Teachers' Careers: the Impact of Age, Disability, Ethnicity, Gender and ...

R ESEARCH

Teachers’ Careers: the Impact of Age, Disability, Ethnicity, Gender and Sexual Orientation Janet Powney, Valerie Wilson, Stuart Hall, Julia Davidson, Susan Kirk, Sheila Edward SCRE Centre, University of Glasgow in conjunction with: Heidi Safia Mirza CRES, Middlesex University

Research Report RR488

Research Report No 488

Teachers’ Careers: the Impact of Age, Disability, Ethnicity, Gender and Sexual Orientation

Janet Powney, Valerie Wilson, Stuart Hall, Julia Davidson, Susan Kirk, Sheila Edward SCRE Centre, University of Glasgow in conjunction with: Heidi Safia Mirza CRES, Middlesex University

The views expressed in this report are the authors' and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department for Education and Skills. © The Scottish Council for Research in Education 2003 ISBN 1 84478 117 8

Contents Page v

Abbreviations Acknowledgements

vi

Executive Summary

vii–xii

1. The Research Project 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4

1

Introduction Aims and questions Design and method The report

1 1 2 5

2. Profile of the Teaching Profession

7

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5

Introduction Trends in characteristics of the teaching population in England Trends in the profile of students in their final year of initial teacher training Some employment issues in teaching, the health service and the civil service Summary

3. Characteristics of Teachers in the Study 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7

How do personal profiles compare with professional profiles? Promoted posts Continuing Professional Development To stay or to leave teaching Do individuals identify themselves as ‘teachers’ rather than primarily in terms of gender, disability, ethnicity or age? What concepts of career and ‘successful career’ do teachers hold? Summary

4. Entry and Aspirations 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9

5.4 5.5

15 16 17 20 22 24 24 26 27

Motives for a career in teaching Becoming a teacher What influences teachers’ choices throughout their careers? Job satisfaction Factors affecting the ‘career’ aspirations of teachers Making career decisions Other influences on teachers’ careers Relative impact of variables Summary

5. Teachers Who Get Ahead 5.1 5.2 5.3

7 8 12 13 14

28 30 31 36 39 40 41 41 42 43

What are teachers’ attitudes to promotion? What are the characteristics of teachers who have been promoted? What is the nature of support promoted teachers have experienced from their colleagues, schools and local authorities? Are particular identifiable groups being disadvantaged in career opportunities? Summary

iii

43 47 49 52 54

6. Perceptions of Inequality and Disadvantage in the Teaching Profession 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9

Introduction Impact of age Disability Impact of ethnicity Impact of gender Sexual orientation Assessing the relative impact of variables What variables most commonly have a negative impact on careers? Summary

7. Mapping Best Practice 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4

55 55 56 56 57 57 58 58 59 59 61

Recruitment and retention policies and practice What practices support teachers’ careers and what improvements are recommended? Continuing inhibitors of teachers’ career opportunities Conclusions and implications

References and Further Reading

61 63 68 70 73-81

Technical Appendices: Appendix 1: Survey Responses Appendix 2: The Context Appendix 3: Annotated questionnaire Appendix 4: Survey respondents by gender, ethnicity and sector Appendix 5: School case studies Appendix 6: Respondents with disabilities Appendix 7: Steering Group members

iv

Abbreviations used in the text ABAPSTAS AST BATOD Cases CPD CRE DfES DRC EMAG EO EOC GOR GRTP GTC GTCE GTP HE HEI IIP INSET ITT LEA LSA NCSL NPQH NQT PGCE PM RTP Sch SCITT SDP SMT TA TESL TTA

Association of Blind and Partially Sighted Teachers and Students Advanced Skills Teacher The British Association of Teachers of the Deaf School cases Continuing Professional Development Commission for Racial Equality Department for Education and Skills Disability Rights Commission Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant Equality of Opportunity Equal Opportunities Commission Government Office Region Graduate and Registered Teacher Programme General Teaching Council (Scotland) General Teaching Council for England Graduate Teacher Programme Higher Education Higher Education Institution Investors in People In-service Education for Teachers Initial Teacher Training Local Education Authority Learning Support Assistant National College for School Leadership National Professional Qualification for Headship Newly Qualified Teacher Postgraduate Certificate in Education Performance Management Registered Teacher Programme School School Centred Initial Teacher Training School Development Plan Senior Management Team Teaching Assistant Teaching English as a second language Teacher Training Agency

v

Acknowledgements The researchers are very appreciative of the help given to this study by all the teachers, LEAs, key informants and members of the steering group who contributed information, their ideas and opinions. We have treated respondents’/informants’ views carefully, respecting our promise to maintain anonymity. On occasion this has meant omitting some possibly identifying details of schools or individuals.

The Research Team: SCRE

University of Middlesex

Janet Powney Valerie Wilson Stuart Hall Julia Davidson Susan Kirk Sheila Edward Moira Ross (Programme Secretary) Heidi Safia Mirza

vi

Executive Summary Introduction This report presents results from a 12-month study of teachers’ career progression. The study explored the views of teachers, headteachers, LEA representatives and others about the ways in which age, disability, ethnicity, gender and to a limited extent sexual orientation impact on teachers’ careers. Information was gathered from 2158 teachers drawn from a sample of 62 LEAs in England and 18 case study schools. The research was funded by the Department for Education and Skills (DfES), and undertaken by the Scottish Council for Research in Education Centre (SCRE), Glasgow University, between January 2002 and April 2003.

Key findings •

Teachers’ motives for entering teaching are diverse and appear to be more related to personal circumstances and ambition than age, disability, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation

•

Few teachers in the study have a developed concept of a ‘career’ but many reported that they were attracted to teaching because it offered them the potential of job satisfaction Teachers’ career choices appear to be influenced by their experiences in the profession and by local and government policies at the time of making decisions. These are perceived to be more important than age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. Many white male teachers thought that teachers are promoted according to their experience and ability. In contrast, female teachers, teachers with disabilities and teachers from minority ethnic groups are more likely to think that age, disability, ethnicity or gender has affected their career progression. Most respondents with disabilities reported experiencing difficulties both in entering and in making progress in the profession. Members of minority ethnic groups were more likely to seek promotion than other groups of teachers. Many also believed that they have not received promotion commensurate with their qualifications and experience. Respondents perceived their age as either an advantage or a disadvantage depending on the stage they had reached in their careers: older teachers believed that appointment panels may prefer ‘younger, more energetic’ applicants, and younger women from minority ethnic groups believed that they may be advantaged in certain circumstances.

•

•

• •

•

•

22% of respondents regarded sexual orientation to be of some importance in promotion prospects. However, none of the case study informants believed that their careers had been adversely affected by their sexual orientation.

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Teachers’ Careers: The impact of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation

•

• •

•

•

Some groups of teachers, ie part-time and supply staff reported experiencing problems accessing continuing professional development (CPD) and promotion. These groups are predominantly female. Family circumstances, rather than gender per se, appears to be associated with the career progression of female teachers. Although most teachers surveyed were satisfied with their careers, 54% had thought about leaving the profession during the past year. However, few teachers reported having access to careers advice and many respondents admitted that they knew little about alternative careers Teachers identified a variety of factors, which have helped them in their careers. These include receiving appropriate information, positive school ethos, supportive headteachers, enthusiastic and understanding colleagues, and adequate equipment or adaptations. Respondents suggested a number of ways in which equality of opportunities for teachers’ careers could be improved. These include: knowledge of equal opportunities – particularly amongst headteachers, governors and appointment panels, more careers information, flexible employment contracts and working arrangements, access to CPD, a reduction in paperwork generally, recognition of teachers’ skills and knowledge, positive feedback, and more adaptations and support workers within the classroom for teachers with disabilities.

The context An analysis of published statistical information (DfES, 2003a; GTCE, 2002) and previous research indicates that members of the teaching profession are differentiated by their age, gender and ethnicity. Women predominate: they form 69% of the teachers in the maintained sector, compared to 31% males. Men under 30 make up just over 4% of full-time staff in maintained nursery, primary and secondary schools (DfES, 2003a). The majority of these younger males are in the secondary sector. Women are under-represented in management positions. This is particularly true in the secondary sector where only 31% of secondary heads are female (DfES, 2003a). However, young women below 35 who are deputy heads in secondary schools are more likely to earn more than males in a similar post (DfES, 2003a). The number of female Asian teachers is increasing in the primary sector (McCreith & Ross, 2002). Research suggests that very experienced white teachers with 15 years or more teaching experience have about a one in five chance of being a headteacher, whereas the proportion is significantly less for black and Asian teachers (McCreith & Ross, 2002). The estimates of the number of teachers with disabilities in the profession vary from 0.05% (GTCE, 2002) to 1% (NUT, 2001b).

viii

Executive Summary

Findings from the study Entry into the profession Teachers selected their routes to Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) on the basis of it being the main or only route at the time. Six per cent (6%) of survey respondents (especially teachers from minority ethnic groups) and 40% of lone parent teachers chose a route that fitted their family circumstances. More recent entrants have a wide range of possible routes into teaching. Teachers qualifying in black Commonwealth countries reported more difficulty in gaining QTS than those from the rest of Europe and white Commonwealth countries. All teachers’ career choices are heavily influenced by their parental status, by contemporary teacher supply and policies, and by housing and other costs of living. From the survey minority ethnic teachers are most likely to work in secondary schools whereas part-time teachers are predominantly women who work in primary and special schools. Forty-four per cent (44%) of minority ethnic teachers in the sample are under 35 compared to 28% of white teachers. A higher proportion of teachers with disabilities than teachers without disabilities in the survey work part-time. Job satisfaction Most teachers are satisfied with their careers (80% per cent of white female and 75% of white male survey respondents were either fairly or completely satisfied in their job, compared to 69% of minority ethnic females and 70% of minority ethnic males). White teachers report having warmer relationships with their colleagues than teachers with disabilities and those from minority ethnic groups. However, despite these high levels of satisfaction, over half the respondents had contemplated leaving the profession in the previous year for reasons such as heavy workload (74%), too much paper work (68%), stress of teaching (66%), and long working hours (60%). Teachers with disabilities were more likely than other groups to think about leaving the profession (72% of teachers with disabilities compared to 54% of other teachers had considered leaving the profession). Teachers’ career aspirations Minority ethnic male and female teachers of all ages are more motivated than their white counterparts to seek promotion. Seven per cent (7%) of minority ethnic teachers compared to 4% of white teachers indicated that they would seek promotion at all opportunities. Older teachers, part-time, job-share and teachers with disabilities were most likely to indicate that they would struggle with increased responsibility. Many teachers who were interviewed suggested that their career aspirations are tempered by what they see as the desirable home/work balance as well as by their age and their current post. Factors influencing career choice For a number of case study informants, being in the right place at the right time could be a factor in determining opportunities. This may disadvantage some who may lack access to influential networks. Respondents suggested that some

ix


minority ethnic students may not get ITT placements that produce good job opportunities. Case study respondents thought that access to CPD influenced their careers by increasing their motivation for promotion and demonstrating their commitment to the profession. Some minority ethnic informants report being discouraged by their headteachers from developing their careers, and disabled informants find their special needs are often ignored by INSET providers. Family circumstances can take priority when teachers are contemplating changing their jobs. Women of all ages and backgrounds usually take the major responsibility for childcare and their partner’s career tends to take priority. One in twenty survey respondents is a lone parent, with almost all teaching full time. Who gets promoted? From the survey it emerged that gender and ethnicity (defined in this study as members of white or minority ethnic groups including Asian, Black, Chinese, other minority ethnic or mixed groups) are associated with promotion. Significantly more male than female survey respondents hold senior management or promoted posts (62% of secondary school headteachers and 39% of primary schools headteachers are male). In some circumstances being black or black and female is perceived as a possible career advantage. Over half the minority ethnic male and female respondents are classroom teachers compared to 29% and 35% respectively of white males and females, including teachers from white British, Irish and other white groups. Twelve per cent (12%) of white male respondents under the age of 45 are in promoted posts compared to only 5% of minority ethnic teachers. Female teachers’ personal and family lives are associated with their choice to pursue promotion and career development. Female headteachers are significantly less likely than male headteachers to live with a partner or to have children. Thirty-two per cent (32%) of white female headteachers lived alone compared to just 2% of the comparable males. There are few headteachers from minority ethnic groups or with disabilities. Career support received Respondents identified a number of ways in which their careers have been supported. Most interviewees reported that schools have equal opportunities policies, but practices vary. Most interviewees were agreed that the nature of LEA support has changed since management and budgets were devolved to schools. LEAs are perceived to be less proactive in supporting teachers’ careers, but some offer advice, courses and programmes for teachers employed in local schools. Headteachers offer crucial direct career support for teachers by offering encouragement and valuing contributions. Which groups think they are disadvantaged? Various groups reported factors that they believed had disadvantaged their career progression. These included being a mature entrant to teaching, being from a minority ethnic group, having disabilities, and working in a situation

x

Executive Summary

other than a full-time permanent school post (ie part-time, supply, peripatetic and Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant (EMAG) teaching). We believe this research shows that individuals who fall into more than one of these groups may suffer double or multiple disadvantages. The study also found that promotion can mean that headteachers and deputy/assistant headteachers from minority ethnic groups are more likely to feel isolated than their white counterparts. To what extent do teachers believe that age, ethnicity, disability and gender explain career differences? Certain groups of teachers believe that their personal characteristics have disadvantaged them. Older male and female teachers regard their age as a negative career influence. Females and minority ethnic teachers are more likely than white males to believe that their gender has negatively influenced their career. Minority ethnic males and females are more likely than their white counterparts to regard gender as an important factor in teachers’ promotion prospects. Forty-three per cent (43%) of teachers surveyed believe that a disability would negatively influence a teacher’s promotion prospects. Minority ethnic teachers are more likely to view disability as a disadvantage in career prospects. Older minority ethnic teachers are most likely to see ethnicity as a very important factor in promotion prospects, whereas younger white teachers are least likely to indicate this. Continuing inhibitors to career development opportunities seem to be a lack of attention to the needs of teachers with disabilities and those from minority ethnic groups. What career support would teachers like? Schools and LEAs arrange an impressive array of actions to attract and retain staff. Actions are directed at improving teachers’ understanding of possible future roles as well as supporting improved performance in their current work. Teachers welcome these practices and also mentoring, shadowing and child observations. The schools which are most successful in attracting diverse teaching staff can be in disadvantaged or more privileged areas: the key factor appears to be school ethos. Many teachers would also like to see more flexible working practices that support diverse career patterns. There is considerable support for an independent careers advisory service that teachers can consult at different points in their careers.

Implications From the study we identified a number of issues which have important implications for teachers’ careers. To ensure that age, ethnicity, disability and gender do not combine with the circumstances of an individual’s training and school experience to the disadvantage of some groups, we suggest the following: Compliance with legislation by ensuring that all staff and governors are • aware of legislative changes, particularly regarding equality of opportunities. xi


•

• •

•

Mainstreaming of equal opportunities by developing policies that are aware of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation, and recognise the benefits of diversity. This could be evaluated, for example, as part of school inspections by Ofsted. Emulating the existing examples of good practice, such as those identified by informants in this study. Effective monitoring of school development plans, equal opportunities policies and procedures, and evaluation of the implementation of equal opportunities legislation at school level through regular audit by LEAs. Attention to the practical conditions for improvement, including explicit criteria for recruitment and promotion; ensuring that promotion prospects are not damaged by having a ‘flexible career’; opportunities for CPD for those not in full time permanent posts; positive action by encouraging under-represented groups to seek promotion; and evidence-based practices that enable people with disabilities to contribute more to the profession.

xii

1: The Research Project 1.1 Introduction We often think of teaching as a homogenous and neutral career, equitable and open to all who choose to go through the prescribed stages of recruitment, training, and promotion (DfEE, 1998). However it is now being recognised (GTCE/Guardian/Mori, 2003) that those who choose to become teachers are far from homogenous in their make up. Teachers are a diverse professional group, the members of which are differentiated by a number of characteristics. Some attributes, such as gender, ethnic origin and cultural background, are acquired at birth. Others, for example age, marital status, family circumstances, sexual orientation and location may change throughout a teacher’s career life cycle. There can also be changes in their level of disability and health. Despite these variations, little is known about how age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation affect the professional experience of teachers. In short, this research funded by the Department for Education and Skills (DfES) asks the question “Does who they are, affect where they are, and what they experience as a teacher?” The research was undertaken by the Scottish Council for Research in Education Centre (SCRE) and Middlesex University between January 2002 and April 2003.

1.2 Aims and questions The purpose of this study was to map teachers’ career patterns in England with the aim of investigating the impact of the main variables of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation on teachers’ personal life histories and career profiles. Specifically, the research aimed to identify: • • •

The relations between teachers’ career patterns and their characteristics (age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation) Drivers and barriers that have a significant direct, or indirect, impact on teachers’ careers Ways in which barriers have been addressed at local and national levels.

The intention was to develop a holistic analysis focusing on the significance of the interplay of these variables on personal and institutional aspects of teachers’ careers. Four research questions shaped this analysis: • •

•

What are the composition and characteristics of the current teaching workforce in England? Do age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation offer some explanation for differences in the career profiles of the teachers in the sample? How do factors from the personal profiles of teachers appear to interact with the four main variables?

1


•

Which factors offer the best-fit explanation when explaining differences in career patterns?

Each of these questions is elaborated in this report.

1.3 Design and method 1.3.1 Overview The research comprised a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches, ranging from a large-scale postal survey to in-depth case studies and submissions from interested individuals and groups. An overview of the study is shown in Table 1.1 below. In addition, we also adopted an opportunistic approach, deploying additional methods as potentially informative situations arose during the life of the project. Further details of the methods employed are provided in the Appendices. Table 1.1: Overview of methodology Stage Phase 1 January – April 2002

Methods

• Review of literature • Analysis of available DfES statistical data • Sensitising interviews with key informants through existing networks, eg unions, other minority ethnic group and disability networks, local authority teacher groups Synthesis of the key issues plus interested agencies: TTA, CRE, EOC, DRC, GTC. • Contact LEAs • Devising population estimates of key variables (age, disability, ethnicity, gender) from available statistical information from the DfES Phase 2 • Review of literature April – August 2002 • Pilot postal survey materials • Sampling frame of schools taken from 50 initial and 12 second stage LEAs. See Table 1.2 for summary • 10 questionnaires per school. Distributed to: individuals in a range of posts and wherever possible minority ethnic The main survey of teachers’ and teachers with disabilities attitudes • Top-up survey • Chasing-up questionnaires • Main analysis of postal survey data Phase 3 • Review of literature May – December 2002 • 18 case studies of interesting equal opportunities practice in schools. Each case involved interviews with a Models of equal opportunities in minimum of 5 staff and a governor as well as informal practice conversations and group discussions where possible December 2002 – January 2003 • Draft report submission including feedback and validation of main findings and issues from key informants Reporting and validation September 2003

• Completion of final report and initial dissemination

2

The Research Project

1.3.2 The survey An initial sampling frame was drawn up to generate approximately 11,000 teachers. This included a third of all Local Education Authorities (LEAs), 5 in each Government Office Region (GOR). Within each LEA, and where the total number of schools permitted, we selected 22 maintained schools – 10 secondary, 10 primary, and 2 special schools. The sample was not a representative sample but was intended to maximise responses from small groups in order to ensure that all voices were heard and that sufficient responses were received from small groups to make analysis meaningful. Therefore, schools were chosen to give a spread of ethnic diversity as well as a range of sizes, and different urban and rural settings. Following the initial response, an additional 12 LEAs were included in the sample in order to boost the percentage of teachers from minority ethnic backgrounds in particular. In total over 13,000 questionnaires were distributed. (See Table 1.2 below for further details.) Table 1.2: Summary of postal survey sampling frame GORs

LEAs

School types

10

5 LEAS per GOR to represent a range of ethnic diversity: • High • Medium • Low Additional 2 LEAs added

Average 10 maintained primary and secondary and 2 special schools per LEA

10

(5 X 10)+12 62

22 X 62 1,364

Teacher types 10 copies of the questionnaire sent to each school to cover teachers in the following categories (supply teachers were not included): • Range of posts • Male/female • Teachers with disabilities • Minority ethnic teachers Sample per school = 10 teachers 10 X 1,364 13,640

1.3.3 The questionnaire The survey questionnaire was drawn up following a number of sensitising interviews and discussions with union representatives and informants from organisations including the General Teaching Council for England (GTCE), Teacher Training Agency (TTA), Council for Racial Equality (CRE), Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC), Disability Rights Commission (DRC), teachers’ and minority group networks, as well as input from the project advisory group. These discussions helped to clarify the main issues to be addressed in the survey. The final questionnaire sought information on the following: Training, age of entry to teaching, career paths and career breaks • Attitudes towards teaching and ‘career’ • Critical personal factors, family commitments and mobility •

3


• •

Perceptions of informal and formal support in-school and at the national level Personal details including age, disability, ethnicity, and gender.

Sample school headteachers were issued with guidelines which asked them to distribute questionnaires to 10 individuals (where possible) representing a range of posts and grades and prioritising minority ethnic and teachers with disabilities if present. Sealable pre-paid reply envelopes were included in order to provide confidentiality to teachers. A questionnaire summarising the responses is included in Appendix 3. 1.3.4 Case studies All sixty-two LEAs were invited to suggest schools within their area which they regarded as good examples of equal opportunities in practice. From these responses 18 schools (nine primary, seven secondary and two special schools) across nine GORs were selected. In each school the aim was to interview a minimum of five teaching staff and a governor, involving, where at all possible, an overall balance for: age, disability, ethnicity and gender. Across the case studies we sought some representation from the following groups: • • • • • • •

Headteacher or deputy, or teacher responsible for staff development Representative from the school governing body Part-time teacher Newly qualified teacher Main professional grade teacher Teacher in post of responsibility Others according to the nature of the school, eg support teachers, learning mentors, teaching assistants with aspirations to become qualified teachers, peripatetic or supply teachers.

In total, 109 teaching staff and 14 governors took part in interviews. Appendix 5 gives summary details of schools and interviewees. Interview summaries were returned to interviewees for confirmation of accuracy and fairness as well as omissions. Interviewees were also invited to add any further comments after this period of reflection. Each school was written up as a case study, focusing on the factors that influence teachers’ careers. (See Appendix 5.) 1.3.5 Other sources of evidence In addition to the two major sources of data described above, the researchers drew on several other sources. Research team members attended a number of workshops/conferences (listed below), where they made presentations about the research, and invited contributions from delegates. Two workshop discussions with minority ethnic teachers • Workshop discussion with teachers with disabilities •

4

The Research Project

• •

Workshop discussion at NUT conference on Girls’ and Boys’ Achievements NUT national conference for minority ethnic teachers.

