The Chalcolithic Period of the Southern Levant: A ... - Springer Link

J World Prehist (2009) 22:1–92 DOI 10.1007/s10963-009-9016-4 ORIGINAL PAPER

The Chalcolithic Period of the Southern Levant: A Synthetic Review Yorke M. Rowan Æ Jonathan Golden

Published online: 9 April 2009 Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2009

Abstract In the southern Levant, the late fifth millennium to mid-fourth millennium BC—traditionally known as the Chalcolithic period—witnessed major cultural transformations in virtually all areas of society, most notably craft production, mortuary and ritual practices, settlement patterns, and iconographic and symbolic expression. A degree of regionalism is evident in material culture, but continuity in ceramic styles, iconographic motifs, and mortuary practices suggests a similar cultural outlook linking these subregions. Luxury items found in group mortuary caves provide good evidence for at least some inequality in access to exotic materials. The level of complexity in social organization, however, is still debated. Divergent interpretations of Chalcolithic socio-economic organization suggest that, with the large amount of new information now available, a reevaluation of the debate is due. In this article we synthesize the more recent evidence and weigh interpretations of processes that led to the widespread fundamental changes witnessed during the late fifth to early fourth millennium BC. Keywords

Chalcolithic Southern Levant Social organization Craft specialization

Introduction Archaeological research conducted in the southern Levant highlights the importance of the fifth and early fourth millennia as a time of fundamental change in socio-political organization, craft production and subsistence economy. Intensified agricultural production is attested to by cereal cultivation in previously uncultivated regions and increased reliance on fruits, especially olives; the secondary products of animals also play a key role in the diversification of the economy. Craft production increases in volume, technological Y. M. Rowan (&) The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, 1155 E. 58th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, USA e-mail: [email protected] J. Golden Department of Anthropology, Drew University, Madison, NJ 07940, USA

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expertise, long-distance resource procurement and innovative variability. This expertise is visible in ceramics, stone working, and ivory carving, but it is metallurgy that displays the greatest leap in technological knowledge. This evidence suggests that agricultural intensification created the opportunities for greater investment in craft production, with direct impact on socio-political organization; how to best understand this socio-political organization is the subject of some debate. The rapid pace of modern development in the southern Levant has increased the number of archaeological salvage projects alongside academic field research in the region. Particularly since the 1980s, the scale of field research has led to numerous important discoveries, significantly increasing the quantity of archaeological data that should be considered in a synthesis of the region. As new archaeological data have become available, the major reviews for the period (Gilead 1988; Levy 1986) have become dated. Coupled with this expansion of archaeological research, the publication of a few major research projects has dramatically altered our understanding of at least three major issues: chronological transitions at the beginning and end of the period; regional differences; and mortuary practices. There remain a number of unresolved problems related both to internal periodization and to understanding socio-economic organization for the period. Our goals for this synthetic study of the Chalcolithic are: (1) to review the most recent data and update the perspective on the period within the southern Levant, including key topics such as subsistence economy, settlement patterns, mortuary practices, and material culture; (2) consider how this evidence varies regionally and chronologically; and (3) reevaluate our current understanding of social, economic and political organization for the region based on the addition of this new evidence. We will attempt to convey which topics remain contested among scholars of the period, and to outline what we consider key issues for future investigation. Rather than present this paper as if a single consensus for the period exists, we will highlight areas where considerable disagreement remains; acknowledging disagreement provides a greater service to the reader than advancing one picture of the period free of debate. Origins of the Chalcolithic The focus of this discussion, the southern Levant, encompasses the southern sections of Lebanon and Syria, the Palestine Autonomous Authority, Israel, and Jordan. Within this area, diverse ecological zones include: the Mediterranean coastal plain, widening from north to south; a central hilly zone between the coastal plain and the Rift Valley; the Rift Valley (including the Sea of Galilee, Jordan River, and Dead Sea); the Transjordanian plateau and escarpment; and to the east, the Eastern Desert extending into Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The region is well known in anthropological, archaeological and educational literature for landmark changes and historical occurrences that have had longstanding cultural and biological impact on the human population around the world. Possibly the best known changes are associated with the ‘Neolithic Revolution’, a phrase coined by V. G. Childe in the early twentieth century to describe the fundamental importance of the linked phenomena of domesticated plants and animals, increasing permanence of settlement and demographic growth, and the attendant technological and ideological innovations that accompanied these changes. The transition from foraging to farming during the Neolithic periods represents a critical transformative point and, as such, has been widely studied and extensively published (see Kuijt and Goring-Morris 2002 for a recent, comprehensive review and synthesis, and references therein).

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After nearly 75 years of research on the Chalcolithic, precise definition of characteristics and chronological boundaries of the period remains elusive. Basic subsistence practices— the mixed agricultural economy established by the PPNB/PPNC—continue through the Late (Pottery) Neolithic, and into the late fifth and early fourth millennia BC. Yet certain changes in material culture, though subtle and gradual, reflect a changing society. Recognizing that there were distinct ceramic types preceding those of the Early Bronze Age, Albright (1931, 1932) introduced the term Chalcolithic (copper–stone age) to describe these styles. Concerted efforts to investigate this culture commenced with eight seasons of excavation (1929–1938) initiated by the Pontifical Biblical Institute at the site of Tulaylat al-Ghassul (Fig. 1), located near the northeastern shore of the Dead Sea (Mallon et al. 1934; see Bourke 1997a, b, 2002a, b; Lovell 2001 for details of excavation history). With Ghassul identified as the type-site for this culture, the term ‘Ghassulian’, first coined by Neuville (1930a, b), has been used interchangeably with the term Chalcolithic, and somewhat mistakenly, ever since. Extensive investigations were subsequently carried out at the Beersheva Chalcolithic settlements of Bir es-Safadi and Tell Abu Matar (Perrot 1955, 1959a, b, 1968; Perrot et al. 1967). Unexpectedly impressive cultural achievements observed at these sites led Perrot (1955, p. 185) to suggest that their inhabitants originated elsewhere; an influx of immigrants settling the region was widely accepted (Anati 1963; Mellaart 1963). Possible Halafian and Ubaid influences in decorative motifs on early Chalcolithic pottery suggested a northern origin to scholars such as de Vaux (1970) and Kenyon (1979). With increased archaeological evidence, continuity of Chalcolithic pottery and flint assemblages to the Late Neolithic led to the increasing acceptance that changes were not due to the influx of a new population but represented indigenous local development (Bourke 1997a, b; Gilead 1988; Gopher and Gophna 1993; Hennessy 1969, 1982; Levy 1998; Moore 1973). Sites widely accepted as Chalcolithic begin by c. 4500 BC or 6000–5800 BP, and probably earlier (Burton and Levy 2001, Figs. 2, 3, 4). Radiocarbon dates, discussed in greater depth below, establish that the uninterrupted occupation at some sites begins much earlier than the fourth millennium BC. Still, scholars disagree on criteria that demarcate the Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic; this ambiguity has fostered a variety of terms for periods and cultures related to the transition between the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, such as Wadi Rabah, Qatifian, Besorian, Jericho VIII–IX, Coastal Neolithic and Lodian (Garfinkel 1999a, b). Reviewing and synthesizing these sixth to fifth millennium BC entities, Gopher and Gophna (1993) discuss the problems hindering their study, such as the burial of Neolithic strata under later major multiple occupation tell sites, poor field methodologies (for example, lack of sieving or flotation), and the unsuitable excavation techniques of early investigations. As Bourke (1997a, b, p. 397) points out, numerous small-scale investigations with limited material culture promote a tendency to interpret minor ceramic distinctions, often recovered from restricted exposures, as the equivalent of cultural differences. This has encouraged the creation of entities such as the Lodian, Tsafian, or Besorian, poorly defined distinctions based on small ceramic assemblages originating in limited excavations or exposures. In addition, such regional ‘core’ areas are used to create narrative culture-history accounts of archaeological cultures that may or may not have existed (Watkins 2008; Rowan and Lovell in preparation). Different groupings and divisions for the late fifth to early fourth millennium underscore the continued disagreement over which features represent regional variability, cultural affiliations or chronological divisions. Although these alternative proposals are treated below, we do not propose to resolve the chronological confusion associated with the Late Neolithic to Early Chalcolithic transition; that will require additional publication of radiocarbon dated material

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Tel Turmus

Peqi'in

Study area

Kabri

Byblos

Byblos Jawa

Rasm Harbush

Sea of Galilee

Akko

G O L A N

Haifa Yiftahel

Maadi

rmuk R. Ya

Megadim 'Afula 100 km

Neve Ur Hadera

Beth Shean Meser

Mediterranean Sea Bene Berak

Nahal Qanah

Tel Aviv

Nablus

Wadi Rabah Azor

Palmahim

Gaza

Adeimah

N . Be s o

Tel Halif

Tuleilat Ghassul

Dead

En Gedi Abu Hof Gilat

Amman

Jericho

Umm Qatafa

W. Zeita

Kissufim

Abu Hamid

Jerusalem

T. Batashi

Grar

Abu Habil

el-Mafjar

Gezer

Ben Shemen Yehud Shoham(N)

Tel Tsaf

Farah(N)

Giv'atayim

N

Pella

Jo rda n R

0

Tell eshShunah (N) Irbid

Megiddo

Sea

W. Mujib

N. Mishmar

Beersheva

Tel Arad

Bab edh-Dhra

Arad

r

Shiqmim

Kilometers 0

Kerak Bir es-Safadi Horvat Beter Abu Matar

40

NEGEV

W.

n

Modern City/Town

ida .F

Archaeological Site

W. H a

MAKTESH RAMON

sa

W

'A R A B A

W. Ghazzeh sites

FEINAN

Fig. 1 Selected Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in study area

culture from clear contexts. The paucity of reliable dates from the transitional period of the late sixth to early fifth millennium BC, coupled with reliance on small ceramic assemblages from limited excavated exposures, has fostered a complicated picture producing

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conflicting interpretations largely built upon ceramic sequences. Recent efforts to resolve these chronological problems, largely based on sequences from sites in the Jordan Valley, increased our understanding of the order, but considerable disagreement remains (Banning 2002; Blackham 2002; Lovell 2002). In order to understand the origins of Chalcolithic societies, reviewing the Neolithic background leading to the sixth and fifth millennia is essential, particularly Wadi Rabah. The Neolithic Sedentary, increasingly agriculturally based communities are documented ranging across the Levant during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) periods, and have been intensively studied during the twentieth century. A wide variety of economies were extant, based upon combinations of gathering, agriculture, fishing, animal husbandry and, to a lesser degree, hunting. Use of mudbrick, spinning and basketry became prevalent, and other technological achievements included the expansion of ground stone technology and lime plaster production (Bar-Yosef 1998). Pan-Levantine affinities are suggested by some scholars to exist from the Middle Euphrates to the southern Levantine arid regions (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989a, b; Gopher 1998, pp. 205–207). At the height of the Neolithic in the southern Levant during the Pre Pottery Neolithic B (10500–8700 BP, calibrated, Kuijt and Goring-Morris 2002, Table 1) sites are typically large, some over 8 ha (Banning 1998). Particularly evident during the Middle PPNB are the well-known mortuary and ritual practices, ranging from skull manipulation and removal (beginning as early as the Natufian), the large statues at ‘Ain Ghazal, and most recently, the apparent manipulation of human remains at the possible ritual site of Kfar Hahoresh (Goring-Morris 2000). Domestic and public rituals are suggested (Rollefson 1983, 2000), and ritual paraphernalia has been interpreted as indicating ancestor worship (Bar-Yosef and Alon 1988, pp. 27–28;

Table 1 Schematic timeline for Late Neolithic to Chalcolithic entities (late sixth to fifth millennia) Phase/entity

Key sites

Radiometric dates (BC)

Yarmukian

Sha’ar Hagolan, Hamadiya, Munhata, ‘Ain Ghazal, ‘Ain Rahub, Jebel Abu Thawwab, Tel Qishon, Wadi Shueib

5500–5000

Qatifian

Y-3, Site D, Site M, P14, ‘Ain Waida’

5240–4930 (two dates only)

Jericho IX— Lodian

Jericho, Lod, Ghrubba, Teluliot Batashi, Dhra’

No reliable dates available

Wadi Rabah

4900–4700 Wadi Rabah, Tel Aviv, ‘Ain el-Jarba, Teluliot Batashi, Munhata, Horvat Usa, Tell ‘Ali, Nahal Zehora, Abu Zureiq, Tel Te’o

Besorian

Ramot 3, Ramot Nof, R-48, A-301

‘Normative’ ‘Ghassulian’ Tulyalat Ghassul, Gilat, Grar Chalcolithic ‘Beersheban’ Abu Matar, Bir es-Safadi, Shiqmim, Horvat Beter Eastern highlands Kh. es-Sauma’a Hula Tel Te’o Golan Rasm Harbush Jordan Valley Abu Hamid, Tell esh-Shuneh Western highlands Abu Snesleh

4682–4464 (one date, Ramot Nof, Nahshoni et al. 2002) 4500–3600/3500

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for a contrasting view, see Bonogofsky 2003, 2004). In addition to the treated human skulls, ritual features include well-known caches of plaster statuary from ‘Ain Ghazal, stone masks, and figurines (Bar-Yosef and Alon 1988; Bienert 1991; Goren et al. 2001; Kuijt 2000, 2001; Schmandt-Besserat 1998). By the Late PPNB, larger villages appear to shift to the eastern side of the Jordan Valley, although whether this is an actual distribution or reflects sites obscured by later occupation on the western side of the Jordan River is unclear (Kuijt and Goring-Morris 2002, p. 406). Some argue that the PPNB witnesses the rise of social inequality (Henry 1989; Wright 1978), but based on burial data, others argue the evidence is weak (Bar-Yosef 1998; Belfer-Cohen 1995). Debate continues over why this extensive network of PPNB villages seems to have altered; earlier scholars assumed that there was a long period of widespread abandonment of the region based on the fragmentation of this extensive system (Kenyon 1957; Perrot 1968). This may reflect more widely dispersed population rather than a regional abandonment, but the reasons behind this change are unclear. Over-exploitation may have played a role (Rollefson 1988; Rollefson et al. 1992), possibly combined with climatic deterioration (cf. Bar-Yosef 1998). At the start of the Late PPNB, a shift occurred in large agricultural villages from the Mediterranean zone, many along the Jordan Valley, to the eastern side of the valley in Mediterranean to desert areas, when many new LPPNB sites appear (Kuijt and Goring-Morris 2002). Many of these new settlements, founded in new locations with no previous PPNB occupation, are larger than earlier villages. Following this period, there is an apparent contraction in population, formerly seen as a hiatus of as much as a millennium between the final PPNB and the appearance of the Late (Pottery) Neolithic (Kenyon 1957; Moore 1985; Perrot 1968). Despite an apparent crisis and shifting of settlement patterns at the end of the final PPNB (or PPNC: Rollefson 1989a, b; Rollefson et al. 1992), some sites show occupational continuity into the Pottery Neolithic (e.g., ‘Ain Ghazal). Nevertheless, during the eighth and seventh millennia BP, Pottery Neolithic sites are on a very different scale of farmsteads and hamlets, typically much smaller (c. 1– 2 ha, Gopher and Gophna 1993, p. 301) than LPPNB or PPNC sites. At the same time sites such as Jericho, situated in prime locations adjacent to perennial sources of water, were occupied throughout most, if not all, of the Neolithic period. Convincing arguments suggest, moreover, that there may be a bias against the recognition of sites dated to the Late Neolithic because they are typically located in places where they would be deeply buried by colluvial deposits (Banning et al. 1994, 1996). Thus, rather than an absence of settlements, the ‘gap’ between the PPN and Late Neolithic reflects a variety of factors, including contraction of settlement, relocation to sites later deeply buried through subsequent re-occupation, outdated radiometric dates and inadequate research. Reviewing the southern Levantine Pottery Neolithic, Gopher and Gophna (1993) argue for the development of the Ghassulian from the Yarmukian and Wadi Rabah. They suggest that the Yarmukian, which they consider a new socioeconomic system, developed into the rural agricultural Wadi Rabah culture. Recent excavations and reanalysis of earlier excavations, correlated with radiometric data, suggest to (Bourke 2001, p. 5, 2002a, b) that the Chalcolithic at Tulaylat al-Ghassul derived directly from these preceding Neolithic cultures shortly after 5000 BC. Similar continuity in Late Neolithic to Chalcolithic assemblages is now known from other Jordan Valley sites, such as the basal levels of Abu Hamid (Dollfus and Kafafi 1993; Lovell et al. 1997), and Wadi Ziqlab 200 (Banning et al. 1996). In order to understand the derivation and chronostratigraphic sequence of the early Chalcolithic, archaeological evidence related to Wadi Rabah is critical. Unlike other Late Neolithic, post-Yarmukian entities, Wadi Rabah includes a wider diversity of sites with many similarities to the ‘normative’ Chalcolithic.

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The Wadi Rabah Complex The term Wadi Rabah is often associated with the late Neolithic—early Chalcolithic transition. This archaeological complex, known primarily from sites and strata in the north to central regions of Palestine, is recognized by specific elements of material culture that demonstrate continuity with later Chalcolithic assemblages. It was first recognized as a distinct tradition by Kaplan in the 1950s, based on his excavations at the eponymous typesite (Kaplan 1958); additional levels and sites were recognized during the 1960s at ‘Ein el Jarba, Teluliot Batashi and in the Tel Aviv area (Gopher 1998; Kaplan 1966, 1969, 1976). Subsequently, layers previously excavated at large tell sites such as Jericho VIII (Ben-Dor 1936; Garstang 1935), Beth Shean XVII (Braun 2004; Shipton 1939), and Tell Farah (North) (de Vaux 1976) were identified as Wadi Rabah. More recent investigations reveal additional examples from Tel Dan (Gopher and Greenberg 1987, 1996) and a slightly earlier variant at Tel Te’o (Eisenberg et al. 2001, p. 200) but these chronological associations continue to be debated (Sadeh and Eisenberg 2001). Stratigraphically, Wadi Rabah levels are later than the Yarmukian or Jericho IX at Jericho and Munhata (Garfinkel 1999a, b, pp. 148–150), but the ‘classic’ Chalcolithic was not discovered above the Wadi Rabah at those particular sites. Although Wadi Rabah levels occur at a few sites in pre-Chalcolithic contexts, such as the eponymous type-site, Teluliot Batashi, Munhata and ‘Ein Assawir (Gopher and Gophna 1993; Yannai 2006), delineation between Wadi Rabah and ‘classic’ Chalcolithic remains unclear. Gopher and Gophna (1993) and Gopher (1998), who consider Wadi Rabah a Late Neolithic entity, identify a large number of sites and layers as Wadi Rabah variants, covering a denser and wider range than earlier Neolithic cultural phases, that extend from Ard Tlaili and Tel Dan in the north to at least the southern Jordan Valley; no Wadi Rabah sites have been identified to the east of the Jordan Valley. Sites such as Qidron (Rosenberg and van den Brink 2005) and Teluliot Batashi (Kaplan 1993) define the southern extent, although further to the south, Wadi Rabah sherds were identified at Gilat but without clear Wadi Rabah stratigraphic contexts (Levy et al. 1995, 2006a). In the view of Gopher and Gophna (1993), there are regional variants, such as the Qatifian and the Besor sites (Gilead and Alon 1988; Goren 1990), and regional subcultures largely defined by ceramic variations (Gopher 1998, p. 217, Fig. 7). Such a reconstruction, though, is not without problems. Radiometric dates are few, and none come from the sites originally used to define the Wadi Rabah’s main attributes. Radiocarbon dates from sites such as Ard Tlaili (Lebanon), Newe Yam, Tel Tsaf and Tell Qatif Y-3 place Wadi Rabah in the early half of the fifth millennium BC (see Gopher and Gophna 1993 for dates). This problem is underscored by attempts to understand the relationship of the Qatifian, previously limited to the southern coastal plain, to early levels at Ghassul and sites in the Faynan region (Goren 1990). Qatifian pottery was thought to exhibit technological parallels with pottery from early levels at Ghassul and the site of Fidan 4, in the Faynan area. Fidan 4, originally proposed to be Chalcolithic (Adams and Genz 1995), was later recognized as Early Bronze I based on radiocarbon dates (Genz 1997), as well as certain elements (e.g., ceramic assemblage) of material culture (Golden 1998), demonstrating the problems confronted when attempting to establish cultural affinities based primarily on technological manufacturing attributes. Recent excavations at the Late Neolithic settlement of ‘Ain Waida’on Wadi Dhra’ to the east of the Dead Sea, however, support the similarity of the assemblage to the Qatifian. A single radiocarbon date 6170 ± 55 BP (5240–4940 cal. BC) and material culture parallels provide some of the most convincing evidence for the Qatifian beyond the immediate vicinity of the type-site (Kuijt and Chesson 2002). That radiocarbon date sits comfortably with the single date from Qatif Y-3 (Gilead 1990) and

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corroborates the existence of a southern Late Neolithic tradition distinct from Wadi Rabah. For the present discussion, other traditions such as Jericho VIII, Pottery Neolithic B and Coastal Neolithic are treated as one basic archaeological entity that fits within the definition of Wadi Rabah and its regional variations. Diagnostic Wadi Rabah pottery includes bow-rim jars and red and black burnished wares. The bowls are rounded, V-shaped, carinated, or upright forms. Platters, pedestalled bowls, hole-mouth jars and pithoi are also common. Decorative motifs include incising, combing, impressing and plastic attachments; a simple red painted band around the rim is introduced (Garfinkel 1999b, p. 105), a decorative technique that continues throughout the Chalcolithic. Garfinkel, on the other hand, views the Wadi Rabah as a drastic change from earlier Neolithic traditions, with few signs of continuity or the ‘hybrids’ he anticipates for a transitional phase; new forms are attributed to the Halafian (Garfinkel 1999b, p. 305). Increased reliance on domesticated animals and a decline in hunting is evident in the predominance of domesticated livestock in faunal assemblages, as well as arrowhead frequencies, which decline from the Yarmukian to the Lodian, virtually disappearing by the Wadi Rabah (Gopher 1998, pp. 211–216). As in the Chalcolithic, ovicaprines dominate faunal assemblage counts, but cattle, pigs and fish bones are also included. Evidence for secondary products is found in the spindle whorls and loom weights for weaving and a vessel similar to the churn is suggested from Nahal Zehora I (Gopher and Gophna 1993). People continued to rely primarily on pulses and cereals, but evidence is beginning to emerge that these were supplemented with olives, presumably for oil (Galili et al. 1989; Gopher and Gophna 1993; Liphschitz 1988–1989). Sherds with black or red geometric net or diamond painted patterns over a white wash background are known from a few sites in the Jordan Valley, best represented at Tel Tsaf (Gophna and Sadeh 1988–1989) but also recovered at Kataret es-Samra (Leonard 1989), Tell esh-Shunah and Tell Abu Habil (Garfinkel 1999b, pp. 186–188, Photo 96, Fig. 114), and possibly inspired by northern traditions of the Halaf (Kaplan 1960; Gophna and Sadeh 1988–1989) or Ras Shamra. The relationship of this ‘Tsafian ware’ (Lovell 2001) to Wadi Rabah remains unclear; Gopher (1998) considers it a variant of Wadi Rabah, while Garfinkel (1999b) considers the Tsafian along with Beth Shean and Qatifian to be chronologically later than Wadi Rabah, which he calls ‘Middle Chalcolithic’ (Garfinkel 1999b, pp. 153–189; for a critique of Garfinkel’s ‘Middle Chalcolithic’ see Braun 2004). According to some researchers, Tel Tsaf dates to the early Chalcolithic, coming later than the Wadi Rabah phase but earlier than the Ghassulian culture (Gophna and Sadeh 1988–1989; Lovell 2001). Until the chronological and geographical distribution of these painted wares becomes more definitive, it is best to treat the Tsaf-style ware as a regional pottery tradition, rather than a reflection of archaeological ‘cultures’ (Lovell 2001, p. 51). There are other problems with Garfinkel’s ‘Middle Chalcolithic’, such as the lack of temporal space left for an ‘early Chalcolithic’ to fit between the Yarmoukian and his Middle Chalcolithic entities. Based in part on the earliest appearance of ‘classic’ Chalcolithic artifacts, such as cornets and fenestrated stands, Lovell (2001) suggests that Levels G and GH at Ghassul represent the ‘Early Chalcolithic’, corresponding to Gilat and Grar. Some elements of the Wadi Rabah can still be observed, while early diagnostic features of the Chalcolithic, such as the distinctive iconography and the proliferation of pottery types, can be clearly observed. This was followed by a later phase where there was a significant increase in the frequency of painted and incised decoration. At Ghassul (Levels F, D, and E), cornets became more common and the churn made its first appearance at the site. Wadi Rabah chipped stone assemblages, referred to as the ‘last Neolithic flint industry’ (Barkai and Gopher 1999), are broadly similar to those of the Chalcolithic, with high

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frequencies of tools made from flakes and an absence of arrowheads. Sickle blades, awl/ borers, endscrapers, notches, denticulates, and other retouched and utilized blades and flakes exhibit strong similarities to Chalcolithic assemblages. Intensively re-sharpened and maintained bifacial tools (axes, adzes, and, predominantly, chisels) are common (Barkai and Gopher 1999, pp. 83–84). Notably, arrowheads have virtually disappeared (Barkai and Gopher 1999, pp. 111–117). Extensive plans of Wadi Rabah structures are rare, but the known examples are typified by rectangular structures with stone foundations, some with irregular shaped paved areas outside the walls. These structures are often associated with pits of various sizes, sometimes lined with stone or brick (Gopher and Gophna 1993). Although there remain large gaps in data from many of these sites, and the radiometric dating is notably poor, Wadi Rabah sites create the impression of significant change from the earlier Late Neolithic cultures. As summarized in Table 2, various aspects of material culture and cultural practices are distinct from features of the normative Chalcolithic. If one accepts the proposed variants, the Wadi Rabah may be regarded as a larger archaeological culture with regional subcultures (Gopher and Gophna 1993), establishing a pattern that continues into the Chalcolithic. More recent evidence supports earlier assertions that there are phases that exist between Wadi Rabah and the early Chalcolithic. This is particularly true of sites such as ‘Ein Asawir (‘En Esur), where stratigraphic levels clearly indicate material post-dating Wadi Rabah levels and predating those of the early Chalcolithic (Yannai 2006); other sites such as Horvat ‘Uza may demonstrate similar sequences when published (Getzov 1993). The Besorian, suggested to follow the Qatifian and precede both the Ghassulian and Beershevan (Gilead and Alon 1988; Gilead 1990), may be a chronological equivalent in marginal zones. However, recognition and acceptance of the Besorian continues to suffer from the same constraints: a limited repertoire of ceramic and lithic forms derived from poorly Table 2 Material culture correlates, Wadi Rabah versus early– mid Chalcolithic

Wadi Rabah

Early–mid Chalcolithic

All handmade pottery

Primarily handmade pottery; wheel made Vshaped vessels and sections of other vessels?

