The 1874 Transit of Venus and the Popularisation of ...

The 1874 Transit of Venus and the Popularisation of Astronomy in the USA as Reflected in the New York Times Stella Cottam, Wayne Orchiston, and Richard Stephenson

Abstract Given uncertainty surrounding the true value of the astronomical unit following the 1761 and 1769 transits of Venus the next transit, in 1874, offered hope for a substantial refinement in the value of this fundamental yardstick of Solar System astronomy. Part of the reason for this successful anticipated outcome was that both photography and spectroscopy would be applied to a transit of Venus for the first time. Consequently expectations were high, and this unusual event enjoyed a high public profile, thanks to frequent articles published in newspapers and in magazines. Because of the importance of this transit, many nations dispersed expeditions to Asia, the Pacific and the Australia–New Zealand region where the entire event could be seen. The USA sent out eight transit parties to this part of the world, and their activities and results, along with those of other nations’ transit parties, were widely reported back home. In this paper we focus on the US expeditions, and the ways in which their activities were reported on back in the USA through the pages of the New York Times.

1 Introduction Transits of Venus are rare events that occur in pairs just eight years apart, with more than a century elapsing between succeeding pairs (for an excellent overview see Sheehan and Westfall 2004). On present evidence, only six different transits have been observed by astronomers: in 1639, 1761, 1769, 1874, 1882 and 2004.1 While observations of all of these transits are on record, Trejo and Allen (2004) have also outlined a possible Mayan observation of an earlier transit of Venus. Meanwhile, Stephenson (1990) carried out an unsuccessful search for evidence of pre-1639 transits of Venus in Chinese astronomical records.

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Stella Cottam () Centre for Astronomy, James Cook University, Townsville, QLD 4811 Australia e-mail: [email protected] W. Orchiston et al. (eds.), Highlighting the History of Astronomy in the Asia-Pacific Region, 225 Astrophysics and Space Science Proceedings, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4419-8161-5_13, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011

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Edmond Halley (1656–1742), promoted the use of transits of Venus as a means of accurately determining the astronomical unit, that “basis yardstick” of Solar System astronomy and in 1716 he submitted a proposal to the Royal Society: Scarce any problem will appear more hard or difficult than that of determining the distance of the sun from the earth, very near the truth; but even this, when we are made acquainted with some exact observations, taken at places fixed upon and chosen beforehand, will, without much labor be effected. And this is what I am now desirous to lay before this illustrious Society (which I foretell will continue for ages), that I may explain beforehand to young astronomers, who may perhaps live to observe these things, a method by which the immense distance of the sun may be truly obtained within a five-hundred part of what it really is (cited in Proctor 1874: 31–32).

This led to enormous scientific interest in the 1761 and 1769 transits (see Woolf 1959), which Halley would not live to see, but these two transits produced conflicting results. Values for the solar parallax obtained during the 1761 transit ranged from 8.28″ to 10.60″, and even though the 1769 transit produced a much smaller range of “reliable” results, namely between 8.43″ and 8.80″, even these represented a variation in the measure of the astronomical unit of ~6.57 × 106 km. According to Hughes (2001: 21–22), Two factors were to blame for the magnitude of this parallax range. One was the inaccuracy of the timing of the Cytherean ingress and egress, due to the black-drop effect. Errors in estimating when Venus had left the solar limb, or reached it, could easily be between 10 and 15 s of time. The other was due to poor knowledge of the latitudes and longitudes of some of the observing sites …

This created tremendous interest in the next pair of transits, in 1874 and 1882, which addressed what Britain’s Astronomer Royal, George Biddell Airy (1857: 208), described as “… the noblest problem in astronomy.” In this paper we examine the 1874 event, especially as viewed from a US perspective, and ways in which it was documented in the pages of the New York Times.

