SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF MINING IN BOTSWANA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SELEBIPHIKWE COPPER-NICKEL MINE Bismarck Kwaku Asare* and M. B. K. Darkoh ABSTRACT: The overall aim of the paper is to examine the operations of the CopperNickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe and assess its socio-economic and environmental impacts. The specific objectives are to assess the socioeconomic impacts of the mine on the local people and examine its environmental effects on soil, water resources, vegetation cover and air quality in and around Selebi-Phikwe. The paper is presented under the broad hypothesis that the Copper-Nickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having deleterious impact on the people and the local environment. To be able to achieve the above objectives, a number of relevant research methods were used, which included primary and secondary data collection. This was done through questionnaires, documentary search, field observations and key informant discussions with relevant individuals, groups and institutions. The major findings of the study show that the presence of the mine has led to a rapid growth of the population through migration, which has outstripped the ability and capacity of the town’s social services such as housing, to cope with the surging tide of migrants. The result has been the proliferation of squatter settlements at the periphery. Also, important are the effects of air pollution from the mine on human health, soil, water and vegetation in the area. Another effect is the scarcity of land for the development of settlement, as about 40 hectares of land cannot be developed for human settlement due to pollution in the area. The mine is faced with financial difficulties, which have limited its ability to meet environmental quality standards and also to extend assistance to the community within which it operates. There is also no direct linkage between the management of the mine and the community on environmental issues. Socio-economic benefits such as the development of social and economic infrastructure, manufacturing and construction industries, commercial and public sector activities have improved

*

Professor and Head, Department of Environmental Science, University of Botswana.



The financial support of the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Co-operation (CFTC), which enabled this study to be carried out, and the support of the Department of Environmental Science of the University of Botswana are gratefully acknowledged.

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EASSRR, vol. XVII, no. 2 (June 2001) significantly, as the government’s commitment to diversify the local economy is high. Employment creation and generation from the various sectors including the mine have improved significantly but the income levels of the people are generally low. On the basis of the findings, it is recommended that there should be an independent medical health team to carry out health impact research, comprehensive socio-economic and environmental impact assessment of the mine, to initiate regular community and institutional consultations and set up an independent air quality monitoring team. The mine should explore viable markets, train its employees, diversify and ensure cleaner production and incorporate a management system for sustainable development. The government should enact a legislative instrument that empowers local communities to actively participate in environmental issues that affect them directly.

1. INTRODUCTION Botswana’s main natural resources are range and arable land, a large wildlife population, and a variety of known and promising occurrences of minerals. Due to aridity and edaphic conditions, arable land in the country is scarce. It is, for instance, estimated that less than 5 percent of Botswana’s land area is cultivable (Government of Botswana 1998). The scanty annual rainfall makes arable agriculture a precarious undertaking. Much more of the country’s land is suited to extensive livestock production, mainly cattle, goats, sheep and poultry. This is reflected in the fact that the cattle population is about twice the human population (Government of Botswana 1991a). The mining sector in Botswana is at present the backbone of the country’s economy. In the early periods of Botswana’s independence (1967/68), agriculture was the main sector that contributed significantly to annual GDP (about 41 percent) while mining contributed only 2 percent (Government of Botswana 1991b). Thereafter, the contribution of mining continued to rise steadily reaching an average of 15.5 percent in the 1977/78 financial year. By 1982/83, the mining sector had become the leading contributor to GDP, and has since then maintained its lead. It accounted for 31.2 percent in 1982/83 and as much as 51 percent in 1988/89 financial years (Government of Botswana 1991b). From 1990 up to the present, the contribution of mining has been within the range of 34 to 38 percent per annum. For example, in 1990/91, the GDP contribution from mining was 38.2 percent and in 1994/95, it reduced to 33.8 percent (Government of Botswana 1998). The decline in mining contribution to GDP may partly be attributed to the rapid growth of other sectors such as manufacturing and commercial sectors of the economy. Fluctuations in commodity prices globally, particularly copper and nickel, may also have contributed to the decline. The mining sector currently accounts for over 70 percent of national export earnings and nearly 50 percent of government revenue (Government of Botswana 1998).

Bismarck and Darkoh. Socio-Economic and Environmental Impacts of Mining in Botswana

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The mining industry in Botswana is highly capital-intensive but it provides a large number of skilled and unskilled jobs both directly and indirectly, through supporting associated industries and providing infrastructure for mining. Available statistics from the National Development Plan Eight of 1998 shows that in 1986, the total number of paid employees in the mining sector was 7,600 and this increased to 8,400 in 1995. Both BCL and Debswana Diamond Company (Debswana) at the moment employ about 5,000 people each (Government of Botswana 1998). The mines are a major source of training opportunities and have been responsible for the development of a wide range of skills to the benefit of the mining sector and related industrial sectors of the economy (Government of Botswana 1998). The increasing contribution of the mining sector has led to overconcentration of government resources and attention in the sector to generate enough revenue to meet the diverse socio-economic needs of the population (Government of Botswana 1997). As a result, the environment in the mining areas has faced the prospect of degradation from mining activities. This paper assesses both the socio-economic and environmental impacts of mining in the country, with a special emphasis on Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine.

2. BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY PROBLEM The Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine was the first large-scale economic enterprise in Botswana after independence. Prospecting for minerals in the area was started in 1956 (Mothudi 1985) by a company known as Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL). This company was owned jointly by the AngloAmerican Corporation, an American company called Amax, and the Botswana Government who owned 50 percent of the shares. The Selebi orebody was discovered in 1963, and the Phikwe orebody a few years later (Government of Botswana 1991b, 178). By 1967, the Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL) had confirmed to the Botswana government its readiness to mine at SelebiPhikwe. Full-scale mining operations started in 1973 after a series of negotiations and agreements regarding ownership of the mine, share of profits, construction of infrastructure and compensation to the people whose farmland had been taken over (Mothudi 1985). One unfortunate aspect that was downplayed was the identification of possible negative impacts of mining on natural resources such as vegetation, soil, water bodies and on human population in the area. No detailed environmental impact assessment was carried out, hence, no environmental mitigation programmes were put in place. The company, since its establishment, has been faced with many technical and financial problems. For instance, the compensation that was to be paid to the affected people was delayed until 1973 and the people refused to move out of the place, which coincided with the construction of the mine infrastructure facilities and the town. As a result, commercial activities boomed for the local citizens who were selling livestock, fresh milk and traditional alcoholic beverages to the mineworkers. The mine also attracted labour, both skilled and unskilled, from the hinterland and other parts of Botswana. The influx

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resulted in squatter settlement development around the new town but within the mine’s concession area (Mothudi 1985). Production in the mine increased substantially during the Botswana National Development Plan period of 1991 – 1997 (Government of Botswana 1998). For instance, during the period, the BCL produced approximately 40,000 tonnes of copper matte per annum (Chakufwa 1985). However, fluctuations and low prices of copper-nickel caused by the world economic recession, which affected metal markets in the industrial economies since the 1970s had caused the mine to operate at a loss. Production also suffered as a result of metal grades in certain sections of the Phikwe orebody falling below expectations. Unit production costs escalated sharply such that BCL’s competitive position among international nickel producers was eroded. The mine had incurred large arrears in debt service payments (Government of Botswana 1998; Chakufwa 1985). The financial problems confronted by the BCL mine, necessitated the need for the government to intervene by providing emergency funding to help meet most capital and recurrent cost of the company. For example, during the National Development Plan of 1991 – 1997, the government provided about 67 million Pula (US$16.75 million) to the mine. The substantial support from the government and major investments in the BCL over these years without any appreciable improvement in revenue generation and environmental protection had also attracted public outcry to close down the mine during the period of low metal prices. The low metal prices from 1992 to the present place the company in a real danger of closing. The mine has had to control operating costs, capital expenditure, postpone certain development projects and carry out only those aimed at its short- term survival or “stay at business” levels (Government of Botswana 1998). The financial difficulties and low profit experienced by the company appear to have partly accounted for the low investment in environmental protection and efforts to address the negative impacts of the copper-nickel mine in SelebiPhikwe. Environmental protection measures appear to be costly and since benefits are not immediate but long-term, they have been downplayed. Even where some preventive measures have been put in place, management and monitoring appear to have been inadequate. The expansion of production capacity of the company over the years, without any appreciable corresponding expansion of profits, appears to have limited the company’s capacity to undertake environmental pollution control projects. Although it was planned that gases from the mine would be carried away by the prevailing winds from the settlement, the planning was poor. As a result, squatter settlements developed away from the direction of the wind while the actual planned settlement was located in the direction of major pollution impacts. It is worth mentioning that sulphur dioxide from the mine was initially converted into sulphuric acid but has since been abandoned because there was no profitable market for sulphuric acid. Indeed, the mine has contributed and continues to contribute to the growth of the economy as well as the development of modern technology in Botswana. However, it appears


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to have been associated with environmental problems such as air, soil and water pollution, and destruction of vegetation through pollution from ambient sulphur dioxide and effluent discharges. Furthermore, it has been identified as the major cause of health problems for people located within the immediate environs. This paper aims at examining the operations of the mine and its socio-economic and environmental impacts. The specific questions addressed in this paper are: 1. What effects have the mining activities had on human migration, health, economic activities/investments, local employment and incomes? 2. How does the disposal of effluents and waste from the mining activities affect the surrounding environment in Selebi-Phikwe? 3. To what extent are the environmental policies of the government complied with? The paper also assesses the effectiveness of the environmental management measures implemented by the company since it began its operations. The general hypothesis is that the Copper- Nickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having deleterious impacts on people and the environment in the area. The original aim was to carry out an environmental impact assessment of the mine. Data limitations, the politically sensitive nature of the subject of research and limited cooperation from officials of the Department of Mines during the fieldwork for the study made it, however, impracticable to apply a full-scale EIA method. The method used for data collection is summarised in table 1. Socio-economic data was collected from respondents using questionnaires (Asare 1999). Questionnaires were administered to household heads in SelebiPhikwe. A household in this sense is defined as one person living on his/her own or those living together, sharing eating arrangements and working and contributing to the household income. The household head (respondent) is the individual or person who takes responsibility of the entire household collective matters on behalf of the other members, including him/herself, and can be a male or female. The total questionnaires administered in the study were 144. Out of this, 107 were administered in Selebi-Phikwe and 37 in Mmadinare, one of the most affected villages near the town. The latter was chosen for the purposes of comparison. The details of socio-economic data collection, including sample size and limitations of the data are explained in Asare (1999, 44-52). In addition to the questionnaires, secondary data from literature, reports, and field checks and the holding of formal and informal discussions with key informants such as the relevant institutions, chiefs and elders who have stayed in the area for a long time, were employed. Technical information on pollutants was obtained from the published annual reports of the Air Pollution Control Division of the Department of Mines and interviews of key personnel working in the Division. Ambient air quality and affluent discharges in Selebi-Phikwe have been monitored since 1980. Annual mean ambient sulphur dioxide concentrations are measured at about ten sampling

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stations in Selebi-Phikwe area and the results reported in the annual reports of the Mines Department. Table 1. Summary of data collection methods used Research Questions

Research Objectives

Hypotheses

Data Collection Technique

 Collected socio-economic data from respondents using questionnaires.  Interviewed the District Council officials and other relevant departments and agencies to obtain additional information on the socioeconomic and environmental effects of the mine in the area.  In addition to the socio-economic data on health, collected for study medical records from the hospitals and clinics in Selebi-Phikwe.  Collected employment statistics were from BCL and the Council for analysis.

a) What effects have the mining activities had on local employment and incomes, investments, migration and health?