Red and black burnished wares

Burnished wares rare

Bow rim jars

No bow rim jars?

Cornets?

Cornets

Churns rare

Churns

One macehead?

Maceheads; disc, piriform, convex-topped; copper, granite, hematite, limestone, others

No ivory

Occasional ivory (exceptionally rare)

No smelted copper

Occasional copper (rare)

No palettes

Occasional palettes (rare)

No violin-shaped figurines

Violin-shaped figurines (rare)

Rare basalt bowls

Basalt bowls

No ossuaries

Ossuaries (regional)

Primary burials

Primary and secondary burials

Slingstones

No slingstones

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stratified or unstratified sites, many excavated by Eann Macdonald in the early twentieth century (Macdonald et al. 1932). As Lovell (2001, p. 49) notes, the earliest phases of Ghassul represent a Late Neolithic phase, which may be partly associated with the Besorian, but whether this reflects cultural factors or similarities between simple artifact forms remains to be determined. The Besorian was initially defined without benefit of radiometric dates, and more recent salvage excavations at Ramot Nof revealed only pits and produced the sole radiocarbon date for the entire Besorian ‘phase’ at 4682–4464 BC (Nahshoni et al. 2002, p. 3*). For the purposes of this paper, we consider the aforementioned entities to be Neolithic phases or cultural entities, namely Yarmukian, Wadi Rabah, Jericho VIII, Lodian, and Qatifian, antecedent to the Chalcolithic. Ceramics clearly established traditions of manufacture and dećor that argue for continuity of indigenous populations, but the balance of material culture and practices suggest the Qatifian, Jericho VII, Lodian and Wadi Rabah entities are more similar to each other and distinct from other Late Neolithic phases (Yarmukian, Jericho IX). This is not to suggest an abrupt break between the Late Neolithic and the earlier phases of the Chalcolithic—the gradual nature of the transition is now relatively clear—but that there are notable differences when we examine all material culture assemblages. Late Neolithic pottery vessels, for instance, are exclusively handmade, with a limited repertoire of forms—including highly burnished black and red at Wadi Rabah sites, which essentially disappears during the Chalcolithic. Other material culture features vary from those that are nearly ubiquitous at Chalcolithic sites to those that are rare, but limited to the Chalcolithic. Some new features of the Chalcolithic, such as secondary burial practices or copper production, are clearly new ideas distinct from those of the Late Neolithic. Other features are not ubiquitous throughout all Chalcolithic sites, but are unknown from earlier sites (see Table 2 for comparison of characteristics of Wadi Rabah and the Chalcolithic). Maceheads, palettes, violin-shaped figurines, ivory figurines and ossuaries, although not found at all Chalcolithic sites, are recognizably associated with the period and virtually unknown from Late Neolithic contexts. Likewise, finely crafted basalt vessels, some in elaborate forms associated with secondary burial contexts (van den Brink et al. 1999), become ubiquitous during the late fifth to early fourth millennium BC, but very few fragments are associated with Late Neolithic contexts (Rowan 1998). This evidence will be investigated in greater depth below, but the point here is that this cluster of material culture coalesces to form a very different picture to that established by the assemblages known from the Late Neolithic. By the later phases of the Chalcolithic these features stand in stark contrast to the material culture of the Late Neolithic.

Terminology, Chronology, and Regionalism Terminology The field currently suffers from terminological problems, specifically, the use of terms that are too general. For instance, Chalcolithic as currently defined refers to a period of roughly 1,000 years, yet with no consensus on how to subdivide this era. There is also a problem with the use of type-site terminology, where one site, perceived as representative of the culture overall, lends its name to the time period and/or culture. The problem with this practice is that research conducted subsequent to the excavation of the type-site frequently

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reveals that it is not, in fact, so typical or representative of the broader cultural context. Such errors, once written into the literature and taught to generations of scholars, are difficult to undo. This appears to be the case with the Ghassulian nomenclature: the term is poorly defined and used in a wide variety of circumstances (but now see Bourke 1997a, b, 2002a, b; Lovell 2001). Tulaylat al-Ghassul certainly exhibits a number of distinct features that have become almost synonymous with the Chalcolithic, but many of these features, upon closer inspection, are unique to Ghassul. For instance, the wall paintings found at Ghassul are unknown from other sites. Even features that are not unique to Ghassul are not necessarily common to other key sites. Cornets, for example, constitute a distinctive component of Ghassul’s ceramic assemblage, yet they are essentially absent from a number of large and presumably important sites in the south, such as Abu Matar and Shiqmim, as well as sites in the Golan to the north. Close examination of the ceramic sequence at Ghassul led Lovell (2001, p. 50) to note that despite typological links to other sites, the use of Ghassul as a type-site for the period is unfortunate because the site is in many ways atypical; for example, it has a relatively distinct assemblage that cannot be used to represent ‘classic’ Chalcolithic features. Bourke (1997a, b) notes that the term Ghassulian was originally used to refer to the later phases at the site, considered to have been short-lived. As chronologies were formed, Beersheva traditions were conflated with the Ghassulian (Wright 1937; Amiran 1969) because these sites were the best known (Lovell 2001). In addition, the majority of reliable radiocarbon dates derive from just a few sites, primarily in the Negev (e.g., Shiqmim, Gilat). The use of the hyphenated term Ghassul-Beersheva (Amiran 1969, p. 22) further confuses our understanding of the poorly defined terms Ghassulian and Beershevan. Significant differences distinguish the Beersheva sites from other regions, such that a number of scholars view them as two distinct sub-cultures (Perrot 1968; Levy 1998). These two areas have limited typological connections, and there are indications that while there was indeed overlap, Ghassul begins considerably earlier and is abandoned first. Of course, the temporal dimension to this problem has been noted, and a number of scholars have been explicitly grappling with Chalcolithic chronology (Banning 2002; Blackham 2002; Burton and Levy 2001; Gilead 1994; Joffe and Dessel 1995; Levy et al. 1991a, b; Lovell 2001). Apparently, some Beersheva sites extend later than Ghassul. This is supported by radiocarbon dates from Shiqmim, which suggest a terminus between c. 4000 and 3800 BC (5000–4700 BP), with no dates from Stratum I extending beyond 3700 BC (Burton 2004, pp. 168–169). Although Ghassul was previously thought to have been inhabited well into the fourth millennium BC (Bourke 1997a, b), the most recent radiocarbon evidence suggests that significant occupation may have ceased as early as 4000 BC or soon after; the latest radiocarbon date from Ghassul falls at 5110 ± 90 BP (GrN-15196) (3982–3793 cal. BC 1-sigma) (Bourke et al. 2001, Fig. 2, 1221; Burton and Levy 2001). The term Chalcolithic, of course, incorporates the word for copper, but there are many sites with little or no copper, which are nevertheless widely accepted by scholars to belong to this period. It may be possible to use the presence/absence of copper as a chronological indicator, since it appears that the sites without copper generally exhibit other characteristics that suggest an earlier date. There is no copper in the region at the end of the Neolithic (despite recent claims to the contrary, see Rothenberg and Merkel 1995), and so it also stands to reason that copper appeared at some point in the Chalcolithic. As the picture of a time preceding the local advent of copper begins to emerge, we may tentatively propose the term pre-metallic Chalcolithic for this early phase.

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Radiometric Data Although the radiocarbon record is still too incomplete and too coarse to support an internal chronological refinement with specific sites fitting into well-defined sub-phases, several general trends can now be observed. Radiocarbon dates from Chalcolithic sites in the southern Levant, even when factoring in sigma ranges, generally fall within the fifth– early fourth millennium BC, or 6700–4700 BP. A recent review of the radiocarbon data shows that the earliest Chalcolithic sites were first occupied in the first half of the fifth millennium BC, with most large sites abandoned by the mid-fourth millennium (Burton and Levy 2001). This range of radiocarbon dates means that the Chalcolithic cannot be viewed as synonymous with the fourth millennium (contra Gilead 1988, p. 399; Moore 1985); assemblages such as those at Shiqmim clearly exhibit typological continuity, or even homogeneity, extending back as early as c. 5900 BP (c. 4500 BC) or earlier. Some of the key dates that appear to represent broad sub-phases are highlighted here. Recent efforts to reevaluate the Chalcolithic indicate that the period may begin as early as c. 5900 BP (c. 4800–4700 BC, Burton and Levy 2001; Gilead 1994; Joffe and Dessel 1995), suggesting the possibility of some overlap with Wadi Rabah—although the paucity of radiometric dates from secure Wadi Rabah contexts renders this difficult to evaluate. Attempts to sub-divide the period based on radiometric dates (Joffe and Dessel 1995) suffered from a dearth of dated material from the late phases such that primarily undated ceramics were instead used to define the Terminal Chalcolithic. Early Chalcolithic is delineated either by considering Wadi Rabah and related variants as Chalcolithic rather than Late Neolithic (Garfinkel 1999a, b), or based on radiocarbon dates from Late Neolithic phases, such as those from Ghassul, Tell Wadi Fidan, Qatif (Y-3), and a single date from a probe at Shiqmim (Joffe and Dessel 1995, p. 511). In the tripartite conceptualization of Joffe and Dessel (1995), the Developed Chalcolithic begins at c. 5600 BP (4500 BC) and continues to *5100 BP (3900/3800 cal. BC), the height of expansion, complexity and integration (Joffe and Dessel 1995, p. 514). In this scheme, the Developed Chalcolithic covers the majority of the southern Levantine Chalcolithic sites, including those of the Beersheva valley, the Besor (Gilat, Grar), and the Golan, as well as sites along the Jordan Valley. This leaves few sites, and none with large exposures, to clarify anything later. As they define it, the Terminal Chalcolithic, c. 3700–3500 cal. BC, is determined by dates of the Nahal Mishmar Cave hoard (see below) and ‘typologically late material’ based on largely unpublished sites (Tel Halif, Lachish, and Gat Guvrin/Zeita) without published radiometric dates. These typologically late materials are said to include ‘decayed’ Vshaped bowls, churns and cornets, an apparent inconsistency when attempting to subdivide the period by radiometric means. In addition, the dating of cornets to a ‘Terminal’ phase seems to contradict evidence that suggests these appear in earlier to middle phases of the Chalcolithic, supported by comparison of frequencies at Tulaylat al-Ghassul and Abu Hof (Burton 2004; Lovell 2001). The Terminal phase cannot be considered clustered in a radiometric sense, and reliance on poorly understood areas of early excavations (Lachish) or unpublished assemblages (Zeita) could be incorporated within a scheme, but should not be used to define a chronological sub-phase. Moreover, radiometric dates are probability determinations and thus should not be clustered as if the determinations are discrete values; and in fact, statistical reanalysis of the dates used by Joffe and Dessel does not support these clusters (Blackham 2002, pp. 23–25, Fig. 5). Finally, the recent accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dates from the Nahal Mishmar hoard apparently push the date back centuries (Aardsma 2001), and the likelihood that the hoard is earlier than the ‘Terminal Chalcolithic’ further undermines the Terminal phase.

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Highlighting certain clusters of radiocarbon dates, we begin with the submerged site of Kfar Samir, located on the coast near Haifa and the Carmel mountains (Galili and Sharvit 1994–1995; Kislev 1994–1995), where three samples from olive stones have yielded radiocarbon dates falling between c. 4800 and c. 4400 BC (c. 5800–5500 BP) (Carmi and Segal 1994), straddling what is commonly thought to be the late Neolithic-early Chalcolithic transition. Another site from this phase is Tel Tsaf, where radiocarbon samples from Stratum I have produced an early mid fifth millennium date. Unfortunately, these dates have large sigma ranges and provide little precision. One site displaying clear signs of Chalcolithic culture, such as churns and cornets, is Tulaylat al-Ghassul, and this material derives from layers that originally provided C-14 dates falling between 6550 ± 160 BP (SUA-732) and 6070 ± 130 BP (SUA-739) (c. 5700–4700 BC) (Bourke 1997a, b). This would appear to extend the Chalcolithic back in time, perhaps earlier than previously thought, a point supported by Blackham’s recent statistical analysis of radiocarbon dates from Jordan Valley sites (Blackham 2002, pp. 66– 88, Fig. 41, Table 30). More recent AMS dates indicate that these interpretations were based on flawed laboratory analyses from the late 1970s (Bourke et al. 2001). The ceramic assemblage from these early layers at Ghassul (Hennessey’s Phase G–E) also has some parallels with Tel Tsaf, providing general corroboration in the material culture for the radiocarbon dates. The site’s most recent excavator, however, argues that the site did not see substantial occupation after 4000 BC (c. 5200 BP), and both the 1-sigma and 2-sigma calibrated BC date ranges generally support this assertion (Bourke 1997a, b; Weinstein 1984; see also Burton and Levy 2001). Most of the radiocarbon dates retrieved from Gilat fall within this same time frame, c. 5800–5500 BP (4800–4300 BC), though there are two fourth millennium dates that may signal a later occupation (Burton and Levy 2001; Carmi and Segal 1992). The Chalcolithic site that has yielded the most radiocarbon dates so far is Shiqmim in the northern Negev, with a total of 29, generally falling between 5750 ± 180 BP (RT649B) and 4700 ± 80 BP (RT-1332) (c. 4700–3500 BC). Though the majority of these dates—all but four—fall before the end of the fifth millennium, Burton and Levy (2001) point out that the ‘final’ phase is under-represented. One date could be as late as 3300 BC (c. 4700 BP), but this is probably unreliable. While the earliest main stratigraphic level at Shiqmim (Str. III) was characterized by the construction of subterranean architecture (the ‘pioneer phase’), radiocarbon dates indicate that the majority of the subterranean and surface settlement took place between roughly 5590 ± 60 BP (RT-1334) (4489–4353 cal. BC 1-sigma) and 5080 ± 180 BP (RT-859C) (4042–3660 cal. BC 1-sigma) (Burton and Levy 2001, Fig. 4; Levy et al. 1991a). Subterranean features, though, continued to be used and modified during that time, with radiocarbon dates as late as any from the site (Burton and Levy 2001, Fig. 4). Radiocarbon dates from the main Chalcolithic occupation of Horvat Beter overlap with this later phase at Shiqmim, with dates from both surface and subterranean contexts falling between 5280 ± 150 BP (W-245) and 5100 ± 130 BP (Pta4312) (c. 4400–3700 BC) (Burton and Levy 2001; Dothan 1959; Rosen and Eldar 1993). The tradition of converting natural caves into tombs seems to begin relatively early in the Chalcolithic, midway through the fifth millennium, and carries on until the end of the period. Radiocarbon dates for Chalcolithic use of the Nahal Qanah cave fall between the mid-fifth to mid-fourth millennium BC (Carmi 1996). Radiocarbon dates from another important cave tomb, Peqi’in, in the northern Galilee, begin around the same time as Nahal Qanah (c. 5700 BP/4500 BC), but suggest that it fell out of use by 5400 BP (c. 4000 BC) (Burton and Levy 2001; Gal et al. 1997). Recent excavations at Giv’at Ha-Oranim (Cave 1185) have yielded mid-fifth millennium (AMS) dates c. 4690 ± 40 BP (RTA 4506),

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4675 ± 50 BP (RTA 4507), and one earlier date from Cave 1779, 5105 ± 50 BP (RTA 4508). The later dates from Giv’at Ha-Oranim do not conform well with the material culture from the site, which includes cornets and small vessels with multiple handles, types which are best known from sites dated to many hundreds of years earlier, such as Gilat and Ghassul. Only the earlier date falls within the generally accepted range of the Chalcolithic period. At one time, Nahal Mishmar appeared to be late in the period, but the dating may be somewhat more complicated. Three of the four radiocarbon dates analyzed in the 1960s gave dates around 3500 BC (the fourth date falling some 500 years earlier). The reed mat in which the hoard of metal and other exotic items were found has recently been reanalyzed using AMS, yielding dates considerably earlier, c. 4350 BC (AA35141, 5375 ± 55; AA35141, 5475 ± 60; AA37205, 5520 ± 50; AA37206, 6020 ± 55; AA37206, 6020 ± 55; AA37206, 5724 ± 47; AA37206, 6020 60) (Aardsma 2001). According to Aardsma (2001), one possible explanation for this disparity is that the mat, like the hoard, had some place in a ritual context (perhaps the Ein Gedi temple) and was kept for a considerable time. The so-called Cave of the Warrior contained six radiocarbon samples from five artifacts; one date was considered unreliable. A minimum variance estimate based on the remaining five samples dates the burial to 5023 ± 23, calibrated to 3912– 3777 BC (Jull et al. 1998, p. 111, Table 20.1). The mat, 10 cm below the burial, is dated to 5640 ± 60 (4515–4456 BC calibrated). Despite over 200 radiocarbon dates, the internal subdivision of the late fifth and early fourth millennium BC remains to be clarified. Large standard deviations have prevented finer resolution of internal temporal sequences. As radiocarbon dates of higher precision are incorporated with stratigraphic and typological analyses, particularly from deeply stratified sites with rich material remains such as Abu Hamid, Shiqmim, and Tulaylat alGhassul, this situation will change. Regionalism Survey and excavation results do not adequately represent all of the different sub-regions within the southern Levant, given the greater focus on some areas. Nevertheless, a basic summary of the material culture, faunal assemblages, floral evidence, and architectural patterns provides some insight into regional distinctions and continuities. Debate regarding how regions should be conceptualized highlights the amount of research that remains to be done. For instance, rather than explain differences as the result of archaeological cultures, Lovell (2001 p. 51) envisions four main traditions: Beersheva (Negev), Neve Ur (North Jordan Valley), Ghassulian (South Jordan Valley) and Golani (north Israel/Lebanon, possibly northern Jordan). In contrast, Levy argues that distinct regional cultures emerge from specific adaptations, creating 11 distinct regional cultures, five in the north (Golan, Hula Valley, Coastal Plain, Samarian Hills, and Highlands, Jezreel/Beth-Shean Valleys) and in the south, six more (Jordan Valley/Ammon Plateau, Judean Desert, Negev/Sinai Coastal Plain, Nahal Patish, Nahal Grar, and the Beersheva valley). Despite the known presence of Chalcolithic sites, our knowledge of certain areas, in particular the Jordanian highlands and central plateau, is extremely limited based as it is on surveys and minimal excavations. One regional tradition that can be characterized more specifically is the northern Negev/ Beersheva, as a result of the more intensive research carried out in the area and the delayed impact of modern development. Furthermore, these sites are generally well preserved, both because of the arid climate and because they were never re-occupied. A complicating issue

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in any discussion of regional patterns is the difficulty of distinguishing regional aspects from those resulting from chronological change. Other regions that seem to host distinct cultural ‘sub-traditions’ include the Golan and Jordan Valley. Beersheva Sites located in the Beersheva region provide the best evidence for differential site sizes, with major sites such as Shiqmim, Horvat Beter, Bir es-Safadi, and Abu Matar providing the bulk of the evidence. We should note that while excavated separately and generally treated as such, Bir es-Safadi and Abu Matar may be part of a single, extensive site, which may include Neve Noy, just 150 m east of Safadi (Eldar and Baumgarten 1985). The manufacturing techniques, morphology, and decorative styles of Beersheva ceramic assemblages are notably uniform, dominated by open forms (Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990). Typical forms include large to small open form bowls, holemouth jars and pithoi, with smaller percentages of necked jars, churns, basins and kraters. Other vessels, such as cornets, jars with multiple handles, small closed vessels and goblets are rare to absent (Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990). Like other Chalcolithic flint assemblages, debitage and tools are dominated by flake-based production, primarily for relatively expedient tools. A smaller component of the tool assemblage is more standardized, such as sickle blades, axes, adzes, chisels, and tabular scrapers, some probably produced off-site. Tools such as the flint ‘stars’ are virtually unknown from the Negev sites, while other artifacts such as micro-borers, micro-endscrapers and limestone tools are extremely rare. Coupled with the presence of copper artifacts and their production, ivory figurines, underground complexes and low frequencies of pig in faunal assemblages, the picture of sites in the Beersheva region is distinct from that of other regions. In contrast, sites such as Grar, Gilat, and a series of small sites in the nearby Wadi Gaza/ Nahal Besor area are distinct in a number of ways. Gilead (1995, pp. 473–476) described this as a culturally based differentiation between the Beersheva cluster and the Besor-Grar cluster, although he noted our limited ability to interpret the reasons for this dichotomy. In general, the Besor-Grar sites exhibit little or no copper or ivory working, the presence of pig bones, and variations in ceramic, flint and ground stone assemblages. In particular, the presence of the cornets in the Besor-Grar assemblages contrasts to their virtual absence in the Beersheva sites (a few were recovered from Horvat Beter: Dothan 1959, p. 16), although the lack of quantified reportage limits our ability to estimate their frequency relative to the overall ceramic assemblage. Although Gilat represents a specialized ritual site (Alon and Levy 1989), possibly in connection to mortuary practices, some similarities to Grar and certain Wadi Gaza sites are evident. Like other Chalcolithic sites, open form bowls are the most common form, although lower in relative frequency at Grar than Shiqmim (Gilead 1995, p. 203, Fig. 4.28). Based on ceramic typologies, some similarities between Gilat and Ghassul are also apparent. These sites typically have an abundance of cornets, and the morphologically similar goblets. The initial appearance and gradual increase of cornets at Ghassul (Lovell 2001, p. 200) suggests that the presence of these bowls at a site may represent a chronological element. Churns are generally more frequent at Ghassul than at the Beersheva sites (Lovell 2001), but are just as common at Grar (Gilead 1995, Fig. 4.28). Increasing frequencies of fenestrated stands, cornets and churns at Ghassul (Lovell 2001, Fig. 4.62) hint at the probability that these distribution patterns reflect some element of time as well as regionalism. Also apparently common to Gilat and Ghassul are small vessels, such as small bowls with multiple handles, footed goblets and cups (Garfinkel 1999b, Fig. 133, Ph. 113).