2 The 1874 Transit of Venus 2.1 Introduction After reviewing Halley’s approach to the transits, French astronomer, JosephNicolas Delisle (1688–1768) proposed an alternate method that required observation of either the contacts of ingress or egress from locations widely separated in longitude. The difference in the time of contact would lead to an indirect measurement of Venus’ rate of travel in miles per minute. This difference in absolute time, with the knowledge of the longitude at each site, would lead to an indirect measurement of Venus’ distance, and this was the approach that was adopted for the pair of nineteenth century transits. With this strategy in mind, one of the greatest episodes in international astronomy was launched with an all-out assault on the 1874 transit (Meadows 1974; Sheehan 2004). For example, France (Débarbat and Launay 2006; Lauga 2004) and Germany (Duerbeck 2004, 2007) each sent out six international expeditions, and Britain

The 1874 Transit of Venus and the Popularisation of Astronomy in the USA

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Fig. 1 Map showing those areas of the globe (in blue) where part or all of the 1874 transit of Venus would be visible (after Proctor 1874: Plate VI).

twelve (see Brück 2003, 2004; Chauvin 1993, 2003; Ratcliff 2008). Other European nations were also involved, including Italy (Chinnici 2003; Pigato and Zanini 2001), Holland and Austria (Kopper 2004), and the Russians – not to be outdone – dispatched twenty-six expeditions, but all of these were based on their own soil (Werrett 2006). Further afield, Brazil and Mexico both sent expeditions to Japan (see Freitas Mourão 2004 and Allen 2004, respectively). In the century or so since the 1769 transit the international situation had changed markedly. With Britain and France no longer at war, one might expect better cooperation among the many nations participating in the 1874 transit expeditions. The astronomers also were far better prepared and equipped than previously. Both photography and spectroscopy would play a key role (e.g. see Lankford 1987; Pigato and Zanini 2001), in the hope that these new tools would eliminate once and for all problems associated with visual observations, especially the notorious “black drop effect” (see Schaefer 2001). France’s Jules Janssen even invented a special kind of rotating-plate camera in a bid to obtain successful multiple images of the grand event (see Launay and Hingley 2005). The transit was expected to last more than 4 h (Dick et al. 1998: 231), and it was established that Australia, New Zealand, southeastern Asia and most of the Indian Ocean would provide the best sites for observing the whole transit (see Figure 1). Consequently, Australia attracted two US expeditions (see Orchiston and Buchanan 1993, 2004) but also had stations of its own established by the professional observatories in Adelaide (Edwards 2004), Melbourne (Clark and Orchiston 2004; Orchiston 2004b) and Sydney (Lomb 2004; Orchiston 2004a, b). New Zealand had a network of “local” observing stations across the nation maintained by Government officials and leading amateur astronomers (Orchiston 2004b), but it also hosted British, French, German and US transit parties either at sites on the mainland or on its adjacent islands (Dawson and Duerbeck 2008; Orchiston 2004b; Orchiston et al. 2000).

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2.2 The US Transit Program 2.2.1 The Expeditions In the USA, the 1874 transit of Venus program was seen as a major scientific undertaking (Dick 2003; Janiczek 1983), and in order to carefully plan for and implement this a special Commission was created by Congress in 1871. Dominating the Commission were astronomers from the US Naval Observatory, one of the most influential of whom was that doyen of American astronomy, Simon Newcomb. The Commission decided to send eight expeditions to view the transit, three in the northern hemisphere and five in the southern hemisphere. As it transpired, landing an eclipse party on Crozet Island in the Indian Ocean proved impossible and this group continued on to the island of Tasmania and ended up based at Campbell Town, close to the Hobart transit party. The geographical distribution of the sites where the different American transit parties finally were based is shown in Figure 2. Each transit party normally comprised a Chief Astronomer, an Assistant Astronomer, a Chief Photographer and two or three photographic assistants, along with a small number of local volunteers (Herman 1984). The two astronomers were responsible for the visual observations and for maintaining a time-service, while the photographers conducted the photographic aspects of the program. The Chief Photographer was always a professional photographer, but his assistants were typically “… young

Fig. 2 The distribution of US 1874 transit of Venus stations. 1 = Vladivostok, 2 = Peking, 3 = Nagasaki, 4 = Kerguelen Island, 5 = Campbell Town, 6 = Hobart, 7 = Queenstown, and 8 = Chatham Islands.


