectives on Religion and Climate Change DO GLACIERS LISTEN?: LOCAL KNOWLEDGE, COLONIAL ENCOUNTER AND SOCIAL IMAGINATION

Introduction

During the past decade, many scholars including both natural atrd social scientists have begutr to thitrk atrd talk about climate chatrge with a new kind of m'gency. Where they otrce focused exclusively otr the prevention of serious harms itr the hiture, scholarly discussiotrs have begun to grapple with the immediacy of climate harms, describitrg how climate chatrge ¿S affectitrg ecosystems atrd humatr societies itr the preseirt. There has beetr rapid expatrsiotr itr several areas of scholarly literatme relevatrt to scholars of religiotr, atrd this essay offers a provisional^ taxonomy for this growing area of academic study. Because this is not the first effort to map this emergent held, I focus primarily on work published since 2012 (for an earlier review see Globus Veldman, Szasz, and Halitza-Delay 2012). Whereas twenty years ago social scientific attention to climate change skirted the margins of disciplinary relevance, today it has become a core topic in cultural anthropology, political science, and many other fields. This is certainly true in religious studies, where climate change afforded the thematic focus of the 2014 meeting of the American Academy of Religion. The field of religious studies, like other disciplines aware of impending environmental and social destabilization, is being forced to reconsider its very conceptual foimdations and seek a seientifle and ethical orieirtatioir that atteirds to the realities of climate chairge (TeVasseur 2015). Coirsideriirg synoptically the coirtributioirs of historians, quairtitative sociologists, aird ethnographers, I suggest there are three primary approaches to the relatioirship of religioir to climate chairge. The hrst of these might be called “climate chairge iir the religious vernacular,” referriirg to the various ways that knowledge about aird respoirses to carbon-induced environmental chairges are shaped by deep currents of religious aird cultural traditioir. The secoird area of scholarship examiires the beariirg of religious commitmeirts oir opinions about climate chairge, drawiirg oir quantitative methods to measure the impact of religious ideirtity oir climate chairge politics. The third approach coirsiders the activism aird advocacy of religious iirstitutioirs aird orgairizatioirs with respect to climate chairge, employiirg qualitative methods to documeirt the variety of iirstitutioiral religious respoirses to climate chairge. These chamrels of knowledge flow from traceable headwaters, however, aird a bit of coirtext may afford a

By Julie Cruikshairk Vancouver, Cairada: JJiriversity of British Columbia Press, 2010. Pp. 288. 33 illus. Hardcover, $97.00; Paper, $36.95. RELIGION IN ENVIRONMENTAL AND CLIMATE CHANGE: SULLERING, VALUES, AND LIFESTYLES

Edited by Dieter Gerteir aird Sigurd Bergmamr New York: Coirtiiruum, 2012. Pp. 288. Hardcover, $130.00; Paper, $34.95. HOW THE WORLD S RELIGIONS ARE RESPONDING TO CLIMATE CHANGE: SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATIONS

By Robiir Globus Veldman, Andrew Szasz, aird Rairdolph Haluza-Delay New York: Routledge, 2014. Pp. 344. Hardcover, $160.00. WHY WE DISAGREE ABOUT CLIMATE CHANGE: I^DERSTANDING, OPPORTUNITY, INACTION, AND CONTROVERSY

By Mike Hulnre Canrbridge, UK: Canrbridge Uiriversity Press, 2009. Pp.428. Hardcover, $110; Paper, 34.99. RELIGION AND ECOLOGICAL SUSTAINABILITY IN CHINA

By James Miller, Dair Smyer Yu, aird Peter vair der Veer New York: Routledge. Pp. 290 Hardcover, $98.96. BETWEEN GOD AND GREEN: HOW EVANGELICALS ARE CULTIVATING A MIDDLE GROUND ON CLIMATE CHANGE

By Katheriire Wilkiirsoir New York: Oxford Uiriversity Press, 2012. Pp. 256. Hardcover, $35.19. REVIEWER:

Evan Berty Departoent of Philosophy and Religion American University Washington, DC 20016

Religious Studies Review, Vol. 42 No. 2, June 2016

© 2016 Rice University.