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Relative to the Beersheva sites, Grar, Gilat, and Ghassul share other similarities. As noted below (‘‘Environmental Conditions and Changes’’), pigs comprise a higher frequency of the faunal assemblage at sites such as Wadi Gaza Site D, Gilat and Grar (Grigson 1987b, Table 7.2, 1995, Table 10.3), reflecting the minor yet significant gradations in humidity. Bladelets and microendscrapers, both manufactured from a specific fine semi-translucent flint, are significant components of the tool assemblage. Sickle blades constitute a higher percentage of the flint assemblage at Gilat and Grar than the Beersheva sites (Gilead et al. 1995; Rowan 2006). Rare tools such as micro-borers are also known from Gilat and Grar and are virtually nonexistent at the Beersheva sites (Rowan 2006, Table 11.1A). Copper, of course, is absent at Gilat and Grar, and limited to ‘very rare’ basic tools at Ghassul (Bourke 2001, pp. 143–145). Basalt vessels tend to be smaller; pedestalled, fenestrated forms are also smaller with similar decorative techniques, contrasting with those of the Beersheva sites (Rowan 1998; Commenge in press; Gilead 1995). Although additional radiocarbon dates from Gilat and Ghassul are now available, these chronometric data have not resolved questions about the primary causes for the distinct characteristics of these assemblages. As increasing evidence supports the difference between sites along these two drainages, however, we are at least confident that these portray an accurate representation of the assemblages. Jordan Valley The Jordan Valley is probably the most difficult region to summarize because of the long occupation at some major settlements, with complex stratigraphic and material cultural changes that are slowly becoming available (for example, Abu Hamid, Tulaylat al-Ghassul, Tell esh-Shuna), complemented by more limited information from sites such as Tell Fendi, Abu Habil, Ghrubba, Abu al-Kharaz, Tell el-Mafjar, Neve Ur, and Kateret es-Samara. This is further complicated by the different emphases placed on material derived from limited earlier excavations that often constrain discussion to small pools of ceramic sherds derived from poorly published or unclear contexts. Complete synthetic review of surveys and excavations in the Jordan Valley is beyond the scope of the present paper (for a thorough review, see Bourke 2001) but a few general points are possible. A greater settlement density in the Jordan Valley in contrast to the surrounding valleys and foothills is attested (Joffe 1993, Figs. 6, 7) and has been known for some time, based on Glueck’s surveys (1951) and early excavations at Beth Shean (Fitzgerald 1935) as well as more limited investigations at Tall esh-Shuneh, Tall Abu Habil (de Contenson 1960, 1961; Leonard 1992), and Neve Ur (Perrot et al. 1967). In addition to those, major sites are known at Pella, Abu Hamid, Umm Hammad, and Tall el-Handaquq. Ceramics of the region exhibit variability, although more detailed analyses indicate that specialized forms such as the cornet increase through time at Ghassul (Lovell 2001). Other evidence for the development of ceramic distribution networks recognized at Abu Hamid is discussed in greater detail under ‘‘Ceramics’’. Some flint types also exhibit limited geographic distribution. With the exception of one each at Bir es-Safadi and Abu Matar (Perrot et al. 1967, Figs. 6:7, 9:1), the perforated discs and star-shaped flint objects are virtually unknown from the Beersheva sites, and absent from Gilat and Grar, but found from the Jordan Valley northward (Hanbury-Tenison 1986, pp. 142–143; Noy 1998, pp. 277–283, Pls. XLIX-LVI). Two broad categories of perforated discs are known: those with multiple points, and those without, typically manufactured of light to dark brown flints similar to those used for the tabular fan scrapers. Jordan Valley sites also lack evidence for ossuaries and basalt pillar figurines, with very few

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objects of copper or ivory. Nevertheless, there are major sites along the Jordan Valley, as well as many much smaller sites, which may argue for some centralized function of the larger sites. Eastern Highlands East of the Rift Valley, comparison to other regions becomes so difficult that researchers working on either side sometimes used similar terminology for different material culture and chronology. Beyond the immediate hills adjacent to the Jordan Valley clear affinities to the Chalcolithic of these other regions are difficult to establish. There has been an additional problem of terminology: although the term ‘Late Chalcolithic’ is commonly used on either side of the Jordan Valley, in some cases the material has later been recognized as EBIA (Adams and Genz 1995; Hanbury-Tenison 1986). In truth, where surveys catalog pottery in the single category of ‘Chalcolithic/EB’, the material often turns out to be EBI (Bourke 2001, p. 114). Beyond the Jordan Valley, only a few excavations have been conducted, although numerous sites have been documented via survey, many quite small in contrast to the large sites of the Jordan Valley or Negev. A few larger sites, such as Sahab near Amman, provide architectural layout and construction techniques of field stone foundations with mudbrick superstructure similar to other Chalcolithic sites, such as Ghassul (Ibrahim 1987, p. 75). Associated with the broadroom structures at Sahab, a series of pits (Ibrahim 1984, Fig. 9) were interpreted to indicate some element of centralized control of agricultural surplus (Bourke 2001, p. 128). A smaller site, Abu Snesleh, exhibits similar rectilinear broadrooms, courtyards and possible storage facilities (Lehmann et al. 1991; Kerner et al. 1992). Clusters of sites are known to the north, near the large site of Sal, as well as further to the west in the Harra (Betts 1992). Survey at Sal included a variety of artifacts familiar from Chalcolithic sites in the Jordan Valley and further east: the basalt vessel fragments (Kamlah 2000, Fig. 67.2) closely match examples from Gilat and Zeita (Rowan 1998, Fig. 32E, Fig. 31A, respectively). To the south, small sites are documented in the Madaba Plains region, the Karak Plateau (MacDonald 1988, 1992) and the Wadi Faynan region (Barker et al. 1997, 1998). Southern Jordan and Israel The absence of similar material culture is particularly perplexing between the Beersheva valley sites (Abu Matar and Shiqmim) and the Faynan region, despite the presumed utilization of copper ores from the Faynan area (Golden 1998; Namdar et al. 2004; Shugar 2001). The relationship of southern Jordanian material cultural to Ghassulian and Beersheva assemblages remains unclear, although a possible link may exist at el-Maqass, near Aqaba, where copper exploitation is attested (Khalil 1987, 1992). Investigations at Tell Wadi Fidan indicate occupation from the Pottery Neolithic to Chalcolithic (Najjar et al. 1990), with Pottery Neolithic pottery similar to earlier assemblages at Ghassul (Bourke 2001, pp. 115–116). Southern complexes, referred to as ‘Timnian’, consist of small, ephemeral hamlets or seasonal camps in the southern arid regions of Jordan (Henry 1995) and Israel, and are suggested to be related to those of Sinai (Kozloff 1974, 1981). Timnian material culture assemblages differ substantially from those of sites further north. Chipped stone assemblages lack the standard blades of northern Chalcolithic sites and include more microliths. The rare pottery is a thick plain ware with chert temper, and architecture is typically

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curvilinear stone pithouses, retaining walls and storage pits (Kozloff 1974, 1981; Henry 1995, p. 354). The short-lived nature of the remains in Sinai and the southern arid regions suggests to Henry (1995) that such remains are indicative of transhumance similar to that practised by historic Bedouin groups of the region, although the Timnian economy also relied heavily on gazelle hunting (Henry 1995, p. 355). This is in contrast to the agropastoral economies in the northern Negev described as ‘village based transhumance’ by Levy (1992, p. 73). Gilead (1992), on the other hand, views these as primarily sedentary agricultural economies based on cereal cultivation and animal husbandry that includes ‘seasonal encampment of Fellahin’ (Gilead 1992, pp. 38–39) along areas just to the south of the major Beersheva sites, such as Nahal Sekher (Gilead and Goren 1986; Gilead 1992; see ‘‘Subsistence Economy’’ for farming and herding practices). Unfortunately, radiocarbon dates of the southern Jordan sites date from at least c. 4000–5700 BP (Henry 1995, p. 369), and material culture assemblages suggest the Timnian may have persisted nearly three millennia from the Late Neolithic to the later phases of the Early Bronze Age, preventing close linkage to Chalcolithic sites to the north. Upper and Lower Galilee Most of our information on the Galilee during the Chalcolithic is based on surveys, with only a few limited excavations, primarily of caves such as Abu Senan (Frankel and Gophna 1980), Asherat (Smithline 2001) and Peqi’in (Gal et al. 1997, 1999). Ceramic vessel forms are similar to those in other regions, with variable regional characteristics. These wares— the Galilean, Golan, Hula, and Painted/Abu Senan—vary in concentration across sites located in the Upper and Lower Galilee, but display more common attributes than differences. Galilean wares include V-shaped bowls, ‘chalices’ and churns, about half of which are brown or red slipped (Shalem 2008). In her comparison of ‘Enot Kochav (Lower Galilee) and Beer Zonam (Upper Galilee), Shalem (2008, pp. 99–102) notes that Golan wares and low frequencies of Hula wares are more common at the Upper Galilee site; cornets were found at the ‘Enot Kochav, but not at settlements in the Upper Galilee. Unslipped versions of the Painted Wares are found across the Galilee. Beyond ceramics, we have little information about the Upper and Lower Galilee during the Chalcolithic; even when published, the rich mortuary goods in the Peqi’in burial cave will offer a skewed perspective of area. Golan Heights A regional variant of the Chalcolithic has also been identified in the Golan region, spanning the Golan, the eastern Galilee, the Damascus Basin and northern Jordan (Epstein 1978b, 1998; Hanbury-Tenison 1986). Diagnostic features of the Golan material culture include a recognizable corpus of ceramics, undecorated open form basalt vessels (Fig. 10h, i), flint star and perforated tools (Fig. 2a), and anthropomorphic pillar figurines (Fig. 15a). Locally produced ceramic vessels were largely coil built by hand, with use of a tournette frequently evident (Epstein 1998, p. 160). Forms include pithoi (Fig. 13a), holemouths, pedestalled fenestrated stands (Fig. 13d), spouted kraters (Fig. 13e) and simple open form bowls (Fig. 13g). Decoration is fairly common among the Golan assemblages, featuring primarily en relief rope dećor (Fig. 13a–d), simple slashes, incisions (Fig. 13e) and punctured dots. Particularly notable are applique´ animal horns, most often attached to a vessel shoulder, frequently pithoi and fenestrated bowls (Fig. 13f; Epstein 1998, p. 168, pls. XXIII, XXIV). Painted decoration is notably absent.

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Fig. 2 Flint tools: a perforated disc from Golan (from Noy 1998, Pl. LIV.1); b fan scraper (from Noy 1998, Pl. XLVI.4); c chisel (from Barkai 2004, Fig. 7.11: 2); d adze (from Barkai 2004, Fig. 7.7: 2); e sickle blade (from Noy 1998, Pl. LX.14); f awl (from Noy 1998, Pl. LXII.14)

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Some artifact forms found in other, more southerly regions are unknown in the Golan assemblages. This includes types that are relatively rare in most Chalcolithic contexts, such as palettes, violin-shaped figurines, and ossuaries; rare materials such as ivory and copper are also entirely absent. Only one macehead, of hematite (Epstein 1998, Pls. XLIII.26), is published from the region. The wood of olive trees as well as olive stones have been found at several of the Golan Chalcolithic sites, along with spouted vats used for separating oil (Epstein 1993). As this was an area where olive trees thrived, settlements of the Golan may have functioned as centers for olive oil production (Epstein 1993). Other regions, although considered distinct archaeological entities (Levy 1998), are underrepresented by settlement data. For instance, settlements along the southern coastal plain are known (Gophna and Beit-Arieh 1997; Joffe 1993, p. 33) but no excavations of settlements are published (but see van den Brink et al. 2001). Although many sites have been excavated, primarily in rescue operations, until recently these were all mortuary burials and skewed our understanding of the region. For this reason, earlier scholars suggested that the central coastal plain served as a burial area for populations from a variety of regions (Gonen 1992; Perrot 1984). Many mortuary sites are concentrated in the coastal plain and piedmont (Shephelah), but only recently are non-mortuary sites being investigated (van den Brink et al. 2001). The discovery of a burial cave at Nahal Qanah in the western highlands suggests that as yet undiscovered settlements may lie somewhere in the region.

Environmental Conditions and Changes A wide variety of methods have been employed in efforts to reconstruct the ancient climate of the southern Levant, much of it focused on Pleistocene climates. This imbalance is being redressed with data derived from palynological, geomorphological, and isotopic studies; although the data are inconclusive, there are several indications that parts of the southern Levant were somewhat more humid during the Chalcolithic (Bar-Matthews et al. 1998, 1999). The southern Levant today is characterized by diverse micro-environments and seasonal fluctuations in rainfall patterns. In the past, portions of the region that received over 400 mm (up to as much as 1,200 mm in some areas) supported Mediterranean woodland and open parkland vegetation, while steppe vegetation characterized the IranoTuranian climatic zone and desert plants that of the Saharo-Arabian, with both zones receiving \400 mm (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1992). Up until the eight millennium BP, sea levels had been rising, the culmination of a process that had begun during the Late Glacial Maximum, with the coast shrinking some 10–15 km (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1992). Based on isotope studies of speleothems from the Soreq caves in Israel, BarMatthews et al. (1999) have suggested a rapid warming with the beginning of the Holocene at 9500 BC, after cooler/dryer conditions of the Younger Dryas. Several researchers have attempted to track the changing sea levels of the Lisan Lake (today, the Dead Sea) as one way to measure overall shifts in climatic conditions. Though the data vary, there seems to be a consensus that Dead Sea levels were generally higher between 4000 and 2500 BC than they are today (Frumkin et al. 1991; Avner et al. 1994). Evidence from the caves of Mount Sedom also suggests a wetter climate (Frumkin et al. 1991, 1997). One index used is the ratio of cave-passage elevation to width where a diminished rate of cave widening indicates a drier period. The distribution of driftwood is also considered, as fewer driftwood fragments also reflect less humidity. Based on these factors, as well as more general cave morphology, Frumkin et al. (1991) conclude that the

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period from c. 6000–5200 BP (Stage 2b), corresponding to the middle of the Chalcolithic, represents the transition from an arid to a moister climate. Varying levels of 18O, an isotope found in snail shells, have also been used to reconstruct the middle Holocene environment, as this reflects variation in the amount of rainwater (Goodfriend 1991; Rosen 1995). The values from shells dated to 6800–4300 BC are low, indicating changing atmospheric conditions resulting in a greater frequency of storms, which would indicate more rainfall during the earlier part of the Chalcolithic. There are indications that the central Mediterranean coastal region was somewhat wetter as well, at least during the Chalcolithic. Arboreal vegetation of this area during the fourth millennium BC was dominated by Pistacia palaestina (Terebinth) and Quercus calliprinos (Kermes oak), species that are absent today; in fact, most of the primary vegetation of this region is now extinct (Liphschitz 2004). Examination of dendroarchaeological remains from sites such as Shoham, Nevallat, and Giv’at Ha’Oranim also reveal the presence of Olea europaea (olive) (Liphschitz 2004). Palynological evidence is contradictory. Evidence from Lake Hula (core UP 15), specifically the amount of oak, indicates that the humid phase in the north began as early as 8000 BP and peaked c. 3340 BC (Horowitz 1971; van Zeist and Bottema 1982). Based on the most recent pollen data from Lake Hula, Baruch and Bottema (1999) argue that around 7500 BP anthropogenic effects on the vegetation can be observed, most conspicuously in a rise in the values for olive. Further to the north, increasing arboreal pollens on the Ghab diagram suggest a humid phase from 11500 to 8800 BP, decreasing after that point (Bottema and van Zeist 1981). This drying phase, however, does not necessarily reflect climate in the south, because during the Late Pleistocene the northern Levant was drier than the southern Levant (Butzer 1978), a pattern that may have continued into the Holocene. Bar-Yosef and Meadow (1995) have also noted an early Holocene (10000–8000 BP), moister than today observable not only in pollen cores of the Levant, but in global climatic models as well (Cooperative Holocene Mapping Project (COHMAP) 1988). By the late seventh and sixth millennium BP, the region experienced a warm period with increased precipitation (Bar-Yosef and Meadow 1995). Varying subsistence strategies employed during the Chalcolithic can also give an indication of the climate at the time, and this is reflected in the faunal and floral assemblages. The southern Levant is characterized by diverse micro-environments allowing different communities to practise dissimilar subsistence strategies (Grigson 1987a; Hesse 1990). Sheep, goat, cattle, and pig were the primary species for animal husbandry, but the latter two require more water and therefore their presence may reflect greater humidity (Grigson 1987b, 1998; Hesse 1990). Chalcolithic people apparently either relied fairly heavily on pig consumption or not at all (Table 1; Fig. 3; Grigson 1987b; Gilead 1989b; Hesse 1990; Josien 1955; Kolska Horwitz 1990; Levy et al. 1991a). Hypothetically settlements where pigs were completely absent were located in areas that were drier, that is, where it was all but impossible to raise pigs, and, indeed, pig bone distribution matches present rainfall patterns (Grigson 1998, Fig. 12; Levy et al. 1991a). At sites located in areas that receive \200 mm of rainfall today—namely Shiqmim, Abu Matar, Bir esSafadi, and Horvat Beter—pig bones are absent (see Table 3). At sites with over 250 mm annual rainfall along the boundary of the northern Negev, however, pigs make up a significant part of the faunal assemblage: 17.9% at Gilat, 22% at Grar, and as much as 36% at Wadi Gaza D (see Fig. 3). Knowing that pigs require moisture in the area of at least 250 mm of rainfall per year, the distribution of pig bones at Chalcolithic sites of the Negev suggests that the 250–300 mm isohyet fell in a similar position then as it does today. Pig bones also form a significant part of the faunal assemblage at

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Tel Aviv, Jabotinsky St. Wadi Gaza D Munhata Gilat Grar Horvat Hor Abu Matar Bir es-Safadi Khirbet et-Bitar Shiqmim 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

% of Pig Bones in Faunal Assemblage

Fig. 3 Bar graph summarizing the relative frequency of pig bone in the faunal assemblages of selected sites Table 3 Percentage of pig bones in the faunal assemblages of Chalcolithic sites in relation to rainfall

Site

% Of pig bones

Rainfall (mm)

Shiqmim

0.1

*180

Khirbet et-Bitar

0

*200

Bir es-Safadi

0

*200

Abu Matar

0

*200

Horvat Hor

0

*200

Grar

16.1

*250

Gilat

17.9

*250

Munhata

26.0

*250

Wadi Gaza D

36.0

*250

Tel Aviv, Jabotinsky St.

11.0

*500

Ghassul (Koeppel 1940; Mallon et al. 1934), but there is a notable decrease in the number of both pig and cattle during the final phase of occupation at the site (Bourke 1997b, 2001). This trend, coupled with the fact that the frequency of sheep and goat remains constant (roughly 70% of the assemblage) during this time, may reflect decreasing humidity. This inclination is also evident in other dimensions of the Ghassulian subsistence economy, in particular, the cultivation of less desirable crops such as legumes (e.g., vetches) that were used either as fodder crop, or perhaps even ‘famine food’ (Bourke 1997a, p. 253). Although no data is published yet, there is also apparently a return to some reliance on wild animals (gazelle) in the latest levels at Ghassul (Lovell 2001, p. 16), reversing the wellestablished practice of herding domesticates. Of course, patterns of human settlement should give some indication of ancient climate as we may assume that certain climates are less likely to attract and sustain large populations. During the Chalcolithic period, people spread into several previously unoccupied areas such

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as the northern Negev, a fact that may reflect a shift in climate. Yet this could partly reflect people’s increased ability to adapt to this type of environment, for instance, developments such as the ability to convert milk into second dairy products and to more effectively capture what little rain there was. Goldberg and Rosen (1987) argue that the last major Holocene wet pulse in the southern Levant was at about 5500 BP, which, when calibrated, is *4500– 4200 BC. This corresponds well with early dates when Chalcolithic settlements began in the northern Negev. Based on the change from alluvial gravels to an increasing depositional period of fine alluvial silt and sand, Goldberg (1987, p. 39) suggests a drying trend. These fluctuations, although not nearly as dramatic as the cold dry transition between the Pleistocene to Holocene (Younger Dryas c. 11000–9600 BP), could have important ramifications for new agricultural communities operating on marginal land such as that of the northern Negev.

Subsistence Economy Subsistence economy during the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Early Bronze follow very similar patterns, first established during the later stages of the Neolithic. Although clearly there are changes in production, storage, and distribution through this long period, there is little evidence for striking innovations in the mixed subsistence economic pattern (Bourke 2001, p. 116). At this point most populations are sedentary, with subsistence based on mixed farming and pastoralism, although the more arid regions in southern Jordan and the Sinai probably supported people practising both pastoralism and foraging (Henry 1995, pp. 370–371). Cultivation of cereals and legumes were well established, vital components of the diet, including the hulled einkorn and emmer wheats (Triticum monococcum, T. turgidum), six-rowed and two rowed hulled barley (Hordeum vulgare, H. distichum), chickpeas (Cicer arietinum), lentils (Lens culinaris) and peas (Pisum sativum). At Shiqmim, for example, two-rowed barley (Hordeum distichum) constitutes the overwhelming majority of the sample (83%), followed by emmer (Triticum dicoccom), einkorn (T. parvicoccum) and lentil (Lens culinaris) (Kislev 1987); the predominance of barley was supported by phytolith evidence at Shiqmim, which contrasts to that at Horvat Beter (Rosen 1987, pp. 244–245). Interpretation of the phytoliths further (Rosen 1987, p. 246) suggests that simple basin irrigation farming may have been practised. The very low frequency of pulses from the Shiqmim sample is interpreted by Kislev (1987) as evidence for greater reliance on animal products. Olives (Olea europaea L.), one of the earliest fruit trees to be cultivated and collected in the wild long before cultivation (Zohary and Hopf 1993, p. 141), were clearly exploited intensively during the Late Neolithic (Carmi and Segal 1994; Elbaum et al. 2006; Galili and Sharvit 1994–1995; Kislev 1994–1995). At the submerged Wadi Rabah site of Kfar Samir near Haifa and the Carmel mountains, a round pit lined with limestone contained a large number of crushed olive stones and pulp identified as olive (‘jift’) along with stone tools for chopping and crushing, a woven basket, and straw and wood branches that may have been used as a strainer (Galili et al. 1997; Galili and Sharvit 1994–1995; Kislev 1994–1995). According to Kislev (1994–1995), a method called shemen rahutz (washed oil; also, zet tafah, Dalman 1928–1942, IV, pp. 235–38), where the olives are crushed and then covered with water and agitated until the oil floating to the top could be skimmed off, may have been used. The olive appears to have grown wild in highland areas such as the Golan, Galilee, Carmel, and the southern Judean Mountains and Western highlands (Kislev 1994–1995,

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1996; Liphschitz 1996a, b, c; Zohary and Hopf 1993). Domestication of olive is generally attributed to the Chalcolithic (Galili et al. 1997). A growing body of evidence suggests that olive cultivation may have played a significant role during the Chalcolithic, perhaps as early as c. 4800–4400 BC (Carmi and Segal 1994). In some regions, site location may be related to the potential for olive cultivation (Banning et al. 1998, p. 154; Lovell 2002). The initial spread of the Chalcolithic population into the uplands may have been related to olive exploitation (Finkelstein and Gophna 1993; Gibson and Rowan 2006; Kamlah 1998). The importance of an olive culture—limited to oil production at this time—is underscored by archaeological evidence such as measurements of olive pits (Neef 1990, p. 300) and bedrock grinding features probably related to oil extraction (van den Brink et al. 2001; van den Brink 2008) in the lower western hill country. The discovery of olive stones at Tulaylat al-Ghassul in the Jordan Valley suggests they were cultivated, because the trees would not have grown in that area; the region remains too arid for olive cultivation (Meadows 2005; Neef 1990). Olive harvesting is indicated from the hill regions as well as the northern Jordan Valley, based on stones found at Pella and wood found at Tel Tsaf, Tell Abu Hamid, and Tell esh-Shunah (Bourke et al. 2000; Gophna and Kislev 1979; Neef 1990; Wilcox 1992). Evidence for olives has also been discovered at several of the Golan sites (Epstein 1993), as well as Shoham (Liphschitz 2005), Nahal Zehora (Liphschitz and Bonani 2000), and Nevallat (van den Brink et al. 2001). Stones of wild and cultivated olive are not distinguishable (Neef 1990, p. 298), but based on the measurements of olive stones, those recovered from Nevallat, Shoham (N), and Nahal Zehora II are considered wild (van den Brink et al. 2001, pp. 42–43; Tables 1, 2). Conflicting interpretations of whether olives were cultivated or wild suggest additional work is necessary to resolve this issue, but the bulk of evidence appears to support Chalcolithic cultivation in a number of regions, including the Jordan Valley sites Abu Hamid, Tulaylat al-Ghassul, and Tell esh Shuna (Neef 1990; Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). The nature of olive exploitation is central to understanding the role and integration of intra-regional economies (Lovell 2008). Date stones (Phoenix dactylifera), representing another of the earliest fruit trees cultivated in the Old World, were discovered at Nahal Mishmar and Tulaylat al-Ghassul (BarAdon 1980; Mallon et al. 1934; Zaitschek 1980; Zohary and Hopf 1993, p. 157; Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). Additional evidence attests to other fruits and nuts, such as fig, peach, pomegranates, almonds, walnuts, and pistachios (Kislev 1987, pp. 263–4, Table 9.1; Zaitschek 1961, 1980). The exceptional preservation at Nahal Mishmar even conserved garlic and onion (Zaitschek 1980). Evidence for changes in plant exploitation during the period is limited, but increased reliance on wheat and olive, facilitated by simple irrigation systems, is indicated at Ghassul (Bourke 1997a, b). Much as at Wadi Rabah sites (Horwitz et al. 2002), faunal assemblages are dominated by domesticated sheep, goat, cattle, and variable frequencies of pig at different sites. The presence of hartebeest and gazelle suggests dry open conditions and continued reliance on hunting in some areas, even at sites such as Grar, where both wild and domestic pigs have been found. Much smaller numbers of equids, fish, dog, hare, gazelle, hyena, fox, marten, lion, birds (particularly ostrich), and fish are recovered where thorough excavation methods and good conditions for preservation are complemented by more complete publication (Grigson 1987b, 1995). Despite the presence of many wild animal taxa, the number underscores the limited role hunting played in the subsistence economy. Although ovicaprines dominate assemblages, Grigson notes that by approximating meat weights based on bone counts, cattle provide at least 50% of the meat (Grigson 1998, p. 251). At Grar, for instance, Grigson estimates that cattle contributed nearly 70% of the meat consumed, with sheep and goats (c. 11%) and pigs (c. 8%) contributing roughly similar amounts (Grigson

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1995 pp. 412–413, Table 10.20b). Bourke (2002a, b) reports similar frequencies for the Ghassul faunal assemblage, where detailed faunal analysis suggests the minor hunting component of earlier phases further declines in the later phases. Site faunal profiles vary, with notable variability of the pig component in assemblages. At the Beersheva sites, pig (Sus scrofa) are rare to absent, but are significant in the faunal profiles (up to 15%) from sites only slightly to the north, and closer to the coast, such as Wadi Gaza site D, Gilat, and Grar (Grigson 1998, p. 251, Fig. 12). As noted earlier, this differential distribution may reflect slightly moister conditions than at present in those areas (Grigson 1998; Levy et al. 1991a, b). Increasing frequencies of pigs from south to north in the Jordan Valley, with lesser quantities at Ghassul than Abu Hamid (Bourke 2001, p. 118) and even greater frequencies at Tell esh-Shuneh (Baird and Philip 1994), support this thesis. The low numbers of pigs at the Beersheva sites, where both pulses and the sickles used in their harvest are also less prominent, may imply a greater dependence on animal products (cattle, sheep/goat) in this area, although social factors may also be relevant. Substantial debate focuses on the nature of pastoralism, particularly in the Negev (Levy 1983; Levy and Alon 1987b; Esse 1989; Goren and Gilead 1986; Grigson 1987a, b). Levy suggested that specialized pastoralists moved herds of primarily sheep and goat from the Northern Negev to coastal areas or to inland dunal areas for spring grazing, where small sites are posited to be pastoral encampments (Levy 1983, 1992, 1998). Grigson (1998, p. 259, 2006, p. 228), however, suggests that a sedentary model of subsistence, with some limited transhumant pastoralism, is more appropriate than one of nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralism, as suggested by Levy (1983, 1992, 1998). Others (Gilead 1992; Gilead and Goren 1986) also contend that limited village pastoralism is more likely than the full transhumance system posited by Levy. Small, ephemeral camp sites, such as those identified along the Nahal Sekher (Gilead and Goren 1986), are widely interpreted as pastoralist camps, but the relationship of those sites to larger permanent villages is debated; Levy views such sites as part of an optimization strategy and part of a larger migration system, while others argue against semi-nomads moving on a regular or seasonal basis and view such sites as short term encampments of herders from larger habitation sites (Gilead 1992, p. 35). Changes in age-class may reflect increasing reliance on secondary products as well, with cows presumably contributing significant milk. Broadened epiphyses and osteitis may indicate that cattle were being used for drafting (Grigson 1998). The En Gedi bull, which is depicted with a churn on its back, and the sheep or ram with cornets from Gilat indicate the use of pack animals (Grigson 2006; Ussishkin 1980). Following Sherratt’s (1981) ‘secondary products revolution’ model, Grigson (1987a, b) and Levy (1992) suggest that Chalcolithic goat and sheep kill-off patterns indicate that sheep were kept for exploitation of wool and milk. Recent study of the Gilat faunal assemblage, which yielded one of the largest Chalcolithic faunal assemblages in the Middle East, suggests that the high survival rate of sheep/goat to adulthood suggests a herding strategy directed at wool production rather than milk (Grigson 2006), which accords well with the concentration of evidence for spinning and weaving at the site (Levy et al. 2006c). Bone pathologies on cattle may indicate that they had begun to serve as draught animals as well (Levy et al. 1991a, p. 407). Based on the archaeological evidence, there is no longer any reason to draw major divisions between subsistence activities of the Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze, with the possible exception of grape cultivation (Stager 1985). Most fruits were apparently under cultivation by the Chalcolithic (Grigson 1998), flood-water farming is attested (Levy 1998;

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Rosen 1987) and deep-ploughing may have begun in the semi-arid regions of the Negev, as well as the uplands (‘Amr et al. 1993, p. 274; Grigson 1998, p. 267). Inter-regional and intra-regional transport, attested by laden zoomorphic figurines (Epstein 1985), is suggested by evidence of donkey domestication (Grigson 1998, p. 258), although this relies on only a few equid bones identified as donkey (Grigson 2006, p. 224). Nevertheless, the rarity of bones from non-food, pack animals comes as no surprise (Davis 1987; Grigson 2006; Whitcher Kansa 2004) as there would have been few animals, and many would have died away from settlement sites. The possibility of pack animals would have had important ramifications for the transport of ore, olives (or oil), and more exotic materials. Crop agriculture, animal husbandry and horticulture were developed by the Chalcolithic, establishing a Mediterranean/Levantine economy and forming productive modes between diverse micro-environments that encouraged interaction and exchange between different populations.