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gentlemen of education, recent graduates of different colleges, who had been practiced in chemical and photographic manipulation.” (Newcomb 1880: 16). 2.2.2 The Instrumentation One of the most contentious decisions facing the US Transit of Venus Commission was the types of instruments to be employed during the transit. This revolved around whether the transit parties should rely upon visual observations or a photographic approach, and while it was agreed that both options would be employed, photography was to play the leading role. In deciding upon the most appropriate type of photographic equipment, the Commission selected the fixed horizontal solar telescope first conceived by Joseph Winlock and used by Harvard College Observatory rather than the equatorially-mounted heliograph developed by Walter de la Rue and favoured by the British 1874 transit parties. At the “heart” of the American photoheliograph was a 203-mm square brass plate-holder (see Figure 3) which was mounted on a solid metal pier that was sunk

Fig. 3 Details of the critical components of the photographic telescope. Left: the plate-holder; right: the heliostat.

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Fig. 4 Side elevation showing the overall arrangement of the photoheliograph and transit telescope.

into the ground. A sheet of transparent plate glass about 7.6 mm thick was cemented onto the plate-holder. This plate glass was … divided into small squares by very fine [etched] lines … [and] the sensitive [photographic] plate goes into the other side of the frame, and … there is a space of about oneeighth of an inch between the ruled lines and the plate. The former are, therefore, photographed on each picture of the sun which is taken … (Newcomb 1880: 189).

A plumb-line was also attached to the plate-holder, and this was used to indicate vertical on each photograph. A wooden “Photographic House” protected the plateholder from the elements and also offering facilities for preparing and developing the photographic plates. This simple, flat-roofed prefabricated building was part of the cargo manifest. Out in the open air some 12 m from the Photographic House was a second metal pier which supported a 17.8-cm unsilvered glass heliostat mirror and a 12.7-cm objective. The heliostat (Figure 3) received the incoming sunlight, and the lens focused it on the photographic plate. Figure 4 shows the weight drive that allowed the heliostat to track the Sun during the transit. Extending between the heliostat and the plate-holder was a measuring rod which was used to accurately determine the focal length of the telescope, a parameter that was critical in establishing the plate scale. The measuring rod was supported by a wooden framework which itself was protected by a narrow roof. The ultimate aim of the exercise was to produce an image of the Sun about 10.8-cm in diameter on the photographic plate. The overall arrangement of the photoheliograph is depicted in Figure 4, which also shows the tube extending about 4 m from the Photographic House through which the light from the heliostat passes. Also conspicuous in Figure 4 is the simple prefabricated Transit House, which lies beyond the heliostat pier and housed a 6.35-cm aperture transit telescope made by Stackpole Brothers (Figure 5), an astronomical clock built by the Howard Clock Company of Boston, and three box chronometers. The transit telescope was of the broken-tube variety, … a prism being placed in the center of the tube, by interior reflection from which the pencil rays is [sic] thrown along the axis; and the image is thus formed at the end of the latter … This form of instrument has the great advantages of convenience in observing and rapid and easy manipulation, but is still subject to the disadvantages of collimation varying with zenith-distance of the object observed (Newcomb 1880: 14).


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Fig. 5 The Stackpole Brothers broken-tube transit telescope.