Fifteen in-depth questionnaires were emailed to teachers from minority ethnic groups who agreed to take part. They were drawn from black and minority ethnic interest group networks; nine were returned. As the number of teachers with disabilities who responded to our main survey was small (only 104 out of 2,158 respondents (5%)), we conducted a ‘top-up’ survey by questionnaire and interview with the help of two voluntary associations. The British Association of Teachers of the Deaf (BATOD) and the Association of Blind and Partially Sighted Teachers (ABAPTAS) kindly circulated questionnaires to their members or put us in touch with members who were prepared to provide information about their particular career routes into teaching. Fourteen teachers with either visual or hearing impairments responded. Informants chose to respond in a variety of ways: nine completed questionnaires (two of which were extensively annotated), three gave telephone interviews, and one made a written submission. A breakdown of these informants’ characteristics is presented in Appendix 6. Eleven informants made comments via the website. The website itself received just under 2,000 page requests (hits) over the course of the project.

1.4 The report 1.4.1 The nature of the information The report is based mainly on informants’ opinions. Throughout, we have indicated the source of the opinion (i.e. survey, case study, interview), and the range and weight of opinion, sometimes numerically, but also through terms as follows: ‘a few’ ‘some’ ‘several’ ‘most’ ‘nearly all’

= = = =

one or two more than one or two, but fewer than half more than half three-quarters or more.

With respect to survey findings, where differences between groups are reported these should be read as statistically significant at the 1% level unless otherwise stated. This level indicates that it is unlikely that differences of the magnitude found in these cases would originate by chance alone. Specifically, the likelihood that such differences would occur by chance is less than one in a hundred instances. 1.4.2 Confidentiality We have done our best to maintain the anonymity of the LEAs, schools and individuals who generously participated in this study.

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1.4.3 The structure of the report This final report is designed to be as concise and readable as possible. In order to give a clear overview of a long complex project, we have adopted the following convention: • • • • •

Each chapter addresses a separate research question. The research question and summary of the associated research findings are displayed at the beginning of each chapter. Findings are based upon the opinions of informants/respondents. Researchers’ opinions, comments and recommendations are reserved for the final chapter. Further details of the methodology, literature review and contributors to the research are presented in the Appendices.

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2: Profile of the Teaching Profession Summary What is the profile of the teaching profession in England? •

69% of the teaching profession is female and the majority (54%) of secondary teachers are women. However, women are under-represented in management positions and only 31% of secondary school headteachers are female (DfES, 2003a)

•

Men under 30 make up just over 4% of the full-time teaching force in maintained schools (DfES, 2003a; Hutchings, 2001). The majority of younger males are in the secondary sector.

•

Young women below 35, who are deputy heads in secondary schools, are more likely to earn more than male deputy headteachers (DfES, 2003a).

•

Over the past ten years the number of female Asian teachers has been increasing in the primary sector (McCreith & Ross, 2002).

•

Very experienced white teachers (with 15 or more years experience) have about a 20% chance of being a headteacher, whereas the proportion is significantly less for black and Asian teachers (McCreith & Ross, 2002).

How does the profile compare with that of students in their final year of initial teacher training? •

In 2000, less than one third (28%) of PGCE completers were men, and for the BEd courses the proportion was only 17% (DfES, 2003a).

•

The school-based routes are predominantly taken by women (79% of trainees are female) and these routes are popular with all age groups (DfES, 2002a1). 81% of women taking the schoolbased routes are under 45.

•

Minority ethnic groups are under-represented in teacher training compared to the percentage of minority ethnic students in the rest of the HE sector (Ross, 2001a).

How does the profile of the teaching profession compare with that in some other large public sector organisations, and with what might be expected from the overall population in England? •

51% of Executive Officers in the Civil Service are women (National Statistics, 2001).

•

38% of health service medical staff are from minority ethnic groups (DoH, 2002).

•

It is estimated that 20% of the working population has some disability, a higher proportion than in the teaching profession (National Statistics, 2002b).

•

Nearly half of the minority ethnic population of the UK lives in London, which also has the highest level of teacher vacancies (DfES, 2003a).

2.1 Introduction There is a lot of published information about the composition of the teaching profession in England, but less is known about how age, disability, ethnicity and gender interact. This chapter highlights what can be gleaned about the interplay of these factors from an analysis of secondary sources. These include data from the General Teaching Council for England’s Annual Register, which

1

Information on school-based routes into teaching was not broken down by gender in 2003, so 2002 figures are used.

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was produced in December 2002, and the National Statistics Volume, Statistics in Education: School Workforce in England (DfES, 2003a). 2.1.1

Data on ethnicity

Providing a breakdown of the teaching profession by ethnic origin is problematic. As others (Carrington, 2001; DoH, 2002) have pointed out, people do not always classify their ethnicity in a consistent and reliable way. The GTCE Register (2002), which includes 532,840 teachers, states that information on ethnicity will be included in later years but is presently unavailable. In a survey of 22 LEAs (18 in London, 2 in the North West, and 2 in the South East) McCreith et al (2001) found that the proportion of ethnic minority teachers was 8.9%, but as this sample included areas with high ethnic populations, the figures cannot be extrapolated to the rest of England. Nevertheless, the TTA target (Ross, 2001a) for the proportion of minority ethnic teachers to enter ITT by 2005–6 is 9%. Statistics on teacher ethnicity has recently been published by the DfES (DfES, 2003b). 2.1.2

Data on disability

The 1995 Disability Discrimination Act’s definition of disability includes both physical and mental conditions, which have a substantial long-term impact. There has been little substantive research undertaken on teachers with disabilities working in special and mainstream schools (NUT, 2001b). Based upon declarations made by teachers registering in 2002, the GTCE estimates that 0.05% would classify themselves as having a disability with a substantial and long-term effect on their ability to carry out normal day-to-day activities (under Section 1(1) of the Disability Discrimination Act, 1995). In contrast, the estimate from the NUT is substantially higher at 1% (NUT Disability Working Group, 2001).

2.2 Trends in characteristics of the teaching population in England 2.2.1 Overall picture The overall number of teachers in the maintained sector has risen by about 1.7% since 2001. However, the distribution of teachers’ ages is not uniform. The majority of teachers (59%) are middle-aged, ie 40 or over, with only one in five (19%) under 30. There is also considerable age variation across the sectors with 22% of primary, 17% of secondary, and 6% of special school teachers under 30 (DfES, 2003a). Vacancy rates For 2002 the national vacancy rate was about 1.2%, which is down slightly on the previous year (DfES, 2003a). However, small differences in LEA recording methods can make large differences in national results. There is also geographical variation in vacancy rates with the highest number of vacancies recorded in London, the East and the South East of the country.

8

Profile of the Teaching Profession

In 2002, a reduction from the previous year’s vacancies occurred in Inner London. Howson (2002a) suggests that some headteachers were using unqualified teachers and overseas-trained teachers (OTT) to fill vacancies. The number of unqualified teachers employed in England, who are not currently doing on-the-job teacher training, is about 8000. There is also variation in vacancy rates across phase. In terms of promoted positions, the vacancy rate for deputies is double that for headteachers in primary and nursery schools (DfES, 2003a). Vacancy rates for class teachers are higher in the secondary sector (1.4%) than in primary and nursery schools (1.1%). However, special schools have the highest vacancy rate of 2.3% (DfES, 2002b). Mansell and Bloom (2002) point out that the total number of teachers in post in England is increasing at the fastest rate since 1982. 2.2.2

Age and gender

Do male primary school teachers comprise an endangered species? The annual figures published by the DfES (2003a) indicate that only 31% of full-time qualified teachers in the maintained sector are male. Furthermore, men are much more likely to be found in secondary schools. While 46% of secondary teachers are male, only 32% of special school teachers and 16% of primary teachers are male (DfES, 2003a). In addition, the overall majority of teachers (58%) are aged between 40 and 59, and in 2001 just over 4% of the full-time qualified teaching force in maintained nursery, primary and secondary schools was composed of males under 30. A breakdown by gender and age is shown in Figure 2.1 below. The proportion of men entering primary teaching has declined to less than 14% over the last decade and most teach in the upper stages of the primary school (Garner, 2002). However, according to Garner, there may be some cause for optimism, with an increase of 39% among males (a total of 453) applying for primary teacher training in 2002 (Garner, 2002). Figure 2.1: Percentage of full-time regular qualified teachers in the maintained sector (nursery, primary, secondary and special) by age and gender (Source: DfES, 2003a) 16

Males Females

14

Percentage

12 10 8 6 4 2 0 Under 25

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

9

AGE

45-49

50-54

55-59

60+


Is there a preponderance of males in specific subject areas? There is a higher proportion of men teaching mathematics in secondary schools than occurs in any other subject. They are also more likely than females to be primary mathematics co-ordinators (Hutchings, 2001). Male mathematics teachers tend to be relatively older, thus mirroring the overall age profile of male teachers, which is predominantly over 40. Hutchings (2001) predicts that this gender pattern will disappear eventually. Other shortage subjects in secondary schools where male teachers tend to predominate are Design & Technology and science (DfES, 2003a). Are female staff ever ahead on the career ladder? In 2001 females were more likely to be employed in headship positions in primary and special schools than were males (Howson, 2000c). In primary, secondary and special schools the proportion of female deputy heads was 75%, 38% and 60% respectively. However, women make up approximately half the secondary teaching population and are still under-represented in secondary school senior management positions, particularly headships (Howson, 2000c). Howson reports that men were also more likely to be appointed to headships in larger primaries (Howson, 2002c). However, he points out that women were especially well represented in London, taking 80% of 55 recently surveyed primary headships. The NUT (2001) suggests that the maintenance of an appropriate work-life balance is important for some women who might be willing to take promotion if they could have more flexible work arrangements. Recent statistics published by the DfES (2003a) show that, in all sectors, the proportion of women in headteacher and deputy headteacher positions has increased. Teachers’ pay: is there still a gender pay gap? Only 2% of teachers out of 70,000 recently surveyed by the GTCE (2003) said that they were in teaching for the financial rewards. Personal satisfaction is often cited as the main reason good teachers remain in the profession. Even so, about 6% of the surveyed teachers reported that they intended to leave the profession for another job outside education (GTCE, 2003). In maintained schools in England and Wales, older male teachers (aged 40 or more) in full-time regular employment at March 2001 have a higher average salary than their female counterparts in all sectors (DfES, 2003a). However, it should be noted that overall in the nursery and primary sectors substantially more women earned more than men. Younger females (under 35) have higher average salaries than males of a similar age at classroom level in nursery and primary schools. Also, a young female secondary deputy head (under 35) is more likely on average to have a higher salary than her similarly-aged male counterparts (DfES, 2003a). Are more teachers working part-time? The vast majority of part-time teachers are women who return to work after maternity leave (NUT, 2001a). The overall number of part-timers has steadily

10


increased from 1985 to 2001, during which time it has doubled from 4% to 8%. Part timers account for 9% of primary, 7% of secondary and 12% of special school teachers. Are supply staff typically older females? Seventy-three per cent (73%) of supply staff are female, and 52% are at least 45 years old (GTCE, 2002). Thus, the current picture of the average supply teacher is an older female. The proportion of females (73%) is the same for supply and teachers in service. However, only 50% of teachers in service are 45 or older. Hence, supply staff tend to be slightly older than other female teachers. 2.2.3 Ethnicity, age and gender Where are the highest concentrations of minority ethnic teachers? The concentration of minority ethnic teachers is highest in Inner London and lowest in the North West (Ross, 2001a). Teachers of Asian origin are generally more widely distributed throughout the whole country than those who described themselves as black. Ross (2001a) found that black teachers were found predominantly in Inner London. Over the past ten years the number of female Asian teachers has increased in the primary sector (McCreith and Ross, 2002). Minority ethnic staff are more likely to be found working in the secondary sector than in primary or special schools (Ross, 2001a). The DfES has recently published statistics on teacher ethnicity (DfES, 2003b). Are there more minority ethnic males in specific secondary school subjects? Males from minority ethnic groups tend to be working mainly in secondary schools and in shortage subjects, such as mathematics, science and information technology (Ross, 2001a). As alluded to above, these areas are traditionally more likely to be the domain of males. Minority ethnic teachers also often utilise their special background knowledge, which relates directly to the school community, to gain employment in areas such as Religious Education and the Bilingual Support Service (eg Osler, 1997a). However, as Revell (2003) argues, these are not paths traditionally seen as leading to senior management positions and headships. Are there many minority ethnic teachers in promoted positions? In 1993 Siraj-Blatchford indicated that where black teachers were employed they were generally on lower salaries and older than their white colleagues at the same level. The mean age for black male teachers was 36, and this was viewed as an impediment to their promotion (eg Carrington et al, 2001). Twenty per cent (20%) of very experienced white teachers (15 years or more) recently surveyed were either headteachers or deputies; whereas the corresponding proportion was still significantly lower for black and Asian teachers (McCreith and Ross, 2002). There was little evidence that the situation is about to change dramatically, as the National College for School Leadership (NCSL) reported only very small numbers of minority ethnic teachers on its courses (Revell, 2003). In addition, there are wide variations in the proportions 11


of minority ethnic candidates attracted by the ninety teacher training providers. Carrington (2001) found that only sixteen providers had above average uptake by students from ethnic minority backgrounds. 2.2.4 Disability, age and gender Early retirement? In 1997 before the pension rules were changed, approximately 12,000 teachers retired early. In 2001 only 550 teachers opted to take the Government Step Down scheme to enable them to drop back to a classroom role (Revell, 2002a). The number of teachers actually retiring early is gradually increasing again, and in 2002 it was about 4500. However, teacher retirements on the grounds of ill health are the lowest for fifteen years (Howson, 2002b). Although more women than men take ill-health retirement, once the proportion is adjusted for the higher number of women in the teaching force, proportionately more men take early retirement on health grounds (DfES, 2003a).

2.3 Trends in the profile of students in their final year of initial teacher training Students with diverse work/life balances choose different routes into teaching. Other researchers point out that the priorities for minority ethnic students may depend on various key factors related to their family background, personal and socio-economic circumstances (Mirza and Sheridan, 2003). For instance, black Caribbean women are three times more likely to be lone parents than any other group. This section focuses on the makeup of final year teachers in training in terms of interactions between age, disability, ethnicity and gender. 2.3.1 Age and gender PGCE compared with BEd route Of nearly 22,000 completers in service in March 2000, more than twice as many had a PGCE than had a BEd (DfES, 2003a). Nearly half (48%) of the PGCE completers were in secondary schools; and of these one third (33%) were men. Of the BEd completers only 17% were male. Overall the proportion of male completers from both courses, who were working in primary schools, was 16%. Thus the TTA had met its target of 15% male recruitment to primary teacher training overall by 2002. The actual percentage has increased slightly from 12% of recruits in 2000 to 13% in 2001 (Hutchings, 2001). However the recruitment of males to secondary teacher training has slumped from 43% to 36% in the last five years (Garner, 2002). School based routes The age-gender profile of the 470 teachers who had completed school-based training routes in March 2000 (including the GRTP and SCITT) is predominantly female: 77% are women. There is a range of ages represented but most of the women (81%) are below 45 years of age, compared to 71% of men. In 2002 the number of unqualified teachers involved in on-the-job training had increased to about 3,300 (Mansell and Bloom, 2002). 12


2.3.2 Ethnicity and age In general, students from minority ethnic groups are over-represented in higher education compared to their percentage in the population. They make up about 13% of undergraduates (DfEE, 1999). Only 776 entrants to PGCE identified themselves as being from a minority ethnic group on the Graduate Teacher Training Register (GTTR) (Carrington et al, 2001). This represents about 6% of PGCE completers. In addition, in 2000 the proportion of minority ethnic teacher trainees going into primary education was 6%, and for secondary schools the corresponding percentage was slightly higher at 8%. The evidence suggests that not only is the relative representation of students from minority ethnic groups higher in other areas of HE than for minority ethnic students in teacher training but those students have higher entrance qualifications than those who enter teacher training (Osler, 1997a and 2001; Ross, 2001a; Berliner, 2002). Minority ethnic candidates who complete their training are on average one year older than their white counterparts (McCreith and Ross, 2002).

2.4 Some employment issues in teaching, the health service and the civil service The teaching profession, with well over 400,000 employees, comprises approximately a third of all public sector employees (Bowers, 2001). Below, by way of comparison, we have identified some employment issues in three organisations: the teaching profession, the health service and the civil service. These were chosen because they are all large public sector organisations which employ numerous graduates. 2.4.1 Age, gender, disability and ethnicity Are there more younger female minority ethnic medical staff? Health Service medical staff number about 73,850 (DoH, 2002). Women represent about 33% of hospital doctors, similar to the 31% of females in secondary school management positions (see previous section). The proportion of female hospital medical consultants has increased from 16% in 1999 to 23% in 2001, and this upward trend is expected to continue. About 38% of hospital medical staff come from minority ethnic communities (DoH, 2002). This proportion is almost certainly a lot higher than in teaching. However, other researchers suggest that minority ethnic nurses tend to be given the least desirable shifts and consequently few reach management positions (Mirza and Sheridan, 2003). They report that the demand for more qualifications in the last ten years may have been detrimental to black nurses who would otherwise be willing to take on management positions. Are there more minority ethnic males with disabilities in the Civil Service? Female civil servants in non-industrial Executive Officer (EO) posts became the majority in 2001 (51%). The proportion of EOs from minority ethnic groups is increasing but is still only 6%, which is lower than is estimated in teaching. 13


However, EOs with disabilities represent about 4%, which is higher than the estimates available for teachers. It is interesting to note that males with disabilities are likely to earn more than their female counterparts in the EO and senior grades of the Civil Service (National Statistics, 2001). If you are overseas trained is it easier to enter other professions than teaching? We found no published evidence to show that it is more difficult for overseas qualified teachers to register in Britain than it is for members of any other profession. However, one profession has clearer criteria for accrediting overseas applicants for the right to practice their profession in the UK. The General Medical Council require reassurance on four counts: qualifications, good character, language and physical and mental fitness to practice. The EU Member States do have reciprocal rights to recognise teaching qualifications, but outside the EU different arrangements apply and the tendency has been to have recruitment drives in white Commonwealth countries. Are the numbers of people with disabilities in the population currently reflected in the population of teachers? Nearly 20% of the adult population of working age reports that they have a long-term disability, though this may not necessarily be work limiting (National Statistics, 2002b). The number is higher for men than women (3.7 million men, compared to 3.4 million women). The proportion of students with disabilities in higher education overall was about 5% (HESA, 2002). The NUT (2001) estimate that 1% of teachers have a disability, whereas the GTCE (personal communication) put the figure of teachers with disabilities much lower at 0.05%. On either of these estimates it would seem that teaching is not representative of the overall working population in terms of disability. The discrepancy may be partly explained by the fact that some occupations, such as teaching, are exempt from some conditions of the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA, 1995).

2.5 Summary In this chapter we draw upon previously published statistics and research studies to provide a profile of the teaching profession in England. Despite the difficulties encountered regarding the classification of teachers’ ethnicity and disability, the overall picture to emerge is one of a differentiated and ageing profession. The vast majority of teachers are female, but women are underrepresented in senior position, especially in secondary schools. Younger men and members of minority ethnic groups are not being attracted into teacher training proportionate to their percentage in the total population. Information about the proportion of teachers with disabilities is particularly unreliable, but seems to compare unfavourably with the Civil Service. Finally, the National Health Service is able to attract a higher proportion of members of minority ethnic groups than is teaching.

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3: Characteristics of Teachers in the Study Summary What are the characteristics of teachers in our survey? •

Significantly more male than female survey respondents hold senior management or promoted posts. Over half the minority ethnic male and female respondents are classroom teachers compared with 29% and 35% respectively of white males and females. Twelve per cent (12%) of white male respondents under the age of 45 are in promoted posts, compared with 5% of minority ethnic teachers.

•

Minority ethnic teachers in the survey are most likely to work in secondary schools.

•

Part-time teachers in the survey are predominantly women who work in primary and special schools.

•

Among respondents a higher proportion of teachers with disabilities than teachers without disabilities work part-time.

•

Forty-four per cent (44%) of minority ethnic teachers are under 35, compared to 28% of white teachers.

•

Many respondents, particularly females, give priority to family circumstances when contemplating changing their jobs.

Who wants to leave the profession? •

Fifty-four per cent (54%) of respondents had contemplated leaving the profession in the previous year for reasons such as heavy workload (74%), too much paper work (68%), stress of teaching (66%), and long working hours (60%).

•

Reasons for wanting to leave teaching vary by age, ethnicity and gender of respondents. Men are more likely than women to want to leave for higher pay and more opportunities. Minority ethnic staff are more likely to suggest leaving the profession because of poor pupil discipline, perceived discrimination and their belief that their contributions are undervalued.

•

Survey respondents with disabilities were more likely to have considered leaving the profession: 72% of teachers with disabilities, compared to 54% of other teachers. Interview evidence suggests this is largely because of the stress incurred by trying to cope with their disability in the face of what they perceived to be a lack of awareness of colleagues and insufficient adaptation of their teaching circumstances.

Who has access to CPD? •

Qualitative evidence suggests that teachers with children to care for after school, part-time staff, supply teachers and those not directly employed by a school may miss out on CPD opportunities.

•

Some minority ethnic informants report being discouraged by their headteachers from developing their careers.

•

Disabled informants think that their special needs are often ignored by INSET providers.

How do teachers identify themselves? •

Individuals identify themselves as ‘teachers’ rather than primarily in terms of their gender, disability, ethnicity and age.

What are teachers’ concepts of a career? •

‘Success’ in career terms is a shifting personal concept changing with age, experience, family and personal commitments of teachers.

•

Teachers expect their job to be interesting, demanding, creative and rewarding.

•

Survey respondents most frequently suggested that a reduction in workload would make the greatest improvements to their job satisfaction.

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This chapter presents the characteristics of teachers who responded to our survey. (Further details of respondents to the survey are presented in Appendix 2, and an overview of interviewees is in Appendix 3a). It explores the ways in which their age, disability, ethnicity and gender compare with their professional profiles, their access to CPD, their concept of a career and any desire to leave the profession.