Human Populations, Diet, and Paleopathology In general, a high level of environmental stress and poor health is noted for the Chalcolithic in this region. Increasing severity and frequency of dental and skeletal pathologies are noted from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age (Smith et al. 1984, 2006; Smith 1991). Populations in the southern Levant show an increase in severe dental attrition from the Natufian to the Neolithic, probably reflecting increasing carbohydrate consumption; the incidence of dental hypoplasia, an indicator of environmental stress, increases during the Neolithic (Smith 1998, pp. 68–69). Poor preservation, secondary mortuary practices and neglected collections contribute to the rarity of detailed pathological analyses from Chalcolithic populations. Nevertheless, a number of studies are now available. Enamel hypoplasia, a non-specific indicator that probably reflects both nutritional and disease factors, is a pathology that typically increases in frequency as sedentary populations become gradually more reliant on agriculture. High frequencies of enamel hypoplasia are noted for Chalcolithic populations as well, underscoring the physiological stresses to which the young were exposed in the southern Levant (Agelarakis et al. 1998; Smith et al. 1984; Smith 1998; Smith and Horwitz 1998). The high frequency of hypoplasia, molar wear rates and caries frequencies, and other dental pathologies revealed by the recent examination of 100 mandibles from the Peqi’in mortuary cave, indicate reliance on cereals and low nutrition (Lev-Tov et al. 2003). That study further suggested that within age groups, nutritional resources and exposure to disease were similar at Peqi’in. Despite the relatively poor preservation, Gilat remains an important example of the potential information provided by fully published physical anthropological analyses, rarely reported from burial or other sites of the period. At Gilat, an estimated 91 individuals were distributed across all strata excavated, predominantly primary burials without grave goods (Smith et al. 2006). The population at Gilat reflects one of the poorest in health for the southern Levant (Smith et al. 2006). The fragmentary condition of the skeletal remains prevented estimates of overall pathologies for the population, but prevalence of disease was high, with periostitis, inflammatory changes on the internal cranial surface of one individual, cribra orbitalia, spina bifida and arthritis noted. More pronounced than among the population at Peqi’in, enamel hypoplasia, often severe, was identified among all individuals. Dental attrition was also severe at Gilat, and discoloration of the teeth was noted in some individuals, the latter possibly reflecting fluorosis from the drinking water,

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where high concentrations of fluorides in the Negev continue to the present (Smith et al. 2006). High fluoride content in water is known to exacerbate enamel hypoplasia and attrition. In short, as an indicator of health, the dental status at Gilat is worse than that of other Chalcolithic populations (Smith et al. 2006). Other studies of smaller samples, such as skeletal lesions on individuals at Kissufim, also suggest poor health among Chalcolithic populations (Zagerson and Smith 2002).

Chalcolithic Settlement Patterns and Site Structure Our knowledge of Chalcolithic settlement is highly variable and biased in favor of a few regions and larger, more visible sites, but an increasing number of surveys indicate the extensive distribution of Chalcolithic sites in many areas. Wadi Rabah sites, which seem to cluster in the northern sections of Palestine, including the Jordan Valley and central hill country, are generally small, lacking any that are in the order of late PPNB sites or large Chalcolithic sites (Gopher 1998, p. 214). Occupation at a few sites such as ‘Ein Assawir may prove to be large, but the general impression is one of smaller, autonomous sites predominating during the Wadi Rabah. In contrast, Chalcolithic sites are sometimes considerable, ranging up to 10 ha in some regions (Levy 1998, p. 229; Bourke 2001, p. 113). A major expansion of Chalcolithic settlements, indicated by the establishment of new arid zone sites where few existed during the Late Neolithic (e.g., northern Negev), argues for an increased population exploiting new areas more intensively (Alon and Levy 1980; Levy and Alon 1987b; Levy et al. 1991a, b, 1994). Survey of the Beersheva–Besor drainage basins, where 75 Chalcolithic sites were discovered, indicates that in the same area, only 11 Late Neolithic sites were identified (Levy and Alon 1987b). The northern Negev region, where the most intensive investigations of well-preserved sites were conducted during the late twentieth century, skews the view of the period. Differentiated site sizes are documented for some regions, in particular the Beersheva Valley (Levy and Alon 1987b; Levy 1998) and the Jordan Valley (Bourke 2002a, b; Joffe 1993). Sites such as Shiqmim, Abu Matar and Bir es-Safadi are clearly larger than other sites in the same area, although the nature of the relationship between these larger and smaller sites remains unknown. Similarities of material culture recovered from the smaller satellite sites near Shiqmim suggest occupation within the same broad time frame without apparent distinction that might indicate different site functions (Levy et al. 2006b). Surveying sites in the Jordan Valley and to the east, Bourke notes that although there are large (over 10 ha) and mid-size (c. 5 ha) sites, attempting to establish rank-size distributions or sub-regional relationships is premature. Chalcolithic sites are located along the major wadis, with larger settlements correlated with the size of the floodplain and smaller sites along the upper courses of the wadi systems (Bourke 2001, p. 113). There are many sites, but over 90% are \2 ha in size (Bourke 2001, p. 113). Other regions exhibit less differentiation in site size. Chalcolithic remains in the north and central areas have been known for some time at sites such as Beth Shan, Gezer (Amiran 1955; Kenyon 1985; de Vaux 1971); Megiddo (Engberg and Shipton 1934); and Tell Farah North (de Vaux 1971; de Vaux and Steve 1947, 1948), but subsequent occupation at these deeply stratified tell sites seriously limits knowledge about the Chalcolithic levels. Chalcolithic sites in the Beth Shan and northern Jordan Valleys (Garfinkel and Rowan 2005; Sadeh and Gophna 1991; Tsori 1958) are known primarily from survey or limited investigations, which indicate that numerous large Chalcolithic sites such as Abu

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Hamid, Tall esh-Shuna, Tall Fendi, Pella, Tall Abu Habil, Tall al-Handaquq, and Kataret es-Samra were established along the valleys and the wadis feeding into the Jordan. Until the 1980s, data on Chalcolithic sites in the Galilee and central highlands were very limited (Gophna and Tsuk 2005). Surveys conducted in the small valleys between the deep gorges of the western highlands foothills have turned up at least four sites occupied during the Chalcolithic, as evidenced by the ‘Ghassulian’ pottery, including pedestalled bowls, cornets, holemouth jars, triangular and loop handles, and churns, in addition to fragments of footed basalt vessels (Gophna and Tsuk 2005, p. 14). Since then, additional published surveys (Gilead 1989a; Frankel and Getzov 1997; Gal 1998; Frankel et al. 2001) confirm an impression of small site size in the mountainous areas of Galilee. Shalem (2008, p. 96*) identifies 22 settlements in the Upper and Lower Galilee, with most small (c. 0.4–0.5 ha), a few 1 ha and only a few large (c. 4–5 ha). The small size of these settlements, with perhaps a few dozen people each, along with their pottery and secondary burials in ossuaries, suggests similar traditions to communities along the Coastal Plain. Systematic surveys of the coastal plain (Gophna and Portugali 1988) document settlements representing populations possibly responsible for the coastal burial caves. Initially thought to represent the mortuary remains of pastoralists visiting the region from the Beersheva sites (Perrot 1984), these burial caves are now viewed in the context of Chalcolithic people living in the coastal plain. Larger settlements are known along the northern coastal plain at ‘Ein Assawir (Yannai 2002, 2006); Natzur 4 (Yannai in press); near Dor (Gibson et al. 1999); Meser (Dothan 1957, 1959); and others (Gophna 1978; Paley and Porath 1979; Yannai 2002). Sites are also recorded in the Carmel range, although none has been investigated methodically (Olami 1984). Further to the east in the Lower Galilee, larger sites include Beit Netofa I and II (Gilead 1989a); Abu Snan (Frankel and Gophna 1980); Beit Ha-Emeq (Frankel and Kempinski 1973); Horvat Usa (Ben-Tor 1966); and Tel Qiri (Baruch 1987). The Beit Netofa sites include Neolithic artifacts, but the bifacially flaked perforated discs would indicate contemporaneity and affinities with the Golan, northern Jordan Valley and Galilee Chalcolithic sites. In the Upper Galilee, an increase in the number of Chalcolithic sites is documented relative to the ‘Early Chalcolithic’ (Wadi Rabah) and Pottery Neolithic (Frankel et al. 2001). In the Hula Valley, ancient re-use, intensive cultivation and modern development have caused extensive damage to archaeological sites, but a few, such as Tel Te’o (Eisenberg et al. 2001) and Tel Turmus (Dayan 1969; Smithline et al. 2000), have been excavated. These sites indicate a Chalcolithic presence, but site size and distribution remains poorly understood. To the south, in the central highlands, a demographic increase is suggested from the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze and attributed to olive cultivation (Finkelstein and Gophna 1993), but Chalcolithic sites are still relatively small and sparsely distributed through the central highlands at the higher elevations (Finkelstein et al. 1997). Small sites thinly spread across the western foothills of the western highlands are also typical, with no evidence for settlement hierarchy or large central sites (Gophna and Tsuk 2005). A similar picture is evident for the highlands to the east. In the uplands of Jordan, east of the Jordan Valley, most sites also seem relatively small and concentrated on the western side of the upland plateau, with a concentration noted in the northern uplands around the largest site of Sal, where a similar demographic increase may be related to olive cultivation (Bourke 2001, p. 114). Although many excavations in Jordan have concentrated on larger sites in low-lying areas, there are exceptions in addition to Sal, such as al-Khawarij (Lovell et al. 2005); Abu Snesleh (Kerner et al. 1992; Lamprichs 1998; Lehmann et al. 1991); Wadi Ziqlab (Banning et al. 1998, 2004); and Sahab (Ibrahim 1984, 1987). Approximately 20 sites are known from surveys between al-Husn and Jerash (Hanbury-Tenison 1987;

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Leonard 1987; Sapin 1992), with a similar number around the Amman region, dominated by Sahab (‘Amr et al. 1993; Abu Dayyeh et al. 1991; Ibrahim 1984; Najjar and ‘Amr 1992), where large silos and a seal fragment were recovered (Ibrahim 1984, 1987). Also near Amman, the smaller, limited assemblages of Abu Snesleh, contrasting with that of Sahab (Kerner et al. 1992; Lehmann et al. 1991), are suggested to be possibly the result of a stronger pastoralist component (Bourke 2001, p. 115). Further to the south, smaller sites predominate among those recorded in the Hisban/Madaba Plains survey (Harrison 1997; Mortenson and Thuesen 1998), although much of the material from around Mt. Nebo may date to the Early Bronze. Kerak plateau surveys also recorded a low density of small Chalcolithic sites (Miller 1991; Mattingly 1996). Additional sites are documented in Wadi al-Hasa (MacDonald 1988, 1992) and the Tafila-Busayra area, the former indicating an increase in population over the Late Neolithic and the latter suggesting a low frequency of sites distributed widely (Neeley 2004). Only a few sites are documented in the Wadi Faynan area; Tell Wadi Faynan and Site 51 indicate an affinity with Late Neolithic or early Chalcolithic sequences (Barker et al. 1997, 1998; Levy et al. 2001; Simmons and Najjar 1999). The absence of Chalcolithic sites in the Wadi Faynan area with dates or material culture related to those of the Shiqmim, Abu Matar or Bir es-Safadi underscores the point that ore importation was for smelting at the Beersheva sites. Sites located in the eastern and western highlands indicate a relatively low level of integration with autonomous site development, a trajectory which continues into the EBA (Harrison and Savage 2003). Village and Household Organization Rectangular structures are the most common architectural element found at domestic settlements during the Chalcolithic, broadly similar from the Golan to the Negev, and extending to the east as far as the central uplands area beyond the Jordan Valley. These rectilinear buildings, termed broadrooms, typically have an entrance on one of the long walls, sometimes marked by a door socket, and may include a low stone or mudbrick bench along the inside of the wall. Curvilinear architecture, small ‘platforms’ of flat stone, and semi-subterranean features are also known. A few well-preserved walls, such as one from Shiqmim preserved over 2.0 m in height, indicate that the superstructure was made of mudbrick set on a stone foundation (Levy et al. in preparation). At Shiqmim, broadrooms range from 2.5 9 5.5 to 5.0 9 10.0 m and were often attached to courtyards of variable size and shape, separated by alleys and plazas. Small pits, hearths with re-used grinding slab and handstone fragments, and other features were commonly associated with these rooms and courtyards. At Abu Hamid, similar dwellings, courtyards and storage rooms were exposed; these were attached to smaller rooms associated with storage jars (Dollfus and Kafafi 1988, 1989, 1993). One semi-subterranean house was found with a large storage jar that may have served as a grain silo (Dollfus and Kafafi 1988, p. 46). At Abu Hamid, plaster lined pits are not unusual, but they are less common at other sites (e.g., Gilat, Shiqmim). Although rooms are variable in size, received wisdom suggests that no size differentiation, hierarchy in room sizes or obvious e´lite areas exist (Gilead 1988, p. 418; Gonen 1992; Porath 1992). A few rooms at Shiqmim are quite large; the final season of excavation at Shiqmim (1993) exposed a large building (15.0 9 4.0 m, in Area X) built on the edge of the site (Levy et al. in preparation). Associated with the construction of Room 30 was the intentional deposit of a disc-shaped copper macehead, possibly a votive deposit related to the construction of the building (Levy et al. in preparation). The fact that this large building was associated with a small subterranean area on the nearest hillock directly above may indicate differential access to storage areas for some village inhabitants.

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Fig. 4 Teleilat Ghassul, Tell 1, village plan (after Mallon et al. 1934, Fig. 12)

The largest exposure of Chalcolithic architecture outside of the Negev is found at Tulaylat al-Ghassul (Fig. 4). Like at most other sites, houses are rectilinear, with dried mudbricks set on either clay or stone foundations. Unlike at most other sites, however, there is evidence for plastered walls, some repeatedly, including those with polychrome painted designs and symbols (Cameron 1981; Mallon et al. 1934: frontispiece, pl. 66–72). Reexamination of Tulayl 1 (Mallon et al. 1934) and Tulayl 3 (Koeppel 1940) settlement plans suggests to Bourke (2001) that substantial variability of size, shape and construction exists between individual dwellings and the attached courtyards. Tulayl 3, for instance, is dominated by several multi-room complexes with brick-built bins, stone-lined storage pits and large pithoi within the courtyards or storage and workrooms that open on to the courtyards (Bourke 2001, p. 120). Bourke further asserts that there are correlates between artifact types, building form and the plastered wall paintings, where there is sufficient recorded detail, implying special, probably ritual functions for these structures. Settlements in the Golan include broadroom structures similar to those of other regions, but these are built end-to-end in what Epstein (1998, pp. 6–8) referred to as ‘house chains’ (Fig. 5). Epstein, who conducted research in the Golan for over 30 years, argued explicitly against any architectural evidence for differentiation in dwellings, which typically measure 15–16 by 5–6 m. The lack of evidence for structural distinctions that might indicate social status distinctions is supported by the near absence of status or prestige goods; in excavations of about 100 structural complexes, only one macehead, of hematite, was recovered (Epstein 1998, Pl. 43.26). No copper, ivory or exotic goods were discovered, although vessels and pillar figurines manufactured from the local basalt outcrops are plentiful. Larger pits are also known, varying from large bell-shaped pits to what some argue are semi-subterranean dwellings. Examples are known from an array of sites, including Gilat

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Fig. 5 Golan ‘house chains’, ‘Ein el-Hariri (Site 20) adapted from Epstein 1998, Site Plan 2

Levy et al. (2006a), Shiqmim (Levy et al. 1991a, b, 2009), Abu Matar (Perrot 1955), Horvat Beter (Rosen and Eldar 1993), Bir es-Safadi (Eldar and Baumgarten 1985; Perrot 1959a, b), and others. Subterranean features, known from Bir es-Safadi (Fig. 6), Abu Matar, Shiqmim, Horvat Hor (Govrin 1987), and Horvat Beter, are limited to the Beersheva region. Dug into the Pleistocene sediments along the wadi terrace, stratigraphically complex tunnels link underground chambers, some with pits in the floors or interior bins built with low walls.

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Fig. 6 Site plan of Bir es-Safadi village, southern corner. Dark shaded features represent rectilinear surface architecture; curvilinear features represent subterranean architecture (adapted from Commenge-Pellerin 1990; Fig. 2a)

Perrot, who first recognized them during his pioneering investigations at Abu Matar (Perrot 1955, 1984), suggested the underground rooms and tunnels represented the initial stage of residence at the site as an adaptation to the hot desert environment, with subsequent buildings set above ground. The function and chrono-stratigraphic relationship of these features to the above-ground villages is debated (Gilead 1987; Levy et al. 1991a, b). In addition to the absence of manufacturing debris (ceramic, flint or any other) and rarity of

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hearths or other domestic features, the dark, cramped and unventilated nature of these chambers renders this improbable living space. At the same time, at least one grinding installation, as well as a possible hearth, was discovered in a subterranean context at Shiqmim, so at least some domestic activities occurred (Levy et al. in preparation). Defense, or a combination of storage (Gilead 1988) and defense (Levy 1998), may have been the primary function, although primary and secondary human burials are also not unusual (Levy et al. 1991a, b, Figs. 17, 18). Semi-subterranean features are documented from the pre-dynastic site of Maadi in the Egyptian delta (Caneva et al. 1987, 1989), but this could be a similar adaptation to a somewhat similar environment, and may relate more closely to the early phases of the EBI when semi-subterranean features are also known. Chalcolithic settlement indicates a clear trend to an increase in the size and numbers of sites compared to the Late Neolithic. Intensified production is also suggested, based on the increasing number of sites in upland locations and semi-arid to arid regions, possibly the result of more flexible pastoral, agricultural and horticultural practices (Bourke 2001, p. 116).

Material Culture Assemblages Ceramics The ceramic repertoire of the Chalcolithic period, rich with distinctive features, is well known through a number of thorough and careful analyses (Commenge et al. 2006a, b; Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990; de Contenson 1956; Epstein 1998; Garfinkel 1999b; Levy and Menachem 1987). Understanding this diverse corpus, however, is not without its challenges. For one—and this is an issue that concerns many aspects of material culture— assemblages from the northern Negev sites are overrepresented. In addition, earlier typological studies obscured the diversity of techniques used to manufacture pottery, and which may be used to discern patterns of production fundamental to insights about craft production. Moreover, complete reports from sites in the north are few, although the publication of Tel Te’o (Eisenberg et al. 2001) and Epstein’s 1998 publication of the Golan sites have dramatically increased the available information. Limited excavations in the Jordan Valley by Contenson and Mellaart at sites such as Tel Abu Habil, Tel el-Mafjar were published by Leonard (1992), yet remain tantalizing, narrow soundings. Precise definition of the different assemblages and their chronological significance remains elusive (Bourke 1997a, b, p. 397). Until recently, Early Chalcolithic assemblages were barely known, but recent work at Jordan Valley sites such as Abu Hamid, Tell esh-Shuna, and Pella is beginning to appear; these analyses are ongoing, however, and have not yet delineated the chronological positions of different ceramic traditions (Garfinkel 1999b; Lovell et al. 1997; Lovell 2000, 2001). Another considerable challenge results from the absence of even one site that spans the entire duration of the Chalcolithic, forcing archaeologists to string together ‘horizontal stratigraphies’ for the purposes of using ceramic seriation as a chronological tool. No consensus on internal ceramic chronology has been achieved; substantive disagreements between the ceramic chronologies of Garfinkel (1999a, b) and Lovell (2001) highlight this problem. A focus primarily on the relative stratigraphy and radiometric dates to create phasing models has not yet resolved the chronological issues (Blackham 2002; Bourke and Lovell 2004). The present summary will be limited to highlighting major forms and possible chronological, regional and functional variations, while recognizing the ongoing

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problem of type-fossil and non-stratigraphic approaches that continue to frustrate attempts to understand long-term sequences (cf. Lovell 2001, pp. 29–30). Pottery vessels include a wide diversity of both closed and open forms. The most common forms include open form bowls in particular, such as the ‘V-shaped’ bowls of various sizes, as well as pithoi, globular pots, pedestalled, fenestrated stands, hole-mouth and necked jars, basins and large bowls (Fig. 7g, h). Some types, such as the thin-walled, well made V-shaped bowls, as well as churns, are considered hallmarks of the Chalcolithic ceramic repertoire. V-shaped bowls are typically decorated with a thin red paint line along the rim; larger open form bowls frequently have this paint motif as well. Churns (Fig. 8b, c) apparently begin during the fifth millennium BC, corresponding to the initial ‘Secondary Products Revolution’ (Sherratt 1981), and were first recognized as a Chalcolithic hallmark

Fig. 7 Ceramic vessels: a miniature churn (from Goren 2002, Fig. 4.5.3); b amphoriskos (from Goren 2002, Fig. 4.4.4); c goblet (from Gilead and Goren 1995, Fig. 4.8: 4); d jar (from Gilead and Goren 1995, Fig. 4.15.5); e jar (from Goren 2002, Fig. 4.4.5); f pedestalled goblet with handle (from Goren 2002, 4.2.4); g, h open bowls (from Scheftelowitz 2004, Figs. 3.4.6, 9)

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Fig. 8 Sample of pottery from Bir es-Safadi: a large open form bowl (24: 5); b, c churns (Fig. 55: 11, 14); d deep bowl with red-painted decoration (Fig. 20); d large jar with lug handles (Fig. 42: 5, 6). All from Commenge-Pellerin 1990

by Amiran (1969). The morphological similarity of these vessels to skin containers used by some traditional societies in the region for the production of yogurt and butter suggests the ancient forms may have been used in analogous ways (Grigson 1998). Although others suggest that the vessels may have served as water vessels (Amiran 1989, p. 56), residue analysis using gas chromatography/mass spectrometry supports the presence of fatty acids more similar to milk fat (Burton 2004, p. 595, Fig. 9.9). Other forms, more limited in distribution but characteristic of the Chalcolithic, include the ‘torpedo’ jars, an amphoralike vessel known only from Gilat (Commenge et al. 2006a, Fig. 10.34: 3; 10.35: 1, 3), and one fragment from the site of Titorah, near Jerusalem. In fact, the northern Negev/coastal plain site of Gilat shows a greater diversity of forms than other typical Chalcolithic sites, with a number of miniature versions of standard vessels as well as forms unknown or virtually absent at other sites. This includes many miniature vessels, such as cylindrical basins, tubular beakers, pointed bases (Fig. 7c), chalices on stems, as well as closed forms, including miniature churns (Fig. 7a) and the torpedo jars (see Commenge et al. 2006a; Levy et al. 1995). Cornets, long, slender conical shaped cups with a pointed base, known primarily from the Besor sites extending eastward at least to Tulaylat al-Ghassul, are also known from basal levels or in the fills of major tell sites (such as Megiddo, Tell Jemmeh, and Ashkelon). These may be useful as a chronological indicator, as they appear to be popular early but fade prior to the end of the period. In particular, evidence from Ghassul

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and Abu Hof accord well with an earlier prevalence of cornets and subsequent drop off (Burton 2004). The form of the cornets would suggest that they may have served as ceremonial vessels, and their similarity to horns has been noted (Cameron 1981, pp. 24–25). Broadly, handles may be grouped into two major types, perforated and non-perforated (de Contenson 1956; Levy and Menachem 1987). Many vessels have a pale white to buff slip, with reddish to red-brown paint. Red painted lines along the vessel rim, and horizontal bands are the most common decorative motifs. Linear painted pieces, which at Ghassul appear in the same stratigraphic sequence as the churn and the increasingly common cornet, continue into the last phases of the site (Lovell 2001, p. 40). Petrographic studies of Chalcolithic pottery highlight the local production and consumption of pottery at almost all sites studied, with the exception of Gilat (Goren and Gilead 1987; Gilead and Goren 1989, 1995, pp. 187, 192–196; Goren 2006; Goren and Fabian 2002). The torpedo vessels— large, thick-walled, narrow and upright vessels that probably served as a transport and storage container—were typically manufactured off-site, primarily with clays originating in Judea or the Shephelah. Identification of lipids that probably represent degraded olive oil (Burton and Levy 2006), coupled with the clay sources off-site, indicates that oils were brought to the site from olive growing regions to the north. The near absence of torpedo fragments from other sites supports the contention by Alon and Levy (1989, pp. 200–202) that these vessels were not associated with normal domestic activities. Some ceramic studies indicate that pottery production techniques change, while distribution networks expand through time (Bourke 2001; Commenge et al. 2006a; Lovell 2000; Roux and Courty 1997; Roux 2003). For instance, there is some indication that Vshaped bowls manufactured in the northern Negev were found at Abu Hamid (Roux and Courty 1997, p. 25). Study of ceramic assemblages from Abu Hof, Abu Matar, Zoumeili, and Abu Hamid indicate that small bowls were frequently made or finished on a wheel (Burton 2004; Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990). At the same time, a variety of techniques were used to manufacture vessels, indicating different, probably overlapping, systems of production. Vessels might be manufactured from a lump of clay, or they might be built through pinching, coiling, throwing, or the use of slabs and strips (for detailed discussion, see Commenge et al. 2006a, pp. 400–406); vessels were often manufactured using a combination of techniques. Beersheva assemblages reflect much greater use of the wheel than at Gilat; whereas 90% of V-shaped bowls at Abu Matar were thrown, and 100% at Bir es-Safadi (Commenge-Pellerin 1987, p. 39, 1990, p. 11), at Gilat the wheel was used \20% of the time (Commenge et al. 2006a, Table 10.5a). If the occupation of Gilat is generally earlier, this pattern may reflect an increased use of the wheel over time. Small beakers tend to exhibit much higher frequencies (ranging from 27 to 81%, Commenge et al. 2006a, Table 10.5b) for sections (rims) that were thrown. This stands in stark contrast to Abu Hamid, where wheel-shaping was utilized solely for V-shaped bowls (Roux 2003, p. 20). Additional differences between ceramic assemblages suggest changes in production techniques through time. Chaff temper, typical of Late Neolithic ceramics, is a technique commonly found in assemblages at Gilat, Grar, Ghassul, and Abu Hof (Levy et al. 1995; Gilead 1989b; Lee 1973; Lovell 2001), but less commonly among vessels from the Beersheva sites (Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990). Although most vessels in the northern Negev are manufactured of local clays, ‘cream ware’ vessels (Amiran 1969, pp. 28–29) are finely sorted, white to light buff wares produced from materials originating in upper Eocene chalk deposits, and include a variety of common pottery forms (Gilead and Goren 1989, p. 9). Cream ware vessels are concentrated at the northern Negev sites along the Besor and Beersheva drainage basins, but examples are known from as far north as Ghassul and Gezer.