Those responsible for the Transit House were charged with maintaining an accurate local time-service, and with using the instruments therein to determine the precise latitude and longitude of the transit station and the critical N-S alignment of the photographic telescope. Apart from relying solely on the photoheliograph, the Commission decided that each transit party should also be supplied with a 5-in (12.7-cm) equatoriallymounted f/14 refracting telescope by Alvan Clark, so that independent visual observations of the transit could also be made. This instrument was supported by a solid metal pier rather than a tripod, and came with the all-important double-image micrometer so that positional measurements of Venus’ position on the solar disk could be taken during the transit. The telescope and accessories were protected from the elements by a prefabricated “Equatorial House.” This 3 m diameter octagonal wooden observatory contained a rotating conical dome with a single hinged shutter. In order to accommodate all of these instruments and their associated buildings a level site extending ~25 m N-S was required, that offered a firm foundation, protection from the wind, and a clear view of the Sun for the duration of the transit (Commission …, 1874). While the N-S orientation of Transit House and photographic telescope was unchanged at each US transit station, the actual positioning of the Equatorial House varied somewhat according to circumstances. By way of example, the layout of two different transit stations is shown in Figure 6.

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Fig. 6 Plans of the Queenstown (top) and Hobart (bottom) transit stations showing in each case the locations of the photographic telescope, “transit house” and “equatorial house”.


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2.2.3 The Observations and Results As we have seen, the Americans relied for their 1874 parallax result on the photographic observations, and they ended up with 350 different images provided by the eight different transit stations (see Table 1). William Harkness from the US Naval Observatory was assigned the task of measuring the plates, and although these yielded excellent results for the interval when Venus was on the Sun’s disk, there were serious concerns about the quality of the photographic images during the ingress and egress phases (Harkness 1883). Nonetheless, the measurements of all of the American photographs were completed by the end of 1877, and then Harkness faced the laborious task of establishing the longitudes of the various transit stations. When this was accomplished the official report of the 1874 American transit program was to have been published in a succession of volumes, but funding issues only allowed the appearance of the first of these (Newcomb 1880). Unfortunately, this contained none of the results, as these were planned for subsequent volumes. After further delays it was D.P. Todd from the Nautical Almanac Office who eventually published a provisional American value of 8.883 ± 0.034 for the solar parallax (Todd 1881). This value and results obtained by other nations during this transit represent a significant improvement on the uncertainty that surrounded the 1761 and 1769 transits, and with the benefit of hind-sight we can see that the 1874 transit of Venus produced an overall result that was close to the currently-accepted value adopted by the International Astronomical Union in 1976 (see Table 2). Table 1 Photographs from 1874 American transit stations used in deriving a value for the solar parallax (adapted from Dick et al. 1998)

Station Vladivostok (Russia) Nagasaki (Japan) Peking (China) Kerguelen Island (Indian Ocean) Campbell Town (Australia) Hobart (Australia) Queenstown (New Zealand) Chatham Islands (New Zealand) Total

Table 2 Solar parallax determinations (adapted from Dick et al. 1998) Publication date Author Transit(s) or method 1881 Todd 1874 (American) 1878 Tupman 1874 (British) 1888 Auwers 1874 (German) 1888 Auwers 1874 (German) 1895 Newcomb 1874 + 1882 1895 Newcomb 1761 + 1769 + 1874 + 1882 1895 Newcomb System of constants 1976 [IAU] Radar

Number 13 60 90 26 55 39 59 8 350

% of Total 3.71 17.14 25.71 7.43 15.71 11.14 16.86 2.29 99.99

Parallax (″) 8.883 ± 0.034 8.82 − 8.88 8.810 ± 0.120 8.8796 ± 0.0320 8.857 ± 0.023 8.794 ± 0.018 8.800 ± 0.0038 8.794148 ± 0.000007