3.1 How do personal profiles compare with professional profiles? 3.1.1 Present post Just over one third of survey respondents identified themselves as classroom teachers, 25% as co-ordinators, 15% as heads of departments, 11% as headteachers, and 10% as assistant or deputy heads. Less than 1% identified themselves as Advanced Skills Teachers. In the case of teachers who indicated more than one position, we classified them against their most senior post. So, although only about a third of teachers were categorised as classroom teachers it is likely that many of the others, including some headteachers, also have teaching commitments. 3.1.2 Age Secondary school respondents were on average younger than their colleagues in primary and special schools. Fifty-six per cent (56%) of secondary teachers were under 45, while 50% and 47% of primary and special school teachers respectively were under this age. Older teachers (45+) were more likely to work part-time (9%) than their younger (44 and under) colleagues (6%). 3.1.3 Age x ethnicity Minority ethnic teachers were, on average, younger than their white colleagues. For example, 28% of white respondents were under 35 compared to 44% of minority ethnic teachers. Further, 50% of the white teachers were 45 or older compared to 24% of minority ethnic teachers. 3.1.4 Disability There was little difference in the proportion of teachers with disabilities across the sectors. Four per cent (4%) of teachers in primary and secondary schools identified themselves as disabled, while 3% of teachers in special schools were disabled. More teachers with disabilities worked part-time (17%, compared to 7% of their non-disabled colleagues). 3.1.5 Ethnicity A higher proportion of minority ethnic teachers worked in the secondary sector: 21% of responding secondary teachers identified themselves as minority ethnic, compared to 3% of teachers in special schools and 2% of primary teachers. There was no difference in the proportions of white and minority ethnic teachers working part-time.

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Characteristics of Teachers in the Study

3.1.6 Gender Overall, responses mirrored the gender patterns of employment in teaching, with more females in all sectors and greater proportions of females working in primary and special schools. Eighty-seven per cent (87%) of primary school responses were from females, compared to 76% and 58% from special and secondary schools respectively. Female teachers were more likely than their male colleagues to work part-time. Ten per cent (10%) of female teachers worked part-time compared to just 2% of male teachers. Part-time teachers were more likely to work in special schools and primary schools than in secondary schools. There was no difference in the proportion of part-time teachers by age. 3.1.7 Length of time in current post Almost two-thirds of staff who responded to our survey had been in their current post for 5 years or less; 28% for between 6 and 15 years; and 9% for more than 16 years. There was very little difference in the distribution of current post length between the teachers from different school sectors. Slightly more males (23%) than females (19%) had been in their current post for over 10 years. More white teachers (22%) than minority ethnic teachers (10%) had been in their post for over 10 years. This is largely explained by the fact that our sample of minority ethnic teachers were younger than the white respondents. 3.1.8 Special responsibilities Just over half of the primary school teachers and 35% of secondary teachers indicated that they were required to carry out some additional responsibilities. Most commonly this involved a curricular or Key Stage responsibility. In the secondary sector 30% had a pastoral/form tutor’s role, and a further 11% in both sectors had responsibility for Special Educational Needs.

3.2 Promoted posts 3.2.1 Gender The majority of survey respondents (61%) thought that gender was of little or no importance in teachers’ promotion prospects compared to 37% who thought it was of some importance or very important. However, the survey also showed that the proportion of male teachers (32%) holding senior management or promoted posts was greater than that for female teachers (18%). In secondary schools the majority of headteacher respondents were men but women predominated as heads of primary and special schools. Nearly three-quarters of the headteachers and deputy/assistants in primaries were female, just over 60% in special schools were, but fewer than 40% were in secondary schools. Moreover males were also more likely to occupy head of department posts (20% of male and 14% of female teachers). Some interviewees pointed out gender differences in relation to posts. For example, both male and female teachers in one case study school perceive that males get quicker promotion than female teachers do in primary schools

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(School 5). Informants in another case study school believe that such expectations seem to arise early in some teachers’ careers – even in training (School 13) and some believe that it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, as women tend not to apply for promotion. This may partly be because the peak time for promotions coincides with the main child bearing and caring years. An informant in School 6 suggested that more part-time management positions should be available in schools so that teachers who were ‘passionate about (their) job’ but also had young and demanding family to care for could fulfil their potential. The impact of gender was elaborated in discussion: A male teacher felt that he was ‘got at’ as it was ‘rumoured that I only got the job because I was a man’. (Male teacher, School 18) A female head was surprised when a male colleague got promotion to be a deputy elsewhere ‘after only 7 years experience – but he was tall, handsome and looked the part’. (School 2) An interviewee in a case study school believed that ‘men expect promotion to happen’. (Female teacher, School 11) A workshop participant thought that teachers ‘expect to have a tall, handsome, male headteacher and would be surprised to find a small Asian female head’. (Female minority ethnic teacher, Gender discussion group)

However, looking at the survey respondents below deputy and headteacher post, we find women are significantly more likely than men (at the 5% level) to report that they are not interested in promotion (29% female, 23% male). 3.2.2 Ethnicity Informants put forward similar reasons to explain the low percentage of minority ethnic staff in promoted posts. One member of the minority ethnic discussion group suggested that: With women and ethnic minorities always finding it difficult to gain promotion, they have low self-esteem. Then when on the job they find that they are just as good if not better than their colleagues who are being promoted, this makes them seek management positions just as anyone else who is competent at their job. (Female minority ethnic teacher, Gender discussion group)

Some informants believed that schools have not been especially pro-active in implementing measures that would attract staff from minority ethnic groups. Even in a very successful and happy school, a member of the senior management team believed that it would not be a ‘comfort zone for teachers from minority ethnic backgrounds’ since the overwhelming proportion of pupils and all teachers are white (School 3). 3.2.3 Ethnicity x age x gender Looking at the survey data by ethnicity and gender (see Figures 3.1 and 3.2) we find that just over a third of white males hold senior management or promoted posts, compared to 20% of white females. In comparison, 9% of minority ethnic males and 5% of minority ethnic females hold such positions. Moreover while 29% and 35% of white male and female survey respondents respectively are classroom teachers, over half of the minority ethnic males and females are at that

18


level (55% and 53%). It should, however, be noted that the white teachers in this sample are, on average, older and have more teaching experience. Figure 3.1: Profile of Senior Management Posts of Survey Respondents by Gender and Ethnicity

Percentage

40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Male

Female Male Female White British

Minority Ethnic

Figure 3.2: Profile of Classroom Teacher Posts of Survey Respondents by Gender and Ethnicity

Male Female

60 40 %

Percentage

50 30

Male

Female

20 10 0 White British

Minority Ethnic

If we include age as a factor we find that among the younger respondents (under 45), 12% of white respondents are in promoted posts (headteacher, assistant headteacher or deputy headteacher), whereas 5% of minority ethnic teachers are promoted. Among older teachers (45 and over) 35% of white teachers are in promoted posts compared to 13% of minority ethnic teachers. In contrast to their actual posts, the majority of survey respondents (76%) believe that ethnicity has had no impact on their own careers, with only 5% reporting some negative impact and 2% a large negative impact. This may be explained by the fact that 87% of respondents were white. However, despite this overwhelming belief that ethnicity has had little impact, 60% of respondents from minority ethnic groups regard ethnicity of some importance in promotion, and 41% believe it has had a negative influence on their careers. Minority ethnic informants elaborated their perceptions as: Ethnicity, I feel has been an issue…I’ve discussed it quite openly with the Head…I don’t want to come across as only suitable to teach in these [culturally diverse] schools. I have had negative feedback in highly populated white schools. (Female minority ethnic teacher, School 7) How trained, how inducted, what professional development…these are not the issues. Racism is the main issue. (Male minority ethnic teacher aged 52 years, ethnic minority group)

19


However these attitudes stand in contrast to those reported by a young male ethnic minority teacher, who explained: I don’t know whether my ethnicity and sex have worked in my advantage because of their under-representation in…. the pool of NQTs. I’d love to be assured that it was who I am and not what I look like…People say to me that they know they have made the right choice. (Young male minority ethnic teacher, School 7)

3.3 Continuing Professional Development 3.3.1 Sponsored schemes Some survey respondents had been involved with DfES sponsored schemes: ‘Development Induction’ (12%), use of the ‘Teachers Standards Framework’ (8%) and ‘Guidance on Producing a Professional Development Record’ (7%) were the most frequently mentioned. On the other hand few had been involved in ‘Early Professional Development’ (1%) and the ‘Sabbatical scheme’ (1%). Regulations of the different schemes determine eligibility. Younger and fulltime teachers and older minority ethnic respondents were more likely to report involvement in ‘Development Induction’, the scheme for NQTs. Twenty per cent (20%) of minority ethnic teachers, compared to 7% of white teachers aged 45+ had taught for 10 years or less. The use of the ‘Teachers Standards Framework’ was more popular among minority ethnic teachers, while ‘Guidance on Producing a Professional Development Record’ was more commonly mentioned by females. Senior management, older teachers and males were most likely to be involved in the ‘Sabbaticals scheme’, which is only open to experienced teachers. 3.3.2 Networking While NQT respondents find LEA courses a useful way to meet peers, older teachers regret the loss of networking possibilities in local authorities that offer few courses. Some teachers from ethnic minorities thought that the withdrawal of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant (EMAG) had diminished opportunities for EMAG teachers to network (School 1). There are instances of young teachers (eg from New Zealand) using other networking strategies, eg Internet, agency support, and colleagues back home in email contact. Teachers with disabilities reported that they felt quite isolated especially if they have become disabled later in life. As one explained: I attended the ABAPSTAS conference and that was the turning point. I found out that I was not alone and that all the people there had been through [isolation]. (Female visually impaired informant)

3.3.3 Who misses out on CPD? Informants suggest that organising INSET activities for after school hours could disadvantage part-timers and teachers with children. Schools usually include part-time staff in Performance Management systems. (One participant in a gender discussion group said that as a part-timer she had never talked with the

20


headteacher). However, informants generally see Performance Management as being primarily concerned with benefits to the school rather than to their individual careers. The CPD available to supply teachers and those employed centrally, such as EMAG teachers, appears to depend very much on the LEA and local teacher supply. Some headteachers in our case study schools put staff development high in their budget priorities and strive to match their staff with appropriate courses and other means of CPD. However, even where there is an entitlement to CPD (as in the case of NQTs) shortage of supply teachers to provide cover may make CPD impossible to implement in schools with many NQTs. Disability Some informants with disabilities report being deterred from pursuing further study or CPD because of their disability. The reasons are not hard to find. Some informants who have a visual impairment estimate that it may take up to four times as long to read as it would if their vision was within the ‘normal’ range. This was particularly felt by the few informants whose sight had become progressively worse during their teaching career. One visually impaired teacher explains how she copes with INSET courses by arriving early and explaining to the tutor the nature of her disability and her requirements. However, there is an obvious tension for some respondents between being accepted as a teacher and drawing attention to their special needs. Ethnicity Some informants believe that ethnicity coupled with gender influences the type of course studied for entry into teaching and the type of school where teachers work. Some Asian teachers wanted to work in female environments (School 1). In addition, informants from minority ethnic communities had mixed feelings about access to CPD. Interviewees, including teachers from minority ethnic groups in the case study schools, did not identify ethnicity as a factor in gaining access to CPD activities. In contrast participants in the minority ethnic discussion group thought ethnicity affected access and choice of CPD, including post-graduate courses, throughout a career. For example, one had attended an ‘Equal access for promotion’ course. Another focused an MSc on race and ethnic relations, which supported the cross-curricular, and policy-making role in her EAL work (Minority Ethnic Group participant). Occasionally heads are perceived as obstructing career development and attendance at non-compulsory courses (School 5). Twenty per cent (20%) of survey respondents indicated that their line manager did not encourage them to undertake future CPD. Feedback from the minority ethnic group of informants indicates that they feel their careers are still disadvantaged despite extensive training and qualifications, and there is a feeling that this can result in their being deemed ‘over-qualified’ by potential employers.

21


One minority ethnic female teacher thought that she was ‘usually more qualified than people on interviewing panels. The outcome is usually a rejection.’

(Minority Ethnic Group informant)

And another minority ethnic teacher believed that her chances of promotion were affected more by her ethnicity than by her skills and experience in teaching. It does not matter how competent you are in all aspects of mainstream and special teaching and management/organisation/leadership skills, as a black professional, you have no chance of progressing. (Male minority ethnic teacher, aged 52 years)

Additional qualifications (beyond initial teaching qualifications) were not systematically explored in the questionnaire survey. Thus, we are unable to investigate further whether minority ethnic teachers in our sample are over qualified for the positions they occupy or to which they aspire.

3.4 To stay or to leave teaching Some older respondents report becoming tired and even disillusioned and concerned about the possible impacts on their health of what they considered to be a tough school (eg School 14). Other older teachers note that they want different things from their work. Teachers wanting to move from a management role back to classroom teaching may need time and support to readjust and consolidate their teaching (eg School 6). Headteachers’ and colleagues’ support can encourage teachers to stay in the profession: a mature teacher attributes her long career in teaching to having initially worked with a ‘superb headteacher who was a visionary for his time and the key reason why I stayed in teaching’ (School 16). A major attraction for school leaders is ‘the need to be continually taking on a challenge’ (eg School 6) and seeking out roles where they ‘can make a difference’. Classroom teachers who might move can see no alternative careers because of public perceptions of the lack of teachers’ generalisable skills – especially if they have taught in a small school. Single parent teachers may be reluctant to risk taking a different career path (eg School 4). 3.4.1 Leaving teaching Not all respondents were positively disposed towards their teaching career and progression. Leaving aside those teachers close to retirement age, just over half of the respondents (54%) had considered leaving the profession during the preceding year. The most common reasons given for such considerations were related to an individual’s immediate working environment, ‘heavy workload’ (74%), ‘too much paperwork’ (68%), ‘stress of teaching’ (66%) and ‘long working hours’ (60%). There were some group differences noted when the data were examined by age, ethnicity, and gender.

22


Thirty-nine per cent (39%) of older respondents, compared to 22% of younger teachers were likely to have considered leaving the profession as a result of the pressure of inspection. This was more common among primary teachers than those in other sectors, and was equally likely to be reported by headteachers as by other grades of teachers. Older teachers, particularly white males and females, had considered leaving the profession for more interesting jobs or because they felt there was too much centralised control of the curriculum. Not surprisingly older teachers were more likely to consider leaving the profession when a good retirement package was on offer. As one explained: We give our lives to our jobs … we are career-minded. I regularly do a sixty hour week: it takes its toll. (White male teacher, School 6)

Age x gender x ethnicity Younger respondents, particularly white, had considered leaving the profession as a result of perceived difficulties with their colleagues (16% of younger white compared to 11% of older white teachers). Males, particularly younger males and those from minority ethnic groups, were more likely to have considered leaving the profession because they regarded the pay to be too low or because they sought better opportunities elsewhere. Young white respondents, particularly females, were more likely than minority ethnic teachers to indicate that the stress of teaching had led them to consider leaving the profession. Among younger teachers, minority ethnic teachers were more likely to have considered leaving the profession as a result of poor pupil discipline. Indeed, males in general were more likely to have considered leaving the profession as a result of this. This is not surprising given that poor pupil discipline was more likely to be a secondary school phenomena (where most male and minority ethnic teachers are employed); just under half of secondary teachers mentioned it, compared to 18% of primary teachers and 19% of those in special schools. Just over 20% of minority ethnic teachers compared to 8% of white respondents considered leaving the profession as a result of feeling prejudiced against. Further, 7% of minority ethnic respondents compared to just 3% of white teachers had considered leaving the profession because they felt their promotion prospects were poor. Moreover, younger minority ethnic teachers, particularly young females, had considered leaving the profession because they did not feel valued. The above survey findings are endorsed by comments from other minority ethnic informants dissatisfied with teaching. If I was allowed during our re-organisation, as I was 50 then and had got to the top of the scale, I would have gone. (Male minority ethnic teacher, aged 52 years)

But this stands in contrast to the comments from a young white teacher in a school where 88% of the pupils have English as an additional language. He perceived that being ‘different’ affected his acceptance in the school. 23


No one speaks to you; no one asks your views. Working in a diverse community is challenging and enjoyable, but I did not expect my way of life to be looked down upon. (Young white male teacher, School 4)

Disability The qualitative evidence from the disability workshop and interviews suggest teaching can be very stressful for those with visual, hearing or mobility impairments. They believe that colleagues underestimate the physical effort required even to negotiate public transport to get to work. The situation appears to be especially traumatic when there is a sudden onset of a disability. Even minor modifications to the classroom and to the school timetable might improve their teaching conditions and willingness to stay in the profession. For the visually impaired, for example, adjustments to the lighting, a permanent room layout (so they can find their way around), and specialised equipment can all make the difference between coping well (School 5) and becoming over-stressed and leaving the profession. Two of our disabled informants report that the efforts required to press for these improvements caused their health to deteriorate and led to them leaving.

3.5 Do individuals identify themselves as ‘teachers’ rather than primarily in terms of gender, disability, ethnicity and age? Respondents pointed out that being made to feel physically different from other staff increased their own awareness of their gender, disability, ethnicity and age. For example, many disabled staff report being asked ‘How will you cope?’ not ‘How can we help you to be a good teacher?’ Some men reported that they liked to work where there are already men on staff, (Schools 4 and 5). Minority ethnic teachers felt more comfortable where they were not identified because of their ‘difference’ and may therefore choose schools which are culturally diverse (eg School 1).

3.6 What concepts of career and ‘successful career’ do teachers hold? 3.6.1 Defining success The school cases suggest that ‘success’ in career terms is a shifting personal concept changing with age, experience and family and personal commitments. Few appeared to have planned their career progression but many expect their job to be interesting, demanding, creative and rewarding. As one teacher explained: I am in my 17th year of teaching and still love it in the classroom. (White male teacher, School 3)

This relates to teachers’ motives in entering teaching, ‘wanting to make a difference’, or trying to replicate the examples of teachers they have admired and who gave them positive experiences in their own schooling. Special school 24


teachers (School 18) were pleased that they would still be supporting the same children in five years time. 3.6.2 Improving career satisfaction Seventy-eight per cent of respondents answered an open question which asked them to suggest changes that would have the greatest impact on improving their career satisfaction. These teachers most frequently suggested (14%) that a reduction in workload was likely to have the greatest impact on their career satisfaction. It was evident from many respondents that they were preoccupied with current difficulties rather than projecting forward and considering what, if anything, would improve their future prospects. However they perceived that a reduction in their workload would allow them to allocate more time and effort to future planning. Only 4% indicated that increased pay would improve their satisfaction, while a further 3% sought changes in their working situation or improved job flexibility. The views of different grades Headteachers in our survey were keen to have less pressure on schools (13% of headteachers, 3% other teachers) and have fewer initiatives (15% of headteachers, 4% of other teachers). On the other hand class teachers were more likely than promoted teachers to identify the importance of more/better CPD (16% of class teachers, 8% of promoted teachers) and increased pay (12% of class teachers, 6% of promoted teachers). Age Younger respondents were more likely than older teachers to suggest that improved career satisfaction would result from more pay (15% of younger teachers, 6% of older teachers), CPD improvements (12% of younger teachers, 6% of older teachers), and fewer new initiatives (8% of younger teachers, 4% of older teachers). Ethnicity White teachers were more likely than their minority ethnic colleagues to seek a reduced workload (42% white, 30% minority ethnic), and fewer new initiatives (6% white, 2% minority ethnic). On the other hand minority ethnic teachers were more likely to seek more/better CPD (16% minority ethnic, 8% white), more equal opportunities (6% minority ethnic, 1% white), and more pay (14% minority ethnic, 10% white). These differences are in part due to the fact that proportionately more white teachers occupy promoted posts. Part-time and full-time teachers Part-time teachers were more likely than their full-time colleagues to request improvements in their working conditions (15% PT, 9% FT), but were less likely to seek an increase in salary (5% PT, 11% FT).

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3.7 Summary From the survey, we see that our respondents vary in terms of the extent to which their age, disability, ethnicity and gender is reflected in the posts they hold, their access to CPD and their concept of a career. Sexual orientation was mentioned by very few respondents. The overarching picture is one in which white male teachers are over-represented in senior management posts, while both white women and male and female members of minority ethnic groups predominate in classroom teaching roles. Respondents also expressed concerns about the accessibility of CPD for all teachers, in particular for those with disabilities and those working part-time or as supply teachers. Finally for most respondents, the concept of a career is intimately associated with their perceptions of job satisfaction, which often relate back to their reasons for entering the teaching profession. In the next chapter we examine how the study’s four main variables relate to teachers’ motivations and aspirations for promotion.

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4: Entry and Aspirations Summary Teachers were asked in the survey and the case studies about the factors that have influenced their decisions at various stages of their careers •

Teachers’ motives for entering teaching are diverse and more to do with personal circumstances and ambition than age, disability, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation, although these variables may affect the age group of pupils chosen.

•

Teachers select their routes to QTS on the basis of it being the main or only route at the time they entered teaching. Six per cent (6%) of survey respondents (especially teachers from minority ethnic groups) and 40% of those who are currently lone parents chose a route that fitted their family circumstances. More recent entrants have a wide range of possible routes into teaching. Some teachers think that teachers who qualify in black Commonwealth countries may experience more difficulty in gaining QTS than those from the rest of Europe and white Commonwealth countries.

•

All teachers’ career choices are heavily influenced by their parental status, by contemporary teacher supply and policies, and by housing and other costs of living. For some, their own parents’ example and/or support have been important.

•

Women of all ages and backgrounds usually take the major responsibility for childcare, and their partner’s career tends to take priority. One in twenty teachers in the survey is a lone parent. Nearly all respondents who are lone parents teach full-time and find it difficult and stressful to manage.

•

Informants generally consider that being white and male is an advantage in a teaching career. In a few circumstances being black or black and female is perceived as a possible career advantage.

•

80% of white female and 75% of white male survey respondents were either fairly or completely satisfied in their jobs, compared to 69% of non-white females and 70% of non-white males.

•

White teachers seem to be more satisfied with their current post and report having warmer relationships with their colleagues than teachers with disabilities and those from minority ethnic teachers groups. Teachers from minority ethnic groups often feel marginalised.