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The elaboration of pottery created using a wheel has been noted many times and may relate to craft specialization, although few explicitly attempt to record and quantify attributes of wheel production (but see Burton 2004; Commenge-Pellerin 1987, 1990; Commenge et al. 2006a; Roux 2003). Some vessel types, such as small bowls, are clearly wheel-made and removed from the wheel with a string-cut (Gilead and Goren 1995). Larger forms were typically created by first making a base on the wheel, with the later addition of walls (Commenge-Pellerin 1987). To some analysts, the increasing diversity of ceramic forms, such as pedestalled, fenestrated bowls and churns, and the overall uniformity within vessel categories for various attributes (for example size, manufacturing methods) underscore a level of incipient craft specialization (Kerner 1997, p. 423); this pattern is especially apparent at Abu Hof (Burton 2004, pp. 138–143). On the other hand, the use of wheel manufacture for elements of ceramic vessel construction should not be accepted as a priori proof of a desire to increase efficient pottery production. For example, the ceramic vessel corpus at Gilat, with twice as many forms as the Beersheva assemblages, is manufactured with a variety of techniques, including use of a wheel for addition of some components of some vessels (Commenge et al. 2006a). Such a mode of manufacture could suggest a lack of concern for time saving measures, and a greater investment of time, energy and attention. Indeed, scholars note that wheel shaping does not seem related to increased productive efficiency, at least in the earlier phases of Chalcolithic wheel use, but instead originates with secondary techniques that are labor intensive (Commenge et al. 2006a; Roux and Courty 1998, 2005; Roux 2003). Future studies of ceramic assemblages should establish richer understandings of the dynamic changes in production, distribution and consumption through time. Setting aside for the moment the question of whether these differences have chronological or regional significance, or both, broad patterns can be detected. Comparing the Grar ceramic assemblage to that of other northern Negev and southern coastal plain sites, Gilead and Goren (1995) find greater similarities between the Beersheva sites, such as Abu Matar, Zumeili, and Shiqmim (and including Qatif, Y-2), while En-Gedi and Azor form a second group. In the first group, bowls are the most common type, the V-shape in particular, followed by holemouth jars. Other aspects distinguish Grar from other sites. Most obvious is the high frequency of cornets, the second most common form, which is typically an unusual form. At Beersheva sites, cornets are generally absent (Shiqmim, Zoumeili) or extremely rare (for example, 0.1% at Abu Matar, 0.03% at Bir es-Safadi). Only very low frequencies of fenestrated stands are found at any of these sites. En Gedi and Azor are different, as non-habitation sites. En Gedi, a single building complex thought to represent a ritual site, is perched on a promontory immediately overlooking the Dead Sea to the east. Azor, a burial cave on the coastal plain included numerous ossuaries (Perrot and Ladiray 1980). Thus, these sites differ in function, and to some extent the ceramic assemblages reflect these differences. This similarity of ceramic frequencies suggests that Grar is more similar to other sites such as Gilat, Tulaylat alGhassul, and some of the Wadi Gaza sites, such as Site O (Macdonald et al. 1932, Pl. 35). Chipped and Ground Stone Assemblages Like the production of ceramic vessels, chipped, and ground stone assemblages exhibit continuity from Late Neolithic assemblages. Chipped stone tools found at Chalcolithic habitation sites are typically characterized by flake production using locally available flint and limestone (Rosen 1987a, 1995). The technology of manufacture can be characterized as expedient, or ad hoc (Rosen 1987a, p. 282), with tools typically made on flakes, such as

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scrapers, borers and awls (Fig. 2f), notched pieces and denticulates, as well as various nonstandardized retouched and utilized flakes. More standardized tools typical of most habitation sites include sickle blades (Fig. 2e), celts such as axes, adzes (Fig. 2d), chisels (Fig. 2c), and picks and tabular scrapers. Projectile points are not typically found at Chalcolithic sites and are unknown from Mediterranean zones (Rosen 1997, p. 43); transverse arrowheads, manufactured on bladelets, are reported from sites in the southern Negev possibly dating in the late fifth to early fourth millennium BC (Rosen 1997, p. 44) and Sinai (Bar-Yosef et al. 1986, Fig. 11). Tool types are variable, possibly reflecting localized adaptations, cultural traditions and specialized production. Sickle blades, for instance, have a higher relative frequency in tool assemblages at the sites of Gilat (c. 14%: Rowan 2006) and Grar (Gilead et al. 1995, Table 5.8) than that at Shiqmim (6%), possibly reflecting the more arid conditions at Shiqmim relative to Gilat and Grar (see Fig. 9). Cores and debitage provide evidence that blade tools such as sickles were made on-site, while a cache of blade cores and blades representing all stages of manufacture suggests the possibility of specialized production at Gilat (Rowan 2006). The recent discovery of a specialized blade production site during rescue excavations in the Beersheva area (Gilead et al. 2004) further underscores some degree of specialized production for non-prestige, subsistence tools. Other tool forms may also be the result of specialized production. Evidence for specialized bifacial celt manufacturing is known at Wadi Gaza Site A, first discovered by Macdonald et al. (1932) and subsequently studied by Roshwalb (1981). Specialized

Northern Negev Tool Assemblages 50 45

Shiqmim (n=3986) Gilat (n=3935)

40

% of tool assemblage

Grar (n=695) 35 30 25 20 15 10 5

Va ria

et ro -e nd . Pr is m .b l. M

la .B

R

et

ic

de l

de

s

la .b

la

ke R et

C el t

.f et R

Si ck le

Bo re r D en tic Si . de sc Ta ra p. b. sc ra pe rs Sc ra pe r

N ot

ch

0

Fig. 9 Relative frequencies of chipped stone tools based on assemblages from Shiqmim, Gilat and Grar. Based on data from Grar (Gilead et al. 1995), Gilat (Rowan 2006) and Shiqmim (Rowan pers. obs.)

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production was apparently involved in the manufacture of tabular scrapers (Fig. 2b), a misnomer based on the mistaken belief that these large cortical flakes were manufactured from tabular veins of flint. Sometimes referred to as ‘Ghassulian fan scrapers’ (Lee 1973; Mallon et al. 1934; McConaughy 1979), these scrapers are also recovered at Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age sites. Production probably took place where large blocks of material were found, with several production locales suggested, including the western Negev (Rosen 1993, 1987a), Jordan (Muheisen et al. 1988, pp. 482–483) and possibly Sinai (Kozloff 1974). Larger quarry sites are now documented in the arid regions of southern Jordan, along the al-Jafr basin ridges (Fujii 1998, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2003; Quintero and Wilkie 1998, 2002), and northeastern Jordan near ar-Ruwayshid (Muller-Neuhof 2006), although their dating is problematic, and exploitation may have continued from the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age. The greater distance from these sources, coupled with the absence of manufacturing debris of the easily recognizable homogenous brown flint at most habitation sites, suggests either occasional specialized forays by select producers, or specialists, involved in their production and distribution. Henry (1995, p. 372) suggested that these scrapers could have functioned as sheep shears, a hypothesis supported at least in part by the dissimilarity of tabular scraper microwear in contrast to standard flake endscrapers (McConaughy 1979; Rowan and Levy 1991). Similar flint was used for the production of large prismatic blades known from only a few sites, such as Gilat (Rowan and Levy 1994), Shoham (N) (Marder 2005), and the Cave of the Warrior (Oshri and Schick 1998, pp. 59–62, Fig. 12.1–4). Although not a significant component of Chalcolithic flint tool assemblages, these blades are notable for their exceptional size, symmetry and homogenous flint. Their correlation to non-domestic contexts hints at their value as exotic or luxury items. Where these blades were produced is debated; recent evidence suggests that a local origin is possible (Shimelmitz and Mendel 2008). Like ceramics, regional correlates are visible in a few flint tool forms through their presence, or their relative frequencies. Bladelet tools, rare or absent at Beersheva and Golan sites, are more common in the Jordan Valley, central hill country and sites such as Grar and Gilat (Gilead 1984, 1995; Rosen 1987a). A particular bladelet tool first recognized by Nasrallah (1936) and Neuville (1930a, b, p. 69, Pl. 1:6), termed a ‘microendscraper’ (Gilead 1984), has a similar distribution. Limestone tools are generally restricted to Grar and Gilat (Gilead 1989b; Gilead and Fabian 1995; Rowan 2006), strengthening the notion that these sites are part of a distinct cultural entity, and moreover, one which might be earlier. Perforated flint disks (Fig. 2a), manufactured from flint similar to that of the tabular scrapers, are known primarily from Jordan Valley and Galilee sites, though they are also found at Golan sites (Perrot et al. 1967, Figs. 7.1, 8.1, Pls. 38.1, 39.1–3, 40.1–3; Noy 1998, pp. 277–283, Pls. XLVIX: 1–3; L:1–3; LI: 1–3, LII: 1–4). One was also found in the Nahal Qanah burial cave (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, Fig. 4.13), and thus, the flint assemblages are also regionally distinct. This is yet another example of why lumping the Beersheva assemblages with ‘Ghassulian’ is inaccurate—a point made by Rosen nearly 20 years ago (Rosen 1987a, p. 282). Substantial numbers of ground stone artifacts are typically recovered at habitation sites, although they are only beginning to be reported in a methodical, quantified fashion. Ground stone assemblages reflect sedentary and agriculturally based subsistence practices, with tools such as grinding slabs, handstones, and mortars; a variety of more expedient cobbles, hammers and perforated cobbles were also used for grinding and pounding. Available resources, which varied locally, include limestone, ‘beachrock’ (a sedimentary rock), sandstone, chalk and basalt. Smaller ground stone artifacts, sometimes made of nonlocal rock, include spindle whorls, palettes, bowls, maceheads, and decorative items such

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Fig. 10 Basalt vessels, A–D from mortuary contexts: a unique pedestalled square vessel from Givat HaOranim (from Scheftelowitz 2004, Fig. 4.7: 3); b pedestalled vessel from Peqi’in (from van den Brink et al. 1999, Fig. 9); c pedestalled vessel with raised bands from Givat Ha-Oranim (from Scheftelowitz 2004, Fig. 4.4: 2); d pedestalled vessel fragment with interior extra support from Nahal Qanah (from Gopher and Tsuk 1996, Fig. 4.16: 3); e solid pedestalled vessel from Tel Te’o (from Gopher and Eisenberg 2001, Fig. 9.4: 5); f pedestalled, fenestrated stand from Wadi Zeita; g pedestalled vessel (adapted from Perrot et al. 1967, Fig. 13.1); h, i flared flat base bowls (from Epstein 1998, Pl. 34.9, 11); j from Gopher and Eisenberg 2001, Fig. 9.3: 6); k convex bowl from Golan (from Epstein 1998, Pl. 36.4)

as beads and pendants. Stone vessels, typically made of basalt, beachrock or limestone are common, while others made of phosphorite, calcite, granite and sandstone are quite rare. Fragments of bowls manufactured of basalt are typically found in small quantities at most sites (Amiran and Porat 1984; Rowan 1998), with the most elaborate forms associated with mortuary contexts (van den Brink et al. 1999), such as Nahal Qanah (Fig. 10d; Gopher 1998), Peqi’in (Fig. 10b; van den Brink 2009), Shoham (N) (Rowan 2005) and Giv’at Ha-Oranim (Fig. 10a, c; Scheftelowitz 2004, pp. 59–67). Basalt bowls generally

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come in two broad classes, a flat-based, open form bowl and a bowl set atop a hollowed pedestal with fenestrations (Fig. 10g; Amiran and Porat 1984); each general class subsumes a variety of types (Rowan 1998). Although fragments of these basalt bowls are not uncommon, the actual quantities of bowls they represent are typically small. For instance, the 37 fragments found at Grar were estimated to represent *20–30 vessels (Gilead 1995, p. 319). Even at Gilat, with one of the greatest quantities of basalt bowl fragments (nearly 300 fragments and complete vessels), a conservative estimate is only *60 vessels (Rowan et al. 2006, pp. 597–602). The majority from Gilat, however, are fenestrated, pedestalled forms (similar to Fig. 10f), a proportion more similar to burial cave sites than typical occupation sites. The high frequency of the fenestrated pedestalled type is mirrored in the analogous ceramic form at Gilat, of which there were at least 200 examples, constituting the largest number discovered at any site in the southern Levant (Commenge et al. 2006a, p. 443). Some of the best known, and largest, examples of either basalt bowl form are known from the Beersheva sites of Bir es-Safadi and Abu Matar (Commenge in press; Perrot 1955, Pl 18A, B; Perrot 1979, pp. 78, 83), sites that are rather far from any basalt flows. The general rarity of the bowls and their discovery at sites distant from the potential sources found in basalt flows to the east in Jordan or to the north in the Galilee and Golan suggests that these were objects of some value (Philip and Williams-Thorpe 1993; Rowan 1998). The absence of evidence for their manufacture at any Chalcolithic site suggests that they were made off-site, perhaps near the streams and flows where the basalt is found. Given the distances, difficulty of working basalt with stone tools, and the fine workmanship involved, there is good reason to believe these were created by some skilled, perhaps specialized producers; however, the low quantities and absence of known workshops argue for part-time or occasional specialists rather than full-time specialized producers. Metallurgy Though copper first appears during the Neolithic elsewhere in the ancient Near East (Iran and Anatolia), by the Chalcolithic the metallurgical techniques of the southern Levant are on a par with, if not surpassing, those of other contemporary peoples. Understanding the evolution of metal technology in the southern Levant is complicated by the fact that some Chalcolithic sites seem to either predate the introduction or discovery of copper metallurgy, or exist outside of the production and distribution of metal artifacts. Sites such as Shiqmim and Abu Matar provide unequivocal evidence for the local smelting of copper ores as well as the finished products (Golden 2009; Golden et al. 2001; Shugar 2001). Other sites, such as Gilat and Grar, have recovered no copper objects or evidence for any stages of metallurgical production. The temptation to consider Gilat and Grar earlier than the Beersheva sites is supported by some patterns in material culture, but confounded by other evidence and radiocarbon dates. The overlapping radiocarbon dates for sites such as Gilat and Shiqmim were discussed previously, providing no unambiguous answers. Likewise, the absence of any copper artifacts at sites located in the Golan, many of which date to the later parts of the Chalcolithic sequence, further argues against simplistically determining chronology based on the presence or absence of copper. Copper artifacts found in the southern Levant have generally been grouped into two broad categories: (1) artifacts that are ‘utilitarian’ in appearance (tools such as axes, adzes, chisels, awls), often made from relatively pure copper and then cast in open molds, and subsequently annealed and hammered to create the finished products; and (2) those created with lost-wax casting techniques using complex metals for the manufacture of more elaborate or symbolic objects (standards, mace heads, vessels, ‘crowns’; Fig. 11). This

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Fig. 11 Cast metal objects: a ‘Ibex Standard’ from Nahal Mishmar; b vessel from Nahal Mishmar hoard (a and b by J. Golden adapted from Bar-Adon 1980, p. 44, No.17; and p. 107, No.158); c standard from Givat Ha-Oranim (by J. Golden, adapted from Namdar et al. 2004, Fig. 5.2: 1)

‘dual industry’ dichotomy, originally suggested by Potazkin and Bar-Avi (1980) and Key (1980) and later confirmed by Shalev and Northover (1987), has generally held up, though subsequent research has revealed important exceptions. For example, a disc-shaped macehead from the Cave of the Sandal site was made of relatively pure copper (Segal et al. 2002), as were two maces from Nahal Mishmar (Tadmor et al. 1995). This contradicts the simple equation of this material solely with utilitarian items and ‘arsenical’ copper with non-utilitarian, symbolic objects. The latter (‘crowns’, maceheads and standards) were manufactured with metals of widely varying compositions (Tadmor et al. 1995, p. 132). Whereas early studies emphasized the presence of arsenic—the term ‘arsenical copper’ is commonly used—more recent findings demonstrate that antimony was just as typical of the complex metals. Finally, in most of the cave assemblages (for example, Peqi’in, Nahal Mishmar) both types occur together; at the settlement of Neve Noy (Bir es-Safadi) they are literally bound together with copper wire (Eldar and Baumgarten 1985). In truth, there is good reason to doubt whether even these ‘utilitarian’ objects were intended to function as tools. For one, those items that would benefit most from the superior hardness of the complex metals, the tools (e.g., axe heads), are made of the softer, ‘pure’ copper; it is the ‘prestige’ objects that are manufactured with the harder complex metal casting. Moreover, none of the tools are manufactured or hardened such that they would adequately serve as tools. Axes, adzes and chisels made of flint, on the other hand, are frequently found broken, underscoring their functional use. Copper chisels, axes and adzes probably served as prestige items, although perhaps not as prestigious as the copper maceheads, standards, and other items of high symbolic value (Kerner 2001). Thus the tools should be viewed as one component of an important, symbolically loaded assemblage of ritual equipment.

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Sources of copper are known in the Faynan region, just east of the ‘Arava in southern Jordan (Hauptmann 1989; Hauptmann and Weisgerber 1987, 1992). Research in the Faynan mining region yielded evidence for limited copper ore smelting, perhaps testsmelting, at the mines (Hauptmann 1989), but the dating of these mines is less reliable than the dating of the village contexts. Another source is also known in Timna, where there is evidence of copper exploitation from later times to the present (Rothenberg et al. 1978), but few Chalcolithic sites in the south with possible evidence for copper exploitation (Khalil 1987, 1992; Rothenberg and Glass 1992). In addition to evidence for local Levantine ore sources, there is ample evidence that copper smelting took place within northern Negev settlements such as Shiqmim and Abu Matar, using ores matching the chemical composition, structure and texture of those from Faynan (Perrot 1957; Shalev and Northover 1987; Shugar 2001). The ‘pure’ copper used to manufacture the tools derives from southern Levantine sources of oxide ores, such as the Faynan mines (Hauptmann 1989; Hauptmann et al. 1992; Golden et al. 2001). The most extensive and thoroughly documented evidence for Chalcolithic smelting is from the Beersheva region, particularly the site of Abu Matar. Metallurgical production stations at Abu Matar include oblong ceramic crucibles roughly 8–12 cm in diameter (Fig. 12d, e) and the remains of furnaces that incorporate a small pit covered with a ceramic ring (Fig. 12a–c). There is also evidence for slag and ore in varying stages of reduction (i.e., partly reduced ore that is not smelted completely), as well as bits of ‘raw’ copper and two instances of blocks of metal, akin to small ‘ingots’ (Fig. 12f). The recent excavations at Abu Matar (Gilead et al. 1991) yielded extensive evidence for metal production, especially in Area A, where metallurgical finds included slag, crucible fragments, furnace fragments, ore and hammerstones, along with scatters of ash and charcoal. Excavation of Area A also produced an in situ furnace, yielding charcoal radiocarbon dated to c. 4200–4000 BC (Shugar 2001). Metallurgical remains were also found in Area M, including one dense concentration which included seven hammerstones, ore, crucible fragments, furnace fragments and over 1 kg of slag, the highest concentration of slag at the site (Shugar 2001). Evidence of metal production has also been found in houses j-15 and j12, (Shugar 2001, p. 48) confirming the occurrence of household production. In Area B, there was a pit containing slag and eight large chunks of ore weighing over 0.5 kg, though there was no evidence for furnaces or crucibles. Much remains unknown about the manufacturing processes and the origins of the ores for the complex metals. Earlier scholars assumed that because there were no known arsenic-antimony copper sources in Palestine, the origin of such sophisticated metallurgy must be in areas such as Anatolia or Azerbaijan (Bar-Adon 1980; Key 1980). Copper with arsenic is known from the Transcaucasus and Azerbaijan (over 1,000 km away), but more recent reports suggest possible sources of copper with arsenic and antimony in Syria (Ostanali, as cited in Shalev 1996, p. 161). Lead isotope studies of a macehead from the Judean Desert also hint at a possible connection between the isotopes of this artifact and others from Ugarit and Ras ibn Hanni in Syria (Stos-Gale 1991, as cited in Shalev 1996, p. 161). On the other hand, the first arsenical copper ore source in the southern Levant was recently identified in the southern Sinai Peninsula (Ilani and Rosenfeld 1994), but as yet there is no evidence for exploitation in antiquity. Turquoise extraction in the Sinai would suggest that Chalcolithic populations were traveling to distant southern areas for mineral resources (Beit-Arieh 1980), or at least had contact with populations exploiting those resources. Production of the more elaborate artifacts used copper rich in antimony and arsenic, and more rarely, nickel and silver. These materials have been referred to as ‘complex metals’,

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Fig. 12 Artifacts related to copper production from northern Negev sites: a reconstruction (section) of furnace; b, c fragments of ceramic furnace walls from Abu Matar (b) and Bir es-Safadi (c) with slag and copper adhering to it; d, e ceramic crucibles; f block (ingot) of ‘raw’ copper from Shiqmim (illustrations by J. Golden)

reflecting the fact that multiple metals were present in widely varying proportions, while avoiding the word ‘alloy’ which implies an intentional admixture (Golden 1998). Whether the copper was co-smelted with separate, added sources of arsenic or antimony, or copper sources that already contained higher levels of arsenic and antimony were utilized, is unknown (Shalev 1996). The pairing of the cire perdue (‘lost wax’) method with the latter material is unsurprising, since the presence of these other metals in the copper confers special qualities: superior hardness and appearance to the final product, and most important, a lower melting point and increased fluidity allowing for the successful casting of more intricate forms (Levy and Shalev 1989; Moorey 1985; Shalev and Northover 1987, 1993; see also Shalev 1996).