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3 The 1874 Transit of Venus and the New York Times The 1874 transit of Venus generated immense public interest, resulting in the publication of a number of books (e.g. Forbes 1874; Grant 1874; Proctor 1874; Stock 1874). However, newspapers would offer the most effective means of bringing the on-going saga of the various international transit parties before a wide cross-section of the general public. In her paper “Parlors, Primers and Public Schooling …,” Sally Kohlstedt (1990: 434–436) recognizes that the early nineteenth century was a period of increased literacy in the United States, and printed matter on science published in journals, newspapers and books was becoming increasingly desirable and readily available to the public. Reading also became physically easier with the production of eyeglasses and improved lighting. In the USA most printed matter of scientific value had been reprints of English works, until the appearance of the first American books on astronomy, such as John Gummere’s Elementary Treatise on Astronomy (1822) and Elijah Burritt’s Geography of the Heavens (1833). American-published journals specific to particular topics of interest were increasingly available and many localities in the United States had sufficient readership to support local newspapers. Many of these journals and local newspapers printed articles on the transits of Venus. The New York Times began publication in 1851 and has been in print continuously ever since. At the time of the 1874 transit of Venus it was a daily publication, usually only 8 pages in length. The only illustrations were occasional diagrams (Mott 1962: 428–429). During the years surrounding the two nineteenth century transits of Venus the New York Times would educate the public on the science of these events, intrigue them with tales of adventurous expeditions to alien lands, update them on the successes and failures of the various parties and provide them with further material relating to astronomy in order to cater for continuing public interest in this field. Probably the most significant of the many articles on the transit of 1874 published by the New York Times was that which appeared on 8 December 1874, the very day of the transit. On this date the reader would find a detailed 6-column article defining the transit and describing the two primary methods for its use in the determination of the value of the astronomical unit, complete with diagrams (see Figure 7). The instrumentation used to observe the transit and maintain a local time service was briefly discussed and practical difficulties that might be encountered were described. Preparations made by the various nations were summarized (New York Times, 8 December 1874, 3). Preliminary to this article were a number that served to inform the public and provide them with relevant resources. References were made to useful writings in other periodicals and books (New York Times, 14 March 1874, 8; 23 September 1874, 2; 22 October 1874, 2). There was also a summary of an informational lecture given by Professor Richard Proctor at Cooper Union “… before a large and attentive audience.” (New York Times, 4 April 1874, 5). There was an opinion column published on 19 April 1874 expressing concern about America’s slow start to involve itself in the transit expeditions.


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Fig. 7 Diagrams and descriptions of Halley’s and de L’Isle’s methods were included in the long article about the transit that appeared in the New York Times on 8 December 1874.

There were human interest stories of the adventures of past transits that would intrigue the reader and might increase his or her interest in the current ones. On 25 July and 30 August 1874 articles were published about the trials and tribulations of Le Gentil de la Galasiere, commissioned by the French to observe the transit of 1761 from Pondicherry in India. As war had broken out between the French and the English, he was forced to wait several months before a frigate could deliver him to his destination. Finally arrived, he found the town had been taken into British possession. He was forced to watch the transit from the boat and was unable to collect any usable data. He opted to wait in that part of the world until the next transit of 1769, using his time admirably in other miscellaneous scientific pursuits. At the appointed time in 1769 at Pondicherry he was frustrated yet again, this time by an overcast sky. He headed home and upon his arrival learned that, thinking him dead, the Academy of Sciences had filled his place and his relatives had divided his possessions. Everyone likes a good story (New York Times, 25 July 1874, 2; 30 August 1874, 4)! Americans with interest in the expeditions of their adopted country might have followed closely a series of articles in the New York Times “From Our Own Correspondent,” who accompanied the USA’s southern expeditions to Australia and New Zealand. This unnamed individual started his series with an explanation of the transit’s significance and the funding for its observation. He continued the series with reminiscences through the months of travels to exotic places. Finally he would describe the results obtained by the many parties. In the first article, which was published on 21 May 1874, the correspondent gave some background on the anticipated expeditions. He stated the reasons for the interest in the transits of Venus and described the initial activity of the Government of the United States in providing funding and creating the Commission which would oversee the activities of the various parties. The equipment and methodology to be used also was described. The reader learned that the S.S. Swatara (Figure 8) was designated to transport all of the equipment and personnel