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more penetrating view of the intersections and divergences within these literatures. Scholarly attention to the salience of religious tradition in contemporary environmental challenges is deeply indebted to Lynn White Jr.'s heavily cited 1967 article “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologie Crisis.” As I have argued elsewhere, particular kinds of responses and rejoinders to White's essay ossified and became the conceptual architecture of this area of study: religious environmental apologetics, secular skepticism about religious environmentalism, nature spirituality as an antidote to environmentally-unfriendly theological dogma, enthusiasm for “non-Western” religions, and empirical measurement of religion's impact on environmental attitudes can all be traced to this common source (Berry 2013). Even as the interest of scholars of religion narrows from a genera] consideration of ecology to a particular focus on climate change, this established conceptual frame endures, especially in the ways religious commitments are said to color ideas about climate and in analyses of religion as an impactful element of climate change politics.

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Climate change can be understood as a ubiquitous trope through which the materia], psychological and cultural agency of the idea of climate is performed in today's world. In this context, climate change should not be understood as a decisive break from the past nor as a unique outcome of modernity. It should be seen as the latest stage in the cultural evolution of the idea of climate, an idea which enables humans to live with their weather through a widening and changing range of cultural resources, practices, artefacts and rituals (Hulme 2009; see also, Hulme 2015:10). How then can social scientists describe the various ways “climate is performed" across the complex and variegated terrain of social discourse? Specifically, in what ways does religion inscribe the cultural production of knowledge about climate? Ethnographic analyses have proven a fecund resource in this regard. Anthropological attention to culturally specific ways of knowing and understanding environmental systems is perhaps as old as the discipline itself, but the formal linkage between religion and human ecology begins in the work of Roy Rappaport, who developed a theoretical account to explain the purpose of certain ritual behaviors in a remote New Guinean society (Rappaport 1968). Although the functionalist approach has long since fallen out of favor, subsequent generations of anthropologists have documented the tremendous variety of ways in which traditional societies understand the natural world in and through their cosmological frames of reference. Anthropological analyses of indigenous societies from around the globe began in the late 1980s to coalesce around the concept of “traditional ecological knowledge,” which proffered a formal category to put to comparative use in describing the environmental thinking of highly localized societies (e.g., lohannes 1989; Lewis 1989). In the past two decades, however, many anthropologists have contributed to a sharp critique of purportedly “objective” scientific ways of producing environmental knowledge, arguing that, like the cosmologically grounded vision of many indigenous societies, so too are the ecological ideas of Euro-American cultures colored by religious elements (e.g., Taylor 2010; Berry 2015; Sideris 2015). Although this is scarcely a new insight, the past few years have seen a proliferation of scholarship that explores not Just the environmental dimensions of particular religio-cultural arrangements, but digs deeper into the specificity of climate processes and impacts as they appear within the logic of particular cultural lifeworlds (e.g., Kronik and Verner 2010; Crate and Fedorov 2013). The centra] claim of this ethnographic approach is that, despite its globality, climate change is necessarily experienced and understood through local frames of reference, frames that often privilege theological ideas and religious ways of being in the world. One prominent vein of

Climate Change in the Religious Vernacular

A major theme that cuts across much of the social seientifie literature on climate change is the role of culture in shaping perceptions of and responses to climate change at a variety of scales. This observation is drawn from two complementary modes of analysis: 1) historical analyses of the way different societies conceptualize weather and climate, and 2) ethnographic research on the ecological dimensions of indigenous cosmologies. The historical approach to climate change is a deep tradition: Clarence Glacken’s masterful Traces on ‫؛‬he Rhodian Shore (1967) captures much of the range of thinking about climate that animated the ancient Mediterranean and medieval Christian lifeworlds. More recently, Lucien Boia's The Weather in ‫؛‬he Imagination (Boia 2005) advances this perspective by situating contemporary discourse about climate change within the broader historical arc of meteorological thought. Although neither of these historical works has much to say about the intellectual histories of societies beyond the North Atlantic, both advance powerful questions for contemporary social scientific approaches to climate change. Does climate dictate the possibilities for human being, or have humans become such a dominant environmental force that we now produce the climate itself? In what ways does culture shape contemporary climatological perception, not only among indigenous societies, but among environmental catastrophists, scientific elites, and democratic citizenries? These elements are neatly captured by Mike Hulme, who synthesizes historical scholarship on climate change thusly: 78