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Despite close analysis at sites such as Abu Matar, there is as yet no direct evidence for the manufacture of the symbolic or complex objects at Chalcolithic settlements, and in fact, the source of the material remains unknown as well. There are some indications that the finished complex metal castings may have been produced locally using imported materials. For one, metallurgical and petrographic study of a copper macehead from Shiqmim indicates that the core was of a glauconitic chalk originating in the region, perhaps from the ‘Arava (Shalev et al. 1992), meaning that ‘imported’ material encased local material and thus, local casting of the metal. As for other indications that ‘raw’, unfinished complex metals were imported into the southern Levant, there is one ‘amorphous’ lump of metal weighing 18 g from the Nahal Qanah cave tomb with a composition of mainly copper with 5% Sb, 2% As, and nearly 1% Pb (Gopher and Tsuk 1991), and a small block of metal (ingot?) from Bir esSafadi with a composition of roughly 92% Cu, 2.5% Sb, 1.5% Pb, and 0.8% As (Golden 2009). Analysis of materials from renewed excavations at Abu Matar revealed traces of up to 1% arsenic in some copper found in crucibles (Shugar 2001), but whether this material could have been used to produce the complex metal castings with much higher concentrations of arsenic remains unclear. Based on analysis of the Abu Matar material, Shugar (2001) identified four types of copper based ore, three of which were determined to come from the Faynan mining region. The fourth, based on similarities in lead isotope ratio, geographical proximity, and evidence for regional contact, is posited to originate in Anatolia. Lead isotope data indicate that the alternative source for this fourth ore type identified at Abu Matar was in central and north central Anatolia, perhaps Kaman-Kalehoÿu¨k and mines around the central Black Sea (Shugar 2001, p. 178). The sophisticated nature of the Chalcolithic metal industries is epitomized by the spectacular discovery of copper objects from the Nahal Mishmar cave site known as the ‘Cave of the Treasure.’ In the early 1960s, a cave discovered in a sheer cliff near the western bank of the Dead Sea was found to contain hundreds of elaborate artifacts, including copper maceheads, ‘crowns’, scepters (Fig. 11a, b) and other artifacts. This trove of impressive items, including other exotic materials such as ivory and hematite, has inspired great speculation about why this hoard was placed in such an inaccessible cave (Bar-Adon 1980; Gates 1992; Moorey 1988; Tadmor 1989; Ussishkin 1971). Speculation that the hoard was connected to the Chalcolithic sanctuary site of En-Gedi, 15 km to the north, were based on proximity (Ussishkin 1971, 1980), but this is not supported by the limited amount of material culture recovered from the En-Gedi site. No copper artifacts or detritus were found, and there are clear distinctions in ceramic assemblages (Goren 1995, pp. 292–293), such as the presence of cornets at En-Gedi and their complete absence at Nahal Mishmar cave. The connection between Ein Gedi and Mishmar is tenuous at best, and may in truth be chronologically untenable. Unfortunately, the relationship of the hoard to other Chalcolithic sites is difficult to understand, but some aspects of the iconography and style, as well as the pottery and other finds, leave little doubt as to the Chalcolithic attribution, derived from a southern Levantine cultural milieu (Beck 1989; Levy and Shalev 1989; Merhav et al. 1993; Moorey 1988). As discussed (earlier, Chronology), dating of the organic remains from Nahal Mishmar indicates that the deposit was probably made towards the late part of the Chalcolithic, probably during the first quarter of the fourth millennium BC. Based on new AMS dates obtained on the mat in which the hoard was placed, Aardsma (2001) argues that portions of the mat may date to as early as c. 4350 BC. This weakens the possibility that the hoard was deposited there at the very end of the Chalcolithic, perhaps during a period of violence (Ussishkin 1971), and undermines the use of dates from the cave to define a ‘Terminal Chalcolithic’ (Joffe and Dessel 1995).

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The recent discoveries at the Chalcolithic burial cave site of Nahal Qanah in the low hills west of the western highlands serve to reinforce both the technological advancement and the dating of Chalcolithic metal smelting. Associated with a number of burials, basalt vessels, copper artifacts, eight gold and gold ‘alloy’ (electrum) rings interpreted as ingots were recovered (Gopher and Tsuk 1996; Gopher et al. 1990). These rings were created by pouring melted gold into open molds and hammering them into the final circular shape. Though this technique does not require any additional technological innovation (the heat required is no more extreme than for copper production, and casting is simple), there is the possibility that the gold and electrum were extracted from quartz veins rather than collected from alluvial deposits, which does suggest an innovation (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, pp. 171–172). The Nahal Qanah discoveries, along with Giv’at Ha-Oranim (Namdar et al. 2004) and Peqi’in, are also pivotal in that they represent complex metals found outside of the northern Negev, formerly the only area where such finds were made (Levy and Shalev 1989). The copper objects outside the Negev, however, seem limited to mortuary contexts. Copper is known from sites in the Jordan Valley, such as Shuna, Abu Hamid, and Ghassul, but no copper maceheads are known from those sites, despite the recovery of stone maceheads at all three sites. The discovery of gold at Nahal Qanah and Giv’atayim (Braun and van den Brink 2008, p. 646) does not simplify matters: the distances of possible sources are probably greater than those for copper, and the lack of parallels in the archaeological record is notable. Nevertheless, the beginnings of metallurgy, and the sophisticated knowledge it required, are evident, and the possibility that this knowledge was tightly controlled or guarded must also be considered a potentially important new element in the organization of craft production in the southern Levant (Levy 1998; Levy and Shalev 1989). The dearth of evidence for the production of complex metal castings underscores the likelihood that it was carried out in workshops distinct from the village workshops, where there is ample evidence for the processing of ‘pure’ copper (see Tadmor et al. 1995). The difficulty in obtaining the material, the skill required for their production, and the fact that they are found primarily in mortuary contexts or in discrete caches suggests that demand for the complex metal castings was driven by some wealthier consumers, but in the absence of evidence for their manufacture, it is difficult to say whether this was independent or attached specialization (see Costin 1991). Tadmor et al. have asserted that, based on radiographic and chemical analyses of 28 metal objects from the Nahal Mishmar hoard, the two classes of objects (‘pure’ copper tools versus complex metal castings) were manufactured in different locales. Determining where the items from Nahal Mishmar and other complex metals were created may prove useful for understanding not only control over copper production, but resource procurement in general. At the Beersheva basin sites, such as Abu Matar and Shiqmim (Golden 1998; Levy and Shalev 1989; Shugar 2001), there is ample evidence for ‘pure’ copper metallurgy, and while future research may turn up other metal workshops, the latter seem to represent the region’s primary production center. Evidence for production appears in household contexts throughout the site, suggesting independent specialization. Rosen (1993) has argued that despite the technical dimensions of metal production, it was not significantly different from other areas of craft production such as basalt vessel manufacture and some types of flint-working. There are some indications that copper-manufacturing activities at Abu Matar became increasingly concentrated over time, ultimately leading to the establishment of centralized workshops (Golden 1998, pp. 306–311; Shugar 2001). And while such activities became more organized, they most likely operated as a small kin- or family-based industry, without the need for ‘attached’ control over production. The preference for complex metals for the

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manufacture of the more intricate and evocative goods intimates a distinct desire beyond a functional necessity for utilitarian effectiveness.

Craft Specialization A key issue for understanding the importance of craft specialization in Chalcolithic society is the identification of production activities (Levy 1993). Rich and diverse assemblages of finished goods found throughout the southern Levant certainly seem to suggest that craft specialists were living and working in the region during the Chalcolithic, yet production contexts (workshops) remain elusive. Perhaps the strongest evidence for specialized production extending beyond the domestic sphere is metallurgy; in particular, the production of complex metal artifacts such as most maces, standards, ‘crowns’ and other intricate items (see ‘‘Metallurgy’’). Interpretation of the organization of production diverges. Gilead (1988, pp. 422–423), for instance, discounts the possibility of centralized production or e´lite control of copper, and argues that copper metal workers were part-time specialists, similar to those who made ceramic and flint items. Levy, on the other hand, argues that the emergence of ranked societies along the Beersheva valley was directly linked to copper production (Levy 1993; Levy and Shalev 1989). As with any craft, there would still be tinkerers and household producers and this is evident at the Beersheva sites. The identification of concentrated production zones at Abu Matar (Shugar 2001; Golden 2009) and Shiqmim (Golden et al. in preparation), however, demonstrates that specialized craftspeople were working in these villages. The production of complex metal objects, requiring access to materials from far away, and the sophisticated nature of cire perdue techniques underscore the likelihood that there were specialized metalsmiths, yet the location of their production activities remains unclear. Some clues now place the casting of these artifacts somewhere in the southern Levant—the identification of a copper macehead’s chalk core (Shalev et al. 1992) and a piece of clay mold (Goren 2006) indicating local sources, and an ‘unfinished’ block of metal from Bir es-Safadi that matches the composition of many finished goods (Golden 2009)—yet the precise workshops are unknown and ore sources are still debated. The lack of identifiable workshops for complex metals in the southern Levant makes it difficult to discern the degree of control exercised over production, although the distant sources of ore and the eccentric nature of many of the goods produced may hint at e´lite control or ‘attached’ specialists (Costin 1991). Complex metal castings in the north at Peqi’in and the coastal plain at Giv’at Ha-Oranim indicate a wider distribution than assumed just a few decades ago. By the beginning of the EBA, the metals industry seems to have taken a step back. According to Rosen, ‘the socioeconomic contexts of these earliest experiments in metallurgy were ultimately inadequate to support full-fledged specialization’ (Rosen 1993, p. 41). No workshops the size of those excavated at Abu Matar (Perrot 1955; Shugar 2001; Golden 2009) are known from the ensuing EBA, nor are any finished goods of the caliber recovered from Nahal Mishmar and multiple other sites. Other artifact assemblages thought to be the products of specialized craftspeople include ivory figurines, basalt vessels, ceramics and flint. Manufacture of the finer basalt bowls, of extremely hard volcanic stone, a resource unavailable at many sites, necessitated intensive labor, long-distance transport of heavy materials and some knowledge of how to work the stone (Philip and Williams-Thorpe 1993). To date, no basalt vessel production site is known, although a few vessel blanks have been identified at settlement sites (Epstein 1998, Pl. 38.1–3; Rowan in press) and a few basalt chips at Abu Hamid may indicate the final stages of manufacture or re-furbishing (Wright et al. pers. comm., basalt chips could also

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derive from secondary tool manufacture of broken basalt vessels or rejuvenation of nonvessel implements). The low number of basalt bowls at each Chalcolithic site does not support the conclusion that full-time specialists were required. More importantly, the frequent association of basalt bowls with ritual deposits (mortuary and caches) suggests that at sites without local basalt flows the bowls were produced for ritual occasions (Rowan 1998). Ethnoarchaeological work by Hayden (1987) on the production of basalt metates in Guatemala indicates that even the selection of quality material requires highly specialized knowledge. This would equally have been fundamental to the manufacture of basalt bowls, particularly the most elaborate forms found associated with burials (van den Brink et al. 1999). Nevertheless, these forms are rare and may have been produced by specialists on an ad hoc basis for special rites. Despite the sophisticated skill demonstrated in many Chalcolithic crafts, evidence for the production of other exotic items is also indistinct or absent. Indications of ivory production are missing entirely: only finished artifacts have been published, although an ivory-working locus has been mentioned (cf. Perrot 1959a, b). Pottery and flint assemblages also indicate some degree of specialization. Chalcolithic pottery producers incorporated use of the wheel during the Chalcolithic (noted above, Material Culture, Ceramics), but without overt attempts to increase standardization or efficiency. Petrographic studies indicate that most domestic assemblages (as well as that of En Gedi) were manufactured using local clays (such as the Golan examples, see Fig. 13). Exceptions include Gilat, and the pottery found in the Nahal Mishmar hoard, both of which exhibit a variety of petrographic groups (Goren 1995, p. 297). There may be some parallel between the specialized nature of pottery production for these ritual sites and the production of basalt vessels for ritual purposes. Flint assemblages provide some of the best evidence for specialized production, particularly for the creation of specific, standardized forms, such as celts, tabular scrapers, and blades, which are known from workshops, activity areas and sites (Rosen 1997). Specialized workshops for the production of tabular scrapers are known from sites in the western Negev, such as Har Qeren and Wada Gaza Site A (Rosen 1983; Roshwalb 1981), although other possible processing sites for tabular scrapers have also been identified (Muheisen et al. 1988, pp. 482–483, also see ‘‘Chipped and Ground Stone Assemblages’’). Wadi Gaza sites, in particular Sites A and M, represent some level of specialized flint production, but possibly a very different mode of manufacture to other sites, such as those dedicated to the short-lived exploitation of material for large cortical tabular ‘fan’ scrapers. Increasing specialization in sickle blade production from the Late Neolithic to the Bronze Age seems clear, but there is no evidence that this blade production was controlled by e´lites or served e´lites exclusively. Instead, blade production fed into the basic needs of the subsistence economy. Preliminary results of research at a recently discovered very large blade production site in Beersheva will provide new insights into this aspect of the economy and the possibility of craft specialists. As Rosen points out, the rise of expedient chipped flint tool production during the Chalcolithic complements that of increasingly specialized tool production, perhaps concentrated in the hands of fewer specialists (Rosen 1997, p. 115). Similar reductions in the number of producers seem to have occurred in other areas of craft production during the period. Copper smelting, initially conducted through households, may have been beginning to be concentrated in the hands of fewer specialists (Golden 1998, 2009). The same may be true for spinning and weaving: analysis of spindle whorls and bone tools may indicate a similar process at Gilat (Levy et al. 2006a). Basalt bowl manufacturing, quite common in the Golan where basalt is the primary rock

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Fig. 13 Selected Golan pottery: a, b pithoi; c krater; d pedestalled, fenestrated stand; e spouted krater; f pedestalled, fenestrated stand with applique´ horn decor; g small bowl; h jug. All from Epstein 1998, Pls. 3.1, 5.8, 19.1, 22.1, 12.3, 22.4, 18.17, 21.1

available, appears to be more utilitarian. More distant southerly sites typically have only a few basalt bowls, usually manufactured with care, as if intended for special functions (Rowan 1998, 2006, p. 603). While much of flint tool production would fulfill subsistence needs, copper and basalt production seem to have met ritual needs in many cases. In general, craft production during the Chalcolithic appears to be largely local, some of it possibly organized in support of ritual events. Despite examples of highly accomplished manufacturing, outside of the metals industry we have little evidence for centralized production, or production controlled by ruling e´lites, and the lack of standardization suggests that maximizing efficiency was not always the primary goal. Nevertheless, limited evidence supports the possibility that different communities specialized in craft production, agriculture, fruit cultivation, and resource extraction,

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thereby contributing to the integration of different regions and populations. Olive production, for instance, indicates that olives processed in highland locales found their way to sites such as Gilat and Ghassul where olives would not thrive. The presence of basalt bowl blanks in the resource-rich region of the Golan may indicate that northern communities were involved in supplying basalt to those more distant from potential sources. Likewise, pottery production incorporating use of the wheel indicates that specific pottery forms were distributed to other Chalcolithic communities.

Mortuary Practices Some of the most intensively studied forms of prehistoric ritual practice are associated with mortuary contexts. Archaeological interest in mortuary practices is concerned with status, rank and hierarchy, gender, identity, and beliefs about the afterlife (Brown 1971; Chapman et al. 1981; Morris 1992; Parker-Pearson 2001; Saxe 1970). Significant changes in burial practices were introduced during the Chalcolithic, and a stream of recent discoveries underscores the diversity of mortuary practices at that time, yet no comprehensive synthesis has been attempted. Primary interments are found within villages and seem to include a broad array of ages and both sexes, as in the Natufian (Valla 1998) and the Neolithic periods (Gopher and Orelle 1995; Gopher 1998, pp. 219–220; contra Joffe 2003, p. 48). Secondary use of large vessel fragments and storage jars as receptacles for infant burials continues a practice from the Late Neolithic (Mallon et al. 1934, Pls. 24.1–4, 25: 1– 2). Multiple burials are also not uncommon (for instance, Gilat, see Smith et al. 2006, Pl. 8.3; Shiqmim, Levy and Alon 1987a, Fig. 6.17a, b). Extramural mortuary grounds, a major innovation, include cave tombs and burial structures. Most extramural interments are secondary burials, primarily in association with ossuaries, where symbolic representation is most evident. Burial practices during the Chalcolithic are thus varied, including secondary and primary interments, intra- and extra-mural, with diverse grave goods ranging from none to elaborate metals, ossuaries, vessels and basalt and ivory artifacts in a few cases. Recent discoveries at mortuary cave sites, in particular Peqi’in (Gal et al. 1996, 1997), Nahal Qanah (Gopher 1996; Gopher et al. 1990), Giv’at Ha-Oranim (Scheftelowitz and Oren 2004) and Shoham (van den Brink and Gophna 2005), highlight this diversity and the occasionally rich mortuary goods found in association with secondary burials (see van den Brink 1998 for compilation of extramural mortuary sites). These burials, their associated structures, and finds reflect a major alteration in practices and cultural attitudes to death from the preceding Pottery Neolithic (Gopher and Orelle 1995; Joffe 1993; Rowan and Ilan in press). Inclusion of burial goods, varying widely in quantity and quality, is an additional innovation. Funerary objects, however, usually do not correlate with a single interment, so evidence for individual ranking based on burial goods remains ambiguous; cave tombs such as Peqi’in, which appears to have been used over several generations, could represent status stemming from kin affiliation. Just as we should not characterize all Chalcolithic sites as typified by the Beersheva and Ghassul sites (Joffe 1993, p. 45), the richest and most elaborate cave burials should not be regarded as typical of Chalcolithic mortuary practice. Although cemeteries may first occur during the Late Neolithic (Avner 1989–1990; Avner et al. 1994), the best documented and most clearly dated extramural formal cemetery occurs during the Chalcolithic at Shiqmim (Levy and Alon 1979, 1985a, b, 1987c; Levy 1998). At Shiqmim, a series of grave structures are clustered in groups extending

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about 1 km along the Eocene chalk hills above the site. Approximately 100 mortuary structures were recorded (Levy and Alon 1982, 1985a, b, 1987b). Two main structural forms are found, predominantly grave circles (in which secondary burials were placed), and cists (which did not contain human remains but usually had a V-shaped bowl), found primarily in Cemetery III. Levy and Alon suggest, based on their size, the artifacts and their proximity to the grave circles, that the cists served as defleshing pits for later reburial of selected human remains in the circles (Levy and Alon 1987a, b, c, p. 337). A possible link between the grave circles at Shiqmim and the nawamis (stone built, circular, roofed tombs) found in the Sinai (Bar-Yosef et al. 1977, 1986) is suggested by their circular shape and the recovery of shell bracelets (Lambis truncata) from both types of structure (Levy and Alon 1979, 1985a, b). The cemeteries may have operated on a limited regional scale, serving other smaller sites in the immediate vicinity of Shiqmim (Levy et al. 2006b). Other examples such as Adeimah, *5 km northeast of the Dead Sea and Tulaylat alGhassul (Neuville 1930a, b; Stekelis 1935), and Nahal Sekher 111 on the coastal plain (Gilead and Goren 1986) are problematic. The former includes dolmens and tumuli that may post-date the Chalcolithic, while the latter is unpublished. Apparently, the human remains were secondary burials in poor condition, but we know little more. Stone circles at al-Qasabat, near Iraq al-Amir, also lack material culture and may date to the EB (Ji 1997, pp. 58–59). The cemetery near Bab edh-Dhra’ is very similar to that of Shiqmim, with poorly preserved, apparently secondary burial remains placed in stone circles (‘cairns’); material culture is limited to a few sherds and dentalium beads (Clark 1979). New discoveries at a cemetery site near Palmahim on the central coastal plain combine elements of burial structures with stone ossuary tubs for yet another expression of mortuary rites (Gorzalczany 2005). Another major form of repository for secondary burials is caves. These are commonly found along the coastal plain and slightly further inland in the low piedmont foothills (Hebrew, shephelah), dwindling to the eastern sections of the hill country and highlands. Caves include both naturally karstic caves (e.g., Nahal Qanah, Peqi’in, Shoham) and hewn bedrock caves (e.g., Azor, Ben Shemen, Bene Berak, Palmachim). All contain ossuaries and secondary, disarticulated human remains, frequently disturbed through post-depositional processes (e.g., roof collapse, animal disturbance, re-use by later populations). Constructed or hewn shelves, on which mortuary items were placed, were common, as at Azor (Perrot 1993, p. 125) and Bene Berak (Kaplan 1963; Perrot and Ladiray 1980). Stelae are also common (for example, Ben Shemen, Bene Berak, Giv’atayim, Quleh, and Shoham), and a number were discovered at the non-cave, subterranean mortuary site of Kissufim (Goren and Fabian 2002). Intensive modern building and concomitant salvage archaeology may be responsible for the apparent cluster of burial caves in the central coastal plain and central inland region. This concentration of coastal burial plains led some (Perrot and Ladiray 1980) to posit that these were the burial grounds for nomadic pastoralists who frequented the region during their seasonal rounds, a hypothesis based in part on the belief that few local settlements existed in the area. Cave tombs (e.g., Nahal Qanah) and cemeteries (e.g., Shiqmim) further inland, as well settlements in the coastal plain and Shephelah area (Gophna 1992; Gophna and Portugali 1988; Joffe 1993, p. 33) cast doubt on this suggestion. Grave circles, and the other dolmens and megalithic cemeteries that may date to the Chalcolithic, are apparently limited to the arid regions around the Dead Sea, the northern Negev and to the south. Burial caves extend from the Galilee through the central highlands (see, for example, Clamer 1981), and westward to the piedmont and coastal plain, but are unknown east of the highlands and the Judean Desert (at sites such as Umm Qatafa, for

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example, Perrot 1992, Fig. 4.1) on the western side of the Dead Sea. As Ilan suggested (1994), the Nahal Mishmar hoard included human burials and may represent a particularly rich mortuary site. Other mortuary remains from the Judean desert region (for example, the ‘Cave of the Horror’, Aharoni 1962, pp. 188–190) and western Jordan Valley (for example, Wadi Makkukh, Ketef Jericho: Agur et al. 1988–1989; Patrich 1993) suggest that these areas too were utilized during the Chalcolithic, and that perhaps many more burials remain to be discovered in the area. In the north, where Chalcolithic settlement is well documented (Epstein 1998), there is little evidence for human burials during the Chalcolithic; in the Golan, burials are unknown. Ossuaries are commonly found in cave sites such as Peqe’in and Palmachim, as well as the tomb site of Kissufim. Their presence is also indicated by associated fragments found in the Shiqmim grave circles and other sites. Perrot and Ladiray (1980) classify ossuaries into three general classes: open ‘tubs’, enclosed structures and jars. The most common are the ‘structural’ ossuaries, often referred to as ‘house’ ossuaries, based on a posited resemblance to structures of the period (Fig. 14e). Some structural ‘house’ ossuaries include plastic dećor on the exterior that may represent architectural elements, such as poles or beams, but the general parallels to known Chalcolithic architecture are few. The open tub ossuaries are generally stone and plain, while structural ‘house’ ossuaries are generally painted ceramic, typically with prominent eyes and nose (Fig. 14a, c, d). Other plastic exterior dećor includes breasts (Fig. 14d), horns, tools and doors. Jar ossuaries are much less common, but those recently published from the unusual mortuary site of Kissufim are painted with plant and looping motifs (Fig. 14b; Goren 2002). A few major burial sites have come to light over the past 20 years that highlight an impressive diversity of practices surrounding disposal of the dead. Each discovery provided new perspective on mortuary practices of the period, challenging our earlier perceptions (Ilan and Rowan in press). These intricate burial sites are summarized below in four case studies, highlighting the diverse material culture associated with the richest mortuary contexts and the difficulty inherent in trying to summarize mortuary practices. Case Studies: Nahal Qanah, Peqi’in, Shoham, and Kissufim Nahal Qanah is an active karstic cave of multiple chambers and passages located in the low limestone hills where the Shephelah transitions into the central highlands. Excavated by Gopher and Tsuk (1996), the cave included remains dated to the Pottery Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age I. For the present discussion, we limit our summary to the Chalcolithic material culture, which forms the majority of the assemblage. Excavations were hampered by the active karstic nature of the caves, which leaves thick travertine deposits covering the human remains and material culture. Nahal Qanah extends over five levels, about 25 m in vertical depth and *90 m in length. A narrow tunnel provides access to the uppermost level, where the Main Hall connects to additional passages, crevices and tunnels (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, pp. 13–52). Galleries, connected by tunnels and narrow passages, sometimes have stepped wall terraces. An estimated 22 ossuary fragments and 23 individuals were recovered, and the excavators suggest that all of the poorly preserved human remains were deposited there during the Chalcolithic (Hershkovitz and Gopher 1996, p. 175). The poor preservation of the human remains in such a constantly moist climate suggests that the MNI estimates are probably low, with many bones dissolved. Just over half (60%) of the recovered population was aged to \20 years (Hershkovitz and Gopher 1996, Fig. 8.2), a surprisingly high number of young people confirmed by an absence of adult crania. Pathologies were few. There seems little reason to

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Fig. 14 Ceramic ossuaries: a ossuary facade from Peqi’in cave (from Gal et al. 1999, Fig. 1); b Kissufim mortuary urn (from Goren 2002, Fig. 4.12); c, d anthropomorphic ossuary facades from Peqi’in cave (from Gal et al. 1999; Figs. 5, 7); e box ossuary from Shoham (north), Cave 2 (from van den Brink 2005, Fig. 4.5)

doubt that these remains were secondary burials, based on the numerous ossuaries. Moreover, only one side of an individual was usually represented, and no vertebrae were found at all. Material culture found at Nahal Qanah attracted the most attention. The pottery assemblage included some fenestrated, pedestalled forms, V-shapes, jars, holemouths, and churns, but no cornets. Finds included stone pendants, maceheads, beads of carnelian, dentalium and turquoise, and some unusual or even unique goods. Over 100 basalt vessel fragments were discovered, many of which consist of a bowl atop supports (‘legs’) more

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elaborately carved than most (Fig. 10a–d). These rare forms of basalt bowl were recognized as a sub-type at other burials sites such as Peqi’in and Shoham (van den Brink et al. 1999). In addition to three hematite maceheads, copper finds included a standard, a decorative fragment, an adze, and some wire and lumps (discussed further under ‘‘Metallurgy’’). A few ivory pieces were also recovered, including a perforated plaque of hippopotamus tusk (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, Fig. 4.26, 4.27.1) similar to those known from Nahal Mishmar (Bar-Adon 1980, pp. 16–23) and Shiqmim (Levy and Alon 1992). The most surprising and indeed unique discovery from Nahal Qanah was the eight gold and electrum rings. Without parallel, and transported some distance (nearest potential gold sources are in either Nubia or the Ural Mountains), the rings represent a form of wealth, particularly if they are ingots as the excavators suggest (Gopher and Tsuk 1996). The smelting and casting to create the rings was not as complicated as for some complex metal castings in copper, but the ore extractions may have been sophisticated, and, coupled with the long distances involved, their intended use as symbolic or valuable items seems clear. The karstic cave of Peqi’in, located in the northern Galilee, Israel was discovered accidentally during road construction. Three units were situated at three different levels, *17 m in length, and with widths ranging from 5 to 7 m (Gal et al. 1997, p. 145). Primary use of the cave was for dozens of ossuary and jar inhumations, although there may have been an earlier Chalcolithic (‘pre-Ghassulian’) phase of occupation. Discoveries at Peqi’in established the presence of metals and a rich mortuary assemblage in a more northerly region than previously known. In addition, the particularly striking ossuaries are easily the most richly decorated of any dated to the Chalcolithic, including painted faces on façades and lids, applique´ human facial features, and even three dimensional human heads. Material culture also included an ivory figurine, copper objects, steatite beads and basalt bowls. Published examples of selected decorated ossuaries, thought to number in the hundreds, include new features of anthropomorphic motifs unknown from other Chalcolithic assemblages, yet recognizable enough to be seen as expanding the Ghassulian repertoire rather than standing outside it. Typical Ghassulian facial representation includes an exaggerated nose and round eyes, with no mouth; rarely, beards or ears are found. The introduction of hands, hair, nostrils, mouth and teeth are new motifs previously unknown in Chalcolithic ossuary iconography (Gal et al. 1999, Figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9). At the cave site of Quleh (Milevski 2002), a figurine was recently discovered with features more similar to those from Peqi’in, highlighting the interconnection of iconographic material across divisions one might propose based on ceramics or environment. Located closer to the central coastal plain in the foothills, salvage excavations at the site of Shoham (North) exposed four interconnected karstic caves, apparently used for both domestic and mortuary purposes. Caves 1, 2, and 4 are particularly relevant to the present discussion, while cultural remains from Cave 3 were primarily limited to Early Islamic sherds. Measuring *12.0 m by 11.0 m E–W, with heights ranging from 1.5 to 2.0 m, Cave 1 included a natural pillar that preserved part of the roof section. Six ossuary jars containing secondary burials stood on stones laid on the bedrock surface. Two additional secondary burials were found deposited in a basin and large open form bowl next to the ossuary jars. Immediately to the northwest of Cave 1, Cave 2 (12.0 9 5.0 m, height 1.8 m) was accessed by bedrock steps leading 2 m into the cave, and had two niches in the rear. The bottom layer (c. 50 cm depth) exposed Chalcolithic burial remains below ceiling collapse, including fragments of an estimated 39 house and jar ossuaries. The rear of this cave linked to Cave 4 via a narrow (c. 50 cm) channel. The roof and natural supporting pillar of Cave 4 remained intact, with a height ranging from 2.5 to 2.75 m and up to 3.5 m.