•

Minority ethnic male and female teachers of all ages are more motivated than their white counterparts to seek promotion: 7% of minority ethnic teachers compared to 4% of white teachers indicated that they would seek promotion at all opportunities. Older teachers, part-time, job-share and teachers with disabilities were most likely to indicate that they would struggle with increased responsibility (although qualitative evidence indicates that some teachers with disabilities are willing to take on more responsibility).

•

Teachers’ who were interviewed suggest that their career aspirations are tempered by what they see as the desirable home/work balance as well as by their age and their current post.

•

Career choices are determined by a mix of factors and variables unique to each individual.

This chapter addresses teachers’ personal circumstances and professional motivations. Teachers were asked in the survey, discussion groups and in individual interviews about the factors that have influenced their decisions at various stages of their careers. They provided their different perceptions of aspects of their personal attributes and circumstances, including national priorities and opportunities, that they think affected their choices about entering teaching and their subsequent ‘career’. 27


4.1 Motives for a career in teaching ‘Interest in teaching’ (82%) and ‘working with children’ (64%) were the two most commonly cited reasons in the survey for entering the profession. Only a small minority (6%) indicated that the salary had attracted them, although 27% favoured job security. These survey findings are confirmed by the various interviews in which teachers’ elaborated their reasons for entering the profession. These are presented as a loose typology of motives below. 4.1.1 Long intentioned Some interviewees (all of whom are currently employed in schools) report that they always intended to be teachers – ‘it was in the genes’. Teachers cite the early influence of family and friends who are themselves teachers (School 6, 7, 8). Others mentioned good experiences in their own education or an inspirational teacher (eg who provided exciting extra-curricular activities as in Schools 3 and 9). Even if diverted by personal circumstances (such as having to leave school at a young age) or by uncertainty, these informants felt that they had been ‘predetermined’ to become teachers. 4.1.2 Altruistic Many respondents reported that they entered and remain in the profession to work directly or indirectly to help children and young people to learn (School 4). Interviewees felt they were making a worthwhile contribution to society and gained immense job satisfaction from this aspect of their work. Some are committed to making a positive difference to specific groups of pupils from poorer (Schools 5, 7) or minority ethnic backgrounds and to motivate them in educational attainment and to provide a role model. A minority ethnic new entrant to teaching wanted specifically to support the education of black students, particularly black males (School 14) and a teacher in School 8 wanted to be a positive role model for Asian Muslims. All the teachers in School 18 had chosen teaching in order to work with children with special needs. Included in this ‘altruistic’ group are entrants whose previous experience in associated professions – such as social work (School 11), nursery nursing or youth work (School 4) – stimulated them to become teachers. 4.1.3 Subject passion For some, choice of sector seems to be related to subject interests: passion for a particular subject tends to lead some people into secondary schools (School 3, 17). Others (eg School 2), who prefer to commit themselves to an age group rather than one specialism, opt for primary schools where they can work across the curriculum. 4.1.4 Unintentional Several interviewees admitted that, since they had been uncertain about a future career, and because funding was available, they took a PGCE ‘to be a student for a bit longer’ (eg Schools 15, 16), and found on placement that teaching

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Entry and Aspirations

suited them. Two teachers in each of Schools 11 and 14 could not find an attractive alternative to teaching. For some mature entrants it was a question of escaping less palatable jobs that no longer challenged or interested them (Schools 6, 12, 17), or that were no longer compatible with their changing family commitments: I couldn’t fulfil any commitment as a doctor due to family problems…This prompted me into teaching as I counted to have holidays with kids as I was on my own. (Female minority ethnic teacher in Minority Ethnic Group)

Teachers with disabilities share the above incentives for taking up teaching – working with children, interest in a specialism and not knowing of practical alternative careers. 4.1.5 Family pragmatists Family circumstances were a pivotal factor throughout many teachers’ careers. Some teachers (School 15) valued teaching as ‘the sort of career you can go in and out of at times’. Female interviewees, in particular, foresaw teaching as an excellent career combination with having a family, although in practice it proved stressful for full time teachers with child care responsibilities. Working hours and children’s holidays directly influenced minority ethnic women teachers, particularly minority ethnic lone-female headed families (Minority Ethnic Group). Having a satisfying and part-time post is an ideal situation for some women with young children (eg Schools 2, 3). Changing family circumstances were a major factor in some teachers’ career choices. Having children convinces some parents that they have something to give to other children (eg School 9), but one male informant foresaw difficulties as a future main breadwinner: Primary teaching is often not perceived as a man’s job; male primary teachers are almost second class citizens…

4.1.6 Career changers Mature entrants had diverse backgrounds. Some were women rethinking their careers after a maternity break. One reported being supported in this decision by her own children; in contrast to the attitude of her own mother towards the education of women, her children encouraged her to enter teaching. Other mature entrants had been encouraged by colleagues or friends who thought they would make good teachers. A few (Schools 6, 7) had left previous high-status jobs because they perceived teaching as being challenging, creative and more satisfying. 4.1.7 Changing motivations Some respondents describe how their initial reasons for entering teaching changed during their subsequent career. Many informants indicated that as family responsibilities for caring for children and other relatives change so do career aspirations (Schools 4, 9). Teachers without family responsibilities were able to move jobs or even countries (Schools 4, 14).

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4.2 Becoming a teacher 4.2.1 Routes into teaching Forty per cent (40%) of survey respondents had entered teaching by taking a degree followed by a PGCE (most commonly reported by teachers aged 30–39). A third had undertaken the Certificate in Education (most commonly reported by teachers aged 50–59), while 16% had undertaken a degree leading to Qualified Teacher Status (QTS). Teachers generally indicated that they had selected their route into teaching on the grounds of it being ‘the main or only route’ (particularly the case with older teachers who had completed the Certificate in Education) or because it represented the ‘most appropriate route for prior qualifications’ (most commonly reported by teachers who had completed PGCEs). Six per cent (6%) said that they selected the route because it fitted ‘personal or family circumstances’. This was most likely to be reported by minority ethnic teachers, females and lone parents with forty per cent (40%) of lone parents giving this explanation. More recently, entrants with family responsibilities would be able to qualify through school-based schemes (GTRP and SCITT). Nearly 10% of respondents trained through ‘other routes’ with 3% of all respondents training in Graduate and Registered Teacher Programmes (GTRPs). 4.2.2 Considerations for some potential teachers Although taking up teaching is usually a positive step, there are financial and other disincentives. Informants who came into teaching after successful experience in other careers saw teaching as offering a more interesting, stimulating and worthwhile job (School 7). On the down side they did not feel that their previously acquired skills and experience have always been used as effectively as they would have been in other sectors (eg School 4) nor that account was taken of their age, experience or gender in training (School 9). The perceived relatively low pay across the profession also deters entry and discourages long term commitment to the profession: this seems to be particularly the case in the south of England and other areas with high costs of living and accommodation (eg Schools 4, 10, 14). Some entrants with disabilities perceive their education in special schools as a barrier to getting into teacher training; they argue that disabled children need access to mainstream education – or education at an equivalent standard (Disability group). The few teachers with disabilities who responded to our survey reported that teacher training providers put more emphasis on ‘How are you going to cope’ than on identifying how to meet reasonably the special needs of the applicants (eg Disabled informant 13). 4.2.3 Getting a job Informants mentioned aids to getting the first and/or permanent job: successful school placements, supply teaching, networks of friends (especially teachers) who point out possible jobs, and being in the right place at the right time. These opportunities are to a large extent predetermined by the type and location of ITT

30


courses being followed, which in turn may favour some groups. A few informants from Canada, New Zealand and Australia described how they were offered posts following telephone interviews. Informants report that ethnicity influences both the location of schools that teachers work in and the subjects they teach, to the extent that they believe teachers from minority groups are unlikely to be found in schools with very low ethnic mix. (Schools 2, 9, 12)

A few minority ethnic teachers indicated they opted for schools with a diverse pupil and teacher population (Schools 1, 8 and 12). It was my ethnicity that made me choose to take up my first teaching post in Hackney, rather than the more prestigious post that I was offered in Kensington and Chelsea … (Female minority ethnic teacher aged 42 years, in Minority Ethnic Group)

4.3 What influences teachers’ choices throughout their careers? Informants and survey respondents generally indicated that teacher career choices are influenced by their experiences in the profession and by local and government policies at the time of making decisions. These are perceived as being more important than the variables of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. 4.3.1 Age and external factors Teachers’ careers can be influenced by contemporaneous external factors including the supply and demand for teachers. Mature entrants are more expensive than younger NQTs but some respondents believe that they can still be welcomed in schools with high staff turnover (School 6). Some informants who qualified in the 1980s report changing the age or subject taught in order to get their first post (School 2). In contrast the young staff in School 4 have found it easy to get jobs, and some New Zealanders have been recruited to the school from agencies. The cost of accommodation was an issue raised by both younger and older teachers seeking promotion in a locality with more expensive housing (e.g. Schools 4, 11, 14). Changes in training, CPD opportunities, patterns of employment and inclusion policies can have repercussions on teachers’ choices throughout their career. Special school teachers in School 9 suggested that the policy of mainstreaming children with special educational needs has resulted in problems in recruiting special school teachers, especially young staff: We have no new young ones: we can’t get hold of them. The Special Needs training degree has stopped. Placements are only for a week. Some of the trainees on placement would love to stay longer but the universities encourage them to stay in the mainstream system.

Informants in this school suggested that few young teachers would risk their careers in the uncertain environment of (small) special schools, especially as they believed that coping with the physical and emotional strain of special schools increases with age (School 9). However, School 18, a large special 31


school had low staff turnover which informants attributed in part to the school ethos which is strong in collaboration and flexibility. 4.3.2 Age x gender From the case study evidence age appears to affect men’s and women’s choices differently. There were several examples of male teachers who seemed aware that there were optimum times to get on the career ladder. A member of a secondary SMT (since his mid-30s) had been a successful athletic coach abroad when he was advised to return to the UK if he was interested in gaining promotion. (School 3) A young man already in a primary SMT before he was 30 is now consolidating his position before applying for further promotion. (School 4) A male teacher in a large comprehensive SMT worried that he would be seen as too old if he did not get a headship before his daughter reached the ‘exam years’ of Year 9 onwards. (School 10)

Many mature students regard life experience as more important than age though some believe that schools seldom acknowledge and value this previous experience (Schools 6, 12). Some thought that mature entrants to the profession may be treated as probationers straight from school and college (Schools 1, 2, 4). Some mature female teachers enter teaching through ‘non-traditional’ routes (Schools 8, 14). As one woman from the minority ethnic discussion group explained: Many [mature women] came to university via an access course due to not having the relevant ‘O’ levels or through low self-esteem caused by many years out of the work force. These women worked as volunteers or nonteaching staff in schools to fit around the hours that their children were at school. (Female, Minority Ethnic discussion group)

4.3.3 Disability The number of teachers with disabilities responding to our survey was too low to generalise (104 indicated a disability. The vast majority (74%) of these respondents were female while only 26% were male). Some had been disabled from birth; some had experienced a gradual decline in their health, mobility, vision or hearing before or after taking up their first post. Two had the trauma of sudden loss of vision. Several teachers concealed their disability from pupils or indicated that others (including colleagues) did not seem aware of the effects of their disabilities on a day-to-day basis. Some informants from the two groups with disabilities felt that there was a clear tension between wishing to be integrated in the school and being open and honest about their disabilities. One visually impaired supply teacher described in interview how: Children do not give problems; [my disability] is not obvious to them. I move around the room so that I can see what they are doing…I do proper lessons, discuss them. Get them to read out what they have written as part of their learning/thinking (Female, Visually impaired teacher, informant)

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Sadly pupils are not always helpful. A blind informant said that some pupils deliberately put obstructions in his path when he was a teacher. It was a reason for him to leave the profession. Some informants with disabilities believe that they face a dilemma, whether to restrict their career aspirations and routes into the profession to teaching children with special needs, or whether to aim for a career that encompasses all children. There are examples of both routes within our interview sample. A female teacher with a hearing impairment describes how she had always wanted to be a teacher of the deaf but was turned down by two universities because of her disability. (Female teacher with disabilities, informant)

Restrictions on career choice may begin at the initial teacher training level as the following example illustrates: A young man with a visual impairment, who has since left teaching, describes how he initially enrolled on a BEd but eventually ‘capitulated to the head of BEd who advised me to go on to something else but could not understand my perspective’. (Male teacher with disabilities, informant)

4.3.4 Ethnicity Some minority ethnic teachers reported that their ethnicity was a major factor in their decisions to enter teaching, believing, for example, that it gives subtle insights into young black people’s lives (School 14). In contrast, no white teachers in this study thought that their career opportunities had been influenced by their ethnicity. I was worried that in an area like this (5% pupils from minority ethnic groups and most children above average attainment on entry) parents would not accept me in the same way as they would other teachers. (Minority ethnic teacher, School 16)

Some believe that their ethnicity may have constrained their career decisions. I have struggled not to be seen as the black voice pricking the conscience of liberal white colleagues. (Female minority ethnic teacher, in Minority Ethnic Group)

Another interviewee reported she had found herself ‘not mainstream [in a Section 11 post] you were peripatetic. Your funding was always under threat and it came to me that you can as a black teacher progress to a certain level and then find barriers’. (Minority ethnic teacher, School 1)

Not all survey respondents had undertaken their initial training in the UK. Seventy teachers (out of 2,158 who answered the survey question) completed training abroad most commonly in: North or Central Africa (21%), the European Union (17%), South Africa (17%), Australasia (13%) or India (10%). A few interviewees from black rather than white Commonwealth countries have found LEAs and the DfES have been unclear and unhelpful in ascertaining the status of their qualifications and obtaining jobs. Two in particular report that:

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The routes [into teaching] are rather shrouded in nebulous rules, regulations, ignorance, etc. that frustrate well qualified personnel who have lots to offer. (Female minority ethnic teacher, in Minority Ethnic Group) The LEA was pathetic, ignorant and misleading about overseas qualifications and wasted my time and effort. (Asian Female minority ethnic teacher, School 1)

4.3.5 Ethnicity x gender Informants expressed different views on ethnicity and gender. One thought that ‘being white and male has not been a disadvantage’ (Young male member of SMT, School 4). In contrast a young female white teacher in the same school feels her views are being ignored. Different attributes seem to take priority at different stages of life. As one informant explained: After years of my ethnicity being at the forefront of my approach to my profession and career development, gender issues will become more prominent for me as my interests and aspirations take second place to my need to remain in employment. (Female minority ethnic teacher aged 42 years, Minority Ethnic Group)

A primary deputy head acknowledged possible benefits of some positive discrimination, ‘I am a young woman and black. This might make me more desirable in some institutions’ The case study schools provide some evidence that Muslim women may choose to work in the female environment of primary schools and with young pupils (two teachers in School 1). Such choices are consistent with their religious beliefs and perceived appropriate behaviour within their cultures. 4.3.6 Gender A few male informants referred to primary teaching as a ‘gendered profession’, by which they meant it is dominated by women. The cases show that both male and female teachers expect that men will progress faster in primary schools. A teacher who had progressed from NQT to SMT in four years thought that being male had definitely made a difference given the shortage of men in primary education (School 2). Arguments offered by informants to increase the proportion of men relate to having diverse ‘role models’, especially for children from lone parent families (School 14). Two interviewees also suggested that the shortage of male teachers might in part be due to alleged associations between teaching young children and child abuse (male and female teachers, School 4). There is some indication in the cases that men are more likely than women to plan their careers and are ‘deliberate career strategists’ partly because they have been encouraged to do so by their families. One described how family ambition had encouraged him to seek quick promotion to head of house in three and a half years (School 3). There were few women in the cases who had adopted a deliberate career strategy from a young age although as they got older they were more likely to plan their future professional commitments. One head describes how she was determined to be a head by the time she was 40. To help accomplish this goal she only took the minimum maternity breaks (School 2).

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4.3.7 Gender and parenting Teachers in our survey reported most commonly living with their partners in households with children. A third, more commonly younger teachers, lived only with a partner, while a further 12% reported living alone. One in twenty teachers regarded themselves as lone parents living only with their children. Almost all of these lone parents were female and three-quarters were under 50. In the case of our survey almost all (94%) lone parents worked full-time, slightly higher than the proportion of all teachers working full-time in the survey. Female headteachers are less likely to live with children than male heads are. (See Figure 4.1.) Figure 4.1: Home circumstances of male and female headteachers 70 60

Percentage

50

male female

40 30 20 10 0 alone

with partner with partner and children

with children

other

The survey evidence thus highlights that having children has the greater negative impact on the promotion prospects of women rather than men. The qualitative evidence from each of the school cases underlines the reason for these discrepancies: women continue to take the major responsibility for child care and give priority to their partners’ careers. Contrary to their expectations, single parents did not find teaching compatible with looking after their children. In Schools 11 and 12 teachers considered leaving as they had found teaching incompatible with childcare. Schools’ autonomy to choose teaching and nonteaching days (that differ not only from borough to borough but from school to school (School 13)) and non-flexible timetables (Minority Ethnic Group) create childcare issues for women (School 13). The survey suggested that women with children become headteachers at an older age than those without. Men and women without children report greater flexibility in seeking promotion (School 5). But male interviewees rarely acknowledged that their gender affected their own career choices. Both men and women portray a decision for the female partner to remain at home as the main child carer as a joint, amicable decision. Some female interviewees, but no males, have moved house and job to follow their partners’ careers – often obtaining less gainful employment than their previous post. Some female teachers thought that maternity leave can also affect careers positively by providing a chance to reflect and make choices (School 8).

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However, female teachers may also lose confidence during a career break and experience anxieties about the extent to which support will be given: Only one other person in the Middle/Senior Management Team has a child/ren and (male) members of the Team do sometimes take it for granted that everybody is prepared to overrun. I hope that my more urgent need to leave meetings promptly at the agreed finishing time will not cause problems either. (Minority ethnic teacher, group participant) Evidence from teachers in the case studies illustrates the kinds of career decisions influenced by family circumstances including parenting: • Coping with childcare by having partner working on night shift (School 10) • Working part-time to share childcare (School 2) • Commuting to avoid disrupting family (School 3, 10) • Delaying starting a family until after promotion to Head of Department (School 10) • Deciding not to have children (School 6) • Making a sideways move to be near an ill mother-in-law (School 10) • Giving up work (School 1) • Working in secondary education rather than FE because of greater financial security (School 10) Women in School 10 report that they missed career opportunities through: • Delaying applications for headship because of serious illness in the family. • Not being able to study full time because of having two small children. • Refusing opportunity to become Head of Department because of having young children and husband in training for new career.

4.3.8 Sexual orientation There is little evidence from either the survey or the case studies that teachers think that sexual orientation has had a major impact on their career choice. A teacher who had always been open about being homosexual had found colleagues in his various jobs including the current one, ‘open and honest, respecting people for who they are and what they could contribute’ (School 4).

4.4 Job satisfaction A number of survey questions sought to explore the factors which teachers think contribute to their job satisfaction. Just over three quarters of survey respondents indicated that they were at least fairly satisfied, compared to one in ten respondents who indicated some level of dissatisfaction in their current post. There was little evidence of age or gender differences in relation to job satisfaction, but there were variations in levels of satisfaction with regard to ethnicity and gender. On the whole, white female and male teachers indicated greater satisfaction with their current post than their minority ethnic colleagues. 4.4.1 Disability There was also some survey evidence (although the numbers were small) to suggest that teachers with a disability, particularly males, were more dissatisfied in their current post than teachers without disabilities. Reasons for why this may be the case could not be discerned from the survey but were explored with disabled informants in interviews (see 4.2.3). 36


4.4.2 Relationship of gender and ethnicity to job satisfaction Eighty per cent (80%) of white female teachers and three-quarters of white male teachers were either fairly or completely satisfied, compared to 69% of minority ethnic female and 70% of minority ethnic male teachers. There was no evidence to suggest that differences in job satisfaction between white teachers and minority ethnic teachers could be explained by differences in the groups’ promotion profiles in as much as more white teachers occupied promoted posts. However, there were only six minority ethnic headteachers in our sample, which makes meaningful statistical comparisons difficult. Indeed, while 13% of responses from white teachers were from headteachers, minority ethnic headteachers accounted for only 2% of the total number of minority ethnic teacher responses. This in itself is likely to underline the lack of minority ethnic teachers in senior posts. There was no evidence to suggest that lone parent teachers were more or less satisfied in their current posts than other teachers. 4.4.3 Relationships with colleagues Teachers generally reported in the survey that their relationships with colleagues and line managers were positive and that their school exuded a positive ethos. Ninety per cent (90%) of respondents characterised their relationships with colleagues as predominantly warm, and 80% reported similarly in relation to their line manager. Only one per cent (1%) of respondents indicated that relationships with colleagues were predominately cool. Not unexpectedly teachers who indicated warm and informal relationships with colleagues were also likely to indicate feeling less isolated. Eighty per cent (80%) of teachers reported feeling ‘mainly included’, while only 6% reported experiencing some degree of isolation. Age There was little evidence of age differences in respect of relations with colleagues, although headteachers, assistant, and deputy headteachers reported warmer relationships with their colleagues than other teachers did. There was little evidence of age differences in relation to perceptions of isolation. However there was some evidence to suggest that the experiences of minority ethnic teachers with disabilities and younger teachers were less positive. Reasons for this were not discernible from questionnaire responses. Disability Compared with other colleagues, teachers with disabilities were more likely to classify their relationships with colleagues as cooler and to report feeling isolated. The sample of teachers with disabilities is too small to provide an explanation, but interviews with teachers with disabilities endorsed this finding. For example teachers with disabilities reported that their colleagues did not always recognise the practical disadvantages of a disability – such as taking longer to reach the staff room, problems with carrying materials or (for the visually disabled) taking longer to read text.