 Assess the socioeconomic impacts of the mine on the local people.

 The copper-nickel mine in SelebiPhikwe is having a deleterious impact on people and the environment.

b) How does the disposal of effluents and wastes from mining activities affect the surrounding environment in Selebi-Phikwe?

 Identify the effects of copper-nickel mining operation on soil, water resources, vegetation cover and air quality in and around SelebiPhikwe.

 The copper – nickel mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having a deleterious impact on people and the environment.

 Collected socio-economic data for analysis.  Conducted documentary search to ascertain other information.  Collected from the BCL mine data on sulphur dioxide estimates, effluent discharges, soil and vegetation sample results to assess the extent of the impact on the environment and people.  The perceptions of respondents and institutions were obtained through interviews of key informants.

c) To what extent are the environmental policies of the government complied with?

 Assess the compliance and effectiveness of the existing environmental mitigation and management measures implemented by the company.

 The copper – nickel mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having a deleterious impact on people and the environment.

 Environmental policies of the government were examined in line with the company’s current environmental policies. Also, other documents were studied to supplement the data collected from the field.  Conducted interviews with the Environmental Dept. of the company, the Dept. of Mines, and other relevant institutions.  Carried out field observation to examine physical changes of the environment in the study area .


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In Selebi-Phikwe, the town has been divided into four zones according to the BCL air quality control stations. These are Selebi-Phikwe government hospital area, Botshabelo, BCL Family Clinic and Low-Density areas that cover “New Stands”. Out of these four zones, the researchers selected Botshabelo, Government hospital and Newstance for interviews. These places were purposely selected because of the perceived intensity of the pollution impact. During the period of research in May 1999, a 25 meteorological tower was installed and commissioned which would help the Selebi-Phikwe Air Quality Laboratory make accurate measurements in order to determine the most effective abatement programme.

3. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK This paper is discussed within the framework of environmental sustainability, which emerged from the concept of sustainable development. Environmental sustainability in development has become a cardinal principle in developmental processes all over the world. The need to plan, organise, control, regulate and manage the available natural resources is vital if development and growth are to be achieved in a sustainable way. The concept of sustainable development came into prominence in 1980, when the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) presented the World Conservation Strategy (WCS) with the overall aim of “achieving sustainable development through the conservation of living resources”. It became a global tool in 1987, after publication of the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED). The popularly accepted definition of sustainable development is “development that meets the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (WCED 1987). The implication of this definition is that development must not endanger the natural systems that support life on earth (the atmosphere, water, soils and the living being). The concept has been put forward as a framework within which we can balance immediate and long-term human demands and the health of the environment, both now and in the future. This concept is particularly important in developing countries such as Botswana as it stresses that renewable natural resources should be treated as production factors which need to be used and maintained in a sustainable manner. There is a strong emphasis on intergenerational equity. Thus, exploitation of resources, investment patterns, technological development and institutional changes must all incorporate environmental concerns and balance resource use and prevention of destruction. The most important characteristic of sustainable development is the emphasis on the interdependence between development and resource conservation. This paradigm constitutes a clear departure from the old ways of thinking, when natural resources only attracted attention once problems such as pollution and land degradation emerged (Colby 1990). The interactions between economic growth, poverty and natural resource management have been given significant impetus in development policies and guidelines (WCED 1987).

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Mining activities affect the natural and human environments of the mining areas. The most important impacts are air pollution, changing of vegetation as a result of site clearance, dust, leaching of pollutants from tailings and disposal areas, and contamination of soils and water. On the human environment, positive impacts such as employment generation, provision of infrastructure and attraction of economic and social investments are recorded as some of the positive socioeconomic contributions made by the mine. In Botswana, the cardinal development planning principles from the time of independence in 1966, have been sustained development, rapid economic growth, economic independence and social justice, which are reflected in almost all the national development plans (Government of Botswana 1997). The concept of sustained development as used in the government development plan documents seems to imply efficiency in investments and does not necessarily or adequately connote sustainable development, which emphasises the interdependence between development and the environment. Thus, until the publication of the Long Term Vision for Botswana (Vision 2016) in 1997, which stresses the latter viewpoint, environmental sustainability has been downplayed especially in the mining sector. From the past and present experiences in the country, emphasis on rapid economic growth has overshadowed all the other principles outlined (Government of Botswana 1997). Environmental sustainability, particularly in the mining sector, has been downplayed either because it was not properly understood or because of the urge to achieve rapid economic development in the country. Although there are large-scale efforts and research to address the problems of rapid rangeland degradation and desertification, very little efforts are being made to address the land degradation problems caused by mining and mineral exploitation. The government continues to promote mineral exploitation on a large-scale. For example, even in Vision 2016, it has been indicated that the position of Botswana in the world as a major diamond producer can only be maintained through continued exploration (Government of Botswana 1997). The report emphasises that the pace of exploration and exploitation should be maintained, particularly in diamonds, gold, other precious metals and oil. While Vision 2016 states that renewable resources will be used at a rate that is in balance with their regeneration capacity, regarding non-renewable resources on the other hand, it merely states that such resources (minerals) “will be used efficiently, and their depletion will be balanced by enhanced physical and labour capital”. Vision 2016 is silent on the incidence of environmental degradation caused by mining activities in the country. Increased exploration and expansion of mining activities in the country are expected to have major positive social and economic consequences: increased revenue, improvement in the standard of living of the people especially in areas of employment generation, infrastructure development and expansion of industrial and commercial activities. On the other hand, there could be negative externalities such as air, water and soil pollution, the development of squatter settlements, high internal migration of people to the mining areas and pressure on social services, and increasing waste management problems (see Figure 1).


Figure 1. Conceptual framework: Impacts of mining IMPACTS OF MINING

Socio-economic impacts

Environmental impacts

Positive 1. Creation of employment 2. Social and economic 3. Infrastructure provision 4. Expansion of the industrial and commercial activities 5. Income generation

Extraction of mineral ore  Destruction of vegetation  Soil contamination  Pollution of water resources

Negative  Squatters  High internal migration of labour  Pressure on social services  Social effects (commercial sex, alcoholism and conflicts among the youth, STDS)

Increasing exploration of mineral resources  Destruction of vegetation  Soil contamination  Pollution of aquifers

Processing operations  Air pollution  Water pollution  Dust emissions  Soil contamination

 Oil and fuel spills

Generation of solid wastes and effluents disposal  Tailings  Rocks  Waste water, etc.

Negative Impacts (on health impacts, vegetation, soils, and water)

Effective policy intervention?

Positive

Negative

SUSTAINABILITY

UNSUSTAINABILITY

SOURCE: Asare 1999.

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Today, the challenge facing Botswana is how to achieve rapid social and economic development while ensuring at the same time that the renewable natural resources in the country are managed sustainably, and the environment is protected. If government and all stakeholders in natural resource utilisation and management in Botswana pay more attention to the environment in legislation, policy formulation, implementation and monitoring, the environment and resources will be managed in a sustainable way so as to help meet the needs of the present and future generations. As Botswana aims at achieving and sustaining its development through efficient and effective utilisation of its resources in the new millennium, mining activities should not only contribute to rapid economic growth of the country but also to environmental sustainability.

4. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Mining operations have been seen as environmentally unfriendly economic activities that have contributed significantly to the current global destruction and degradation of natural and human environments. This section of the paper reviews the relevant literature on mining activities and the environment, including environmental policies and legislation in Southern African region and Botswana.

5. MINING ACTIVITIES IN THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN ENVIRONMENT The mining sub-sector accounts for a significant share of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including those of southern Africa (SADC 1998). There has been an over-concentration of mineral production and revenue generation for rapid economic growth that has brought about serious environmental problems. According to the SADC (1998) Mining Annual Report, the share of the mining industry in GDP in SADC countries is about 10 percent. At individual country level, the contribution of mining to the GDP of countries such as Botswana, South Africa and Zambia is very substantial. In Botswana, it accounts for about 40 percent of the GDP and about 80 percent of foreign exchange earnings. In 1996, the mineral revenue to the Botswana government (royalties, dividends, lease rental and sundries) was 49 percent above the 1995 receipt. In Zambia, it accounted for 13 percent of GDP and 90 percent of the total export earnings in 1997 (SADC 1998). SADC member states’ contribution at the global market level has always been very significant, particularly for minerals such as copper, diamond, and gold that are extensively produced in the region. Between 1980 and 1982, SADC accounted for about 7.6 percent in copper production at the world market with the main producing countries being Botswana, Zambia and South Africa. In the same period, diamond production (in carats) accounted for 18.5 percent globally. Botswana supplied the bulk of the product (SADCC 1984). Botswana’s contribution in the production of copper and nickel in the Southern African region has been very significant. In 1996, it was the third major producer of copper after Zambia and South Africa, and the second in nickel production


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after South Africa (see tables 2 and 3). In terms of mineral export earnings, Botswana is placed second after South Africa since 1987 to the present. Table 2. Copper production in tonnes in SADC (1992-1996) Country Botswana Namibia South Africa Zambia Zimbabwe Total

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

20,413 37,656 176,074 441,554 9,673 685,370

20,132 34,788 176,348 403,451 8,187 634,774

22,780 30,100 160,136 360,384 9,350 587,954

20,460 29,799 161,573 307,181 8,045 554,558

23,299 20,705 152,902 316,084 9,028 522,018

SOURCE: SADC Mining Annual Report 1998.