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Religious Identity and Climate Change Politics

scholarship considers the intimate relations between people and ice often found in arctic and high-elevation societies, lulie Cruikshank, for example, draws attention to the way stories told by Tlingit peoples in the Mount Saint Elias region provide strategies to cope with the dangers of glacial melt and advance (Cruikshank 2001). Cruikshank has further developed this account in Do Glaciers Listen?, exploring the reciprocity between people and glaciers evident in many Tlingit stories as an epistemological alternative to formal climate science. Many other anthropologists have offered corroborating accomrts from elsewhere in the Canadian and Siberian arctic (e.g., Duerden 2004; Leduc 2010; Crate 2011; Johnson 2012). A related, flourishing area of inquiry concerns the relationship of religion and mountains: ethnographic attention to the role glaciers play in the sacred imagination of Andean peoples provides an accomrt of the impact of climate change on religious praxis (Orlove, Wie gandt, and Luckman 2008; Bolin 2009; Carey 2010; lurt et al. 2015). Changing environmental conditions at high altitudeshifting snowfall patterns, rapidly melting icefloes, glacial lake outburst floods, etc. clearly have implications for human ecology, but recent anthropological work suggests how and why such changes ought also be understood as unwanted religious change (e.g., Figeroa 2011; DeOlmos 2012; Adger et al. 2013; Hermesse 2014; Cherif and Greenberg 2014). A somewhat newer, but expanding body of scholarship on religion in the Himalayas advances similar concerns about the impacts of climate change on pilgrimage routes and theological anxieties concerning extreme weather events (Drew 2012; Salick, Byg, and Bauer 2012; Manadhar et al. 2014; and Pennington unpublished). Perhaps, however, there is no more powerful evocation of global concern about climate change than worries about the impact of rising sea levels on low-lying islands (referred to by international policy makers as small island developing states, or SIDS). The bulk of scholarship on SIDS concentrates on the case of low lying Pacific atolls, which are acutely threatened by climate change (Barnett and Adger 2003), but climate is religiously impactful in the Indian Ocean and the Caribbean as well. These studies document how climate change is received by local communities, and consider the complex processes of translation that mediate local/global exchanges of knowledge and values about changing environmental conditions (RudiakGould 2011, 2012; Lazarus 2012). As ethnographic research on these issues becomes an increasingly organized field of study, some scholars have ventured systematized attempts at cross-regional comparison or have labored to identify global patterns that conjoin vernacular religious understandings of climate change (e.g.. Crate and Nutt all 2009; Wolf and Moser 2011; Adger et al. 2011; Marin and Berkes 2013).

In the United States, before the media extravaganza that has been Laudato Si, perhaps the most widely reported connection between religion and climate change was the tendency of Evangelicals to deny the reality of climate change. Over the past decade, scholars and pollsters have generated an ample amount of quantitative empirical research exploring the correlations between religious beliefs and opinions about climate science.' This research, drawn primarily from survey data, builds on prior academie efforts to test the veracity of the Lynn White thesis, seeking to demonstrate whether religious ideas or identities had any significant explanatory power to account for varying levels of environmental concern (e.g., Proctor and Berry 2005; Sherkat and Ellison 2007). Where studies of this kind had for decades produced consistently ambiguous results, the shift in focus from generalized measures of “environmental concern" to a set of more specific metrics regarding climate change is part of a much needed move toward more robust empirical work on religion and the environment (Taylor 2015). This slew of recent quantitative studies on religion and climate change compliments existing qualitative analyses of the environmental debates within particular religious communities (e.g., Kearns 2004; Wardekker, Petersen, and van der Stuijs 2009). The motivating hypothesis for much of this quantitative research concerns the bearing of Evangelical Christianity of climate change politics in the LJnited States. Studies often begin by testing whether the associations of Evangelicalism with low levels of knowledge about climate science, skepticism about the anthropogenic causes of global warming, and reticence about how various climaterelated policy options hold up to statistical scrutiny. In short, studies have basically confirmed these correlations, but in so doing have identified a number of novel contravening factors (Carr et al. 2012). Survey data show that American Evangelicals are much less likely than the rest of the population to accept that climate change is happening or that it is primarily caused by human activity (Smith and Leiserowitz 2013; Iones, Cox, and Navarro-Rivera 2014, hereafter PRRI). However, many of the very same studies indicate a large block of Evangelicals who are very concerned about climate change (ranging between 30 and 50 percent of this group) and provide details about the messy “middle ground" of climate politics. For instance, although there is strong support for domestic climate policy (i.e., clean energy), the majority of American Evangelicals remains deeply skeptical about international organizations and rejects the need for a climate change treaty (Chaudoin, Smith, and Urpelainen 2014). Important questions remain about the causal forces behind the differing views of climate change evident across the diversity of 79