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Ethnicity There were some differences in relation to ethnicity. White teachers were more likely to classify relations with colleagues as warm and informal than their minority ethnic counterparts (58% compared to 38%). Classifying colleagues as cold and formal was rare among both white and minority ethnic teachers, but minority ethnic teachers were more likely to classify relationships with colleagues as neutral (16% minority ethnic, 4% white). White teachers were significantly more likely to report feeling ‘very included’ compared to their minority ethnic colleagues (38% white, 21% minority ethnic). Nine per cent (9%) of minority ethnic teachers indicated feeling some level of isolation compared to 5% of their white colleagues. Ethnicity x gender Looking at gender and ethnicity in combination, white females (59%) were most likely to experience warm and informal relationships than other groupings (white males 54%, minority ethnic females 39%, minority ethnic males 36%). Females were more likely than their male colleagues to report feeling very included, while males were more likely to report feeling neither isolated nor included. There was little evidence of gender differences among the most isolated. Ethnicity x gender x post When examined by post, the evidence suggests that headteachers feel more isolated than their colleagues do. However isolation among headteachers is likely to be regarded as a characteristic of the job and, does not correlate with job satisfaction. Indeed headteachers in the survey generally exhibit higher levels of job satisfaction than other teachers do. Given the inverse correlation between relationships and isolation (barring headteachers) it is no surprise to find that when we examine gender and ethnicity in combination the evidence suggests that white females are most likely to feel included. 4.4.4 Ethos Teachers generally gave positive responses to questions regarding the ethos of their school. Almost all respondents felt that their school was, in the main, welcoming and supportive (96%), and informal and friendly (94%). Most indicated that their school was well-organised (86%) and concerned with individual development needs (80%). Three-quarters of respondents indicated that staff were generally included in the decision making process while twothirds felt that strong lines of communication existed between senior management and other staff. However, younger teachers (under 45), teachers with disabilities and minority ethnic teachers tended to be less positive about school ethos than other groups of respondents.

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4.5 Factors affecting the ‘career’ aspirations of teachers 4.5.1 Career facilitators Sixty-two per cent (62%) of males and 47% of females in the survey thought that personal traits were important in facilitating careers, compared to 13% who considered them to be the greatest barrier in their careers. Fewer than 10% saw management (more men than women) and colleagues’ support (more women than men) as facilitators. Six per cent (6%) identified ‘experience’, and a further 6% suggested ‘support of colleagues’. Secondments and career breaks were not regarded as important career facilitators although they could provide a fresh perspective and enhance personal and professional development. Age, ethnicity and gender There were some differences with regards to age, ethnicity and gender. Not surprisingly younger teachers were more likely to regard their age as a career facilitator than older colleagues were. Just over three-quarters of minority ethnic respondents compared to less than two-thirds of white respondents regard their qualifications as a career facilitator. On the other hand white teachers were more ready to identify both management support (53% white, 47% minority ethnic) and the support of colleagues (62% white, 54% minority ethnic) in facilitating their career. More male teachers (62%) than female teachers (47%) indicated that personal traits were important in facilitating careers. 4.5.2 Career barriers Thirteen per cent (13%) of teachers identified personal traits as a barrier, 10% suggested personal circumstances, and 8% indicated that their age had been the most important barrier. Five per cent regarded experience, or more likely the lack of it, as the greatest barrier. A lack of qualifications and/or specific training were least likely to be identified as barriers to career progression. Part-time and lone-parent teachers perceived personal circumstances as a particular career barrier. A quarter of part-time workers regarded their personal circumstances as a career barrier, compared to just 10% of full-time workers. Similarly a quarter of lone parent teachers, compared to 10% of other respondents, regarded their personal circumstances as a career barrier. Age, disability, ethnicity and gender In general, younger teachers were less likely to see any barriers to their career (18% younger teachers, 10% older teachers). Younger teachers were, however, more likely to regard their age as a career barrier than older teachers were. On the other hand, older teachers were more likely to see both personality traits and personal circumstances as career barriers. Having a disability was acknowledged by 16% of teachers with disabilities as a career barrier. White teachers were more likely than minority ethnic respondents to regard personal traits as a career barrier, and males were more likely than females to take this view. On the other hand, females were more likely than males to view personal

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circumstances as a career barrier. This ties in with mothers taking the major role in childcare.

4.6 Making career decisions Teachers identified a range of factors which they regarded as important when making decisions about their career. Once again personal traits – drive, confidence and adaptability – were suggested (11%), while opportunities for advancement, conditions of service, the support of colleagues and personal or family circumstances were also highlighted. 4.6.1 Ethnicity and gender Respondents from minority ethnic groups were more likely than their white colleagues to regard job satisfaction (53% minority ethnic, 43% white ) and conditions of service (33% minority ethnic, 25% white ) as important in making career decisions. They were less likely to identify personal and family circumstances (16% minority ethnic, 24% white), management support (4% minority ethnic, 14% white) and school ethos (10% minority ethnic, 15% white) as significant. 4.6.2 Taking on greater responsibility Just under two-thirds of survey respondents indicated that they felt capable of handling greater responsibility, while a quarter (24%) felt some doubts over their ability to handle more. Six per cent (6%) thought they would struggle with more responsibility, while 3% felt they could not cope at all. These teachers’ posts range from classroom teacher to headteacher and are not just those with greater responsibilities. Age, ethnicity, gender Younger teachers, minority ethnic teachers and male teachers, as well as those working full-time were more likely to indicate they felt capable of handling greater responsibility. On the other hand, older teachers, part-time, job-share and teachers with disabilities were more likely to suggest that they would struggle with increased responsibility. Disability Interviews with teachers with disabilities suggest that willingness to take on increased responsibility depends on the nature and level of disability. Some felt that they were under-used, and that their skills and positive contributions were not recognised as assets in taking on more responsibilities in the school. One commented that: I would like to be valued as a visually impaired teacher instead of being disregarded because of my visual impairment. (Female secondary teacher with disability)

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Another, a head of department, explained how he was: Aware of how important it is to strike a balance between stretching yourself and over-reaching yourself…all the time you have to make decisions about your degree of dependence and independence. (Male secondary teacher with disability, interviewee)

Suddenly becoming disabled is traumatic and likely to erode self-confidence substantially. As one teacher explained: In 1997 I developed a cataract in my seeing eye and that really sent my sanity and confidence into a downward spiral (Female secondary teacher with disability, interviewee)

4.7 Other influences on teachers’ careers Parental attitudes may encourage or discourage future teachers and it is interesting that some who follow in their parents’ footsteps report drawing on their advice at various stages in their career. My parents (especially my father) are delighted that I am teaching here. They have great aspirations for me. My parents are awesome really, really good. When I first started I could phone them up whenever I wanted and they would help me with lesson plans or help just generally. (School 4)

Other factors mentioned included housing costs, childcare and travel expenses (School 9).

4.8 Relative impact of variables Despite the associations found in responses to our survey, it emerges from the case studies that teachers do not necessarily perceive the study’s main variables as important influences on their careers. Interviewees highlighted the impact of other factors. • • • • • •

Being pro-active, ‘to drive things off your own bat’ (School 12) Enthusiasm for the subjects they taught (Schools 5, 8, 10, 17) The encouragement of a senior colleague or peer in career development decisions (Schools 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 17) Opportunities to take on responsibility, particularly in the early stages of career; personal ambition (Schools 5, 10) Evolving views of the importance of work and the meaning of career success at different stages in life (Schools 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 17) The impact of events in teachers’ personal lives, such as bereavement or the break-up of a marriage, on their careers. (Schools 10, 17).

These were also tempered by what informants see as the desirable work/home balance.

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•

A single mother finds being in a senior position quite a struggle as she cannot keep long hours at the school: ‘It has made me think that this career doesn’t suit a single working mum and family life…I feel sometimes that I am just winging things as I have less time. As the job becomes more demanding I don’t think I’ll be teaching.’ (School 11)

•

A female teacher rejecting the offer of a head of department position because of two young children and husband retraining. (Female teacher, School 10)

•

‘My ambition is given over to my children’: comment from female teacher who has achieved a comfortable balance between work and home. (School 11)

•

A female teacher facing a future career choice: ‘I need a job that would release me in the evenings to enjoy the family and I don’t think teaching would allow me that.’ (School 16, young female teacher)

4.9 Summary Respondents to the survey and interviewees report a diverse range of motives for entering the teaching profession. Overall these related more to personal circumstances and ambition, than they did to age, disability, ethnicity and gender. Family and friends played an important role. However, typologies developed around teachers’ motives for joining the profession may not be sustained at later stages of their careers. Career choices appear to be influenced by a complex mix of factors and variables unique to each individual. In the next chapter, we explore how these factors affect attitudes to career development and promotion.

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5: Teachers Who Get Ahead Summary What are the characteristics of teachers who have been promoted? Evidence from the survey shows: • Headteachers are disproportionately older, white males living with a partner and, most commonly, with children. White males are more likely to be secondary headteachers (62%) than primary headteachers (30%), although they are still ‘over-represented’ as primary school headteachers relative to the proportion of male primary school teachers. On average they have taught for less time than the equivalent female headteachers. • Female teachers’ personal and family lives are associated with their choice to pursue promotion and career development. Female headteachers are significantly less likely than male headteachers to live with a partner or to have children and they will have taken longer to become heads. They are more likely to head primary schools than secondary schools. Thirty-two per cent (32%) of white female headteachers lived alone, compared to just 2% of the comparable males.

• There are few headteachers from minority ethnic groups or with disabilities. What is the nature of support these promoted teachers have experienced from their colleagues, school and local authorities? Evidence from our case studies and discussions shows: • Many respondents perceive that the nature of LEA support has changed since management and budgets were devolved to schools. There is a perception that LEAs are now less proactive in supporting teachers’ careers, but informants report that some LEAs endeavour to go beyond the minimalist position to provide advice, courses and programmes for teachers employed in local schools. • Because of their positions, headteachers from minority ethnic groups report feeling particularly isolated from both their own staff and from other headteachers.

• Informants identified that headteachers offer direct career support for teachers’ future promotions

by encouragement, valuing existing contributions, and supporting teachers in enhancing their competence.

Are particular identifiable groups being disadvantaged in career opportunities? From the evidence, the research team conclude: • Certain groups believe that their teaching careers have been disadvantaged because: they are a mature entrant to teaching, from a minority ethnic group, have disabilities, or work in a situation other than a full-time permanent school post (ie part-time, supply, peripatetic and EMAG teaching).

The previous chapter highlighted important influences on teachers’ career decisions. In this chapter we summarise the evidence on teachers’ attitudes to promotion and moving on in their careers, and examine who does, and who does not, get promoted posts.

5.1 What are teachers’ attitudes to promotion? The survey findings supplemented by qualitative evidence from the case studies and interviews provide some insights into teachers’ attitudes towards promotion.

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Teachers’ Careers: the impact of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation

5.1.1 Age x ethnicity x gender Less than 5% of teachers indicated that they would seek promotion at all opportunities, with males twice as likely as females to report this (6% of males, 3% of females). Minority ethnic males and females were both more likely than their white counterparts to indicate seeking promotion at all opportunities (see Figure 5.1). Figure 5.1: Attitudes to promotion by ethnic group of survey respondents 70 60

white British

Percentage

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minority ethnic 40 30 20 10 0 seek at all opps

seek selectively

only if strongly encouraged

not interested in promotion

Although a quarter of teachers indicated that they were not interested in promotion, this was much more likely to be the case with white male and female teachers than their minority ethnic counterparts (31% white female, 25% white male, 14% minority ethnic female, 12% minority ethnic male). While these figures may indicate greater levels of motivation among minority ethnic teachers to seek promotion, it is perhaps more likely to reflect the fact that proportionately more white teachers, particularly males, are already in promoted posts. However, it questions the possible explanation that lower levels of promotion among minority ethnic teachers can be attributed to individual apathy. Moreover, differences in the age profile of the white and minority ethnic teacher groups (minority ethnic teachers are younger) do not fully explain these findings. Older minority ethnic teachers are just as likely to indicate a willingness to pursue promotion as younger ones (7% of both older and younger teachers seek promotion at all opportunities, and similarly 14% of each group do not seek promotion). By comparison, 43% of older white teachers do not seek promotion, compared to 16% of younger white teachers. Those who do not seek promotion are not necessarily those already in promoted posts, but are in fact mostly co-ordinators and classroom teachers.

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Teachers Who Get Ahead

5.1.2 Disability Teachers with disabilities were slightly less likely than their colleagues to indicate a willingness to seek promotion. 37% of teachers with disabilities indicated that they were not interested in promotion, compared to 27% of other teachers. Teachers who suddenly become disabled report having to reappraise their career objectives. For example, a female teacher, with a post of responsibility in a primary school, explained how a successful operation to remove a benign brain tumour had ‘affected [her] future career in the sense that [she] abandoned the idea of going up the promotion ladder as well as [her] MA studies… [She has] thought about changing jobs but not going up the ladder’. (Visually impaired female teacher, 2)

And another teacher with physical disabilities explained how: It’s safer to stay somewhere where they know me. I would not have really done that if I was not in a wheelchair. Safety becomes negative. (Female teacher with disability, interviewee)

However two informants with disabilities did not think these had long-term effects on their careers or promotion opportunities. One had moved from secondary to primary teaching following physical injuries that impaired mobility (School 16). In general, interviews with teachers with disabilities indicated that they feel their capabilities are underestimated and too much attention is focused on their disability. 5.1.3 Gender Those teachers working either part-time or job-sharing (predominately female) were less interested in promotion. However, lone parent teachers (also predominately female) were as likely as other teachers to seek promotion. 5.1.4 Age The survey evidence shows that overall younger respondents are more likely to seek promotion at all opportunities than older respondents (6% of those aged 44 and under compared to 2% aged 45 and over). In addition, 41% of those 45 and over report that they are not interested in promotion, compared to 16% aged 44 and under. However, this finding is undoubtedly affected by the fact that more of our older respondents were already in posts of responsibility. Qualitative evidence adds further dimensions to the survey findings about attitudes towards the impact of age on promotion. A few informants perceived it as important to get on the career ladder by a certain age (eg School 10), although some informants report being promoted quickly (eg School 6, 13). Some described themselves as being ‘too old’ to apply for a promotion or had acquired different priorities with age (eg School 17). In making headship appointments, a few governors claimed that age was relatively unimportant compared with experience and professional competence (eg School 16). Others believe that promotion is related to length of service. As one teacher explained:

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In other schools it often seemed that promotion comes from length of service rather than ability to do the job. People would never say it overtly but it’s certainly the subtext: you shouldn’t have ideas above your station and there are older staff in line before you. (Young teacher, School 10)

Some older interviewees believed that the decline in applications for headships would benefit those over 50 who still sought promotion (School 15). Others thought that the promotional prospects of younger teachers may be limited by low staff turnover (School 15) but accelerated in schools with brisk turnover (School 4). A few see middle age as a disadvantage in changing jobs (Minority Ethnic Group) whereas others think that neither youth nor ‘excessive age’ are barriers to appointment or promotion. Although informants recounted examples of teachers being perceived as too young to be considered for promotion, one male teacher thought that being ‘young and energetic’ contributed to his first two management posts (male headteacher, School 6), but it can also pose a problem for young headteachers as to where to go next (School 1). A few mature teachers thought that age prevented them from progressing and gaining promotion (School 1). They attributed this to a combination of schools’ more supportive approach to new young teachers and the increased opportunity of training. In contrast one mature entrant, who had changed career noted that her first promotion in teaching had come very rapidly (School 18). 5.1.5 Age x gender Generally teachers did not see age as a barrier to promotion. However, some case study informants expressed definite views about the possible impact of age and gender. A few female teachers over 40 were suspicious about whether they will be disadvantaged in promotion by age and gender: ‘Younger men tend to get promoted more quickly’ (Schools 4, 11). Some female teachers indicated that they were no longer interested in promotion. Once I had the children I realised that I never wanted a position of responsibility. I don’t think I ever will. (Part-time teacher, School 3, Secondary)

One male teacher identified the connection between work and his self-image: Not that I could not have coped with the kids but from the self-esteem point of view a man has to prove himself more than a woman does. You could lose a lot of selfesteem and self-respect. It sounds very sexist. But I think the differences between men and women should be approached positively – not to squash one or the other. (41 year old male teacher, School 3, Secondary)

5.1.6 Coincidence Several interviewees partly ascribed their career success to being in the right place at the right time. Headteachers were reported to be more likely to provide incentives and promote teachers in shortage subject areas. In contrast, going into a small rural primary school may be satisfying but offers fewer promotion prospects than a large inner city school in a disadvantaged area. 46


5.2 What are the characteristics of teachers who have been promoted? 5.2.1 Profile of headteachers Given the relatively large number of responses to the survey, we were able to investigate the characteristics of headteachers in relation to other groups of teachers and compare male and female headteachers. However, the lack of both minority ethnic and disabled headteachers in the sample means meaningful statistical comparisons with these groups is not possible. 5.2.2 White male headteachers Headteachers in our survey are disproportionately older, white males, living with a partner and, most commonly, children. They are more likely to be secondary headteachers (62%) than primary headteachers (30%) although they are still ‘over-represented’ in gender terms among primary school headteachers. They generally work full-time and are no more likely than other teachers to have experienced a career break. Compared to other teachers they are more likely to report having experienced good relationships with their colleagues, though they are also more likely to regard themselves as relatively isolated compared to other teachers. Most commonly respondents had been in their current post for 6 to 10 years, and involved in teaching for 21 or more years. There is some evidence that white male primary headteachers have taught for less time than female headteachers: 16% of male primary heads had taught for 15 years or less, compared to 4% of female headteachers. This may provide some evidence to back up the assertion that white males (at least in primary schools) are more likely to experience faster promotion. Male headteachers are also more likely to report satisfaction in their post and generally felt capable of handling greater responsibility. Leaving aside those teachers and headteachers close to retirement, headteachers are no more likely than other teachers to indicate having considered leaving the profession. 5.2.3 White female headteachers Female headteachers in our survey are also more likely to be white. They are not significantly older than their male equivalents even when examined by sector. Like their male counterparts they are also most likely to be living with their partner but are much less likely to have children: 62% of white female headteachers lived with a partner and children, compared to 91% of white male heads. As discussed in Chapter 4, they are much more likely to live on their own: 32% of white female headteachers lived alone, compared to just 2% of the comparable males. This would suggest that female teachers’ personal and family lives have been disproportionately affected by their choice to pursue promotion and career development. Female respondents are more likely to head primary schools (59% female: 41% male) than secondary schools (31% female: 69% male). They most commonly work full-time and, like their male colleagues, report good relationships with their colleagues. They are also more likely than teachers in general to report 47


themselves as relatively isolated. Most commonly they had been in their current post for 6 to 10 years, and involved in teaching for 21 or more years, although as mentioned above, white female primary headteachers are more likely than their male colleagues to have experienced slower or delayed promotion. Like their male counterparts, white female headteachers are no more likely than other teachers to indicate having considered leaving the profession during the last year. 5.2.4 Headteachers from minority ethnic groups There were only six headteachers from minority ethnic groups in our survey sample and all were in secondary schools. Of these, four were male and two were female. All lived with their partners and children. Half were aged between 40 and 44, and two out of the six had considered leaving the profession during the last year. Five of the six were satisfied in their current post and felt capable of handling greater responsibility. 5.2.5 Headteachers with disabilities Again, there were only six headteachers (four male and two female) in our survey who reported having a disability, and all were white. Four of these heads were in primary schools, with one each in secondary and special schools. Four were aged between 45 and 54. Five lived with a partner and five also had children. Half of the headteachers with disabilities report satisfaction in their current post and four felt capable of handling more responsibility. Most (four out of the six) had considered leaving the profession over the preceding year, and four also indicated that they were not interested in further promotion. 5.2.6 The impact of age, disability, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation In general, the survey responses from headteachers are similar to those of the main sample in suggesting that age, disability, ethnicity and gender are not regarded as significant in their careers. However, there are important exceptions to this. Female headteachers are substantially more likely to believe that gender has played some negative role in their careers: 26% of female headteachers reported that gender had had some negative impact on their career, compared to only 3% of male headteachers. Moreover, 17% of male headteachers indicated that ‘being young’ had impacted negatively on their career, compared to only 6% of female headteachers. This confirms our other evidence that suggests male teachers expect promotion to begin at a comparatively early age. Among minority ethnic headteachers there was some suggestion that ethnicity had impacted negatively on their career: four of the six respondents believed that their ethnicity had had some negative impact. Among the disabled headteachers, disability was most commonly identified (four of the six respondents) as having some negative impact on their careers.

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5.2.7 Facilitators and barriers to promotion to headteacher Most commonly, and in similar proportions, white male and female headteachers regarded ‘personal traits’ as both the most important facilitator of their career, and potentially the greatest barrier. However, white female headteachers are significantly more likely than white male headteachers to identify gender as a career barrier, and slightly more likely to acknowledge that management and collegiate support are career facilitators. This suggests that the support and encouragement of colleagues to pursue promotion may play a bigger role in female teachers’ careers than in those of males. While the number of minority ethnic teachers and teachers with disabilities in the survey sample is small, both groups underscored the importance of personal traits as both a career facilitator and a barrier. One male minority ethnic headteacher reported that he was ‘too shy’ and had a ‘strong RP accent’ , which had been both help and a hindrance. However, another male minority ethnic headteacher thought that ‘other people’s negative perception of the capability and potential of black people’ was the greatest career barrier.

5.3 What is the nature of support promoted teachers have experienced from their colleagues, schools and local authorities? In this section we look at the support which survey respondents and informants report was given to them, or is currently available, to help teachers progress to headship. 5.3.1 Colleagues Respondents indicated that colleagues play an important role as motivators (and demotivators) and as positive (and negative) role models for promoted posts. For example, a now experienced teacher thought that being surrounded by ‘grumpy’ and ‘disapproving teachers’ as a NQT had motivated her to be a much more positive colleague (School 15). Others pointed to the impact of energetic, committed and stimulating colleagues. Most headteachers identified support from their peers as important, and may feel somewhat isolated or separate from their school staff. Headteachers from minority ethnic groups share this isolation from their staff. However, there are so few of them that they may also feel isolated from other headteachers (Minority Ethnic Group). Previous headteachers have provided support for upand-coming headteachers, and continue to give advice and backing on request to newly appointed heads. Many heads are pleased to take a pro-active role in career development (eg School 13, School 11) and take pride in promotions of their former staff (eg School 4). 5.3.2 School and headteachers The survey evidence suggests that headteachers are significant and active agents in fostering teachers’ careers, and in providing role models for future headteachers. They share with governors responsibility for allocating training

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budgets. The case studies elaborate this point. One female teacher explains how: [I have] huge support from the headteacher. She is well on top of policy, courses and articles. She drops them into our in-trays. She also operates an other-school visiting system. We can do two courses a year. You can do as much training as you want or need. (Female teacher, School 11, Primary)

Other ways in which headteachers support their staff are in helping some take the GRTP route into teaching and giving their staff extra responsibility that provide experience and confidence for later moves. Headteachers can also damage career development where there is a clash of personalities or staff/management conflict. One interviewee claims to have been in conflict with a previous headteacher who “didn’t like my politics. I was a union rep” (School 24) but believed that career prospects improved with a change of headteacher. 5.3.3 Encouragement for promotion Two out of three survey respondents indicated that their line manager encouraged them to seek promotion. While younger teachers are more likely to report this state of affairs, there was no evidence of overall gender differences. Minority ethnic teachers were less likely to report having line managers who encouraged them to seek promotion. There was also survey evidence to suggest that teachers with disabilities are less satisfied with their line manager’s support. While half of the teachers without disabilities agreed that their line manager was ‘warm and friendly towards them’, only a third of teachers with disabilities indicated this. Further, 4% of teachers without disabilities in the survey indicated that their manager would like to be rid of them, compared to 9% of teachers with disabilities. This latter point was also more likely to be reported by minority ethnic teachers, with 8% of minority ethnic teachers and 3% of white teachers indicating a belief that their line manager would like to be rid of them. Informants in a minority ethnic group discussion corroborated this view. They suggested that black teachers stagnate at the middle management level and have little support to progress. 5.3.4 Valued contributions Forty-eight per cent (48%) of survey respondents indicated complete agreement with the statement that their line managers are also supportive of their individual contributions. However, minority ethnic and teachers with disabilities were again significantly less likely to indicate this (40% minority ethnic, 35% teachers with disabilities). A few teachers from the minority ethnic discussion group, who had qualified outside the UK, felt undervalued despite their substantial experience and others in that same group did not think that they were supported by school management. Moreover, teachers with disabilities are also significantly more likely than other teachers to report that their line manager showed little interest in their work.