Table 3. Nickel production in tonnes in SADC (1992-1996) Country Botswana South Africa Zimbabwe Total

1992

1993

1994

1995

1996

18,873 27,621 10,350 56,844

21,621 29,868 11,097 62,586

19,041 30,135 13,516 62,692

18,090 29,803 10,864 58,757

22,905 33,362 9,694 65,961

SOURCE: SADC Mining Annual Report 1998

In 1994 Botswana obtained about 1,555 million dollars from its mineral exports whilst South Africa received about 8,551 million dollars, as the highest producer in that particular year (SADC 1998, 4). The immense contribution made by the mining sector in the socio-economic development of the SADC member countries has enhanced the organisation’s efforts in promoting and developing the mining sector. This promotional effort is in terms of policy formulation, investment objectives and strategies, legislation and the creation of an enabling environment for investments and development in the member countries. According to the 1992 Mining Annual Report of SADC, the objectives of the mining sector are derived from the principles and policies set out in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration. The policy strategies include the following: a) establishment of sovereignty over natural resources; b) development of mineral-based industries; (c) development of indigenous skilled manpower capacity; d) increased exploitation; (e) provision of market research; f) increased contribution of small-scale mining; and (g) minimisation of the adverse impacts of mining operations on the environment (SADC 1992). Various assessments have been made of the effects of mining activities on people’s health and the physical environment, which have been reported in many

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articles and journals including annual reports of the Southern Africa Environmental Project (SAEP 1998) based in South Africa. In March 1998, the Parliament of South Africa in Cape Town passed a bill that will give the local community adequate legal backing to fully participate in environmental decisions, management and protection that affect their lives and development. The passing of the bill became necessary partly as a result of problems and conflicts that are arising from various mining areas between the communities and the mining companies (SAEP 1998). Many mining firms in South Africa, Zambia, Namibia, Lesotho, among others, have been subjected to a series of criticism and legal penalties. For example, the Rio Tinto Zinc operating the Rossing Uranium Mines, the Tsumbo Corporation Limited, and the Gold Fields of Namibia are facing losses of billions of Namibian dollars in the form of claims for health damage in Namibia (SAEP 1998). Health consultants have predicted that by the year 2020, half of Namibia’s population would have serious health problems, a figure that would rise to 80 percent by 2050 due to health hazards caused by the mines (SAEP 1998). The severe environmental impacts of mining activities in the region have recently induced some of the member countries such as South Africa to review their mineral policies to give attention to the environment as an integral part of the whole mining industry. According to the Mining annual report of SADC (1998), South Africa’s mineral policy is currently under review by all stakeholders. South Africa has made some changes to mining legislation that address administration and environmental matters and has also embarked on research on safety measures. South Africa’s Mine Health Safety Act came into force in 1996. All the other member states are in the process of reviewing their environmental legislation where due consideration is given to the mining sector (SADC 1998). In Zambia, a detailed hydro-geological study of the Kafue River, a major tributary of the Zambezi River is being undertaken (SADC 1997). The research component focuses on the Kafue River drainage basin of the copper belt mining area of Zambia (SADC 1997). Lelea University of Technology of Sweden is carrying out the study, in collaboration with the University of Zambia. Some preliminary results according to the report show that the concentrations of both major and trace elements such as mercury, lead, nickel and copper are elevated as the Kafue River enters the mining area. Also, previous assessments of the major element concentrations in the Kafue River have shown that trace elements are significantly higher than corresponding values in the Zambezi River. Regarding air pollution, the report indicates that in Zambia the total sulphur dioxide (SO2) emissions from the Nkana and Mufulira Smelter and Roaster plant at Chambishi exceed 250,000 tonnes per year. However, in recognition of the various environmental problems caused by the activities of the mining sector, SADC has initiated a number of environmental impact assessments/evaluations through its environmental sub-sector that are of


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benefit to all member countries. There are currently about six on-going major projects under the environmental sub-sector, which include: (a) the environmental impact of the mining and related industries on the water quality of the rivers of the Zambezi basin; (b) air pollution from mines emission in the SADC region; and (c) investigation of the pollution, river bank degradation and siltation caused by small-scale mining and the use of mercury and cyanide ( SADC 1998). The major constraints currently faced by the organisation in implementing these projects are lack of elaborate and consistent funding structures, and lack of infrastructure and equipment in member states which have resulted in lack of data and hence a slow pace in execution of projects. In order to address some of the problems, SADC has appealed to UNIDO for assistance. The latter has expressed interest to assist in capacity-building and training of experts in water monitoring. Although, SADC has contributed towards the promotion and development of the mining sector since its establishment in 1990, its efforts in environmental protection and management in the mining sector have not been enough, particularly in the area of environmental legislation and regulations in member countries. For example, as at present, SADC has not been able to formulate any comprehensive environmental regulatory framework for mining. Also, the lack of elaborate and consistent funding structure as well as infrastructure and equipment constraints have contributed to the inadequate performance of SADC’s environmental sub-sector in environmental protection, mitigation, impacts evaluations, auditing, and research (SADC 1998). It is worth noting that some efforts have been put in place by member countries in terms of environmental impact assessment requirements for major development projects such as mining by governments or donor agencies such as the World Bank. However, there is the need to ensure proper implementation and enforcement of those regulations and legislation. It is clear from the discussion so far that, the environmental considerations by SADC as well as at member country level have not been taken very seriously even though some efforts are being made to address the problems. The economic gains from the investments in the industry have overridden the environmental protection measures that need to be taken to safeguard the environment from severe degradation.

6. MINING AND THE ENVIRONMENT IN BOTSWANA The mining sector in Botswana is the backbone of the economy. Investigations of the nature of its impacts on the environment have not been well documented. Very little research has been carried out on the environmental impacts of mining in the country. The few studies available mainly concentrate on the economic benefits. Attention has always been on the economic contribution of the sector to the general economic growth of the country as it satisfies the government’s

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national development principle of “rapid economic growth and sustained development” (Government of Botswana 1998). Mazonde (1986) has examined the political economy of the copper and nickel mining in Botswana, and notes that the industry economically benefits the developed world more than Botswana itself. According to Mazonde, the shareholders outside benefit substantially since the bulk of the ores are not processed locally as a result of poor market for mineral output, lack of technology, lack of skilled manpower and infrastructure. However, Mazonde’s paper limits itself to only economic benefits without going further to discuss some of the environmental impacts of the mining industries in the country. The annual reports of the Ministry of Mineral Resources and Water Affairs and the Department of Mines have information on annual mineral production and revenue levels, with sporadic mention of air pollution levels in the mining areas. There has not been any comprehensive research on the impacts of these activities on the environment and the people within these areas. Annual reports of the mines, particularly, those of the BCL are limited to production activities and financial difficulties faced by the company. They also give an indication of how the mine is operating within the environmental guidelines of the company. However, the company has done very limited studies on the sulphur dioxide pollution of soils and vegetation in the area. The mining companies such as the Debswana Diamond Company Limited do their own environmental impact assessment on a voluntary basis using their own convenient standards, although whether those standards are acceptable to the government and the people of Botswana is another question to answer. There is an on-going effort by the Botswana government through the National Conservation Strategy Agency to put in place a holistic environmental legislation to address the rapid deterioration of the environment in the country resulting from diverse human activities including mining (SADC 1998). The government has created an enabling environment for communities, private sectors and nongovernmental organisations to participate in environmental matters in the country. There is also an on-going effort by the Botswana government through the National Conservation Strategy Agency to reform the environmental legislation in the country (SADC 1998). With the exception of the Waste Management Act of 1998, which was promulgated in December 1998, the other important Acts such as the Environmental Impact Assessment Act are still at various stages of drafting and will be presented to Parliament (Government of Botswana 1998; SADC 1998; National Conservation Strategy 1998). This problem is not only peculiar to Botswana but also to the entire SADC region apart from South Africa, which has a comprehensive Mining Health and Safety Act (SADC 1998). It is interesting to note that all the national development plans drawn by the government of Botswana since independence except the eighth National Development Plan (NDP8) never had an environmental component, yet mining is known to be the most environmentally unfriendly industrial activity in the world.


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Perhaps, this explains why the sulphur dioxide pollution is causing severe environmental problems including the killing of trees, human health problems and water pollution in the Selebi-Phikwe area. The environmental impact of the copper and nickel mine in the area had never really been given due attention by the authorities in the past. The emissions were not found to constitute any direct hazard to human life, hence little attention was paid to it until recently when concern by affected local people forced the government to put in place measures to control pollution. Even the inclusion of the environmental protection and conservation measures in the current national development plan does not arise out of any appreciation and commitment to environmental conservation of natural resources that may be adversely affected by mining activities. For instance, the eighth edition of the National Development Plans (NDP8) states that “the objective is to ensure that Botswana’s practices are consistent with international standards and the National Conservation Strategy” (Government of Botswana 1998). Meanwhile, the National Environmental Law and Guidelines including the Environmental Impact Assessment Act, as we have noted, are still under drafting stages and have yet to be sent to Parliament for approval. One can safely conclude that there is not much work done in the area of environmental impacts of socio-economic activities in Botswana, particularly with respect to the mining industry. Maluwa (I998) indicates that there is no comprehensive environmental and pollution control legislation in the country currently. The little regulation there is depends on the application of a myriad of provisions located in various pieces of legislation. Maluwa says that even these legal provisions need to be revisited and tightened up, in order to ensure the effective implementation of Botswana’s declared policy of combating indiscriminate waste disposal and water pollution by all development activities including mining. Furthermore, the regulation of potentially polluting activities is widely distributed across different legislative provisions and administrative authorities. Maluwa recommends that relevant legislation should be reviewed, including provisions in the various pieces of legislation which have a bearing on pollution-generating activities such as the Agricultural Resource Conservation Act, Aquatic Weeds Act, Atmospheric Pollution Act, Fish Protection Act, Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery Act, Public Health Act, and Water Act Waterworks Acts (National Conservation Strategy 1998). Lack of a comprehensive mining environmental legislation and guidelines for environmental impact assessment, management of post-mining reclamation serve as constraints to proper management of the environment in the mining sectors. In the mining areas, air pollution monitoring network has been expanded to cover areas such as Mmadinare, Tonota and Serowe and a laboratory has been constructed at Selebi-Phikwe. This is to help minimise pollution problems in these areas but the effectiveness of it leaves much to be desired. Therefore, more research and monitoring activities need to be done especially on the impacts of pollution on people’s health, water resources, vegetation and other natural resources. For instance, the annual reports produced by the Department of Mines