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Although the only in situ burials were around the cave pillar, over 20 jar and box type ossuaries were found, along with pottery ground stone artifacts. Two pits in the bedrock floor contained many ossuary fragments and pedestalled, fenestrated basalt bowl fragments. This material was then sealed by a heavy stone collapse, with a later reuse of the cave above that collapse. Like other secondary burials in caves, the assemblage at Shoham includes three ceramic ossuary forms: vessels (including V-shapes, holemouth jars and basins) typically known from non-mortuary contexts; dome jars with an opening in the shoulder: and rectangular vessels with a door in front (‘house’ ossuary; van den Brink 2006). At least 35 rectangular vessels (Class II, Perrot and Ladiray 1980), 44 domed jar ossuaries (Class III, Perrot and Ladiray 1980) and 6 secondary vessels were used as mortuary containers (van den Brink 2005). Applied animal horns, possibly ibex, were found on some ossuary jars, a motif recognized from other ossuaries, such as those found at Azor (Perrot and Ladiray 1980, Fig. 63: 9), Ben Shemen (Perrot and Ladiray 1980, Fig. 118: 4; 119: 4–10), Bene Beraq (Kaplan 1963, Fig. 7: 5, Pl. 33A), but expressed in other media as well, such as the copper finds from Giv’at Ha-Oranim (Namdar et al. 2004, Fig. 5.16, 17; 5.2: 1). The publication of the Chalcolithic burials at Shoham is the most comprehensive report of a large ceramic mortuary assemblage, reflecting distinctions between mortuary and habitation assemblages (Commenge 2005). Summarizing the evidence for ossuaries, van den Brink cautions that a limestone kiln built later clearly skews our understanding of Cave 1. There, ossuary jars predominate, as they do in Cave 2. Although one ossuary from Cave 1 may have been decorated with animal horns, most ossuaries decorated with animal horns were found in Cave 2. Box ossuaries outnumber jars in Cave 4, but the variability of this form seems greater in Cave 2 (van den Brink 2005). Other material culture included palettes (Rowan 2005), similar to those found at the mortuary site of Kissufim (Fabian and Goren 2002, Fig. 6.6) and a few Canaanean blades that, based on both associated ceramics and radiometric dates, are apparently Chalcolithic and do not seem intrusive from EBI contexts (Marder 2005). Stone vessels were also found, primarily basalt bowls. Like at Nahal Qanah and Giv’at Ha-Oranim, some basalt bowls are of the more intricate sub-type (van den Brink et al. 1999). Kissufim is a unique mortuary site located along Nahal Kissufim, which drains into Nahal Besor. The site was discovered during roadworks, when bulldozing exposed human remains, stone burial tubs, shell pendants, pottery ossuaries and stelae in and around a rectangular semi-subterranean mudbrick structure (Goren and Fabian 2002). Despite the severe damage caused by heavy machinery, subsequent careful excavation and sieving of the bulldozed dumps allowed reconstruction of original artifact locations in some cases. Artifacts were deposited both within and outside a semi-subterranean rectangular mudbrick structure (2.5 9 4.0 m, interior) with walls still preserved up to 1 m in places (Goren and Fabian 2002, Fig. 2.5, Plans 2.2–5). Access was probably from above, given the lack of evidence for a doorway. Shallow pits set into the room floor included vessels such as urns, stone tubs, ceramic ossuaries, and kraters used for the burials. Various ceramic bottles, jars and, in particular, V-shaped bowls were found scattered on the floor, some with burning or traces of organic matter (Goren 2002). Two niches were built within the walls, and burial goods were placed on benches along the wall interiors, in a fashion similar to some burial caves of the coastal plain, such as Azor (Perrot 1993, p. 125). Outside this structure, burials were also found placed in pits, apparently with few finds. Eleven individuals were buried in one stone lined pit, thought to be the original location of the stone tubs disturbed during the building activity. At the base of that pit, another in situ stone tub included the secondary interment of six individuals with ceramic vessels;

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additional pottery was found near stelae not far from the pit burial. Shell pendants were also probably originally associated with the collective burial. Pottery includes a variety of common forms, such as V-shaped bowls, churns and holemouths; other forms such as goblets (Goren 2002, Fig. 4.1: 9–15) and pedestalled vessels (Goren 2002, Fig. 4.2: 1, 3, 6) were also found. Unusual forms that are typically associated with non-domestic contexts include a pedestalled form with a basket handle (Goren 2002, Fig. 4.2: 2, 4–5), a highnecked bottle, and ceramic rings similar to examples found in Shiqmim, Cemetery I (Levy and Alon 1987c, Fig. 13.16: 10), and a few other sites. Other finds include a palette (Fabian and Goren 2002, p. 48, Fig. 6.6), numerous shell pendants (Bar-Yosef Mayer 2002a, b, pp. 49–52, Fig. 7.1: 1–11) and a bird figurine carved from a lion’s tooth (Poplin 2002, pp. 53–54, Fig. 8.1). Burial vessels from Kissufim include oval ceramic tubs, box ossuaries, jar ossuaries (Fig. 14b) and a krater, displaying unusual diversity for a mortuary site, particularly a relatively small one. In line with other sites where secondary mortuary rites were practised, age distribution indicates a low frequency of the young (infants and juveniles); sites with primary burials typically have higher relative frequencies of the young (Zagerson and Smith 2002, 61–62, Table 10.2). Whereas evidence from Ben Shemen indicated intentional defleshing of the corpse (LeMort and Rabinovich 1994), taphonomic study of the Kissufim remains indicates that carnivorous scavenger modification (scratches, gnawing, punctures) took place before reburial occurred (LeMort and Rabinovich 2002, Fig. 11.7: 1–3, 11.5). Chalcolithic mortuary practices are highly variable, ranging from single primary interments to complex, multiple secondary burials in subterranean features. Cemeteries near Shiqmim and Adeimah may reflect visible reminders of territoriality, but the majority of other burials were below ground, and thus may be assumed to be less public loci of community praxis (Joffe 2003, p. 51). Few mortuary practices may be taken as representative of the whole; the rich sophisticated funerary goods of a few cave sites contrast sharply to the many primary and secondary interments buried with only a V-shaped bowl, or nothing. Larger numbers of interred individuals are associated with greater numbers of burial items, whereas individual burials are less richly appointed (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, p. 226). Nevertheless, the very fact of secondary burial, elaborate grave structures (Kissufim, grave circles, and cists, hewn caves), and occasional funerary goods suggest a panregional focus on ritual practices associated with mortuary places, what Joffe (2003, p. 55) referred to as ‘secret cult activities’. The relationship between mortuary practices and other possible evidence for ritual activities is deserving of comprehensive treatment, but for the present we can only summarize some possible evidence that builds upon our knowledge of mortuary practices during the Chalcolithic.

Ritual Practice and Religious Belief A burst of visual expression evident in a variety of media, such as painted and modeled ossuaries, wall paintings, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurines and vessels, attests to a significant degree of symbolic practice and a complex belief system during the Chalcolithic. The richness of this material has been recognized and studied by a number of scholars (e.g., Beck, Elliott, Epstein, etc.), who have largely relied on traditional Near Eastern and art historical approaches better suited to later, historical periods. Although we probably will never know exactly what people believed, the database awaits more explicit approaches and synthetic treatment than possible in a short review. Here, we attempt to first summarize evidence that scholars suggest reflects the residue or locus of ritual

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practices, and then integrate this disparate information into a schematic outline of ritual practice and possible reflection of a religious belief system. Traditionally, the starting point for identifying archaeological sites interpreted as specialized sites for ritual has focused on architectural remains. A number of Chalcolithic sites exhibit architecture and associated remains interpreted as non-domestic in function; some of these structures may have been used for communal and/or ritual activities. Sites with intramural ceremonial areas and enigmatic structures occur, with the attendant problems when attempting to determine the function(s) of an area. Perhaps the most widely accepted candidate for a ritual context is the site of Ein Gedi (Gilead 1988, 1995; Goren 1995; Levy 1998; Ussishkin 1980). Situated on a high promontory overlooking the Dead Sea to the east near a natural spring, Ein Gedi is unique in that it has no evidence for domestic occupation or production. Rather, the site consists of an architectural complex that shares a number of common features with the sanctuary from Ghassul, as well as some of the temple complexes of the later Bronze Age, including a pair of broad-room buildings, one large and one small, and a gate, all enclosed by a stone wall (Bourke 2002a, b; Ottoson 1980; Ussishkin 1980). There is also a central installation in the courtyard similar to the aforementioned feature at Ghassul (Bourke 2002a, b) and Gilat (Alon and Levy 1989). Within the larger, long room, a series of small shallow pits included burnt animal horn cores and pottery fragments, many of them pedestalled, fenestrated bowls. A low bench was built on the interior of either side of the doorway, and on either side of the semi-circular ‘altar’ feature where the laden zoomorphic figurine was found (Ussishkin 1980). The base fragment of an alabaster vessel of predynastic Egyptian form was also found. Based on the material culture, burned bones in pits, architectural configuration of the long room with pits, and possible ‘altar’ area, as well as the bounded nature of the courtyard and absence of typical domestic debris, En Gedi is widely accepted as a locus for ritual activities, although the nature and particular purpose of those practices remain unclear. Whether or not a permanent, formal role was required of practitioners involved with En Gedi is also an open question, one we explore further below. Another site where ritual practice has been proposed is Gilat (Alon and Levy 1989; Levy 2006). Gilat has a rich assemblage of artifacts providing evidence for ritual practice: eccentric ceramics (Commenge et al. 2006a); stelae (‘massebot’); violin-shaped figurines (Commenge et al. 2006b), primarily of stone (Fig. 14e); large quantities of distinctive ground stone vessels (Rowan et al. 2006); unparalleled ceramic zoomorphic and anthropomorphic statuettes (Alon and Levy 1989); and a dog burial that included a unique ceramic vessel as a mortuary good (Levy et al. 2006a). The anthropomorphic and zoomorphic statuettes are perhaps the most recognized artifacts associated with Gilat. The Ram with Cornets (Commenge et al. 2006b, Fig. 15.4–6, a ram with three cornets embedded in its back) and the Gilat Lady are unique ceramic vessels, although the ram does recall the laden donkey found at En Gedi. The Gilat Lady (Commenge et al. 2006b, Fig. 15.1–3), a seated female with a churn on her head and an object under her arm, has been viewed as the embodiment of a goddess (Fox 1995; Weippert 1998), and connected to concerns with fertility, maturation and child-bearing (Amiran 1986; Joffe et al. 2001). Many of these finds were made in a complex of large buildings surrounding a large open ‘plaza’, which suggests Gilat functioned as a regional cult center for communal gathering, or pilgrimage (Alon and Levy 1989). The plan of Gilat is not easily understood, and whether any architecture reflects a domestic habitation is difficult to ascertain with confidence. Architecture includes rectilinear and rounded structures, large hearths filled with burned beachrock grinders, smaller platforms (c. 1.0 9 1.0 m), and many pits, some large with constructed mudbrick walls. A series of constructed silos or well-built pits found in

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relation to this architecture are posited to demonstrate links between ritual practices and some element of centralized economic control; a similar situation existed at Ghassul (see below). Like at other Chalcolithic sites, the majority of ceramic vessels (c. 70%, Goren 2006, p. 371) recovered from Gilat were made of locally available clays, but petrographic study indicates that relatively high proportions of churns and holemouths were imported (Goren 1995, p. 295, 2006, p. 371). In addition, the torpedo jars indicate a high degree of variability in raw materials, suggesting origins in the southern Shephelah, the Judean hills and possibly northern Negev—none appears to have been manufactured from locally available clays (Goren 1995, p. 295, 2006, p. 372). Re-appraisal of the Gilat assemblage and comparison to other sites of the coastal plain and northern Negev (Ramot Nof, R-48, A-301, DII and Wadi Zeita) suggests that the Judean-Shephelah petrographic connection is more typical of these Besorian sites than of those of Beersheva (Goren 2006, p. 381). Additional insight as to the function of these enigmatic jars is based on gas chromatography studies, which identify vegetal lipids, probably olive oil residue (Burton and Levy 2006). Repeated use and occupation of the site has impacted site formation processes; in particular, repeated excavation of pits during the Chalcolithic complicates stratigraphic relationships and destroys earlier architecture. Although general material culture assemblages include types known from other sites such as Grar, Tulyalut Ghassul and Wadi Zeita, the unusual aspects of the site support Alon and Levy’s (1989) contention that the site served as the focal point of regional ritual practices. Ghassul also hosted a group of large buildings in the southern portion of the site that has been interpreted as a temple precinct (Hennessy 1982), which by the final phases of occupation was a central part of the settlement (Bourke 1997b). Reevaluation of earlier excavations at Ghassul suggests that some of the wall paintings cluster in two building complexes on Tulayl 3 and Tulayl 1 (Bourke 2001, p. 131; Elliott 1977, pp. 19–20; Hennessy 1969, 1982, 1989; Koeppel 1940). According to Bourke (2001), the most impressive of these, Building 78, was a multi-roomed broadroom complex with a constructed altar discovered by Mallon (Mallon et al. 1934), containing both the well-known ‘Bird’ and ‘Notables’ paintings. This area included offering pits, in a storage room just to the east, containing over 30 broken cornets (Bourke 2001; Koeppel 1940), reminiscent of the cornets associated with the complexes at En Gedi and Gilat. To the west of Building 78, a semi-circular, horseshoe-shaped structure (Installation 75a) is located in the center of an enclosed courtyard (Bourke 2001, p. 131). Other buildings at Ghassul may represent cultic structures based on the associated paintings, in particular the ‘Notables’ painting and the ‘Star’ painting (Building 10). Hennessy’s 1967 excavations exposed a new area of the site that he suspected differed from earlier excavated exposures. Two sanctuary buildings, the remains of a temenos wall, and a possible gate were exposed in Area E (Seaton 2000). More recent investigations at Ghassul have uncovered a semi-circular paved area, flanked by a semi-circular boundary wall that sits between two sanctuary buildings; in the center of this area was a raised stone feature, possibly an altar (Bourke 2002a). Bourke (2001) has also pointed out that some of the cultic buildings at Ghassul appear in proximity to the site’s large storage complexes. Shiqmim also exposed an area with several architectural elements interpreted as relating to ritual practices. Perhaps the most intriguing feature was a semi-circular altar structure attributed to Stratum III, the earliest stratum with substantial architecture exposed at the site. The structure consisted of a thick ash layer coinciding with a long thin arc of small cobbles and plaster; the ash surface cut across and sealed a pit in which a cache of ceramic vessels was discovered, presumably placed in the shallow pit and then covered (Levy et al.

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1991a). A limestone mortar and two V-shaped bowls were found in situ on the ashy surface, with a large amount of burned material (Levy et al. in preparation). On the immediate northern side of these vessels a finely flaked tabular scraper/knife was recovered. The ‘altar’ feature was a massive construction using large river cobbles and boulders, almost 1.50 m high, though construction was somewhat irregular. After the ‘altar’ fell out of use, a long well-built wall foundation (W225, Stratum II) associated with several pottery caches was built above it. One cache included a fenestrated, pedestalled ceramic stand and an unusual ovoid vessel (Levy et al. 1991a, Figs. 9, 10). Below this structure, an additional wall (Stratum III) appears to be part of the initial construction of the structure. Exceptionally well preserved to a height of roughly 2.0 m, the depth of this wall and the foundation of the ‘altar’ suggest a continual re-use of the area through several phases of rebuilding. In addition to large structures apparently designated for public, ritual use, the evidence for ritual practice includes a wide variety of artifacts intended for symbolic expression. Several different media were utilized for anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representation. Sculpted ivory figurines representing male (Fig. 15b) and female (Fig. 15g) humans (Perrot 1959a, b) have been found at sites in the northern Negev, though unprovenienced examples have also surfaced (Amiran and Tadmor 1980). In many cases, specific features are indicated: eyes may have contained shell inlay, while perforations in the surface may have been used to apply additional materials, perhaps to represent lifelike hair. Where context is known, ivory figurines are often found in caches or subterranean features, underscoring their probable association with ritual practices. There is good evidence to support the correlation with ritual practice of the more abstract violin-shaped figurines (VSF), so-called because of their form (Fig. 15e). Consisting of a tabular piece (typically stone, with some rare examples of ceramic and ivory) and ground to fashion a simple rectangular body, v-shaped torso and narrow elongate ‘head’ with no features (nose, eyes, mouth, etc.), the VSF are found from Byblos (Dunand 1973, Pl. clxii, 34966) to the Negev. In contrast to the more naturalistic ivory figurines, VSF usually have very little detail, with the exception of breasts on rare occasion. The relation of these two classes of figurines to each other is unclear, as they usually appear at different sites: violin-shaped figurines are found at Ghassul, Abu Hamid, Pella, and Gilat, especially the latter (see Alon and Levy 1989), and ivory figurines at the Beersheva sites and Shiqmim. A unique figurine from Shiqmim combines elements from both of these traditions (Fig. 15f; Levy and Golden 1996). Many of the box (‘house’) ossuaries also include elements found on the figurines, including the eyes, prominent nose and flaring torso shape on the façade. This makes it difficult to ascertain whether the classes of figurines can be divided on the basis of chronology, geography and/or function. A great number of violin-shaped figurines are known from Gilat (n = 76), more than all other examples recovered from all sites in the southern Levant (Commenge et al. 2006b, p. 754, Table 15.1), supporting a ritual connection. Bourke suggests that the contexts of others may also indicate associations with ritual practices, particularly at sites such as Ghassul and Pella (Bourke 2001, p. 147). The meaning and function of these artifacts is elusive, but they are widely viewed as related to ritual practices, possibly connected with concepts of fertility (Alon and Levy 1989; Amiran 1976, 1986, 1989; Joffe et al. 2001). The Golan region, again distinct in many ways, has basalt pillar-shaped figurines (Fig. 15a) concentrated in this region (Epstein 1978a, b, 1998), but extending to the Upper Galilee (Epstein 1988, Fig. 7: 46) and northern Jordan (Hanbury-Tenison 1986, p. 163; Ibrahim 1988, p. 27). Where context was clear, the majority of the basalt pillar figurines, many of them with horns, were found in household contexts and were interpreted as representing fertility figurines (Epstein 1975,

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Fig. 15 Figurines: a basalt ‘house idol’ from Golan (from Epstein 1998, Pl. 30.1); b male ivory from Bir es-Safadi (by J. Golden, adapted from Perrot 1959a, b, Pl.II); c ram’s head pendant of peridotite from Gilat (from Commenge et al. 2006a, Fig. 15.26); d basalt anthropomorphic statuette head from Shiqmim (from Levy and Alon 1987a, b, c, Fig. 6.10.8); e sandstone violin-shaped figurine from Gilat (from Commenge et al. 2006a, Fig. 15.16.3); f bone anthropomorphic figurine with violin-shaped elements (by J. Golden, adapted from Levy and Golden 1996); g ivory female from Bir es-Safadi (by J. Golden, adapted from Perrot 1968, Pl. 5)

1978a, b, 1988) An additional zoomorphic figurine of basalt found in northern Jordan (Ibrahim and Mittmann 1998, Figs. 1, 2) is similar to a fragment found at Tel Turmus (Epstein 1985, Fig. 2a); both depict horned bovines, with a shallow well ground into their backs, similar to those found on the basalt pillar-shaped figurines of the Golan. These figurines have sculpted faces similar in style to some of the faces found on ossuaries, the ivory figurines, a stone statuette head from Shiqmim (Fig. 15d; Levy and Alon 1985c) and on a copper scepter from Nahal Mishmar, creating a recognizable ‘Ghassulian’ visage. A

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number of copper artifacts from the latter are also figurines representing animals such as birds and ibexes (Bar-Adon 1980), but metal apparently was not used for rendering human figures, except for the faces. The exotic nature of the complex metals used to make these castings and their discovery often in hidden contexts (cave tombs and buried caches) suggests that they too had some ritual function. As noted already (Material Culture, Ceramics) the Chalcolithic is known for several unusual ceramic forms, some of which may be related to ritual practices. Since their initial discovery, cornets have been thought to serve some ritual function, though precisely what remains unclear. There are also the large, oblong ‘torpedo’ jars, similar in morphology to amphorae that are unique to Gilat, although many were not produced with local clays. Recent studies of these ceramics suggest they were used as receptacles for olive oil, which was likely a valuable good at the time (Burton and Levy 2006). Based on their manufacture from clays originating in several petrographic zones, and their absence from other sites, these vessels were posited to be containers brought to Gilat as part of pilgrimage activities (Alon and Levy 1989, pp. 202–204). Other artifacts suggest ritual related equipment as well. Flat rectangular to trapezoidal finely worked palettes, often manufactured of non-local stone, are sometimes associated with mortuary contexts (e.g., Shiqmim, Kissufim, Palmahim, Shoham) as well as other ritual contexts (e.g., Gilat). The recovery of over 40 (n = 41) palettes at Gilat corroborates their possible ritual function (Rowan et al. 2006, p. 597, Fig. 12.26–12.29). Likewise, the well-known, vessels of finely ground basalt are non-local to many sites in southern Palestine, representing carefully worked, labor-intensive, heavy artifacts (Philip and Williams-Thorpe 1993; Rowan 1998). Although the two major forms of basalt vessel, the open form bowl and the fenestrated stand (Amiran and Porat 1984), are virtually ubiquitous at Chalcolithic sites, the latter are frequently found at mortuary sites (e.g., Shoham, Peqi’in, Nahal Qanah; see van den Brink et al. 1999 for details and discussion of more elaborate forms). Based on fragments of basalt fenestrated stands it is estimated that Gilat had more of these items than any other Chalcolithic site, lending additional support to the ritual interpretation of the site (Rowan et al. 2006). Across all these media—stone, bone, ivory, ceramic, and metal—there is a visible expansion in iconographic expression during the late fifth to early fourth millennia BC. The relationship of these symbolic features to mortuary practices is intriguing, and a topic that requires further exploration. Recurrent motifs and styles of representation occurring in areas with differentiated material culture hint at a relatively cohesive cultural system of belief with more localized expressions (Epstein 1978a; Joffe 1993, p. 35). For instance, the Golan ‘house idols’ with their recognizably Ghassulian features, are apparently associated with individual house complexes, limited to the Golan and northern Jordan (Epstein 1975, 1978b, 1988, 1998). The rich mortuary and ritual database from the Chalcolithic period stands in stark contrast to the Early Bronze I, when these features virtually disappear. Interpretation of such remains is far from straightforward and has produced divergent explanations of the relationship between power, ideology, belief, and praxis. In many ways this argument mirrors the ‘chiefdom’ versus ‘egalitarian’ debate (discussed below, Socio-economic organization) that has continued since the 1980s. Scholars who stress the informal and exiguous nature of power held by leaders in Chalcolithic society highlight the absence of rich individual mortuary burials or monuments, the non-hierarchical nature of some settlement areas, and the absence of monuments to strong leadership roles. In this conceptualization, Chalcolithic society was not hierarchically organized and lacked territorial chiefs. Outside of the major settlement centers,

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‘shamans’ and ‘saints’ functioned as the primary religious leaders (Gilead 2002; Joffe 2003, p. 53), although use of the term shamans should be qualified, considering the large body of anthropological literature concerning this problematic concept (e.g., Bahn 2001; Kehoe 2000; Townsend 1997). In contrast, Levy argues for e´lite, full-time religious practitioners (‘priests’ Levy 2006, pp. 835–836) controlling ritual practice at sites such as Gilat, which functioned as a central pilgrimage site involving gifting to e´lites living at the site in order to secure access to grazing lands (Levy 1998, p. 239). Increasingly accepted as a ‘cultic’ site (Joffe 2003; Levy 1998), some consider the site more likely to have been occupied by a shaman (Joffe et al. 2001; Joffe 2003; Gilead 2002) than by permanent e´lites. Gilead (2002) has drawn parallels between the role played by Gilat and saints’ shrines of the Middle East today, which represent ritual behavior that falls outside mainstream religion. Contrasting interpretations underscore the ambiguity of the available data and the limited nature of archaeological discussions of prehistoric ritual practices. Even at sites such as Gilat and En Gedi, widely regarded as ritual, these divergent interpretations suggest that a range of religious practitioners operating within the same general region should be considered a possibility (Rowan and Ilan 2007). Whether or not more permanent e´lite religious leaders are identifiable may be open to debate, but the increased codification of religion is frequently linked to construction of buildings for ritual activities.