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the American religious landscape. Political scientists have suggested that the “end times beliefs" of Evangelicals account for their tendency to dismiss climate change, but this remains a methodologically difficult and hotly contested explanation (Barker and Bearce 2013). The public visibility of Laudato Si, both in the anticipation of its release and in the discussion about its efficacy, has been a great source of data about the political salience of religion with regard to climate change. Several major surveys were conducted in the months leading up to and following Pope Francis's encyclical, each of which substantively advanced knowledge about the views of climate change held by Americans of different religious traditions. In particular, these surveys afford quality data about the climate change opinions of u.s. Catholics, and offer better comparative information about the relative dif ferences between Evangelical and mainline Protestants. The Public Religion Research Institute initiated the first comprehensive survey project on religion and climate change in 2014, providing detailed information about the level of concern expressed by various religious subgroups, their views about the veracity of climate science, and personal carbon mitigation efforts, as well as the degree to which climate change is discussed in their religious communities. This remains one of the only sources of data about the comparative levels of climate concern levels espoused by different religious subgroups, including the so-called “nones," and one of the only sources of data about the theological justifications of climate skepticism. The PRRI study also identifies dramatic differences in the level of concern by Tatino and “white” Catholics, a finding supported by subsequent studies (e.g., Stokes, Wike, and Carle 2015). There is evidence, yet insufficient and in need of systematic verification, that Catholics born outside the United States have even higher levels of concern about climate change than do U.S.-born Tatino Catholies, which suggests that awareness of environmental vulnerability or direct ties to people outside the energyrich environ of the United States may be stronger explanatory factors than religious belief. This notionthat religion matters for climate change, but is often outweighed by other factors is further supported by the fact that African American Protestants, who are theologically proximate to White Evangelicals, have the highest levels of concern about climate change of any religious demographic group. An important topic for future research in this area concerns the relationship among race, religion, and the conceptualization of climate change as a moral issue. Propelled by the tremendous media enthusiasm about the potential domestic political ramifications of Laudato Si, 2015 saw several major new survey projects about variation among Evangelical, mainline Protestant, and Catholic

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positions on climate change (e.g., Leiserowitz et al. 2015; Mills, Rabe, and Barrick 2015). The findings of these pro)ects, carried out respectively by the Pew Research Forum and the Yale Project on Climate Change Communication, assert that overall skepticism about climate change in the United States is softening, but that levels of concern by Evangelicals remain below national baseline levels and those of Catholics remain above national baselines. Although it is almost certainly too early to determine whether the dissemination of the Papal message on climate change has had or will have tangible impacts on public opinion about climate change, some researchers have tentatively claimed that the “Francis Effect" is evident in growing approval for policy responses to climate change (Maibach et al. 2015). Data from this study also suggests that the majority of Americans affirm that religious beliefs have a strong influence on their opinions about climate change. Despite the expanding availability of statistical data about religion and climate change in the United States, there is rather less (English-language) social scientific scholarship focused on international cases. The Yale Project on Climate Change Communication surveyed over 4,000 Indian citizens about their climate change opinion, and although the study is not focused on religious identity the data from that survey includes religious demographic information useful to future researchers (Teiserowitz and Thaker 2011; Teiserowitz et al. 2013). Quantitative analyses of the intersection of faith and climate are also extant with regard to Australia (Morrison, Duncan, and Parton 2015) and the United Kingdom (Hope and Iones 2014). The data in these studies show that the wide variation in climate change concern among different religious subgroups in the United States is also characteristic of these two other Anglophone nations, both of which are characterized by higher levels of concern by “secular" participants than by Christian or Muslim participants. Institutional Religious Responses to Climate Change