16


are not comprehensive enough for a thorough assessment of the air pollution situation in Selebi-Phikwe, to be made. The reports just indicate the annual average concentrations of sulphur dioxide at various stations in the country including Selebi-Phikwe (Department of Mines 1991, 1994; MMRWA 1991, 1992). No detailed analysis has been done to examine or assess the impacts of these concentration levels on the people, vegetation, water resources, livestock and other natural resources in the area so that corrective steps can be taken to address the problem. However, the Debswana Diamond Mining Company (Debswana) has put in place some waste management plans which require, for example, waste oil to be returned to the suppliers for disposal, recycling of wastewater and the scrap metal sorted and either re-used or sold off for later recycling. It has also conducted a study on its activity impacts on the environment in 1992 and 1993, which has facilitated the development of formal environmental impact management programmes (Janzen 1997). It also employed external bodies to carry out its environmental impact assessments before the Fourth Stream projects were undertaken in Jwaneng in 1994, and several of them have since been undertaken. There have also been various environmental management programme campaigns aimed at both employees and surrounding communities, donation of funds which has provided nearly P30 million (US$6.3 million) for environmental and other social improvement projects since its inception 20 years ago. For the Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL), few of such activities have been done in its area of operation to assess the environmental impacts of its activities as well as environmental health problems caused to the people in the area. From the foregoing review, it is clear that the mining industry in Botswana, especially the Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine, has contributed significantly to environmental and natural resource degradation, though granted that it has also contributed immensely to the general socio-economic development of the country. Areas of negative impacts of the mining activities are human health problems, loss of vegetation cover, air pollution, soil pollution and water resources. Other areas are effluent discharges and seepage of effluent from tailings, and degradation of pastures for livestock grazing in Selebi-Phikwe caused partly by high emission of waste gases in the form of sulphur-dioxide (Department of Mines 1995). In 1995, the Department of Mines proposed some guidelines that should be followed for future developments in Selebi-Phikwe so as to help minimise the impacts of the waste gas pollution in the area. It recommended that the western side of the Selebi-Phikwe Township should not be expanded any more into residential development, but rather into industrial development. The main reason was that there has been high concentration of sulphur-dioxide pollution in that part of the town as various meteorological reports have shown. The southeastern section of the town was recommended for residential development presumably because the impact of pollution in that area was minimal. Unfortunately, the report was silent on how best the environmental impacts of the mine could be


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curbed or controlled since the long-term effects might be disastrous, particularly on human health. From the foregoing gaps and limitations in research on the environmental impacts of mining activities in Botswana, this paper could serve as a vital source of data and information for researchers and policy makers as the industry keeps on expanding and growing both locally and regionally. It provides insights on the consequences of pollution and land degradation and possible solutions to some of these environmental problems.

7. DISCUSSION OF FIELD DATA RESULTS As noted earlier, mining activities, such as any other large-scale economic ventures worldwide, have both positive and negative impacts on the human as well as the physical environments, particularly in areas where they take place. The positive effects are seen in terms of employment generation; development of infrastructure for other economic and social activities to take place; improvement in revenue generation for the country where they take place; and technological advancement amongst others. The social and economic effects that are commonly critical are severe human health problems due to pollution, displacement of local people, alteration of socio-cultural life of the local community resulting from high influx of people into the mining area for employment reasons, and land-use changes. The physical environment suffers severely in terms of the destruction of vegetation, soil and water pollution, displacement of wildlife from their natural habitat. The more recent environmental issues associated with mining include use of toxic chemicals, disposal of hazardous waste, accidents, and release of ozone depleting substances and greenhouse gasses. The socio-economic effects of the BCL mine are both positive and negative. Socially, the effects have generally been negative. The high growth rates of the population due to migration and natural increase of the town and its effects have been severe. Spontaneous settlements keep on emerging within the planning area of Selebi-Phikwe due to high in-migration, pressure on social facilities and incidence of crimes partly due to high unemployment in the town. The economic benefits that are explicit are employment creation by the mine and the other sectors, and the development of economic infrastructure to promote socioeconomic activities. The physical environmental impacts are land degradation and air pollution. These effects are discussed below.

8. RAPID POPULATION GROWTH AND ITS EFFECTS ON SELEBI-PHIKWE ENVIRONMENT The population of Selebi-Phikwe keeps on growing at an increasing rate due mainly to the high rate of internal migration of the active population from various places to the town in search of cash employment opportunities in the mine, and other sectors of the local economy. In the early 1970s, the town’s population increased rapidly from 4,940 in 1971 to 18,000 in 1975 (DTRP 1997). The original plan of Selebi-Phikwe town was to accommodate 17,000 people between

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1973 and 1975. However, by 1981 the population had increased to 29,467, giving an annual growth rate of 19.6 percent. Again, in 1991, when the last national census was conducted, the population had grown to about 39,772 recording a growth rate of 34.9 percent over the previous figure (National Population and Housing Census 1991). Between 1991 and 1996, the population of Selebi-Phikwe was estimated to have increased from 39,772 to 44,581, with an annual growth rate of 9.2 (Selebi-Phikwe Urban Development Plan 1 1997). It is further projected that the population will increase to about 50,312 by the year 2001. According to the Selebi-Phikwe Urban Development Plan (SPUDP 1997), the rapid population growth has resulted in more pressure on the existing social and economic infrastructure. The population distribution according to locality is shown in table 4. Table 4. Population distribution of Selebi-Phikwe by locality in 1991 Locality Township Extension 1 Extension 2 Extension 3 Extension 4 Extension 5 Extension 6 Extension 7 (the mall) Extension 12 Extension 13 Botshabelo South Botshabelo North Selebi -Phikwe Mine Prisons & prison houses Water works Cosgrin Industrial Site Selebi-Phikwe Sec. School Pimville Kagiso Sesame Bontleng BDF Total

Total population

Male

Female

748 2961 1617 3939 1020 344 411 188 4014 446 3639 10212 80 318 58 124 195 34 755 2132 4544 881 1092 39772

403 1664 789 2098 492 174 191 78 1831 213 1868 5301 65 253 33 88 127 20 345 1016 2127 395 722 20343

345 1297 828 1841 528 170 220 110 2183 233 4911 15 15 65 25 36 68 14 430 1116 2417 486 320 19429

SOURCE: The National Population and Housing Census 1991.

The population of Selebi-Phikwe has unique characteristics. The proportion of the population below 14 years is only 34 percent as compared to about 43 percent for the total country (CSO 1991). The population above 60 years is only 2 percent compared to the national figure of 7 percent. The majority of the population (65.3 percent) is in the age group of 15 to 59 as against 50.1 percent at the national level. This shows that Selebi-Phikwe’s population is relatively young (see table


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5). This pattern should be expected as the town keeps on attracting many migrants who constitute a substantial proportion of the labour force in the mine. According to the National Population and Housing Census (1991), the proportion of the male population was 52.1 percent as against 48.9 percent for female. This is the opposite at the national level where we have 47.81 percent being male and 52.19 percent being female. As can be seen from table 5, the total male population was 20,343 whilst the female population was 19,429. In the squatter settlements of Botshabelo North and Botshabelo South, a higher number of the population (5,301) was male and 4,911 was female, respectively. The migrant localities constituted the largest number of the entire town’s population which was about 10,212 (26 percent). This shows the extent to which the population growth has been influenced by migration. Table 5. Selebi-Phikwe population distribution by sex and age cohorts (1991) Age Cohort 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65 and above Total

Male

Female

Total

Percentage

2559 2016 1802 2056 2713 2335 2029 1890 1277 802 523 286 166 18 20,343

2288 2454 2279 2571 2701 2316 1764 1269 651 414 218 164 123 217 19,429

4847 4470 4081 4627 5414 4651 3793 3159 1928 1216 741 450 289 406 39,772

12.2 11.2 10.3 11.5 13.6 11.7 9.5 7.8 4.7 3.1 1.6 1.1 0.7 1.0 100.0

SOURCE: The National Population and Housing Census Report 1991.

9. MIGRATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF PERI-URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN SELEBI-PHIKWE The rapid population growth rate observed earlier has been stimulated in a large part by migration and its attendant prospects for employment opportunities, primarily in the mine. Natural increase and the provision of physical infrastructure and other social services in the town could also have contributed to it. It is evident that the rural-urban migration into the mining town of SelebiPhikwe has outstripped the rate at which jobs can be secured in the mine and other industrial and commercial sectors of the town as well as the rate at which infrastructure, especially housing, has been provided. The result has been that

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peri-urban or squatter settlements have developed on the outskirts of the town. It has been estimated in a socio-economic survey carried out by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning and the Central Statistics Office in 1974 that approximately 30 percent of the population of Selebi-Phikwe was living in the squatter settlement of Botshabelo by 1973. In 1975, it was also estimated by the Central Statistics Office that out of the total population of 18,000 in SelebiPhikwe, 10 percent were non-citizens of the town and Botshabelo’s population was swelling to over 8,000 (44.4 percent). In the economic and social survey conducted by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning and Central Statistics Office referred to above, it was found in 1974 that a high proportion of the peri-urban population in Botshabelo and other neighbouring villages in the peri-urban area of Selebi-Phikwe had jobs in the parts of the town. Several of those outside wage employment in the modern part of the town engaged in various forms of wage employment and productive self-employment in the so-called informal sector within the peri-urban communities themselves. Most of the peri-urban residents studied, had migrated to the area from rural areas of Botswana, with the majority emanating from the nearby towns and villages. It was also found that the majority of the migrants in the peri-urban areas built and lived in their own housing rather than in the modern part of the town. They were educated and those of them who could not find jobs expressed the wish to go back to their original villages, which goes to show that most of them were in Selebi-Phikwe to find jobs. A very high percentage (85 percent) worked in the modern part of the town and mine, some 20 percent in the peri-urban areas and about 2.5 percent in the surrounding rural areas. Some of the reasons given by the migrants on why they did not want to stay in the town included lack of accommodation in town, high housing rent in the town and the desire to build and own their own houses. Some of them claimed they had relatives in the peri-urban areas. With continued rapid growth rates of mining and other industrial activities, migration is unlikely to diminish and there is the likelihood that unemployment and poverty will increase in the peri-urban areas of the town. The regional diversification development project that was set up by the government of Botswana in 1989 to help market and diversify the economy and turn the town into an industrial and commercial centre in the region also seems to have played a significant role in this respect. The main objective of the project has been to diversify and sustain the local economy of Selebi-Phikwe, should the copper and nickel mine close down due to the unprofitable running of the mine and huge financial debts that the company has been accumulating over the years. The project has attracted some industries and commercial businesses to the town since 1989, such as textile manufacturing, sanitary ware industries, bulk plastics, wholesaling and retailing enterprises, restaurants and hotels. The diversification programme is about ten years old now. The pace at which the movement of the people is increasing has outstripped the ability and capacity of the town’s social services such as housing to cope with