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Fig. 8 The S.S. Swatara anchored in Bluff Harbour, New Zealand, during the American 1874 transit of Venus campaign (courtesy: Hocken Library, Dunedin, New Zealand).

of the southern expeditions, and would leave from New York on 1 June. Speaking of one of the southern sites, on one of the Chatham Islands to the east of New Zealand, he remarks: “This island is either uninhabited or inhabited by cannibals; it is not definitely known which is the fact.” Mention also was made of the northern parties, which would leave for Yokohama on a later date (New York Times, 21 May 1874, 3). On 19 September 1874, the correspondent reported on the progress of the Swatara. The parties had by then reached Bahia in Brazil. This article did not deal with the transit. It was rather a description of local flora and fauna, and the native culture, in itself of great interest to the general public (New York Times, 19 September 1874, 3). The front page of the 6 December 1874 issue of the newspaper featured the correspondent’s latest report, dated 17 August 1874. By this time the Swatara had reached the Cape of Good Hope. Museums and gardens were described, and curious details were noted: “… an American cannot fail to notice that carriages passing each other always turn to the left instead of the right.” There were reminiscences of astronomical accomplishments that had taken place here earlier by Abbé Lacaille and John Herschel, but “The most important scientific establishment now existing at the Cape is, without doubt, the Royal Observatory.” Ostrich farming was described as an interesting local industry. The reader learned that the US astronomers met with the British party that was also heading for Kerguelen Island in the Indian Ocean. For good measure, there was also information about local social events and entertainment (New York Times, 6 December 1874, 1).


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The correspondent’s report of 10 October 1874 appeared in the 7 December issue of the New York Times, by which time the Swatara had reached its first target destination, the bleak and desolate Crozet Islands. The correspondent shared some local color as he related his conversation with a man who used to be a member of a sealing party there in years past. Ultimately bad weather conditions led to the decision to abandon the Crozet Islands as an observation site and move on to Kerguelen Island (New York Times, 7 December 1874, 5). On 30 December 1874, the report of 9 November was printed in the newspaper. The first US southern transit party was installed at Malloy Point on Kerguelen Island, a rocky place with little flora and only birds, ducks and penguins for fauna (New York Times, 30 December 1874, 1). Finally, on 9 February 1875 readers were treated to the correspondent’s report of 17 December 1874, a full nine days after the transit. Here the author went into great detail about the activities of Professor Harkness’ group at Hobart in Tasmania. After the usual description of the local geography, the correspondent described the set-up of buildings and instruments for the astronomers at the site. He described the transit itself as “… a sad disappointment.” since observations were periodically interrupted by clouds and heavy rain. Nonetheless, some photos were obtained. It was noted that Captain Raymond’s party at Campbell Town to the north of Hobart, which originally was to have been located on the Crozet Islands, had similar bad luck with weather, although they did obtain about 125 photographs (New York Times, 9 February 1875, 8). One of these is reproduced here in Figure 9.2 On 23 February 1875 the report of 13 January 1875 was printed, which brought the reader up-to-date on the final two southern transit parties, which were based at Queenstown in the South Island of New Zealand and at the Chatham Islands to the east of New Zealand. Queenstown was an inland village of about 780 inhabitants on the shores of Lake Whakatipu, and although difficult to reach (it involved 40 miles of travel by railroad, then 60 miles by stage coach and finally 20 miles by steamboat) it proved to be an ideal sight with excellent visibility. The party saw most of the transit and obtained more than 200 photographs. Finally, the Chatham Island party had been delivered to their site on 19 October 1874. They had cloudy weather during most of the transit and obtained only 13 photographs. There was no mention of cannibals! In this installment the correspondent related how Captain Chandler of the Swatara responded to a request by the German Council at Melbourne and went in search of and successfully found the German transit party located on the