Qualitative scholarship on religion and climate change has been a prolific area of publication. Rather than pretend to articulate a comprehensive list of such research, I will instead briefly indicate a few key sources and note that there has been a rapid expansion of scholarly efforts to document the specific ways that religious communities are engaging climate change. Ethnographers and social historians have captured the tremendous variety of religious responses to climate change, which range from local congregational efforts to reduce their carbon footprint (Townsend 2014) to the advocacy efforts of faith-based civil society groups to influence the United Nations negotiations on climate change (Berry 2014). To some degree, all scholarly research about direct religious engagements 80


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with climate change grapple with questions about the place of religion in the public sphere. Religion is a salient social variable with respect to climate change, though variously so; religious institutions may operate as para-governmental organizations distributing goods like healthcare or education, they may operate as advocacy groups exerting pressure across different levels of governance, or they may act as buffers that protect vested interests and agitate for regressive causes. Drawing on the observations of both activists and theorists, the academic literature on religious climate activism explores a variety of debates about the precise terms on which religious institutions have purchase on public policy and social issues (e.g., Caniglia, Brulle, and Szacz 2015; Berity and Albro forthcoming). Given that the United States has the highest per capita rates of carbon emissions, social scientists have been particularly attentive to the climate activism and advocacy efforts of religious communities and organizations in the United States (e.g., Kearns 2011; McDuff 2012; Wilkinson 2012; Agliardo 2014). There are also expanding literatures about religious climate activism in Africa (Sarfo-Mensah and Awtah-Nyamekye 2014), Latin America (e.g., Lorentzen and LeavittAlcantara 2006; Snodgrass and Tiejde 2008), South and Southeast Asia (e.g., Fromming and Reichel 2012; Branch 2014; Pender 2014; Umri 2014), and China (Miller, Smyer Yu, and van der Veer 2014). In each of these regions, faith groups and religious institutions are exploring new ways to bolster support for policy responses to climate change and are working to support adaption efforts at home and abroad. Because climate change is very much an international political issue, there have also been several recent publications that attend to the transnational character of religious advocacy efforts (Reder 2012; Kerber 2014; Brown, and Shore 2014; Lohnston 2010). It may be tempting to see these many dozens of case exampies as evidence that there is a trend toward the “greening of religion,” but it is important to remember that these qualitative studies remain anecdotal, and do not yet indicate any clear pattern (Taylor 2015).

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cultural ideas about the natural world. Yet despite these rich bodies of scholarship, there is no consensus about how or why religion acts as a relevant force of cultural production with regard to environmental issues. Questions about religion and climate change are in keeping with the continuum of scholarly work since Lynn White: there is clear and compelling evidence of religion's role in contemporary environmental debates, but the threads of causation and correlation running through this cultural fabric are too densely tangled to yield any straightforward, unified account. This difficulty was recently underscored by the media frenzy over Laudato 5،‫־‬, in which hyperbolic claims about the transformative power of religious authority populated most news accounts. When the dust settles, and future historians examine the impact and limits of the Pope's efforts, will the encyclical appear as a singular feature of the global social movement to limit the damage of climate change? Perhaps so, but it is far more likely that these future historians will find a complicated, multifaceted story in which the efficacy of religion occasionally stands in clear relief, but more often is co-mingled with other social forces. Until then, it is clear that there is a real need for theoretically and methodologically sophisticated social scientific analysis of the dynamic interaction between religion and global climate change. NOTES 1. Although many studies of this kind use the language “belief in climate change,” I here refrain from so doing for the purposes of conceptual clarity. There are interesting parallels between religious “belief” and the ways that information about climate change are valued and marshaled, but serious theoretical problems arise when researchers too casually conflate metaphysical and empirical ways of knowing the world

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Conclusion

As the various scholarly approaches enter into deeper conversation, there are tremendous opportunities for interdisciplinaity critique and collaboration. In particular, given the long-standing theoretical challenges faced by scholars of religion and the environment, empirical research on religion and climate change promises new insights into the field's core problematic: the causal link between religious identity and environmental behavior. Quantitative studies have long demonstrated that religion exerts an influence on levels of environmental concern, and ethnographers have for decades charted the contours of religio-

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