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the surging tide of migrants. The result has been the proliferation of spontaneous settlements within the town boundary. For example, the squatter settlements such as Botshabelo and Mekorong at the periphery of the town have put enormous pressure on the Town Council to provide needed infrastructure for the population. During our survey in the Mekorong settlement in 1999 (Asare 1999), social amenities were found to be completely lacking. People in the area continued to compete for the limited facilities that had been provided for the planning areas like Newstance and Distance. Sanitation and housing conditions were poor and had contributed to poor health of the local people. The increased flow of migrants had also meant increased expenditure by government in the provision of medical care, housing and other social services. Though at present, the mine provides some of these social services, it has not been able to extend its facilities to the local population beyond its employees, with the result that a large proportion of the town’s population continue to live in squalor, poor health and insanitary conditions. The peri-urban areas are environmentally degraded, with the haphazard spread of shacks and mud houses, and indiscriminate cutting of trees and extraction of earth materials for construction and other purposes. Other social problems such as theft, which have become frequent in recent time in the town, are mainly linked with the high influx of migrants who in most cases find it difficult to gain cash employment for sustenance.

10. EFFECTS OF AIR POLLUTION ON HUMAN HEALTH The Department of Mines Air Pollution Monitoring Unit has established that the BCL copper-nickel complex is the largest source of industrial air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe. The emissions are mainly SO2 discharged at a height of 153m through the main stack. Total emissions from the BCL smelter complex are estimated to be 46,850 kilograms per hour of sulphur-dioxide and 190 kilograms per hour of particulate matter (Department of Mines 1999, 18). The extent of the impact depends on the meteorological conditions. According to the Department of Mines, air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe becomes a problem when the wind is blowing from the direction of the smelter to the township. Data from most of the stations from Selebi-Phikwe stations show long periods of no sulphur-dioxide pollution sometimes lasting for a week, followed by occasional short duration peaks of high concentrations of sulphur-dioxide (Ibid). One of the greatest impacts is the hazard posed by air pollution to the health of the local population. The common diseases found in the area are cough, asthma, flu and tuberculosis. The respiratory tract-related health problems that are found in the area are, to a large extent, related to the effects of the air pollution caused by the emission of sulphur dioxide from the BCL mine. About 68 percent of the respondents attribute the major cause of their health problems to the sulphurdioxide pollution in the area. As can be seen from table 6 the most prevalent diseases that people in Selebi-Phikwe area suffer from are cough, flu, asthma and tuberculosis (about 29, 28, 16 and 17 percent, respectively, were reported).

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The Chief Medical Officer in the Selebi-Phikwe hospital indicated that the most common cases treated daily in the hospital are respiratory tract, gastro-intestinal tract (viral infections), haematological, and genito urinary infections. AIDS is at the bottom of the list of community diseases reported by respondents as can be noted in the table. The respiratory tract diseases are attributed mainly to the sulphur dioxide pollution in the area and bacteria infections due to poor living conditions, sanitation and hygiene. On average the hospital treats between 150 and 200 patients in a day and out of the number, about 50 to 60 percent are respiratory related complications, according to information provided at the Selebi-Phikwe Government Hospital in 1999. The health problems indicated by respondents confirm with the national health statistics compiled in 1990, 1991 and 1996 for Selebi-Phikwe as shown in table 6. Table 6. Common communicable diseases in Selebi-Phikwe area Disease

Community diseases*

Percentage

59 101 26 56 98 13 353

16.7 28.6 7.4 15.9 27.8 3.7 100.0

Tuberculosis Cough Chest pain Asthma Flu Aids Total SOURCE: Asare 1999. *Multiple Responses.

It can be observed from table 7 that the number of people who have suffered from other respiratory diseases in Selebi-Phikwe significantly decreased by 71 percent from 1990 to 1996 even though it was the second highest after cough and cold in 1996. In 1996, other respiratory diseases in Selebi-Phikwe recorded the highest figure of 11,621 (37 percent) compared with Francistown and Serowe/Palapye, which recorded 17 percent and 17.6 percent, respectively. The number of people suffering from asthma increased in Selebi-Phikwe from 751 in 1990 to 1,785 in 1996 showing an increase of 159 percent. This is a true reflection of the prevalent health problems in the area as reported by the respondents. The figures for the three health districts are considerably high. This is not surprising because all the three areas are within the sources of air pollution from the BCL, Botswana Power Corporation Station at Palapye (which mainly uses coal to generate electricity) and some of the industries in Francistown.


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The communicable diseases other than sexually transmitted diseases (STDs or HIV/AIDS) reported by the Town Council Health Department in 1997 cover only measles, tuberculosis and malaria cases. According to the Selebi-Phikwe Town Council Health Department, for example, the total number of tuberculosis cases reported in 1997 by the department was 333 and 844 malaria-cases confirmed. There is an indication that the effect of the sulphur-dioxide emissions from the BCL mine on human health in the area is high. Air pollution is the main environmental problem reported by the respondents. The relationship between community health problems and air pollution is relatively high as the respondents attribute a high percentage of the respiratory tract diseases to air pollution. Table 7. Number of outpatient attendance by diagnosis and district, 1990, 1991 and 1996 Disease

Selebi-Phikwe

Francistown

Serowe/Palapye

1990

1991

1996

1990

1991

1996

1990

1991

1996

716 (1.7%)

715 (1.9%)

1,852 (5.9%)

1,033 (2.1%)

1238 (2.4%)

2296 (4.3%)

756 (0.8%)

796 (0.8%)

1,598 (3.4%)

54 (0.1%)

80 (0.2%)

183 (0.6%)

208 (0.4%)

929 (1.8%)

895 (1.7%)

196 (0.2%)

857 (0.9%)

873 (1.9%)

-

-

1114 (3.6%)

-

-

4,902 (9.2%)

-

-

6,492 (13.8%)

Asthma

751 (1.8%)

705 (1.9%)

1,785 (5.7%)

1,345 (2.7%)

1417 (2.7%)

2,687 (5.1%)

2371 (2.6%)

2782 (3.1%)

3,679 (7.8%)

Other Respiratory diseases

40,216 (97%)

36,108 (96%)

11,621 (37%)

47,788 (95%)

48,493 (93%)

8,926 (17%)

86,961 (96%)

86,718 (95%)

8,290 (17.6%)

-

-

14,593 (47%)

-

-

33,408 (63%)

-

-

33,635 (71.3%)

41,737 (100%)

37,608 (100%)

31,148 (100%)

50,347 (100%)

52,077 (100%)

53,114 (100%)

90,284 (100%)

91,153 (100%)

47,167 (100%)

Tuberculosis

Malaria (confirmed) Malaria (unconfirmed)

Cough and Cold

Total

SOURCE: Central Statistics Office, Health Statistics 1990/91, 1996.

The results compare favourably with other effects of air pollution that have been reported by many authors as shown in table 8 and in the literature (SAEP 1998), where it has been reported that most people have been affected severely by the sulphur dioxide pollution due to mining. However, there could be other causes like bacteria and viral infections or by some other factors caused by probably insanitary conditions in households and the life style of the people. The available health facilities in Selebi-Phikwe and its surroundings are the District Council Hospital and clinics or health centres found within the town and some of the villages like Mmadinare. These facilities are provided by the Government but managed by the Town Council. The BCL has its own hospital but access is restricted to its employees and their close relatives only.

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Table 8. Some health and ecological effects of major air and eater pollutants Pollutant

Effects on Humans

Effects on Plants

Soil Microorganisms

Total Suspended Particulate (TSP)

Asthma, cardiorespiratory problems, increase cough and chest discomfort, increase mortality, lungs infection.

Clogs stomates, reducing photosynthesis and growth.

Deposits attached to heavy metals and radionuclides in soil; clogs soil pores; provides possible substrate for decomposers.

Sulphur Dioxide (SO2)

Aggravates respiratory diseases, reduces lung functions, irritates eyes and respiratory tract.

Injures leaves, reduces growth of tops and roots, increases mortality.

Can inhibit nitrogen fixation in symbiotic bacteria.

Sulphate Particultes (SO42-)

Effects on human similar to SO2

Corrodes epidermis and leaf tissue, reacts with nutrients from terrestrial plants, increase acidity of water kills diatoms.

Leaches nutrients, change solubility of ions under lower pH, inhibit symbiotic nitrogen-fixing bacteria.

Fluorides (Fl)

Irritates respiratory systems, burns eyes and skin.

Injures leaves, reduces plant growth.

---

Heavy Metals (E.g. Lead, Mercury, Arsenic, Beryllium, Cadmium, Chromium)

Can cause cancer, respiratory impairment, damage to nervous system, anaemia, hyperactivity and neurobehavioral effects, blood enzyme change.

Leaf injury, reduces growth

Depresses decomposition rate by micro-organisms, may inhibit nitrification.

SOURCES: Compiled from Smith 1981; Westman and Lewis 1976; Winner et al. 1965; Dvorak and Lewis 1978; Council on Environmental Quality 1976; Westman 1985; UNEP/GEMS 1991.