None of the original photograph glass plates exposed at Campbell Town has survived, and in the course of an extensive search for photographic records relating to the Campbell Town program the photograph shown in Figure 9 was the only one that could be traced (see Orchiston and Buchanan, 2004). But even its survival was fortuitous, as it forms part of the astronomical records of Alfred Barrett Biggs, a Campbell Town school teacher with an interest in astronomy who assisted the American party during the transit program. Following the transit, Biggs went on to become Tasmania’s foremost astronomer, publishing a number of research papers – mainly about his micrometric observations of comets and double stars – in the Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania and in Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society (see Orchiston, 1985).

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Fig. 9 Photograph of the transit of Venus taken at Campbell Town. The inscription on the card upon which the photograph was mounted reads: “Transit of Venus. Dec. 9, 1874. To Mr. Alfred B. Biggs From his friend Chas. W. Raymond Capt. of Engineers, US Army Chief Astronomer.” Raymond was in charge of the Campbell Town expedition (courtesy: Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston, Tasmania).

subantarctic Auckland Islands (far to the south of New Zealand), which had not been heard from in some time (New York Times, 23 February 1875, 2). On 29 March 1875 the New York Times printed the final installment in the saga of “Our Own Correspondent” which was dated 9 February 1875. It described the final days of the expedition members at the Chatham Islands and their move to Hobart in preparation for the return to the United States (New York Times, 29 March 1875, 3). Finally, it was only on 5 August 1875 that the New York Times published an article titled “The Astronomer’s Work,” which summarized the accomplishments of all of the 1874 American transit of Venus expeditions (New York Times, 5 August 1875, 3). In addition to the foregoing articles the New York Times responded to public curiosity by also publishing frequent reports about the successes of the various American and foreign expeditions. Besides substantial articles about particular expeditions there would often be one or two-line fillers updating the reader on a particular success.

4 Discussion As evidence of the sustained interest in astronomical topics following the success of the 1874 transit of Venus over the next few months and years the New York Times would feature articles discussing future astronomical events. In addition,


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one might read “Letters to the Editor” debating the value of the expense of such astronomical expeditions, while in the classified advertisements one might find announcements of new books on astronomy. Announcements of public lectures, frequently given by participants in these expeditions, were particularly intriguing to the interested public. It was apparent from the number and nature of articles in the New York Times during the second half of the 1870s that there was a growing anticipation of the next transit of Venus which would occur in 1882. This time the event would be visible over much of the United States, so necessarily the US participation in this upcoming transit would be of a very different nature. Besides planning for their own expeditions on home soil, Americans could expect to host foreign expeditions. Public lectures delivered prior to the transit, such as ones given by the well-known British astronomer, Richard Proctor, in New York in November 1879, would be announced and summarized in the New York Times (14 November, 1879, 2).

5 Concluding Remarks The 1874 transit of Venus played a key role in helping unravel one of the primary mysteries of Solar System astronomy, the true value of the astronomical unit. The USA mounted an ambitious transit program, establishing eight different transit stations in Asia, the Indian Ocean and the Australia–New Zealand region, and news of the transit was relayed to an American public already well-versed in the significance of this transit and the crucial part that their nation was playing in this important astronomical venture. One of the principal outlets used to bring this ever-changing scientific saga to the American people was the New York Times newspaper, which even sent its own astronomical correspondent on the S.S. Swatara in order to accompany the Southern Hemisphere expedition parties to Australia and New Zealand. Through the various reports by this correspondent and accounts of non-US transit expeditions published in the New York Times, the “astronomical literacy” of readers of this newspaper was raised, standing them in good stead for the much-anticipated 1882 transit of Venus. Weather-permitting, this magnificent spectacle would be visible across the North American continent. Acknowledgements We are grateful to the Hocken Library (Dunedin, New Zealand) and the Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery (Launceston, Tasmania) for kindly providing Figures 8 and 9, respectively.

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