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Just under three-quarters (73%) of survey respondents indicated that their line manager helped them to work better, while 69% reported that they were encouraged to undertake further study or CPD. More female teachers felt encouraged to undertake further study than their male counterparts, though both sexes felt that their line managers helped them equally. More younger teachers, but fewer minority ethnic teachers and teachers with disabilities, reported that their line managers offered them help and encouragement. Informants in the school cases illustrated the nature of support for younger staff. Practices include team teaching, mentoring, and opportunities to take on responsibility, even by NQTs in their first year. One newly promoted teacher described how the headteacher was very supportive, helping out with difficult staffing situations and managing the budget (School 12). Another headteacher supported and fostered subject knowledge and recognition beyond the school (School 17). 5.3.5 LEA courses and schemes Almost all of the ten LEA officers who answered our questions drew attention to their provision of courses, and the presence of advisors and/or school improvement officers in their schools, through whom teachers may receive career development support. Several also mentioned schemes that might help teachers build networks and develop their careers. LEAs listed ways in which they helped teachers to develop their careers within the LEA, rather than seeking to leave the LEA or perhaps the profession. Collectively, these opportunities included secondments and exchanges, participation in subject development groups, securing one of the bursaries for teachers in their second, third, fourth or fifth year of teaching, leadership development networks for middle managers, school improvement conferences, and working towards a higher degree. The most frequently mentioned courses were for NQTs and for senior managers (NPQH). Nevertheless, several LEAs mentioned their training for middle managers, and in some cases the Advanced Skills Teacher route was being used effectively as a measure both for career development and for teacher retention. Some LEAs were using senior staff, including ASTs, in running courses for middle managers. 5.3.6 Changing nature of LEA support Several LEA representatives indicated, however, that opportunities for support or advice on career development might not be as frequent now as in the past. One mentioned that the LEA did not have as much contact as previously because the focus of the LEA staff’s role had changed, so that their interventions were ‘light touch’ and they were ‘dealing with issues, not with people’. Another felt that career support might be ‘ad hoc, piecemeal, in response to requests from staff, probably through the headteacher who might contact the advisory service’. A third commented that LEA staff did not know all the teaching staff as well as they might ‘because they work on the principle of intervention in inverse proportion to success’.

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Career advice as such was therefore generally only available on an ad hoc basis, and although in small LEAs it might be easy for people who wanted to develop their career to contact LEA staff for advice, in others the LEA may appear to be more remote. Another LEA had tried to encourage schools to nurture the careers of their teachers, by issuing development portfolios and giving training in their use, but the LEA was not able to monitor the extent of their subsequent use and impact.

5.4 Are particular identifiable groups being disadvantaged in career opportunities? Survey findings indicated that women with children are significantly less likely to be headteachers than men with children, and that single women are a disproportionately large group of female headteachers. It would appear that many mothers may choose at some point in their career between family and promotion. A number of interview questions sought to understand some of the choices that teachers had made in relation to changes in post and the demand for more flexible ways of working. 5.4.1 Part-time and supply staff Some part-timers, temporary, and supply staff reported having limited access to courses, either because of timing or because they believed that their contributions are undervalued and they are overlooked in the allocation of staff development budgets. Most part-time and supply staff are female and have chosen part-time work because of their other commitments, usually family responsibilities (eg Schools 7 and 15). It may be more difficult for teachers to combine career and family, than in for example the Civil Service, which operates flexible working hours. Since applications for Advanced Skills Teachers have to be supported by headteachers and require 80% time in school and 20% out of school, at least two informants were not aware that part-time staff are eligible (Schools 3, 10). Some supply staff who are at the top of the scale and somewhat older, have experienced difficulty in finding a permanent job after a childcare break (eg School 5), which, therefore, limits their access to CPD. 5.4.2 Mature entrants to teaching Some LEA representatives stressed that older returners to teaching were not disadvantaged, being welcomed back even in their late fifties. This was confirmed by the evidence of a few older teachers interviewed in schools, some of whom were either mature entrants or had returned to school fairly recently after teaching in the FE sector, and some of whom were in promoted posts. Nevertheless informants from the minority ethnic discussion group suggested that many black women aged 30–45 who enter teaching through access routes and as volunteers feel that they are treated less favourably than traditionally qualified younger teachers.

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5.4.3 Teachers with disabilities Although most teachers with disabilities in the survey were likely to feel they could not take on more responsibility, this was not true of those with visual or hearing impairments who were individually consulted. Most of them felt underused and able to take on more responsibilities. One, a partially sighted teacher in School 5, had been promoted in his 20s. He had substantial support from colleagues, university tutors and his own teachers, identifying the special equipment needed for his own teaching: Got what I needed... It was all on my own initiative. He [headteacher] talked to me about the things I needed. (Teacher with disabilities, informant)

5.4.4 Teachers from minority ethnic groups There are no pertinent survey data to show that minority ethnic teachers believe they have suffered discrimination. One of the minority ethnic headteacher respondents identifies ethnicity as the greatest barrier to his career and another highlights other people’s negative perceptions of black people. However, interviewed teachers from minority ethnic groups all had their individual stories of being treated differently from white staff at some point in their career. Among minority ethnic interviewees in the schools, there was little reported evidence of racism and a few mentioned favourably the strong anti-racist stance taken in their current school. Negative comments arising from some interviewees’ previous experience and in the minority ethnic discussion groups can be grouped under the following headings: Marginalisation – A few of our informants believed that appointing bodies have low expectations of minority ethnic teachers and did not seek out teachers from minority ethnic groups. They also thought that they were given responsibility for minority subjects, the worst behaved and performing classes, and offered poor training opportunities, etc. Direct and indirect racism – Although no informant gave examples of direct racism in teaching, one member of the ethnic minority discussion group thought that indirect racism was demonstrated in the attitudes taken and the lack of awareness shown by some colleagues, pupils, parents, LEA inspectors, and governing bodies(female minority ethnic teacher, aged 37 years). Ghettoisation – Several minority ethnic teachers reported not gaining access to the full range of teaching posts because they were concentrated in insecure areas such as those funded by EMAG, in EAL and pastoral care. Some teachers in the case studies thought that they may not be regarded by colleagues or parents as fully belonging to the school(s) in which they work (School 1).

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Glass ceiling – One minority ethnic teacher informant (now aged 40+ and recruited in the 1980s drive) reported discrimination in promotion for senior positions despite being trained, qualified and well experienced (Minority Ethnic Group). Most LEA representatives mentioned their equal opportunities policies and stressed that they were adhered to. One mentioned the LEA’s Black Teachers’ Network and a support group for bilingual support assistants, another a Positive Action initiative. Several said that the LEA was concerned about recruiting a more diverse workforce, mirroring more closely the communities they served. Nevertheless, one NQT from a minority ethnic group had been unsuccessful in her applications to mainly white schools, the posts going to white NQTs who had been on the same course as her (School 7). 5.4.5 Family influences Finally, many teachers report that family commitments, eg having children, other caring responsibilities, serious illness or bereavement in the family, are a priority and can delay applications for promotion. One female teacher explained her priorities as follows: The family is the most important thing; it’s not just an accessory. I want the best for my children even if it means giving up my career, falling back in terms of promotion, not moving house, not taking on a better job if it requires travelling a long distance, juggling my life. (Female secondary teacher in gender discussion group)

Another informant delayed starting a family until promoted to head of department. Age, culture and gender clearly interact in some teachers’ careers. Expectations of some teachers from minority ethnic groups (such as Muslims and Hindus) may be influenced by religion and by custom. For example, teaching, especially in the primary sector, was perceived to be more socially acceptable for Muslim women.

5.5 Summary In this chapter we have identified the characteristics of teachers who are promoted, the support they receive to encourage them to seek promotion, and the factors which teachers believe disadvantage them in their career progression. Overall headteachers in our survey were older, white males living with a partner and their children. Female teachers, who have been promoted are more likely to get primary headships, and less likely to live with a partner or to have children. There was little evidence from promoted members of minority ethnic groups or teachers with disabilities. Most respondents readily acknowledged the role played by headteachers, colleagues, governors, LEAs and families in their career development. There is, however, concern amongst some respondents that certain groups of teachers, ie supply teachers, part-time staff, mature entrants, members of minority ethnic groups and teachers with disabilities, may be disadvantaged in seeking promotion. A combination of these characteristics may contribute a double or multiple disadvantages. 54

6: Perceptions of Inequality and Disadvantage in the Teaching Profession – Summary Summary Do age, disability, ethnicity and gender offer some explanation for differences in the career profiles of the teachers in the sample? •

Ten per cent (10%) of survey respondents felt that being young has had a positive impact on their career, while 14% indicated it had had some negative influences. Young teachers, male teachers and minority ethnic teachers are more likely to regard being young as having been a positive influence on their career.

•

Older teachers, both female and male, regard their age as a negative career influence.

•

Forty-three per cent (43%) of teachers believe that a disability would negatively influence a teacher’s promotion prospects.

•

Minority ethnic teachers are more likely than their white colleagues to view disability as a very important factor in career prospects.

•

Older minority ethnic teachers are most likely to see ethnicity as a very important factor in promotion prospects, whereas younger white teachers are least likely to indicate this.

•

Forty-one per cent (41%) of teachers from minority ethnic groups indicate that ethnicity has been a negative factor in their career compared to just 4% of white teachers.

•

Male teachers in promoted positions are less likely to see gender as important compared with those in lower grade posts.

•

Minority ethnic males and females are more likely than their white counterparts to regard gender as an important factor in teachers’ promotion prospects.

•

Females are more likely than males to indicate that their gender has negatively influenced their career. Minority ethnic teachers were more likely than their white colleagues to believe that gender has had an effect on their careers.

6.1 Introduction The survey demonstrates that in a number of important respects there are systematic and observable differences in the reported experiences of teachers which are associated with age, disability, ethnicity, and gender. For example, females with children are less likely than males with children to be headteachers; minority ethnic teachers are more likely to experience isolation but are also more likely to pursue promotion at all opportunities. Teachers with disabilities are less likely to indicate satisfaction in their current post and female teachers are more likely to have moved sideways or taken a demotion in their last move compared to their male colleagues. In this chapter, we summarise the extent to which teachers indicated that each of the four main variables, as well as ‘sexual orientation’, impacted on teachers’ careers in general and their own in particular.

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6.2 Impact of age Eighty per cent (80%) of teachers responding to the survey regard age as being of some importance in teachers’ promotion prospects in general, while only 5% suggest that age is of no importance. Not surprisingly older respondents and those in more junior positions are also more likely to indicate that age is an important factor in teachers’ careers. Interestingly minority ethnic teachers are both more likely to see age as an important, and also an unimportant, factor compared to their white colleagues. 6.2.1 Youth A majority of respondents (59%) regarded being young as having had no bearing on their own career situation. However, 9% felt that it had had some positive impact, while 14% indicated that it had had some negative impact. Young teachers, male teachers and minority ethnic teachers are more likely to regard being young as having been a positive influence on their career. However, young teachers, particularly males, are also more likely than older teachers to regard their age as having had a negative impact. 6.2.2 Maturity A majority of respondents of all ages (52%) regard being older as having had no bearing on their own career situation or prospects. However, 14% felt that it had had some positive impact, while a quarter indicated some negative impact. Older teachers, female and male, regard their age as a negative career influence. However, older headteachers were significantly less likely than older classroom teachers to regard their age as having had an impact on their career (47% of headteachers indicated no impact, compared to 27% of classroom teachers). Further, 28% of older headteachers compared to 41% of older classroom teachers indicated that their age had had a negative influence on their career.

6.3 Disability Forty-three per cent (43%) of respondents believe that a disability would be of some importance in a teachers’ promotion prospects. Just under 20% indicate that it was of no importance. Not surprisingly teachers with disabilities, especially females, are more likely to indicate that disability is important in promotion prospects. Older white and older female teachers are also more likely to recognise the impact of disability on career, while teachers from minority groups are more likely to view disability as very important compared to their white colleagues. 6.3.1 Individual experience of disability Where a teacher indicates having a disability (104 respondents), 46% felt it has had a negative effect. Only seven suggested that their disability had had a positive impact on their career. The five headteachers in the survey who reported a disability all indicated that it had had a negative impact on their career. We are unable to establish a link between type of disability and the nature of its impact. 56

Perceptions of Inequality and Disadvantage in the Teaching Profession – Summary

6.4 Impact of ethnicity Just over a quarter of respondents indicate that ethnicity is at least of some importance in teachers’ promotion prospects, while 38% suggest that it is of no importance. Most minority ethnic teachers (60%) regard ethnicity of some importance in promotion prospects, while just under a quarter (23%) of white respondents felt this. When ethnicity and age are combined, other differences emerge. Older teachers from minority ethnic groups are most likely to view ethnicity as a very important factor in promotion prospects, whereas younger white teachers are least likely to indicate this (38% older minority ethnic, 19% younger minority ethnic, 3% older white, 2% younger white). Moreover male, rather than female, teachers from minority ethnic groups are most likely to identify ethnicity as a very important factor. 6.4.1 Influence of individuals’ ethnicity Ethnicity is more likely to be regarded as having been an important career factor by teachers from a minority ethnic background. They are substantially more likely than their white colleagues to indicate that ethnicity has had a negative influence on their career (41% minority ethnic and 4% white respondents indicated a negative influence). However, teachers from a minority ethnic group are also more likely to indicate that their ethnicity has positively influenced their career (26% minority ethnic and 2% white teachers indicated a positive influence). This may indicate that positive action policies are having an effect. Indeed our experience in a number of case study schools would reinforce this view.

6.5 Impact of gender Thirty-eight per cent (38%) of staff indicate that gender is of some importance in relation to teachers’ careers, while a third feel that it is of no importance. Overall there is little difference of opinion between older and younger teachers on this issue. Females, particularly older females, are however more likely than males to indicate that gender was of some importance in promotion prospects (41% females, 32% males). Moreover, 43% of males consider gender to be of no importance compared to 29% of females. Among male teachers, promoted staff are less likely to see gender as important than unpromoted staff. There is no similar difference for females. Males and females from minority ethnic groups are more likely than their white counterparts to regard gender as an important factor in teacher’s promotion prospects. Fifteen per cent (15%) of males and 12% of females from minority ethnic groups compared to 8% of white females and 5% of white males regard gender as very important. 6.5.1 Individual experience of gender Female respondents are more likely than males to indicate that gender has negatively influenced their career. More teachers from a minority ethnic background also feel that gender has had an effect on their careers but they are split half and half as to whether this influence is a positive or negative one. 57


Interestingly no difference in response by gender is observed among minority ethnic teachers.

6.6 Sexual orientation Twenty-two per cent (22%) of survey teachers regard sexual orientation to be of some importance in promotion prospects, while 43% indicated that it was of no importance. Sexual orientation is felt to be more of an issue in promotion prospects by lesbian, gay, and bi-sexual teachers than heterosexual teachers, though the numbers involved in the survey are small. Teachers from minority ethnic groups are more likely than their white colleagues to regard sexual orientation as important in career prospects. 6.6.1 Influence of sexual orientation on career experience Four per cent (4%) of all respondents indicate that their sexual orientation has had a negative impact on their career, while 2% regard it as having some positive impact. There are no gender or age differences observed.

6.7 Assessing the relative impact of variables It is clear from this and preceding chapters that teachers believe that the four main variables investigated by the research have had an impact on their careers. However, the extent to which each variable interacts with another and operates in combination on an individual’s career is more difficult to ascertain. While sophisticated statistical techniques are available for just such an operation they generally require substantial numbers of responses to be utilised. Although the survey returns provided more than 2,000 questionnaires in total, this is still not sufficient to perform particular types of analysis. For example, there were only six headteachers from minority ethnic groups in the sample and all are in secondary schools. Just over 100 teachers with disabilities responded, however, when these data are broken down by sex, and grade, and ethnicity then the numbers rapidly become too small to be of use statistically. That these variables can act in combination is not in dispute. The research has sought wherever possible to highlight instances where the influence of one variable is compounded by at least one other. Thus it has been possible to, for example, establish that white female teachers generally indicate higher job satisfaction than their colleagues. What the existing data will not support is a robust attempt to ‘measure’ the relative impact of these variables. To do this would require substantially more responses. Such a task may ultimately prove impossible given the small populations of certain groups in teaching.

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Perceptions of Inequality and Disadvantage in the Teaching Profession – Summary

6.8 What variables most commonly have a negative impact on careers? Teachers from a number of subgroups in the sample were examined to see which variables they most commonly identified as having negatively influenced their careers. Responses (above 10%) are presented in rank order in Table 6.1. Table 6.1: Most commonly cited negative influences on career by teacher groupings Female teachers Older age (26%) Gender (18%) Younger age (17%)

Minority ethnic teachers

Male teachers Older age (31%) Younger age (19%) Ethnicity (12%)

Ethnicity (41%) Older age (28%) Gender (19%) Younger age (17%) Disability (15%)

Teachers with disabilities Disability Older age Younger age Gender

(46%) (32%) (22%) (14%)

Gender is more likely to be seen as a negative influence among female, minority ethnic teachers and teachers with disabilities. This should come as no surprise given that white males are disproportionately more likely to occupy promoted posts. Moreover, teachers from the disabled and minority ethnic groups are more likely to acknowledge the range of factors which they believe may negatively affect their careers.

6.9 Summary Respondents and interviewees consistently identify areas where age, disability, ethnicity and gender, both individually and in combination, play some role in teachers’ career patterns. The survey reveals differences between males and females and between different ethnic groups with respect to: their current post, aspirations, relationships, family circumstances, support, school ethos, inclusion, and career barriers and facilitators. And yet, personal traits are most frequently identified by respondents as the single most important factor influencing teachers’ careers. How can these explanations be reconciled? We can speculate that explanations for one’s situation are most readily understood in personal terms rather than with reference to more abstract concepts. In addition, those respondents and interviewees most likely to have experienced discrimination, (ie females, minority ethnic teachers, and teachers with disabilities) were also the ones most likely to identify age, disability, ethnicity and gender as significant negative factors in both their careers and those of the wider teaching profession. This process of perceived ‘marginalisation’ may well encourage more ‘critical’ understanding of the influence of the system in curtailing or supporting individual effort. On the other hand, it could be argued that those teachers who have been relatively successful are less likely to regard the present system as discriminatory. For them the system did not confer advantage, it merely recognised their personal abilities. However, it is also evident that teachers from minority ethnic groups are more likely to recognise that gender and ethnicity had positively influenced their career at some point. This finding may provide some evidence of the impact of positive action on the careers of minority ethnic teachers. 59


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7: Mapping Best Practices Summary What equal opportunities policies had schools and LEAs developed? •

All schools have policies for equality of opportunity (EO) but practice varies in how successfully the principles behind these policies are implemented.

•

Some LEAs have developed strategies to tackle recruitment shortages, but some still experience difficulties, especially in relation to shortage of applicants for headships and other leadership roles.

What practices support teachers’ careers and what improvements are recommended? •

Case study informants report that schools and LEAs arrange an impressive array of actions to attract and retain staff. Actions are directed at improving teachers’ understanding of possible future roles as well as supporting improved performance in their current work.

•

Most informants welcome practices such as mentoring, shadowing and child observations that focus on their activities in their own and other schools.

•

Most informants appreciate flexible working practices that support diverse career patterns. These include different routes into teaching and opportunities for different modes of working, such as jobshare, part-time and supply teaching.

•

Most respondents identified that CPD helped their careers. Care must be taken to ensure that all staff, including those who work other than full-time in a school are offered opportunities to participate. Actions directed at supporting the career development of all teachers should eventually diminish or eradicate discrimination which certain groups of staff perceive, including those who do not work in a school full-time, those from minority ethnic groups and teachers with disabilities.

•

There is considerable support amongst case study informants for an independent careers advisory service that teachers could consult at different points in their career and circumstances.

•

Some informants pointed out that the most successful schools in attracting diverse teaching staff can be in disadvantaged or more privileged areas. The key factor appears to be school ethos which in turn depends on the foresight and vision of the headteacher.

From the study evidence we conclude that: •

Factors which continue to inhibit teachers’ career opportunities are: a perceived lack of awareness by some governors, headteachers and staff of the needs of teachers with disabilities and those from minority ethnic groups.

•

The need to ensure that teacher training provision, CPD, financial support, and bureaucratic demands on school staff do not disadvantage certain groups of staff.

•

Lack of awareness by some governors, headteachers and other staff of the need to mainstream equal opportunities by embedding equal opportunities within school policies, plan, and procedures

This chapter looks at what we have discovered about the policies, practices and attitudes that support or inhibit teachers’ careers. It includes suggestions for improvement made by our respondents/informants. We also identify those factors which continue to inhibit career opportunities for all teachers.