11. EMPLOYMENT AND INCOME LEVELS IN SELEBI-PHIKWE AREA The mine has played a leading role in employment generation in the country, particularly within the immediate environs where it operates. The employment generated by the other sectors of the local economy has a direct or indirect relationship with the existence of the mine. The Selebi-Phikwe Regional Development Project owes its existence to the failure of the mine as the main catalyst. The positive impact in employment generation has contributed to the improvement of the living standards of the local people to a reasonable extent.


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The inception of the Selebi-Phikwe development project since 1989 has contributed significantly to employment generation in the town. According to the officials of the Selebi-Phikwe Trade and Investment Promotion, about 139 people were employed by the manufacturing sector in 1981. This figure increased to 432 in 1989, before the Selebi-Phikwe regional development project started. With the promotional activities of the project in trade and investment in the region, the number of people employed in the manufacturing sector has increased significantly from 432 in 1989 to 6,975 in 1998 (about 1,515 percent increase). In 1991, the number of people employed was 2,341 and this figure increased to 5,257 by the end of 1996. By the end of 1998, the figure had risen to 6,975 people. The government continues to support the diversification programme in Selebi-Phikwe, especially in the areas of tourism promotion and allied service industries. The Botswana Export and Investment Authority has been established to help expand the programme. Notwithstanding these achievements, the SelebiPhikwe project has met some challenges and constraints in its implementation. For instance, some of the initial industries such as the Northern Textiles that were to be set up in Selebi-Phikwe ended up in Francistown. The investor changed the location mainly because of the sulphur-dioxide pollution and its implication to labour turnover, health insurance and productivity, among other considerations. One of the biggest employers, Sportline International, has gone into liquidation resulting in retrenchment of about 1,200 workers.

12. ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES IN SELEBI-PHIKWE There are several types of economic activities in Selebi-Phikwe. The dominant ones are the mining, construction, industrial and commercial activities. These four activities therefore employ about 62 percent of the workforce. The remaining 38 percent are absorbed by other sectors like domestic services and central government services. There is no doubt that Selebi-Phikwe has attracted a relatively reasonable number of investments in the various sectors of the local economy following the discovery and development of the mining industry. As records show, the total number of industries has increased appreciably from 7 in 1976 to 64 in 1998 (Selebi-Phikwe Town Council 1997). However, the pace at which the industrial sector is growing compared with the objective of the Regional Diversification Project, where emphasis was laid on the rapid attraction of manufacturing industries to lessen dependency on mining, is slow. It is notable that some achievements have been made from the diversification project but this progress is not a strong foundation where sustained growth can be consolidated because most of the industries currently operating are ancillary service industries. The availability of market for the enterprises from the mineworkers and the population has contributed largely to their sustenance and expansion. In a situation like this, the future growth of these manufacturing businesses depends largely on the mine. The closure of the mine in the near future will cause most of the industries to stay out of business, which may result in

26


retrenchment of the majority of the employees in the industries. The implication will be that the entire local social and economic structure will come to a standstill as has happened in certain places like Zambia where some of the copper mines have been closed down (SAEP 1998). For instance, the closure of the Spotline International, which manufactured clothing in Selebi-Phikwe, has caused about 1,200 workers to be retrenched. The sustainability of the mine has a strong positive implication for the continuous operation of the other economic activities in Selebi-Phikwe. There is therefore the need for the government as well as the management of the mine to explore more sustaining investment opportunities that will help revitalise the mining business. This is vital as the future development of the town’s population depends largely on the prospects of the growth of all the sectors of the local economy.

13. BCL CONTRIBUTION TO COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT The BCL Mine is not doing well in terms of community development services such as the provision of health services, development fund, and environmental quality programmes for the people in the area. In an interview with the management of the company during the field survey, it was stated that the inability of the company to extend development assistance to the communities is mainly due to financial difficulties that the mine is going through. The mine is operating just to stay in business and also to sustain the large number of people employed. The community expectations from the mine in development assistance reflect the problems they face resulting from the environmental problems caused by the mine. The most important areas that the people in the area expect the BCL mine to assist in terms of development contribution are health services, development fund, control of the sulphur dioxide pollution and provision of educational facilities for their children. The expectations are reasonable because most mining activities that take place in communities worldwide, apart from employment generation to the local people, also extend development assistance to the communities. For example, the Ashanti Gold Fields, Bilington Bogosu Gold Mines, Ghana Australian Gold Fields and others in Ghana, continue to provide development assistance to the local communities. Apart from the revenue contributions they make to the central government and the payment of royalties to the local councils, traditional authorities and the landlords, social facilities such as hospitals, schools, water and scholarship schemes are provided for intelligent and deserving children of the communities. The Debswana Mine in Jwaneng, Botswana for example, has been assisting the local communities in areas of housing, school facilities, health services and wildlife management and conservation. It has also been contributing to several environmental nongovernmental organisations such as the Environmental Watch Botswana where community-based environmental and natural resource conservation programmes have been undertaken in various parts of the country including where the mine operates.


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Currently there are no future development plans for the company that seek to provide some kind of development services or support to the Selebi-Phikwe community and its surrounding villages. The mine itself has no intention of expanding its operations because of the weak financial position. The engineering training school that was established to train apprentices and artisans for the mine has not been functioning well recently. The school has suspended recruitment of new trainees since 1997 mainly because of the financial constraints it faces. The school used to recruit about 100 artisans and apprentices for training per year but as of 1998 it had only 49 trainees. According to the human resource department manager of the company, the 49 trainees are the last batch that the school is currently training. The only contribution that could be mentioned is the initial provision of economic and social infrastructure during the establishment of the town. The central government, the Town Council and other parastatal organisations provide and sustain all infrastructure developments such as water supply, internal road network expansions and improvement of telecommunication facilities. However, the class of people mainly employed in the various sub-sectors of the local economy including the mine appears to be one of low educational levels or no education at all. As a result, the majority of the people employed have incomes that are very low and insufficient to enable them to meet their basic needs. About 85 percent of the population working in the various sectors of the local economy earn between 100 and 1,500 Pula per month. The situation compares well with the national income statistics where about 70 percent of the households have disposable cash incomes of less than or equal to 750 Pula per month (Central Statistics Office 1994). The implication of this is that the potential for local capital mobilisation through savings is limited. The ability of the local economy to sustain itself through citizen investments is limited, as local investments are generally low. There is minimal positive trickle down effect between Selebi-Phikwe and its hinterland. Remittances or transfer payments are relatively low. These scenarios go further to support Mazonde’s (1986) assertion that the copper mine does not adequately benefit the local people. The question that is then raised is, with the recent financial problems of the BCL mine, which is a major employer of the population in the area, what will be the future consequences if the mine closes down by the year 2008 when its life span ends?

14. ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECT OF THE MINE Air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe and its surroundings is a major environmental problem that needs to be addressed. It has contributed to human health problems and destruction of vegetation in the area. The long-term effects of the pollution on human health and manpower productivity can be detrimental and costly, as similar cases have happened in the United Kingdom, America, Namibia, China and some parts of Central and Eastern Europe (UNEP 1991). The air pollution problem has a serious implication for discouraging the growth of local

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investments and development to sustain the town. According to the SelebiPhikwe Regional Development Project Office, some of the industrialists failed to locate their firms in Selebi-Phikwe mainly because of the unfavourable investment climate in the area, with the air pollution being a major factor. The investors do not foresee any future prospects despite all the attractive investment packages offered by government. The destruction of natural vegetation and the contamination of soil are a serious challenge to the sustainable utilisation and conservation of biodiversity of the area. Other living organisms such as wildlife and livestock that depend on these natural resources for their survival are threatened. The fertility of the soil is lost, thereby impacting negatively on subsistence agricultural activities that are undertaken by the local farmers in the area. This is similar to the adverse impacts that the Ok Tedi/Fly River Mining Project in Papua New Guinea has had on the whole indigenous people, the terrestrial ecosystem, wildlife and vegetation in the area (Maun 1995; Darkoh 1996a). The environmental effects of mining are very complex in nature; mining does not only destroy the existing vegetation on the ground but it also affects the air quality, surface water and ground water, land resources, noise and vibration and socio-economic status (Dhar, Singh and Tewary 1995). The waste water that is generated by the BCL mine is about 1,277 tonnes per hour. Out of this figure, water used during smelting (fissure water) constitutes about 777 tonnes (76 percent) and tailings water (waste water from the concentrator) constitutes 300 tonnes (24 percent). For the fissure water generated, about 400 tonnes is disposed off into the natural streams such as the Motloutse River, Letlhakane River and Mathathane Rivers, and approximately 300 tonnes is reused. The remaining 277 tonnes is retained in the cooling pond. Approximately 160 tonnes of water from the tailings is reused per hour whilst about 100 tonnes is discharged into the natural environment. The remaining 40 tonnes is lost through evaporation, spill over and leaching (see table 9). It has recently been reported in the local newspapers (e.g., see Mojaki 2001, 3) that following a feasibility study carried out by South African technical experts, a project may be set up to make use of the waste water that has been of little use for over two decades. Table 9. Effluent and solid wastes generated by BCL in 1998 Effluent and solid waste type Fissure water* Tailings water* Waste rocks Slag SOURCE: BCL 1999. * Tonnes per hour.

Quantity in tonnes

Quantity disposed off

Quantity reused

977 300 345.833 833,394

400 100 345,833 833,394

300 160 None None


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Slag waste is generated from the smelter section where the copper and nickel mattes are produced. About 833,394 tonnes of slag was generated in 1998. Again, the total tonnage of 345,833 waste rocks that are generated during mining and crushing are dumped above-ground. In terms of sulphur-dioxide emission, estimates for the slag trapping and smelter in the west smelter areas of the mine were persistently high from 1980 to 1998 with intermittent decline in concentration levels. This is potentially very dangerous to human health, particularly for those mineworkers who work within the mine areas. The sulphur- dioxide levels for the residential areas were high from 1980 to 1985. From 1986 to 1998, the figures reduced considerably below the government standards with the exception of the BCL Family Clinic area where in 1992 the mean went up to 130g/m3. The reduction in figures within the residential areas has resulted from the pressure that the government has put on the mine to control its air pollution levels since 1986. The Department of Mines assists in monitoring the sulphur-dioxide levels in the area. Statistics on Mmadinare is lacking in all the years except 1998. In the industrial area, the levels were also high from 1980 to 1987. The figures have been fluctuating from 1987 to 1998. For example, in 1991, the estimated levels for Water Utility Corporation and the Railway Station areas were 130 and 100g/m3, respectively (see table 10). Table 10. Comparative monthly mean sulphur-dioxide measurements at BCL sampling locations, 1980-1998 (µgSo2/m3 air) Smelter

Residential

Industrial

Year

Slag trapping floor

Smelter west

Low density area

Gov’t hospital

BCL family clinic

Mmadinare village

Botshabelo

WUT

Railway station

BPC

1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998

24220 41840 31450 12490 6380 27150 7590 31120 18880 25950 61610 37000 23520 30430 25010 14878 3521 * 8063

4470 300 690 2200 1090 1160 680 720 460 1730 3060 2560 2260 1700 1900 1273 770 946 1144

100 110 130 110 70 240 60 10 30 10 40 20 10 10 10 11 3 6 11

130 90 100 150 120 430 40 20 20 20 50 60 30 30 30 37 13 28 45

* * * * 260 460 40 70 50 30 50 80 130 30 30 50 11 32 40

** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** ** 5

120 40 70 40 60 130 * 30 30 20 20 30 20 20 20 17 3 10 32

100 260 160 430 710 110 120 80 70 100 90 130 150 80 53 53 50 161 53

160 220 310 350 190 490 120 140 100 90 60 100 70 40 60 34 61 68 70

------------140 100 60 56 58 26 96

SOURCE: BCL Environmental Department 1999. ** =New station . *=AGL’s out of order.

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15. PERCEPTIONS OF PEOPLE ON ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES IN SELEBI-PHIKWE AREA The major environmental problem that is of critical concern to the people of Selebi-Phikwe and its surrounding communities is the air pollution that is mainly caused by sulphur-dioxide discharges into the atmosphere by the BCL smelter plant. About 90 percent of the people interviewed cited air pollution as the main environmental problem in the area (Asare 1999). When the air pollution problem is further linked to the health problems that are discussed above in the other section, it is observed that the people have reasonable knowledge about the major causes of the major health problems that they face. The most unfortunate situation that seems to be of concern to the people is the fact that, in their view, the Air Pollution Division of the Department of Mines and BCL are not doing enough to make the public and government aware of the problem so as to find solutions. The technical officials’ annual reports, however, seem to paint a different picture of the situation being under control. In response to the question on impact of the mining activity on the environment, it is interesting to note that the people see the effect of sulphur-dioxide as the most significant variable. The significant variables reported to be most affected are occupational and public health, vegetation and arable agriculture. Of all the impact variables, occupational and public health and vegetation are seen to be the most severely affected (see table 11). Table 11. Respondents’ perception on the impacts of the BCL mine operations Impact

Effluent discharge

Solid waste

Tailings

Sulphur dioxide

Dust

Noise

Vibration

Oil spillage

Total

Ranking

Occupation al/Public health Buildings

17

12

9

327

43

63

104

9

584

1st

4

3

1

130

10

12

215

-

375

3rd

Arable Agriculture Livestock Soil Soil erosion Vegetation Water Total Ranking

15

5

2

238

2

1

2

-

265

4th

22 16 5

2 28 4

1 29 -

104 74 15

2 1 1

1 1 1

1

2 4 -

134 153 27

7th 6th 8th

29 103 211 3rd

41 16 111 5th

40 30 112 4th

263 64 1215 1st

2 3 64 8th

1 1 81 6th

322 2nd

7 44 66 7th

383 261 2182

2nd 5th

SOURCE: Asare 1999.

One of the most visible impacts of mining and the local people’s economic activities is on vegetation. The vegetation particularly in the western part of the town up to Mmadinare has been greatly affected mostly by the sulphur-dioxide pollution. This has affected the natural growth and productivity of the major tree species such as the mophane, acacia and the grass species that are common in the area. The mophane tree serves as a source of the nutritious phane worm that the local communities harvest for both food and commercial purposes. During a


31

kgotla meeting with the researcher, some members of the traditional council including the chief raised this concern in Mmadinare. The respondents of both Selebi-Phikwe (81 percent) and Mmadinare (78 percent) indicate that the effect of the sulphur-dioxide pollution on the vegetation and soil in the area is severe, particularly along the railway station area.

16. PERCEPTIONS OF INSTITUTIONS AND AGENCIES CONTACTED IN SELEBI-PHIKWE The officials of the Selebi-Phikwe environmental council, the Natural Resource Defence Council, which is a non-governmental organisation, and the various government departments all confirm that the major environmental problems in the area are air pollution from sulphur-dioxide from the mine and soil and water pollution from acid mine leaching. They mention also the problem of land scarcity for residential and other developments. Land scarcity has limited the ability of the planning authority to meet the increasing housing and infrastructure demand. For example, the current demand for residential plots keeps on increasing over and above the projected level of growth of the town’s population. According to the physical planning officials, some 40 hectares of land in the northwestern part of the town is good for residential development, but has been discouraged for expansion of settlement due to the danger posed by sulphurdioxide on peoples’ health. The proposed use of the site has been changed to industrial development because of the high level of sulphur-dioxide pollution. The new recommended area for settlement development is constrained by physical features such as rocks and hills. Also, squatters have occupied the limited available space for land-use planning and management. The Selebi-Phikwe Town Council plans to acquire some land from the Central District for it to be able to meet expanding land demands for settlement. The constraint that the Council is currently facing in the above-mentioned plan is that the recommended areas for the expansion are now farmlands and grazing areas for individual livestock owners in the Central District. It is a constraint because compensations will have to be paid to those who might lose their land to the Council. The Council in conjunction with the BCL and the Department of Water Affairs monitors the pollution situation by taking samples for analysis in order to control the levels of the air and water pollution. According to the District Environmental Officer, this has not been very effective since the Council itself does not have any equipment to monitor but rather relies on the information that the BCL mine supplies annually, especially on air pollution. 17. BCL’S ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY OBJECTIVES AND COMPLIANCE According to the present company’s policy statement, “BCL undertakes, by the best practicable options and by systematic consultation with all involved parties, to protect and conserve the environment affected by its activities across land, air

32


and water” (BCL 1998). More specifically, the policy indicates that BCL is supposed to do the following: a) Monitor on a continuous basis the effect of its operation on the environment both within the plant and outside its boundaries. This will involve all aspects of the company’s operations from purchasing and engineering design to daily operations. b) Comply with all relevant environmental protection legislation whilst striving to achieve the highest attainable environmental standards in all operations. c) Aim to minimise the use of all materials and energy. Wherever possible renewable or recyclable materials and energy sources will be used. d) Minimise waste and effluent produced in all parts of the business and aim for “waste free” processes. e) Adopt and aim to apply the principle of “sustainable development”. Development, which meets the needs of the present, without compromising the abilities of future generations to meet their own needs. f) Expect similar environmental standards to our own from all third parties involved in our mining operations - suppliers, vendors, and contractors. While we cannot impose our standards on the companies, we can favour those who comply. g) Adopt an environmentally sound transport strategy. h) Liase with and solicit the views of the local community in matters of common interest. As noted above, the mine has outlined a number of environmental policy objectives that guide its operations. The unfortunate situation is that it has not been able to implement these policies well enough to address the effects of pollution on the people and the area as a whole. The government, which is a shareholder in the company, has so far not been able to bring enough pressure to bear on the company to enforce any measures to adequately stem the air pollution problem. The mine, thus, continues to discharge more sulphur-dioxide into the atmosphere. Eventhough, it is claimed that there is reduction in the levels of air pollution in residential areas, it is possible that such claims are exaggerated because the government at the moment relies on the mine to monitor its own pollution defaulting and keeps a tight lead on the records on levels of air pollution measured by the different monitoring stations established in the country. Besides, the air pollution monitoring equipment in use at present is not up-to-date and at times even fail to work. This is especially true of the Mmadinare monitoring station. Within the smelter plant premises of the mine, there seems to be evidence that the pollution levels are abnormally high, exposing the health of the workers in the plant to a high risk.


33

Furthermore, at present, there is no land reclamation programme going on at the tailings and slag dumpsites. The mine has no afforestation projects in the areas outside its concession boundaries that have also been affected by air pollution. The management of the company has not been able to work hand in hand with the community in matters of common interest. At the moment, there is no direct link between the mine and the community apart from occasional meetings executives of the company have with the Town Council. Judging from the numerous environmental and social problems it continues to cause, the company’s aim of applying the principles of “sustainable development” has not been reflective on its current activities. However, to a limited degree, it has been able to reduce the effects of wastewater, through its reuse in the production process.

18. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION From the foregoing, it can be concluded that the environmental effects of the BCL mine operation on human and physical environment of Selebi-Phikwe and its surroundings are severe. This is true judging from the health problems of the people and also the destruction of the vegetation and pollution of soil and water in the area. The population of Selebi-Phikwe continues to increase at a high rate mainly due to migration and natural increase. Movement of people from the hinterland and other parts of the country to Selebi-Phikwe continues to rise. This has contributed to development of squatter settlements at the periphery of the town and also more pressure on social infrastructure such as schools, water and health services. The squatter settlements have contributed to environmental problems such as poor sanitation, poor housing infrastructure, and destruction of vegetation and haphazard building structures. Most respiratory diseases that the people suffer from in Selebi-Phikwe area are attributed to the sulphur-dioxide pollution. These include cough, asthma, flu, chest pains, and tuberculosis. The long-term effects of this problem can be severe if not addressed. Air pollution is the main environmental problem that is of critical concern to the community. The presence of the BCL mine in Selebi-Phikwe has contributed to local employment generation. The mine is the major employer of the working population in the area. It has also helped to attract other economic activities such as industries, commercial businesses, social services and small-scale employment activities that have expanded employment opportunities for the people in the area. Although, it is established that employment creation has been high, the nature of the employment available for people is the low class type, which does not reward the people very much. For instance, the proportion of BCL employees who are labourers is about 77 percent and these workers earn between 500 and 1000 Pula per month. In the hinterland such as Mmadinare, the self-employment sector,