7.1 Recruitment and retention policies and practices 7.1.1 Equality of opportunity Few interviewees spontaneously mentioned age or disability in the context of recruitment. Similarly, the few comments made about EO policy implementation in relation to sexual orientation had to be elicited by interviewers rather than coming spontaneously from informants. More was said about ethnicity and gender. However, managers and governors maintain that

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job-related criteria are used for appointments and that no individual is excluded from consideration on the grounds of age, disability, ethnicity, gender or sexual orientation. Staff do not always agree. Ethnicity Evidence from case studies suggests that a strong EO policy has benefited some staff, including those from minority ethnic groups. However, some informants perceive only minimal compliance rather than firm policies and actions that encourage all staff. Many white informants appeared to be unaware of any relationship between ethnicity and the career prospects of teachers from minority ethnic groups. The majority (76%) of respondents to the survey did not believe that ethnicity had had an impact on their own careers and only 35% of all survey respondents thought that it played an important role in teachers’ promotion prospects. In addition, white teachers interviewed in the case study schools did not mention the possible impact of their own ethnicity on their careers. Gender Governors and headteachers were generally aware of EO policies regarding gender but some female teachers, both white and minority ethnic interviewees and members of minority interest groups, still perceive advantage in being a male applicant. Only a few male interviewees recognised that their gender could have played some part in their careers. 7.1.2 Recruiting from teacher supply agencies This study has no information about the implementation of equality of opportunity practices in the teacher supply agencies that had been the source of some appointments. Where there are difficulties in recruiting staff, headteachers report that they have resorted to informal interviews and the appointment of a recommended teacher in situations where the formal procedures have failed to identify a successful candidate. 7.1.3 LEA policies and practices for recruitment and retention All of the LEA officers who were interviewed had some concerns about recruitment. Some tried to encourage retention by inviting staff to ‘welcome buffets’ and other events to ‘foster a sense of belonging to the LEA’, while others were using their Healthy Schools Initiative to focus on helping teachers cope with stress. LEAs also reported widespread problems with recruitment of headteachers and other promoted posts. One LEA had concluded that teachers were not looking for more money but for the guarantee of CPD and the protection of non-contact time. The LEA was encouraging new ways of working with cover supervisors to enable teachers to protect their non-contact time and maintain their work-life balance. Several LEAs had appointed recruitment managers, to take a more strategic view of recruitment and retention. The importance of monitoring turnover and reasons for leaving was appreciated.

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Mapping Best Practices

7.2 What practices support teachers’ careers and what improvements are recommended? This section lists the existing measures which our respondents found useful, together with some of their suggestions for possible improvements. 7.2.1 Information guidelines and career advice Some teachers in this study were looking for clarity, independence and practicality in the information and advice offered to them. Information guidelines and career advice Existing good practice • accessible information to help teachers plan their careers

Possible improvements suggested by teachers and other informants • improve school handbooks to include advice about further qualifications and staff development programmes, and suggestions about routes into teaching for TAs

• a school handbook containing an induction programme for all new staff, including part-timers and supply staff

• publish criteria and job specifications for all promotion opportunities • be explicit about targets for the school and individuals’ contributions • offer career review meetings with the headteacher • provide feedback after unsuccessful job/ promotion interviews • offer practical help in preparing applications and information about schools to which teachers might apply for their next promoted post • establish an independent career guidance service outside school

7.2.2 Career support ‘Career support’ can take many forms, and is touched upon elsewhere (for example in the sections on continuing professional development and management). Here we note the support which our respondents gave to the notion of some form of mentoring. Career support Existing good practice

Possible improvements suggested by teachers and other informants

• all staff, including supply teachers and TAs, value formal and informal mentoring, and opportunities to ‘shadow’ a colleague in another post

• offer further mentoring later in teachers’ careers

• coaching can give a taste of other responsibilities and positions in the school

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7.2.3 Continuing professional development Managers clearly have an important role to play in facilitating teachers’ access to continuing professional development. We also note new teachers’ desire for clarity about their role, and subject teachers’ use of external ‘experts’ to develop their interests. There is recognition of the need to spread the net of staff development wider than at present, and a desire by experienced teachers for time and opportunity for reflection. Continuing professional development Existing good practice


• support from headteachers, deputy and assistant heads, and heads of department in meeting the threshold standards • new teachers appreciate having distinct areas of responsibility from early in their careers • staff with particular subject interests use professional associations, LEAs and higher education links to pursue their careers

• support career development facilitated by classroom supervisors • offer shorter and more relevant routes for TAs to upgrade their qualifications • encourage GRTP entrants into teaching • offer more staff development options so as to encourage part-timers and support staff • arrange annual meetings with headteacher to identify CPD needs • offer access to, and bidding for, external funds for staff development • arrange regular time for reflection, so teachers may research curriculum and teaching methods and review their careers • encourage time to spend observing children • offer opportunities for secondments and sabbaticals especially to visit/work in other schools.

7.2.4 Ways of working Many teachers value the experience of their colleagues and the opportunities to share that experience. They would like to see these opportunities extended, both for themselves, and their colleagues who are not on full-time permanent contracts. Ways of working Existing good practice


• working alongside experienced and motivated colleagues

• promote a cohesive staff team by building on members’ strengths and interests

• team planning and teaching

• organise more release time from teaching (especially in primary schools)

• flexible employment contracts that enable teachers to balance their personal lifestyle and circumstances

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• facilitate career development opportunities for teachers who are not on full-time permanent contracts


7.2.5 Management Respondents to our survey and case study informants identified that headteachers are pivotal in ensuring school staff have fair access to career opportunities. Many case study informants identified examples of good practice in their current or previous headteachers. These include: Management Existing good practice


• support from headteachers who have good communication skills and are accessible for informal advice and feedback; and who are skilled in listening and encouraging staff to feel empowered and trusted

• provide training for, and monitoring of, senior management teams and school governors on equality of opportunity and full use of the potential of OFSTED inspections • promote awareness of needs of teachers with diverse backgrounds at different phases of their careers

• effective management support which balances teachers’ personal and departmental needs and provides opportunities for all staff

• monitor CPD activities to ensure that they meet the needs of all teachers

• effective managers who retain their staff by keeping them interested, enabling them to succeed in taking on a challenge

• delegate work appropriately and be well informed about all staff’s current contributions and attitudes

• provide positive and constructive feedback to staff

• recognise teachers ‘who are pushing the boundaries and going a little bit further and doing more than is expected of them’

• schools that generate a lot of excitement and ‘buzz’

• ensure that policies for awarding retention points are explicit and that they are allocated fairly • award incentives to those who have more work and responsibility • help staff identify aspirations, secure appropriate training and review progress • welcome teachers from diverse backgrounds, routes into teaching and with different teaching styles • ensure that EO policies are mainstreamed and complemented by Investors In People

Other suggestions made by informants are to: provide more part-time promoted posts; give more preparation and marking time within a school day to reduce stress on teachers and their family relationships and improve teachers’ work/life balance; and increase the numbers of bilingual mainstream and bilingual support staff. (For example, one deputy headteacher reported that 47 different languages were spoken in the school (School 14).) Management and teachers with disabilities Some headteachers reported that they were making special adjustments to the work place and working conditions to encourage staff with disabilities and this was confirmed by the small number of teachers with disabilities whom we interviewed. Some received advice from Access to Work, the Government scheme designed to provide practical help to overcome barriers that people with

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disabilities may experience in the workplace (www.rnib.org.uk). Adaptations include optical mark readers for marking pupils’ work, window blinds for partially sighted teachers, and support workers for science teaching. 7.2.6 Performance management Case study teachers were not antagonistic to the principles of performance management, but think that it must be done fairly, openly, and inclusively. Performance management Existing good practice


• generally teachers approve the principles of performance management (PM) schemes

• ensure that performance management supports teachers’ careers as well as school performance • include individual staff professional development records in performance management and training and development policies • allow teachers to have access to performance management reviews • avoid unconscious discrimination and lack of equality of opportunity in performance management • recognise that involvement in performance management and threshold procedures can be stressful for teachers, and develop school strategies for relieving such stress • ensure that the targets for the school are transparent • include EMAG and other teachers in a school on a long-term basis in its PM system

7.2.7 Governors From the case studies it emerged that there are widely different patterns in governors’ involvement in schools. We suggest that their role should be essentially strategic and supportive. Governors Existing good practice


• governors can help to establish and monitor suitable performance management systems

• provide supportive training for governors to ensure they are accountable for schools’ implementation and regular monitoring of EO policies

• governors can appoint and provide support for headteachers

• conduct regular audits to demonstrate how EO legislation is being met

• governors can monitor headteachers’ implementation of agreed strategies

• raise governors awareness of the qualities of candidates for promotion and encourage greater diversity in teachers’ career development paths • help in negotiations, conflicts and mediation between staff and senior management

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7.2.8 LEA role Respondents reported that LEA support for teachers’ careers is patchy and seems to depend on either teachers’ or headteachers’ initiative. LEA role Existing good practice


• the best LEAs are ‘trail blazers’ offering a wide range of in-service training and helpful advice

• provide information on job vacancies, independent careers advice and a careers handbook that includes educational careers outside schools

• NQTs appreciate the opportunity to meet their peers from other schools

• encourage all staff, including teachers seeking consolidation not promotion, to participate in development programmes

• most LEA career support is given to NQTs and headteachers. Individual advisers may provide up-to-date, quality support in subject areas

• enable practising teachers to participate actively in a network of colleagues in different schools

• vary the timing of LEA development courses • LEA policies of seconding headteachers in • ensure that replacement staff are available to cover a trouble-shooting role to other schools for front line managers opens up opportunities for future posts • facilitate appropriate career structures for learning and activities and invigorates and support, EMAG, and peripatetic staff encourages heads in rural schools to stay in their original school

7.2.9 Teacher training Practising teachers had many detailed suggestions for the ways in which initial teacher training could assist student teachers with disabilities, and those from diverse cultural backgrounds. Teacher education Existing good practice


• some tutors are available for consultation and advice after students become teachers • senior teaching staff appreciate the provision of extended courses, such as MBA or NPQH

• set up a central register of Teacher Education Institutions with courses adapted for students with disabilities • include information about cultural differences in ITT courses • ensure that students and schools will be comfortable with cultural diversity on placement • review the criteria and effects of school placements on student teachers’ future careers • provide more information about routes into teaching for support staff and also improved opportunities for TAs • develop strategies to encourage young teachers to work in special education

7.2.10 School ethos Informants pointed out that a headteacher’s attitude, and priorities for staff development and career advancement can overcome disadvantages of location, high percentage of pupils with English as an additional language, and staff

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turnover. A good headteacher facilitates collegial working. The influence of a headteacher’s management style on the ethos of the school and the career development of staff was deemed paramount by most interviewees, especially those whose careers encompassed experience of several different management styles. A much-appreciated characteristic of headteachers was ‘trusting you to get on with your job’ – being ‘supportive but not interfering’. School ethos Existing good practice


• collegial working • a trusting and supportive attitude from senior management

• provide feedback to staff about their teaching and other responsibilities • help staff to recognise and overcome weaknesses • develop a coherent and friendly approach to people management that wholeheartedly fosters career development of all staff

7.3 Continuing inhibitors of teachers’ career opportunities This section presents some problems that teachers and other informants identified as continuing to inhibit career opportunities for teachers. 7.3.1 Coping with disabilities Respondents with disabilities identified a number of factors which generally cause them difficulties and which they believe hinder their progress in teaching. These include lack of awareness on the part of headteachers, governors, staff, pupils and parents, and the school and classroom organisation, including lack of specialist equipment and entitlement to a support worker. Informants identified that these difficulties can lead to long battles with LEAs which may involve unions, Access to Work, the Disability Rights Commission, voluntary advocacy organisations and private solicitors. This process, if not quickly resolved, can have a deleterious effect, not only on career prospects, but also on the health of teachers with disabilities. 7.3.2 Racial ‘polarisation’ Some researchers suggest that patterns of racial distribution in schools may reflect increasing tendencies to racial polarisation in housing and neighbourhoods (Ouseley, 2001, Cantle, 2001). Our informants in one locality pointed out that pupils tend to separate into schools with high or low ethnic mix. A low ethnic mix does not encourage teachers from minority ethnic groups and few, if any, were employed in such schools in our study. Some teachers felt isolated or vulnerable when working in a predominately ‘white’ school, while some minority ethnic teachers employed in mainly urban areas feel they have limited career support and are being ghettoised.

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7.3.3 Being left out Staff who are not recruited by the school or are not seen as a school’s responsibility can fall through the net of career support. These might include peripatetic teachers, those funded by LEAs or DfES as learning mentors or as learning support workers (such as EMAG teachers, special needs staff). 7.3.4 Financial and staffing constraints From the survey and case study evidence we formed the opinion that the onus remains on teachers themselves to plan their careers, to take stock of their own development needs, and take action to meet them. (This is a characteristic, which teaching shares with other public sector professions, but not with some private sector organisations in which succession planning is more prevalent). Many teachers reiterated that a happy career does not depend on promotion but there may be critical developmental points in a career when it is desirable to have advice and support for the most appropriate course of action. For example, funding to concentrate on short courses related to practice or to undertake a longer, accredited programme that might be more valuable when applying for very senior posts. Many case study informants thought that CPD from LEAs had declined and suggested that this was a consequence of financial constraint and the concentration of CPD opportunities on NQTs. One group, the minority ethnic discussion group, thought that having to find time and their own money to fund such forms of CPD was a major hurdle to their desire for promotion. 7.3.5 Initial teacher training Respondents raised a number of issues concerned with initial teacher training. One informant believed that despite married women students being accepted for teacher training for over 50 years, colleges still ‘don’t manage women with children very well’. There was also a perception that support staff do not have systematic progression routes into teaching. Special schools have an ageing population, and staff already teaching in special schools believe that trainee teachers, GRTP trainees, NQTs, experienced teachers and supply staff are reluctant to take jobs in special schools. And, finally, some respondents criticised the preparation and support available to teachers who had qualified overseas. 7.3.6 Constraints in the system Many teachers resent current bureaucracy and seek reductions in unnecessary paperwork. Two-thirds of teachers in the survey who had considered leaving the profession indicated that they had ‘too much paperwork’. Some teachers have also found the National Curriculum constrains the development of staff talents. 7.3.7 Flexible work patterns Teachers welcome flexible work patterns but schools may be failing to capitalise on this. For example, there are few perceived opportunities for parttime posts for Advanced Skills Teachers.

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7.3.8 Assumptions about staff development Informants perceive that career development is largely left to the individual to take the initiative. Senior management teams in schools may make assumptions about the concept of career without consulting individuals about their aspirations and needs. Managers need to consider how teachers may wish to change their work patterns to match their circumstances and age, and how to alleviate the effects of certain kinds of stressful teaching and offer older teachers new opportunities where they can deploy their skills in a calmer ambience. 7.3.9 External agencies A few informants thought that agencies in other parts of the profession could appear to be discouraging. For example, one minority ethnic informant suggested that the OFSTED framework does not take account of racism and sexism, or the difficulties faced by any minority group which is stereotyped by society as powerless even when operating from a position of power. The minority ethnic discussion groups were of the view that unions and official complaint agencies do not stand up for race issues where it matters – such as professional representation, career support and plans, and poor management in schools.

7.4 Conclusions and implications 7.4.1 Professional ‘flashpoints’ The issues raised in this report show that there are structures that respondents and informants believe advantage or disadvantage different teachers at various stages in their careers. We refer to these as professional ‘flashpoints’ and suggest that they could inform appropriate interventions and provide an indication of how best to support teachers. It would be helpful to have career structures that acknowledge different • pressures and priorities at different stages in teachers’ careers and enable all teachers to ‘step in and step out’ without penalty. Having children appears to have a deleterious effect on women’s careers. • Recruitment and retention strategies would benefit from taking account of the diversity of family circumstances. Some female and minority ethnic informants believe that there are still • stereotypes of good teachers which equate with male teachers. Those who already perceive themselves as disadvantaged (minority ethnic • respondents, informants with disabilities) want more equality of opportunity. Minority ethnic groups emphasised that lack of finance and time hampered • their access to CPD and suggested that there should be more transparency of equality of opportunities in this area Teachers with disabilities were more likely than other groups to think about • leaving the profession. They reported that this is largely because of the stress incurred by coping with their disability while facing what they 70


•

•

•

•

•

perceived to be the lack of awareness of their colleagues and insufficient adaptation of their teaching environment. Attention needs to be paid to stress and excessive workload. Well over half the survey respondents had contemplated leaving the profession in the previous year because of heavy workload (74%), too much paper work (68%), stress of teaching (66%), or long working hours (60%). Many teachers were preoccupied with difficulties in their present situation rather than projecting forward and considering what would improve their future prospects. A reduction in their workload might allow them to think more about planning their future. Survey responses indicated that measures likely to keep a lively workforce in schools included more and better CPD for all staff, a reduction in workload and better pay (especially for younger teachers). Headteachers can help teachers to develop networks from the beginning of their careers. Being in the right place at the right time can provide opportunities which may not be available to those who lack access to influential networks. The main finding is that a positive school ethos is crucial. Teachers appreciated working with enthusiastic, empathetic, colleagues and good supportive headteachers, who valued them as individuals.

7.4.2 Implications From this study we have identified characteristics that may disadvantage teachers in their careers. Age, ethnicity, disability and gender all combine with the circumstances of an individual’s training and school experience in complex ways. We believe that there is therefore no ‘quick fix’. Rather, there are a number of measures that could support all teachers in their careers. These include: Compliance with legislation by ensuring that all staff and governors are • aware of legislative changes related to equal opportunities. Mainstreaming of equal opportunities by developing policies that are aware • of age, disability, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation, and that recognise the benefits of diversity. This should be evaluated, for example, as part of school inspections by Ofsted. Good starting points are the lists of existing good practices and possible • improvements set out earlier in this chapter. This requires effective monitoring at school level of development plans, • and evaluation of the implementation of EO legislation through regular audit of school development plans, schools’ equal opportunities policies and procedures by LEAs. By so doing, we hope that age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation will not act as barriers to the recruitment, retention and promotion of teachers.

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Appendix 1: Survey Responses Summary Who responded to the survey?

• 2158 teachers returned completed questionnaires. • The response rate was 36% by school and 16–20% by respondent. • The profile of respondents matched the profile of the general teaching population closely in terms of full- or part-time posts, length of service and age of teacher.

• However, the sample contained proportionately fewer male teachers but proportionately more headteachers and deputy headteachers and more secondary school teachers.

• 82% of respondents identified themselves as white, 95% as heterosexual and 5% as having a disability.

• Only 6 headteachers identified that they were from a minority ethnic group; this was too small a number to be analysed separately.

A1 Responses 2,158 questionnaire responses were received and processed. On average we received responses from seven schools and just over 34 teachers per LEA, each school providing over four responses. We can be certain about the overall response rates for schools, ie schools from which we received at least one questionnaire. In this case we received responses from 472 schools out of a total of 1,328 included in the sample. This gives a school response rate of 36%. However, arriving at an accurate response rate for individual teachers is more difficult given that a proportion of schools, most likely primary and special schools, have fewer than 10 teachers on the staff, and so would be unable to return 10 questionnaires. Moreover we were also aware that in a few schools more than ten teachers completed questionnaires. If we ignore these caveats and merely express returns as a percentage of the total number of questionnaires distributed then we have a simple response rate of 16%. However, taking into account the points made above, a response rate closer to 20% is probably more accurate.

A2 Comparison by sector Given that the response rate for the survey is not especially high (although not untypical of similar large postal surveys) it is helpful to know to what extent the profile of teachers in our sample matches the general teaching profile in England. Thus we compared our sample respondents with available DfES data on the teaching population in England.

Appendix 1—Survey Responses


If we look at responses by sector (see Table 1 and Figure 1) we find that the proportion of responses from the secondary sector is slightly greater than that from the primary sector. When compared to the population of teachers in England as a whole, our sample gives an over-representation of secondary teachers and a larger under-representation of primary teachers. For special schools we have more than twice as many responses as would be expected in a random sample. However, given that we had not pursued a strictly random sample and had sought to maximise the responses from minority ethnic teachers, a majority of whom teach in secondary schools, this imbalance was not unexpected. Table 1: Comparison of sample responses by sector with teaching population Sector

2001 pop

Primary Secondary Special Total

206,920 203,230 15,150 425,300

Pop %

Sample

48.6 47.8 3.6

839 1, 119 197 2,155

Sample % 38.9 51.9 9.1

Three respondents did not specify sector.

Figure 1: Response rate by sector

Percentage

60 50 40 Population Sample

30 20 10 0 Primary

Secondary

Special

Source DfES 2001

A3 Full or part-time working Looking at the survey returns by full or part-time working, we find that the sample matches the general teaching population closely. See Table 2. Table 2:

Comparison of percentages of teachers working full- and part-time in survey and general population (DfES 2001)


Pop % Full-time

Sample % Full-time

91.2 92.9 90.6 92.0

87.3 92.8 86.8 90.1


Appendix 1: Survey Responses

A4 Gender Across all sectors the sample contains proportionately fewer responses from males. See Table 3. Table 3:

Comparison of sample responses and population by sex and sector (DfES 2001)


Pop % Male

Sample % Male

16.2 46.2 32.4 31.6

13.2 41.7 25.4 29.1

A5 Position The sample contains more headteachers and deputy heads than would be expected in a random sample (see Table 4). This is especially so in the secondary sector. Given that we were specifically charged with looking at the experiences of such ‘successful careerists’ this can only be done adequately with sufficient returns, thus the over-representation here is to be welcomed. Table 4: Comparison of survey responses and population by grade (DfES 2001)


Population Sample Population Sample Population Sample Population Sample

Headteachers

Deputy/assistant Headteachers

Classroom teachers

11.0 12.9 2.2 10.8 8.5 11.5 6.6 11.7

8.4 12.4 3.6 6.7 7.8 13.6 6.0 9.6

80.6 74.7 94.2 82.5 83.7 74.9 87.4 78.7.

A6 Length of service Figures 1.2, 1.3 and 1.4 plot the length of service profile for our sample against that of the general teaching population in primary, secondary and special schools respectively.



Figures 1.2, 1.3 and 1 4: Profile: Staff in primary, secondary and special schools Primary school

Secondary school

40

40 30

Percentage

Percentage

30 20 10 0

20 10 0

0-4 yrs

5-9 yrs 10-14 yrs 15-19 yrs 20+ yrs

0-4 yrs

5-9 yrs

10-14 yrs

15-19 yrs

20+ yrs

Special schools 50

Percentage

40 30 20 10 0 0-4 yrs

5-9 yrs

10-14 yrs Population

15-19 yrs

20+ yrs

Sample

The profile of experience for teachers in the sample matches the population in the three sectors quite well. There are more primary teachers with 20+ years experience than would be expected; conversely for the secondary and special teachers’ group there are a greater number of less-experienced teachers than in the population.