34


which includes farming, retailing and artisanship, is the main employer. There are some trickle-down effects in terms of transfer payments and remittances from those who work in Selebi-Phikwe to support relatives and community development in the hinterland. There has been remarkable achievement in the growth of private sector investments in Selebi-Phikwe since its establishment as a mining town. The infrastructure base of the economy such as roads, telecommunications, rail and airstrip has improved remarkably. There are a number of manufacturing and engineering industries, commercial businesses such as banks, restaurants and wholesale and retail shops in the town, which serve the neighbouring villages as well. The small business sector has expanded and has created more employment. The Selebi-Phikwe Regional Development Project that was established in 1989 has contributed to attracting investments into the area. The only major problem is that it has not been able to achieve enough due to many other factors such as the uncertainty in the future of the mine and the environmental problems in the area. The BCL mine is the main contributor to environmental problems in SelebiPhikwe and its immediate environs. The discharge of sulphur-dioxide gases into the atmosphere from the processing activities of the mine has accounted for the disappearance of vegetation and contamination of soil along the railway station towards Mmadinare, in the direction of the prevailing winds. This has contributed to the destruction of crops, grasses and trees. There is also potential risk of soil and water pollution from acid mine leaching that occurs at the tailings and slag dumping sites. The discharge of wastewater from the mine in most cases is not properly treated and as a result, the recipient river systems are polluted with heavy metals, suspended and dissolved solids. The potential risk to human and livestock health is high since livestock graze and drink in the area. Also, the Mmadinare Co-operative Farm uses the discharged water for its livestock and vegetable gardens. Furthermore, there is some evidence of destruction of the riverine ecosystem where the mine extracts large quantities of sand as one of the raw materials for its production process. The air pollution has rendered a vast area of residential land unsuitable for settlement. As a result, the Selebi-Phikwe Township faces acute land scarcity for development. As noted already, the mine has outlined a number of environmental policy objectives that guide its operations. The unfortunate situation is that it has not been able to implement these policies well enough to address the effects of pollution on the people and the area as a whole. The government, which is a shareholder in the company, has so far not been able to bring enough pressure to bear on the company to enforce any measures to adequately stem the air pollution problem. The mine, thus, continues to discharge more sulphur-dioxide into the atmosphere. Eventhough it is claimed that there is reduction in the levels of air pollution in residential areas, it is possible that such claims are exaggerated because the government at the moment relies on the mine to monitor its own pollution defaulting and keeps a tight lead on the records on levels of air pollution measured by the different monitoring stations established in the country. Besides,


35

the air pollution monitoring equipment in use at present is not up-to-date and at times even fails to work. This is especially true of the Mmadinare monitoring station. Within the smelter plant premises of the mine, there seems to be evidence that the pollution levels are abnormally high, exposing the health of the workers in the plant to a high risk. Furthermore, at present, there is no land reclamation programme going on at the tailings and slag dumpsites. The mine has no afforestation projects in the areas outside its concession boundaries that have also been affected by air pollution. The management of the company has not been able to work hand in hand with the community in matters of common interest. At the moment, there is no direct link between the mine and the community apart from occasional meetings that executives of the company have with the Town Council. Judging from the numerous environmental and social problems it continues to cause, the company’s aim of applying the principles of “sustainable development” has not been realised. However, to a limited degree, it has been able to reduce the effects of wastewater, through its reuse in the production process.

19. RECOMMENDATIONS On the basis of the human and environmental effects that have emerged in SelebiPhikwe area as a result of the BCL mining activities, the following specific recommendations are made to facilitate the process of addressing the problems that are raised in the study. 19.1 Health Impact Research There is a need for government to commission an independent medical research team to carry out a health impact research on the people to help establish the main health problems in the area so that appropriate control measures can be taken to forestall potential future damages. The medical laboratory facilities in the hospital should be equipped to deal efficiently with respiratory tract complications in the area. BCL should see this problem as a matter of urgency and try as much as possible to reduce the sulphurdioxide concentration levels. Even where no acute occupational health problems are noticed, there is good reason for the company to begin a health-monitoring programme of the workforce. This will help to identify the potential health risks that may be detrimental to the workforce arising from the air pollution in the smelter plant. BCL can take a cue from what the Debswana Diamond Mine has been doing, by making its health services available to the local communities where it operates. BCL should try as much as possible to be responsive to community needs.

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19.2 Socio-Economic Evaluation i)

There is need to undertake further socioeconomic evaluation of the impact of the mine on the communities within the area. An overall survey to establish the dynamics of the human population including migration in the surrounding area would provide a good basis for informed decision to be made on the operations of the mine. Once the dynamics are known, the main sources of income for the community could be determined. The role of the BCL mine and how it has affected the economy of the region can be assessed. The study should reflect the availability of labour in the area and determine whether conditions of workers from the communities have improved. This would provide a broader database on direct and indirect employment that the mine has contributed and can contribute to the community. All the above factors could give a basis for a concrete analysis of the socio-economic situation and the costs and benefits of the activities of the mine.

ii) Proper mitigation measures can be established to correct the negative impact of the mine on the local economy. As part of the government development programmes in the area, there should be a conscious effort of both government and the local council to promote entrepreneurship development training programmes that will go a long way to equip the youth with marketable entrepreneurship skills. At the national level, in the interest of investment promotion in conjunction with the Financial Assistance Policy, there should be the establishment of a national board for small-scale industries and businesses that will help promote development and improvement in the informal business sector, where most of the unskilled labour is found. Settlements like Selebi-Phikwe and its surrounding villages should be given greater priority in view of their likelihood of becoming ghost towns should the mine close down. The mine itself needs large scale diversification into other productive ventures like livestock farming, poultry and arable farming so as to redirect some of its employees into such new ventures. It will also help to address some of the financial difficulties that the mine faces. It can learn from the experience of other mining companies like the Ashanti Gold Fields in Ghana that have invested substantially in farming as a subsidiary venture to the primary mining activity. This will also contribute to job creation and employment generation. The mine with other interested private sector organisations could explore a collaborative investment deal. BCL should revive its training school so as to help open training skills to many of its employees. This would assist in opening up employment possibilities to people in other sectors of the economy in case of retrenchment or closure of the mine. The Selebi-Phikwe Regional Development Project should be reviewed and revamped to give more attention to those enabling factors that would contribute significantly to rapid investment promotion in the area. Further feasibility studies need to


37

be conducted to identify the main development potentials that can attract and promote investments and environmental sustainability. The management of the mine should establish regular community and institutional consultation and involvement with stakeholders who are directly or indirectly affected by the mining activity. This would help to create a positive relationship between the company and the local community. Dialogue and free flow of information should help to correct misconceptions that people have about the mine. To achieve these, the BCL mine should ensure proper public relations with the community. 19.3 Pollution Abatement Measures i)

An independent commission should be set up to monitor the air pollution and its impact in the area and its surroundings. Better air quality monitoring equipment also needs to be put in place. The proposed project to convert the sulphur dioxide into sulphuric acid should be further reviewed and implemented. The mine should do its best to explore reliable and profitable market outlets for the product. The project is environmentally friendly and could contribute significantly to the reduction of the air pollution problem in the area. It could also help to improve the financial resources for the company to help create additional employment opportunities for people. The mine can explore the possibility of going into joint venture with other companies to establish the plant to process the sulphuric acid into various forms of products that can be used locally or within the region. It is a way of reducing transportation costs and also making the business more efficient and cost effective.

ii) BCL should also try as much as possible to look into ways of reducing the level of contaminants in the effluent prior to discharge into the river systems. This should include research into alternative uses of mine water so that it does not all end up in the river systems. The mine should improve upon its water recycling and reuse practices so as to maximise the use of water in its operation. It is also very essential that the BCL, the Department of Mines and the Department of Water Affairs monitor the effluent discharges more closely to determine their effects and prevent potential health hazards on human and animals in the area. iii) The mine needs to review its environmental management plans and incorporate strategies that can address the current environmental problems in the area. There is need to initiate afforestation projects in the affected areas within and outside the mine’s concession area. The appropriate scientific institutions should be contacted to conduct feasibility studies on the type of afforestation programmes that will be suitable for the degraded areas. Comprehensive environmental impact and compliance audits should be instituted to identify actual and potential problems, assess the impacts of waste discharge and air pollution on the

38


environment and the community. The auditing should also assess the environmental management tools and compliance with regulatory requirements and the company targets. This can help the management of the company and the government to set priorities for areas of concern. iv) The government should enact a legislative instrument that gives local communities adequate legal backing to fully participate in environmental decisions, management and protection that affect their lives and development. There is also the need to review the mining policies in the country to give more attention to mining and environmental legislation and also embark on research in safety. 19.4 Integration of Sustainable Development Concept Finally, the concept of sustainable development must be integrated into the business planning and management information and control systems of the BCL. BCL executives should ensure that their mining enterprise regularly provides accurate and appropriate reports that compare actual performance to set targets and strategies. Management should incorporate stakeholder expectations into a broad policy statement that set forth the enterprise’s mission with respect to sustainable development (Darkoh 1996b). This policy statement should guide the enterprise’s planning and set forth values that management, employees and other groups such as suppliers are expected to strive to achieve. Figure 2 provides a recommended management model for sustainable development. Figure 2. Recommended management system for sustainable development

STAKEHOLDER ANALYSIS

MONITORING PERFORMANCE

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT POLICIES

CORPORATE CULTURE REPORTING  INTERNAL  EXTERNAL

PERFORMANCE MEASURES AND STANDARDS

SOURCE: Darkoh 1996b.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OBJECTIVES

IMPLEMENTATION


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The model requires management to perform a stakeholder analysis; design and execute an implementation plan; develop a supportive corporate culture; institute measures and standards of performance; prepare reports; and enhance an internal monitoring process. The diagram illustrates these seven stages which are required for managing an enterprise according to sustainable development principles and their interlinkages. Government should develop policies that would harmonise corporate activities such as mining with the “common good” to motivate businesses to meet performance standards or to encourage them to report publicly on their performance.

REFERENCES Asare, B. K. 1999. Perceptions on Socio-economic and environmental impacts of mining in Botswana: A case study of the Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine. MSc. Thesis, Department of Environmental Science, University of Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana. Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL). 1997. Annual Financial Statements Report. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1998. Environmental control report. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. Central Statistics Office. 1975. Migration in Botswana. Vol. 1&2. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1982. Migration in Botswana. Vol. 1&2. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1990. Health Statistics. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1991. Health Statistics. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1991. National Population and Housing Census. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1996. Health Statistics. Gaborone, Botswana: Government Printer. _____. 1993. Household Income and Expenditure Survey. Government Printer.

Gaborone, Botswana:

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