A7 Age The distribution of the sample by age mirrors the population well on the whole (see Figures 1.5,.1.6 and 1.7). There are fewer younger and more older primary teachers. For secondary teachers we have more in the 30–34 age group and fewer in the 45–49 age group. For special school teachers we have more younger teachers (44 or younger) and fewer older teachers (45+) in the sample.



Figures 1.5, 1.6 and 1.7: Experience profile: primary, secondary and special schools Secondary Schools

Primary Schools

30

20

10

30

Percentage

Percentage

40

20

10

0

0 Under 25

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

55-59

Under 25

60+

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50-54

Special Schools 40

30

Percentage

Percentage

40

20

10

0 Under 25

25-29 yrs

30-34 yrs

35-39 yrs

40-44 yrs

45-49 yrs

Population

50-54 yrs

55-59 yrs

60+

Sample

Almost half (46%) of responding teachers were over 45 and only 18% were under 30. This underlines recent concerns regarding an ageing profile of the teaching profession. However, there were some differences in the age profile between the majority ethnic and minority ethnic populations. Compared to the majority ethnic population, the minority ethnic respondents were younger, with only 24% over 45. Moreover, majority ethnic members were on average 40 to 45 years of age, while the average age of the minority ethnic teachers was 35 to 39. Despite the low response rate achieved there appears to be ground for accepting the responses as representative of the teaching profession in England. The attained sample compares well with the national position on all the characteristics examined. While this examination cannot eliminate the possibility of a biased response to the questionnaire, and more particularly to individual questions, it would appear to reduce significantly the possibility. Findings that are statistically significant have been noted. The test used to establish significance on the crosstabulation of interest was the chi-squared test; the significance level adopted was the 1% level. This level indicates that it is unlikely that differences of the magnitude found in these cases would originate by chance alone. Specifically, the likelihood that such differences would occur by chance is less than 1%. Appendix 1—Survey Responses

55-59

60+


A high level of 1% was chosen to counter any effect deriving from clustering in the sample, which comprised two stages, firstly of schools, and secondly of teachers within these. Clustering reduces the power of a sample or, in other terms, raises the probability of chance effects appearing significant. Given the very uneven response rates from schools, setting a high threshold for significance, was less problematic than using more elaborate tests. Any table showing significance at 1% is very likely to be revealing a genuine difference and not a false one.

A8 Ethnicity and religion Four out of five teachers (82%) were white. Just over six percent were from the Indian subcontinent (4% Indian, 2% Pakistani, 0.2% Bangladeshi), while a further 3% were African-Caribbean (2% Caribbean and 1% African). Almost two-thirds (64%) of teachers regarded themselves as Christian, while a quarter (23%) indicated that they were not religious. 4% were Muslim, 1% were Hindu and 1% Sikh.

A9 Sexual orientation 95% of respondents regarded themselves as heterosexual, while two percent indicated that they were homosexual and one percent bisexual. Eleven individuals (0.5%) indicated ‘other’, while 4% did not answer this question.

A10 Disability One hundred and four respondents (5%) indicated that they had a disability which affected their day-to-day activities or job. Among those with a disability, ‘mobility impairment’ or a ‘chronic medical condition’ were the most commonly identified conditions (28% and 26% respectively).

A11 Membership of interest group Three percent of teachers indicated that they were members of groups which had a specific interest in age, disability, gender, or race and ethnicity.

A12 Limitations on the analysis This research set out to investigate the relative impact of age, disability, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation, as well as a number of other factors, on teachers’ careers. Early on, the research team recognised that securing adequate numbers from, for example, different minority ethnic groups, from disabled teachers, and from teachers in promoted posts would be crucial if robust statistical analysis was to be possible. To this end the researchers opted to ‘boost’ the sample, attempting to establish, whenever possible, significant numbers of respondents in different categories. However, even after sustained effort to increase the number of responses, this was not always possible. In some cases this was not just the result of a lack of responses but a reflection of the small population of some groups in teaching in general. For example, we had only six responses from minority ethnic headteachers and all were in secondary Appendix 1—Survey Responses


schools. Such numbers make comparative analysis and the establishment of statistical significance impossible.

A13 Note on ethnicity In the case of ethnicity the number of responses from the various ethnic groups, other than those identifying themselves as white, was relatively small. Given the analytical restrictions on such small numbers it was decided to combine teachers from all ‘minority ethnic’ groupings into one group making comparisons with ‘white’ teachers more robust but less subtle in relation to different ethnic groups. Initial analysis of the composition of the different minority ethnic groups suggested broad similarity with each other in terms of gender and sector profiles. (See Appendix 4.) This aggregation was particularly useful, given that, whenever possible, the research sought to explore the influence of a combination of variables, eg ethnicity and age, or ethnicity and gender. Such analysis can quickly reduce the size of subgroups (cells) in the analysis to meaningless levels. On a more cautionary note the age profile of these minority ethnic teachers and the majority white group varied in that the white teachers were on average older than their minority ethnic colleagues. Such differences have to be acknowledged and controlled for (whenever possible) if meaningful and valid comparisons between groups are to be made. For example, in looking at the different promotion profile of the two groups we had to be aware that the older age of the white group may provide part of the explanation for the differing promotion profile. We could expect more white teachers to be headteachers because they are older and have been in teaching longer than their minority ethnic colleagues. In this instance it was important to ensure we compared promotion levels for the same age groups.


Appendix 2: The Context Summary What does previous research reveal on equal opportunities within the teaching profession?

•

Existing research and data demonstrate marked differences between different groups of teachers depending on age, disability, ethnicity and gender.

•

The teaching profession is ageing; few men are going into primary teaching; women are underrepresented in senior posts in secondary schools; and there is a scarcity of men and women from minority ethnic groups in promoted posts.

•

There is little information about how disability or sexual orientation influences teachers’ careers.

•

Some researchers suggest that teachers have deliberate strategies in terms of career goals for at least some part of their lives

•

However, all will be affected by their personal circumstances and the policies operating when they are making significant career decisions: to train, take or change a job, seek promotion or leave the profession.

A2.1 Introduction In this appendix, we explore the findings from previous research related to equality of opportunities in education. These should be located within the overarching context of the Government’s commitment to the mainstreaming of equal opportunities (DfES, 2000; Cabinet Office, 2001) and to the integration of the separate work of the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), the Disability Rights Commission (DRC) and the Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) by 2006.

A2.2 Age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation in the teaching profession A2.2.1 Available data There are few studies on the interplay of factors which might affect teachers’ career patterns and paths. Available studies tend to focus on the influences on teachers’ promotion (Spear et al, 2000; DENI, 1999; Maclean, 1992; Jones, 1990; Marsh, 1989; Earley and Weindling, 1988). Some researchers argue that, in effect, ageism, disability discrimination, sexism, racism, and homophobia are experienced simultaneously (Krenshaw, 1995; Brah, 1996; Maynard, 1994). A2.2.2 Mapping differences Analyses of existing data were reported in Chapter 2. There we see marked differences between groups of teachers depending on age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation. The current age profile of the teaching profession shows the majority of teachers are aged 40–59 with consequent problems for filling future senior posts (Hutchings et al, 2000). A maturing, retiring workforce also has implications for the loss of professional experience to the educational system (Smithers and Robinson, 2001).

Appendix 2—The Context


No substantive research has been undertaken on teachers with disabilities working in special and mainstream schools. Men make up less than 10% of teaching staff under 30. The number of men entering primary teaching declined to less than 14% over the last decade. The majority of males are among the older teachers and in the younger age groups, the proportion of females is higher. Thus the percentage of women in the teaching profession is likely to increase simply through age retirement (Hutchings et al, 2000). Women make up approximately half the secondary teaching population but are under-represented in senior management positions (DfES, 2002). Marsh (1989) and Maclean and Wilson (1990) found that selection criteria for senior positions may discriminate indirectly against women who lack sufficient experience at deputy or assistant headteacher levels. Others (Thornton and Bricheno, 1999) point out that males are promoted more quickly, and are therefore younger than females in comparable positions. Since the 1970s the proportion of women in teaching has been increasing in every phase of development, at each level in the hierarchy and across subjects, which contributes to the phenomena of ‘feminisation’ of the profession (Hutchings, 2001). Some researchers (Siraj-Blatchford, 1993) claim that in the past qualified minority ethnic teachers have generally been employed on lower than average salaries, tended to be in shortage subjects and on average older than their white colleagues at the same level. Muslim women teachers, who have succeeded in their professional goals, report having to work twice as hard to succeed in the face of hostility at home and work (Parker-Jenkins et al, 1998). Some argue that minority teachers are structurally disadvantaged in the system. Despite high educational aspirations and desire for qualifications Mirza (1997) and Mirza and Reay (2000) found that they tend to be associated with low status subject areas and pastoral roles, are less likely to be promoted, and feel undervalued and isolated (McCreith and Ross, 2001; Ross, 2002; Osler, 1997; Powney and Weiner, 1992). Little is known about the numbers, situation and experience of gay, lesbian and bisexual teachers. Some (Adler, 2000; Epstein and Johnson, 1998) claim that Section 28 of the Local Government Act (1988) demonstrates the hostility and tensions teachers faced in talking about sexuality in the workplace. The NUT Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual and Transgender Task Group has issued guidance on respecting diversity, and policies on support and the individuals right to decide to ‘come out’ in schools (NUT, 1999; Blunt, 2000).

A2.3 Teaching as a career Do teachers have a concept of ‘having a career’? Research evidence of career planning in teaching is sparse. Promotion often takes them out of the classroom and those who stay in the classroom may not always do so by choice. There is also a minority who accept demotion in order to achieve a more satisfactory post (Draper et al, 1998). Appendix 2—The Context

Appendix 2: The Context

A2.3.1 Staying and leaving Previous research (Carrington, 1999; Huberman, 1993) suggests that teachers tend to enter the profession mainly for intrinsic reasons of job satisfaction, with high value put on working with children and ‘making a difference to their lives’. Mature students moving into teaching from other jobs describe the opportunities afforded by teaching as mentally stimulating, diverse and challenging. Those respondents who were supply teaching portrayed this in a positive way, as it enabled them to work in classrooms without the distraction or burden of other work-related responsibilities (Mori, 2001:2). Spear, Gould and Lee (2000), in a review of the literature, found teachers were motivated by developing warm personal relationships with pupils and colleagues, the intellectual challenge of teaching, autonomy and independence. Teachers tended to stay if their work was recognised and valued, they could contribute to the pupils learning experience, and they had approval of line managers, and the support of family and friends. They might want to leave and suffer low morale because of negative perceptions of how teachers are viewed in society, work overload, and poor pay. Exit interviews in teaching are rare and there are few rigorous studies focused on why people leave (Sharp and Draper, 2000; Spear et al, 2000; Smithers & Robinson, 2003) and conversely why people stay. Stress caused by excessive workload accompanied by poor pay scales and structures, lack of respect within the community, poor working environment, loss of autonomy, and ‘initiative overload’ seem to be the main ‘push’ factors away from teaching (Mori, 2001). The survey also suggested that losing touch with ‘the real job’ at the ‘chalk face’ is a reason for leaving. Teachers cite poor discipline of pupils associated with teaching being perceived as a career for young(er) people, based on the assumption that maintaining a well-ordered class is related to age and energy levels. In a more recent Mori survey of over 70,000 teachers, a third say they wished they had not gone into teaching and do not expect to be in teaching in five years time (including 50% retirees), and more than half say morale is lower than when they first started (GTCE/Guardian/Mori, 2003). When asked to list the three most demotivating factors, more than half listed work overload. Initiative overload and a target driven culture were in second and third places, each concerning more than one in three teachers.



Smithers and Robinson (2001) argue that the teaching profession is not renewing itself, but the shortfall in numbers could be considerably reduced if fewer teachers were to leave prematurely. Of the teachers they interviewed 85% were considering leaving. Among the secondary teachers, the most frequently given reasons for going were workload, pupil behaviour, government initiatives and salary. About half the leavers were going without anything else in mind. They were retiring early, leaving with no immediate plans, or signing up for supply until they were clearer about what to do. Those leaving to do something else were mainly going to independent schools. Other teachers have developed different occupational interests over time. Robinson et al (1992) in a telephone survey of over 500 qualified primary and secondary teachers who were not in post, found that half the women but none of the men left teaching because of childcare or domestic commitments. A2.3.2 Career life cycles and strategies A number of researchers have identified career cycles amongst teachers (Draper, 2001; Mori, 2001). Draper (2001) suggests a typology of teaching career strategies based on both past actions and future intentions: stayers, stoppers, movers and starters. Most teachers intend to maintain their strategy. •

Those unlikely to seek promotion again in the next five years, ‘the stoppers’, were predominantly well-experienced female primary teachers.

•

In contrast, two-thirds of the ‘movers’, ie those who intend to apply for promotion again, were mainly well-experienced secondary male teachers.

•

Less experienced teachers were likely to be in the ‘starter’ category, ie those who intend to seek their first promotion.

•

Experienced female primary teachers comprised most of the ‘stayer’ group who have never sought promotion.

Teachers may be reluctant to move into management roles and lose their day to day work with children but some are constrained to remain in the classroom by the nature of their temporary or supply contracts, or feel trapped as they are unable to find alternative jobs. From interviews with 32 teachers, Mori (2001) also suggested a similar typology of teachers and ex-teachers. The main types were stayers, leavers, movers and returners. Mori (2001) also noted that teachers are expected to be flexible, but that this is easier for some than others. For example, subject teachers may remain wedded to their subject. They have relatively fewer options than non-specialists who have of necessity (and usually preference) to engage more with broader curriculum and management issues and take on wider responsibilities. Career strategies may change as circumstances change. Powney and Weiner (1992) identified four career trajectories: ‘deliberate career’, the ‘drifter’, the ‘opportunist’, and the ‘irrepressible’. They noted that some of their informants who held senior educational posts had switched from one strategy to another as their domestic responsibilities changed or career progressed. The latter, the



irrepressible, is particularly important in this quoted study of people outside of the norm of educational management in terms of their gender and/or ethnic origin. A2.3.3 Transitions within teaching Myklebust (1998) discusses how changing times may affect teachers’ lives in Western Norway, emphasising the need to see a teacher’s life course in the context of his/her individual time. For example, declining birth rates and economic crises may reduce the demand for teachers. Myklebust considers how work, family and geographical mobility are linked and mutually influence each other at various stages of life. He suggests that the careers of men and women move in different directions dependent on what sort of social background these teachers have, and he stresses the differing caring roles of men and women. Three categories of transitions listed in this study are: •

Transitions related to work

•

Transitions related to geographical mobility

•

Transitions related to marriage and cohabitation.

Some teachers develop new interests and opt for a new profession. Mori (2001) indicated that age and financial/domestic circumstances appear to have influenced whether or not these interviewees felt they could ‘take the plunge’ and move jobs. They tended to have changed careers in their mid-twenties to thirties before they started families and/or acquired mortgages, etc. No distinction is made here between men and women: A decision to teach in a new sector may not be an escape, but rather a reflection of deep commitment and an attempt to achieve what Lerner (1986) has described as a better ‘goodness of fit’ between self and job. (Mori, 2001 p348)

Draper (1997) refers to magnetic moves towards one sector or away from another. Most of her 122 respondents, who had taken conversion courses to change sector, transferred from secondary to primary in order to work in a wider curriculum, to have their own class, or to work with a younger age group. It was not regarded as an easy option. Such moves may be strategic in order to move to shortage subject areas, but may also be timed to follow a career break and are, therefore, more likely to affect women returning after maternity breaks. Draper and McMichael (1998) suggest that any move to another school is likely to incur positive and negative gains as well as positive or negative losses. This will certainly apply to promotions to headships. Promotion can also be seen as a transition. Headteachers are often surprised by the actual job of being a headteacher compared with their expectations of the job. As Draper and McMichael show, new heads experienced the disturbing absence of a cocoon of the familiar. Thirty-seven new heads reported being initially more overwhelmed by the job than they anticipated and confused and overloaded by general, local authority and school systems.



Spear, Gould and Lee (2001) suggest teachers seek promotion to headship based on their desire to broaden their experiences, obtain greater freedom and challenges, and increase their influence to improve the education of children. Male headteachers were motivated by the prospect of better salary, while women were more attracted to the social aspects of the job. These promoted teachers were motivated to stay in their posts by the prospect of future levels of reward, and improvements such as better resourcing, advisory and support services.

A2.4 The context of school Schools exist not as empty buildings but in the constructed and incidental experiences of the school community. (Casey, 1993)

From the literature, we see that how teachers view their career and make choices depends on complex interactions of personal and professional factors that are intertwined with their educational histories and current experiences of schools, educational policies and opportunities. The ethos of a school will attract or repel potential recruits and existing staff who in turn contribute a major part of the school climate. Teachers operate within a school community that includes pupils, headteacher, colleagues, janitorial and support staff, parents, governors and visitors. Each member of the school has a complex range of informal and formal experiences in any one day. Casey (1993) talks of the ‘discourse’ of schools: … as the consistent system of controlling metaphors, notions, categories and norms that develops and delimits its speakers’ conceptions of personal, work and social relations. (Casey, 1993:31)

All members of the school community may contribute in some sense to teachers’ careers. The headteacher makes the major contribution to school ethos (Blair and Bourne, 1998). Others are also important. Senior management teams may lack awareness of equality issues and of material to promote equality. Appointment panels have not always had training in the appointment of staff (Maclean and Wilson, 1990; DENI, 1999). Men are more likely to want to go to a school where there are other men already on the staff (Johnson & Hallgarten, 2002). Rather than expect individuals to make all the changes to fit the school, some heads have adapted aspects of the organisation to match the needs of the staff and to provide pupils with the best deal possible: Teachers working in supply tend to do so in order to retain certain flexibility in meeting personal responsibilities, for example, care of dependants, or priorities, such as travel or the health-related need to ‘downsize’. (GTCE/Mori, 2001:2)

A2.5 Impact of policy on teachers’ careers A2.5.1 Supply Some researchers relate the changes in the supply of teachers to policy changes. For example, Whitty (2000) associates the downturn in teacher recruitment to policy developments with ‘low trust’ policies that discourage entrants to Appendix 2—The Context


teaching and control that de-professionalises teachers. Weiner (2001) endorses this view of Britain in the 1990s. Researchers argue that a loss of confidence in teachers and teacher education is followed by measures to limit the autonomy of teaching professionals, impose greater conformity and regulation, and introduce checks and economic penalties in the case of non-compliance. A2.5.2 Teaching reforms Changes in central policy, devolved school budgets and reduction in LEA responsibilities and funding for Continuing Professional Development (CPD) may impact on teachers’ promotional opportunities. Methods of funding may inhibit schools from appointing more experienced or full-time staff and favour instead part-time and/or younger appointees. With the reintroduction of probation through the induction year, the emphasis on ‘delivering’ the National Curriculum and on pupil attainment, different posts of responsibility have emerged again with distinct criteria for promotion. The government addressed teachers’ career structure through the 1998 Green Paper, Teachers: Meeting the Challenge of Change. Career progression is defined through professional standards for: entry into teaching, completion of induction, movement through the ‘Performance Threshold’, award of the Advanced Skills Teacher grade, and award of the National Professional Qualification for Headship. For the first time, teachers up to the Threshold have a set of externally determined career milestones. How helpful they prove to be to individuals and the profession is still being researched. Menter et al (2002) describe the new career structure as: A series of ‘hoops and hurdles’ through or over which teachers are judged at each stage to have jumped or not. (Menter et al, 2002 p.7)

This paper identifies one of the concerns about the Threshold procedures as their potential to discriminate unfairly between various cohorts of teachers – such as women and teachers from minority ethnic groups. The variations in implementation and interpretation practice which they and others have already observed, could confound the intention of the Green Paper to relate performance and pay in educational services, but nevertheless provide teachers with more support in their careers than they have previously had. A2.5.3 Career development opportunities While there are training opportunities for all teachers, including those from disadvantaged groups to enhance their job and promotion-seeking skills, those without full-time permanent posts in school may have more limited access to professional development. Professional development opportunities for supply teachers are relatively limited because their pay is linked to class contact. Mori (2001) suggests that this acts as a barrier to their ability to work at full effectiveness and to move into permanent part- or full-time positions.



A2.6 Summary The overarching policy context for this current study is one which encourages the mainstreaming of equal opportunities. Although there has been considerable research on how various factors may individually support or inhibit equal opportunities in the teaching profession, none has adopted a holistic approach. In this research report, we present the evidence from this current study to show the ways in which teachers’ career progression is affected by the interaction of age, disability, ethnicity, gender and sexual orientation.


Appendix 3: Annotated questionnaire

Be Heard….Make Your Experience as a Teacher Count! What have been, and are, the most important factors affecting your career? This national study is investigating equality of opportunity and teachers’ career patterns in England. We want to identify how age, disability, ethnicity, gender and other factors impact on teachers careers. In so doing we hope to identify the kinds of support teachers would welcome in developing their career. Most of the questions require only that you tick a box or add a word or two and should only take about 20 minutes of your time to complete. Funded by the DfES and supported by the major teaching unions and associations, the research is being carried out by an independent team of researchers from the Scottish Council for Research in Education (SCRE) in partnership with the Centre for Racial Equality at Middlesex University. The project will run from January 2002 until March 2003. Questionnaires are being distributed to staff in 1000 schools and the researchers are also visiting about 15 schools across the country and holding discussions with teachers and special interest groups. The anonymity of individuals and schools participating in the research will be preserved at all times. SCRE adheres to a strict ethical code for conducting research which ensures that all responses are treated in confidence. Since the questionnaire is anonymous no individual can be identified. We ask you to identify the school you work in solely to avoid reminder letters being sent to those schools who have returned questionnaires. Remember all responses will be treated in confidence and no school or individual will be identified. Name of school? ✍______________________________________________________

1.

Type of school? (please tick one box only) Nursery/Primary 39%

2.

201-500 29%

Are you? (tick as many as apply) Full time 90%

4.

Secondary 51% Special 9%

Approximate pupil roll of school? (please tick one box only) Up to 200 21%

3.

Middle 1%

N = 2158

Part time 7%

501-1000 25%

Other