Trade and Exchange Long Distance Evidence for long distance connections is limited, but in many cases less ambiguous than that for intraregional and localized trade. Our best evidence for materials derived from outside the southern Levant suggests intermittent to very rare exchange of valuables, primarily limited to obsidian, gold, ivory, and shells. Copper too may be from long distance sources, if the complex metals prove to originate in Anatolia. Materials such as obsidian and gold are the best evidence for long distance connections, yet these are very rare and are insufficient to allow us to posit systematic reciprocal links with regions such as northern Syria, Mesopotamia, Anatolia or Nubia. For instance, obsidian recovered at Gilat used to create local Chalcolithic bladelet tools such as the microendscraper, was traced to three different sources in Anatolia using NAA (Yellin et al. 1996). A similar obsidian microendscraper was reported recently from salvage excavations at the primarily EBI site of Ashqelon, Afridar (Zbenovich 2004, p. 266, Fig. 12.1), where a significant Chalcolithic component was documented; Ghassul is the only other Chalcolithic site where obsidian was recovered (a single piece: Lee 1973, p. 261, LB9a). The eight gold rings discovered at the Nahal Qanah mortuary cave are unique, and clearly originate from a great distance (Gopher and Tsuk 1996), but their significance to our overall understanding of long distance contacts is limited (see ‘‘Metallurgy’’ for additional discussion). Other evidence is primarily derived from shells and ivory. Marine and freshwater shells originating in the Mediterranean, Nile and Red Sea are commonly recovered from sites in southern Palestine. Association with mortuary contexts such as Kissufim, Giv’at HaOranim and the cemeteries at Shiqmim is suggestive and may indicate some continuity with the inclusion of shells in the fourth millennium BC nawamis burial structures of the Sinai (Bar-Yosef et al. 1977), although nawamis burials typically include Dentalium, Conus, Lambis, and Pinctada (Bar-Yosef Mayer 1997). A disproportionately high number

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of shells, primarily Mediterranean species (over 90%), were found at Gilat, where the absence of dentalium is notable (Bar-Yosef Mayer 2006). The majority of the freshwater bivalves are Chambardia rubens (formerly Aspatharia rubens, Reese 2008, p. 460), originating in the Nile and commonly found at Chalcolithic sites such as Abu Matar (Perrot 1955, p. 84), Ben Shemen (Mienis 1980), Grar (Bar-Yosef 1995), Horvat Beter (Dothan 1959, p. 31), Kissufim (Bar-Yosef Mayer 2002) and Tulaylat al-Ghassul (Lee 1973, p. 307). However, Nilotic species such as this would have been more readily available because the Pelusiac branch of the Nile reached northern Sinai during the fifth to fourth millennium BC, perhaps within 100 km (Bar-Yosef Mayer 2006; Butzer 2002; Stanley 2002; Tchernov 1988, pp. 231–232). Ivory is concentrated in the southern regions of Palestine, with none documented to the east of the Jordan Valley or in the Golan. Evidence for ivory is concentrated at sites along the Wadi Beersheva (e.g., Shiqmim, Levy and Alon 1992, Fig. 9), although similar forms of fragments of hippopotamus ivory were recovered from the rich Chalcolithic mortuary goods at Nahal Qanah (Gopher and Tsuk 1996, Fig. 4.26, 4.27.1, Pl. IX) and Giv’at HaOranim (Scheftelowitz and Oren 2004, Fig. 6.1), with multiple perforations similar to the object found at Nahal Mishmar (Fig. 16d; Bar-Adon 1980, pp. 16–21, Reg. 157–161). The Nahal Qanah example is thus the most northern example published, although a figurine head fragment from the Peqi’in mortuary assemblage may also prove to be made of ivory (Gal et al. 1997, Fig. 9). Decorated ivory blades, similar in shape to some tabular fan scrapers are also found in the Beersheva region sites (Levy and Alon 1992, p. 67, Fig. 6; Perrot 1959a, b, Figs. 5, 6). Even sites rich in material culture, such as Gilat, typically yield few items of ivory; one domiform hippopotamus ivory piece was perforated around the edges (Rowan 2006, Fig. 12.22: 4), similar in general morphology to an item from Safadi (Perrot 1959a, b, Figs. 3, 4), the latter decorated with a meandering line of single perforations across the surface. The best-known ivory items are the figurines from the Beersheva sites, in particular Bir es-Safadi, Abu Matar and Shiqmim. These include the finely carved male and female statuettes (Fig. 15b, g), a few apparently manufactured of elephant ivory from Safadi (Perrot 1959a, b, pp. 6–11, Pl. II–III), and other decorated geometric objects of hippopotamus tusk. The stylistic similarity of these ivory figurines to some Predynastic Egyptian ivory figurines is not completely accepted (Watrin 1995), although general features suggest similar inspiration if not direct influence. On the other hand, there are a few objects that leave little doubt of the similarity between predynastic Egyptians and inhabitants of Palestine in either inspiration or even actual craftsperson. The ivory hairpin discovered at Bir es-Safadi is similar to that found associated with a secondary burial at Shiqmim (Levy et al. 1991a, Fig. 14). The Shiqmim example (Fig. 16c), in particular, is similar to predynastic examples, such as those from Hamamieh (Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928, Pl. LXXII.127) and Naqada (Petrie and Quibell 1896, Pl. LXIII.7, 49, 50; LXIV.75, 76). Particularly intriguing is the ivory vial (Fig. 16b) discovered in an underground room (subterranean room #9) at Shiqmim (Levy and Alon 1992, p. 68, Fig. 7; Levy et al. 1991a, Fig. 15). With herringbone incisions and an elongate tear-drop shape, both the ivory and the form originate in Egypt, while contemporary vessels of this shape are unknown in Palestine. An ivory handle or staff (Fig. 16a) from Shiqmim, also discovered in a subterranean context, is also without precedent in the material culture of the southern Levant (Levy et al. 1991a, Fig. 20). Other ivory items include small bowls, such as the fragment from Shiqmim (Levy and Alon 1992, p. 69, Fig. 8) and one recovered at Bir es-Safadi (Amiran 1989, Fig. 6) similar to those found at Naqada (Petrie 1920, p. 7, Pl. XLVI: 1–3; Petrie and Quibell 1896,

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Fig. 16 Ivory objects: a staff or handle; b decorated vial; c hair pin with bird motif. A–C from Shiqmim, (adapted from Levy and Alon 1992, Figs. 1, 7, 3, respectively); d perforated hippopotamus tusk from Nahal Mishmar (from Bar-Adon 1980, No. 1)

pp. 32, 45 and Pl. LIX: 78). Ivory pendants, similar to others of limestone and shell, are also known (Levy and Alon 1992, p. 67, Fig. 5). Sherds from Predynastic Egyptian vessels are rare and limited to a few places, such as Gilat (Alon and Levy 1989, p. 207), Wadi Zeita (Commenge and Alon 2002, p. 141) and sites located in northeastern Sinai (Oren and Gilead 1981, Fig. 7: 9, 11–12, 9: 11, 14). Ceramic evidence of Palestinian forms and imports are noted at predynastic sites as well, but are also rare. According to Hendrickx and Bavay (2002, p. 66), a non-Egyptian globular jar with four lug handles was apparently of non-local material at the Badarian tomb 569 at Qaw el-Kebir (Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928, p. 3, pl. xvi, 7, xxvi) and probably originated in Palestine during the Chalcolithic (Friedman 1999). Ghassulian pottery was reported from the Delta site of the later stratum (Ib) at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto

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(Faltings 2002, pp. 165–167). This included V-shaped bowls, fenestrated pedestalled vessels and churn fragments made of local clays. Other evidence for interregional, long-distance trade is rare. Identification of a possible lapis lazuli bead from Cave 3 at Nahal Mishmar (Bar-Adon 1980, p. 150) is of unclear stratigraphic association (de Creé 1991, p. 23). The base fragment of a flat bottomed ‘alabaster’ vessel from En Gedi (Ussishkin 1980, Fig. 12) with straight walls resembles Egyptian forms and almost certainly derives from Egypt. In sum, contact with Egypt, even if through intermediaries, seems unequivocal (contra Watrin 1995), but limited in scale. Other material evidence, suggestive of connections with Egypt, is not necessarily created there nor made of materials that must come from there. A good example would be the recently recognized beads manufactured of steatite (Bar-Yosef Mayer et al. 2004). The identification of 190 steatite beads at the burial site of Peqi’in suggests that the occasional identification of faience at Chalcolithic sites should probably be reviewed. Primarily composed of talc (hydrated magnesium silicate), steatite is not a resource available in Palestine, but is available in Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley and southeastern Turkey (Bar-Yosef Mayer et al. 2004, p. 497). Steatite beads are known from Egypt, Mesopotamia and the Indus at the chronologically relevant periods, but the cultural connections and proximity of Egypt would suggest that this is the most likely source. Intraregional Exchange Exotic and rare materials, many of them originating from the Nile, Mediterranean, Sinai and Red Sea, were sought and occasionally acquired by Chalcolithic people. Materials from within the southern Levant are much more frequent, but are also distributed very unevenly throughout Chalcolithic sites. Evidence for intraregional exchange is thus more diverse and more extensive, while overall quantities are greater and were probably of significance (Bourke 2001, p. 150). These materials include bitumen, copper, and ground stone such as hematite, basalt (and much more limited numbers of amazonite, amphibolite, calcite, carnelian, chlorite-schist, diorite, gabro, granite, granodiorite, jasper, mica schist, scoria, and turquoise: see Rowan et al. 2006). Perhaps one of the most visible aspects of resource exploitation beyond the immediate vicinity of a settlement is the basalt vessels (Material Culture). Basalt was clearly a valued material at sites distant from possible sources, as attested by refurbished vessel fragments and correlation to non-domestic contexts such as burials and subterranean features. As discussed earliar (Material Culture, Flint), some chipped stone classes were probably created by part-time specialists, although there is little evidence for control or systematic production of flint tools. Nevertheless, for some tool classes, specifically the flint tabular scrapers and prismatic ‘proto-Canaanean’ blades, apparent general standardization and fine craftsmanship suggest some level of specialization. Rosen (1987) has pointed to evidence from the Gaza A site indicating that it was the locus of production for both tabular scrapers and sickle blades (over 1,000 blade cores, Roshwalb 1981), which were then distributed to other sites in the form of finished, or semi-finished goods. That evidence, coupled with the discovery of the large blade production site in Beersheva, suggests that systematic flint tool production should not be ruled out. Thrown pots become increasingly accomplished, but production remains largely at the local level for most forms (Commenge-Pellerin 1990). There are exceptions, however, such as specialized vessels. One of the best examples is the amphora-like vessel from Gilat, the ‘torpedo jar’ (discussed in greater detail under Material Culture). Chemical analysis of the ceramic fabric indicates that these contained olive oil brought into the site (Burton

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2004). The key point is that many of the ceramics from Gilat were not manufactured immediately at the site, but within petrographic zones largely limited to the Judean hills and Shepelah; Goren (2006, p. 378) notes that ‘half of the examined vessels should be considered imported’, and regards this as a petrographic similarity to other Besorian sites (Goren 2006, pp. 380–381). Bead manufacture is attested at various sites, some of which might indicate specialized workshops. Microborer sites are known in the Negev (Burian and Friedman 1973; Noy 1970), and unfinished beads were documented from Wadi Gaza Site M (Roshwalb 1981, p. 170). This would support the idea that the populations making beads in the Negev during the Early Bronze were already doing so by the Chalcolithic (for example, for a discussion of the Camel Site see Rosen 1993). From as early as the Natufian, beads coming from some distance are attested; Shiqmim, however, provides one unique instance where a cache of thousands of beads was found secreted inside a miniature churn that was then secreted in a subterranean feature. The aforementioned steatite beads suggest an additional manufacturing technique (Bar-Yosef Mayer et al. 2004), possibly originating in Egypt. Bitumen, a natural asphalt found in the Dead Sea area, occurs in large floating blocks or seeps among rock outcrops along wadi drainages (Milevski 2002, p. 222). Used as an adhesive since at least the Natufian, bitumen was used for hafting sickle blades and other implements, but also in the modeling of human skulls during the PPNB (Bar-Yosef and Alon 1988; Rollefson 1986, p. 51). It was probably also a sealant for basketry, an adhesive for maceheads (e.g., Nahal Mishmar, Bar-Adon 1980, pp. 40, 116) and a jar sealant (e.g., Abu Hof, Burton 2004, p. 608).

Socio-Economic Organization One of the outstanding questions concerning the Chalcolithic in the southern Levant is how best to characterize socio-economic organization. Part of the difficulty is the uneven nature of the evidence, with some areas intensively investigated (such as the Beersheva and Besor regions) and others with few or no excavations of settlements (coastal plains, Western highlands, eastern highlands of Jordan and others). With major excavation exposures of well-preserved sites concentrated around the Beersheva sites, complemented by Ghassul and the Nahal Mishmar hoard, these sites were used to typify the Chalcolithic. More recent excavations and surveys highlight the diverse forms of socio-economic organization that may have co-existed. The suggestion by Levy (1986, 1998) that the first ranked social hierarchies in the region occur during the Chalcolithic has found increasing acceptance (Gopher and Tsuk 1996; Gal et al. 1996; Schick 1998, p. 22), but not without reservations, for there is little evidence for the traditional trappings of chiefdoms, such as architectural differentiation or overt displays of authority (Bourke 2001, p. 151; Joffe 2003, p. 53). At the same time, arguments for ‘egalitarian’ formulations or ‘peasant’ societies (Gilead 1988) are unconvincing, given the presence of technologically sophisticated metallurgy, craft specialization relying upon non-local, exotic resources (basalt, copper, ivory), and above all, wealthy cave tombs, including grave goods made from these materials. The rich copper finds of the Nahal Mishmar hoard, in particular, argue strongly against egalitarian formations, yet these are the material remains of the society not the actual social structure. However, evidence for these non-egalitarian configurations is limited and not found across all regions of the southern Levant. In the Golan, for instance, copper, ivory, and non-local stone are entirely absent, and only one macehead was recovered (Epstein 1998). Coupled with the relative

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similarity of all households in terms of configuration and dimensions, and the general absence of community storage or large-scale constructions, there is little support for ranked status differences in the Golan. Other areas, such as the central coastal plain or the western edge of the Western highlands, where few large excavations of Chalcolithic settlements have been conducted, also provide little evidence to support a chiefdom-type of social organization. Gophna and Tsuk (2005, p. 15), in fact, are dubious that the chiefdom model can be applied to any region of the southern Levant during the Chalcolithic. Rich cave tomb assemblages remain the exception, and the presence of multiple burials in them prevents clear association of individuals to grave items that might more clearly indicate status and prestige. Even the more exotic items, such as basalt and ivory, appear frequently in contexts indicative of ritual activities but without the strong implication of e´lite control over their production or disposal. Levy has argued that chiefdoms in the Beersheva Valley were concerned with insuring stability via risk management in the increasingly valuable arable and grazing land, and fostering indebtedness through gift-giving (Gosden 1989; Levy 1998). The potential for conflict over resources such as land is evident, in this view, in the rise of maceheads when compared to the preceding Late Neolithic. Whether maceheads served as weapons or were primarily symbolic, they would appear to show fundamentally new ideological conceptions of authority. Cemeteries, such as those associated with Shiqmim, may also reflect this essential change in attitudes to land and territory, by marking boundaries and establishing rights over resources (Levy 1998, p. 235). This phenomenon of visible cemetery structures, however, appears to be extremely limited and known only from arid regions. Moreover, only those at Shiqmim are exclusively limited to the period. Others, such as the mortuary structures at Adeimah, near Ghassul, may have been principally later in date (HanburyTenison 1986; Mallon et al. 1934; Stekelis 1935). Another extramural cemetery dating to the late Neolithic–early Chalcolithic (c. 5500–4500 BC), discovered in the vicinity of modern Eilat (Avner 1989) is difficult to securely date, with radiocarbon dates ranging from 6400 ± 210 (RT-1215) to 5400 ± 100 (RT-926b; mid-fifth to mid-sixth millennium BC; Burton and Levy 2001, Appendix). Investigations of the burials (N = 28) reveal that children under 3 years-old were entirely absent from the cemetery, a standard pattern for cemeteries and cave sites where secondary burial is practised. Low frequencies of infants and young children are observed at sites such as Peqi’in (Nagar and Eshed 2001), Kissufim (Zagerson and Smith 2002), Shiqmim cemetery (Levy et al. 1991a, b) and Ben-Shemen (Perrot and Ladiray 1980), but whether this is the result of differential preservation or preferential burial treatment is unclear. Roughly 1 km south of Bab edh-Dhra’ is another cemetery consisting of some 30 cairn graves, similar in form though larger than the cist graves of Adeimeh and each covered with a small mound of rubble (McCreery 1978–1979). In some cases, fragmentary border walls project from the tumuli, seeming to delineate grave clusters; Bourke (2002a, p. 19) has suggested that these may represent affiliations between individuals buried in the cist graves with social/political leaders, perhaps chieftains. Cave tombs such as Nahal Qanah are notable for their rich funerary assemblages and the architectural modifications to the cave, but these are secreted away and would not necessarily have communicated wealth and power based on visibility (Joffe 2003, pp. 51–53; Golden 2009). Most Chalcolithic burials, in fact, have few or no grave goods. At the Shiqmim cemeteries, secondary burials deposited in grave circles may include a pottery vessel, but other associated mortuary goods are extremely rare and limited to a single object such as a palette or blade, and include no copper artifacts. Primary Chalcolithic interments typically include no burial goods either, and may include only a ceramic vessel, if anything. For

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example, of the estimated 91 individuals buried at Gilat, only one or two were clearly associated with burial goods. On the other hand, recent discoveries of burial caves have highlighted the importance of rare luxury goods in mortuary assemblages. Nevertheless, correlation between individual burials and specific mortuary goods in the richest cave assemblages is generally not possible, which constrains our ability to infer social status and hierarchical organization from the mortuary remains (Joffe 2003, p. 50). One indication of increasing socio-economic complexity during the Chalcolithic is the higher incidence of artifacts manufactured from non-local materials. In addition to copper, shell, gold, granite, hematite, basalt, diorite, obsidian, ivory, turquoise, carnelian, and other materials are found, most in very small quantities, and at a limited number of sites. Many, if not most of these exotic goods are found in contexts such as caches, ritual deposits, or group mortuary deposits. The rarity and contexts of these items suggest unequal access to goods and resources, but evidence for control of their production or trade by e´lite groups or individuals remains elusive. Rosen (1993) has proposed that the greater the distance a material travels, the more likely it is to have greater value, though he also points out that other factors, such as ‘symbolic loading’ can also enhance an object’s value. He argues, as is also proposed elsewhere in this article, that while the complex metals probably came from rather far away, the actual casting of the metal was probably performed locally. Although there are no written records, the existence of seals, as well as possible stamps and tokens, attested in a few rare instances, may indicate that a basic accounting or other administrative system was in use. This evidence is much more ambiguous and limited than in the case of Mesopotamia, where economic activities were recorded with bullae and tokens (Nissen 1988, pp. 76–100; Pollock 2002, pp. 110–113; 154–162). Stamp seals are extremely scarce, making any attempt to understand the distribution or meaning of motifs premature. Several stone seals have been found at Ghassul (Elliot 1978), including, from the early excavations, a conical stamp seal incised with a circle of punctuated marks (Mallon et al. 1934, Fig. 28.1). Recent excavations have provided one finely carved example (Bourke et al. 2000), and a small square siltstone example with a cross-hatch design, found in association with a hematite macehead and mother of pearl jewelry (Bourke 2001; Bourke et al. 2000). A similar one was found at Sahab (Ibrahim 1987). A small stamp seal with an incised spiral design from Grar was identified as phyllite, a non-local mineral (Ben-Tor 1995, Fig. 9.1), suggesting that the identification of other examples as steatite or serpentine may need to be reevaluated. An example of a clay seal from ‘Late Eneolithic’ contexts at Byblos bears a similar motif, but of three concentric circles rather than a spiral, and constitutes the only other reliable parallel (Ben-Tor 1995, Fig. 9.4; Dunand 1973, p. 326, Fig. 200: 21959; two other examples in private collections are without provenience or dating and thus provide little useful information). A small limestone cylindrical stamp seal from Gilat, with traces of very worn or weathered chevron incisions, was also recovered (Ben-Tor 1995, Fig. 9.9). Two large and relatively coarse chalk artifacts discovered at Shiqmim appear to be seals, yet their large size, crude design, and use of presumably local chalk make them unlike examples from other sites. Both are large (about palm-sized), roughly shaped chalk pieces with dots and sinuous lines; both were found in a pit together with a unique cuboidal chalk stand in the earliest strata of the site (Levy et al. in preparation). Geometric artifacts without incised designs are also found, but understanding these artifacts is complicated by the fact that in the southern Levant there is no consistent use of terminology in referring to these items. As a result, there are probably more of these objects than are generally recognized (Bourke 2001, p. 145). For example, a flat trapezoidal limestone piece found with the Nahal Mishmar hoard was called an ‘amulet’ (Bar-

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Adon 1980, Ill.24.2), as was another small geometric stone artifact from Horvat Beter (Dothan 1959, p. 20). The aforementioned stone tokens from Ghassul have been interpreted as possible indicators of commercial function (Bourke et al. 2000). More specifically, a number of stone conoids and flattened spheroids recovered in both recent and older excavations at Ghassul (Bourke et al. 2000; Lee 1973, pp. 276–279, LB 513 h–i; LB61) have parallels in the corpus compiled by Schmandt-Besserat (1992). Other intriguing items may also be related, such as the miniature ceramic horns discovered at both Abu Hamid (Dollfus and Kafafi 1989, p. 106, Fig. 1.2) and Gilat. The largest collection of geometric pieces is the assemblage recovered from the 1990–1992 excavations at Gilat (Rowan et al. 2006). With no clear pattern of distribution at the site, their function remains difficult to interpret, although they may indicate some form of recording. In general, these seals and geometric stone artifacts offer tantalizing yet rare evidence for an emerging symbolic system. Whether these signified ownership, accounting, or records is unclear (Helms 1987, 1991). Other evidence, such as the possible bullae or stopper from Tel Tsaf (Gophna and Sadeh 1988–1989, p. 32, Fig. 12:16) and the basket seal fragment from Grar (Ben-Tor 1995, p. 366, Fig. 9.6a–b), is suggestive, but insufficient to allow us to propose socio-economic control by authorities or managers. Quantitatively these are very rare artifacts, and not found in contexts that show any exercise of centralized administrative control. Other small geometric artifacts recorded from Palestine are earlier (c. seventh millennium BC), found at well known Neolithic sites such as Beidha, ‘Ain Ghazal and Munhata (Schmandt-Besserat 1992, pp. 405–415). Similar artifacts—small geometric pieces, generally of clay but less commonly of stone—have been found in SyroMesopotamia, where, according to Schmandt-Besserat (1992), they were used for counting, and ultimately evolved into early forms of writing. But this development is considerably later and much closer in time to the advent of writing in that region. In summary, Chalcolithic socio-economic organization appears to be highly varied and loosely integrated, with limited evidence, in the Beersheva region, for possible hierarchical formations that may have been relatively short-lived, with little influence in areas to the north, east and south. Joffe (2003, p. 58) argues that religion was the single most important principle in Chalcolithic society, one which fostered strategies for power and authority among e´lites. At the same time, ritual activities were not necessarily controlled by e´lites, with the Golan basalt ‘house idols’ providing the strongest evidence for a household, domestic ritual activity uninvolved with prestige goods or exotic non-local goods. Where, as at Gilat, ritual activities operated at a scale beyond the local household, evidence for e´lite control of this supralocal function is weak. Despite these obstacles to recognizing a ranked, hierarchical society extending across the region, the intensification of economic activity and increasing differentiation is unmistakable (Bourke 2001, p. 151). Moreover, an increased capability for storage is equally apparent, particularly at sites such as Abu Hamid (Dollfus and Kafafi 1988), Ghassul (Blackham 1999; Bourke et al. 1999), Gilat (Levy et al. 2006a, b, c), Sahab (Ibrahim 1984), Tel ‘Eli (Garfinkel 1993), sites near Beth Shean (Tsori 1967) and possibly Shiqmim (Levy et al. in preparation).

Chalcolithic Collapse The transition from the Chalcolithic to the EBI is marked by several broad trends, specifically a shift in settlement patterns, including the abandonment of sites in some regions, a decline in architectural structures, and the disappearance of some classes of material

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culture. This includes the virtual disappearance of symbolic items, such as copper standards, maceheads, and ‘crowns’, and iconography in various media and ossuaries—what Joffe refers to as the disappearance of the ‘superstructure’ (1993, p. 37). These all establish a well-known distinction between the two periods (Alon and Yekutieli 1995; Braun 1996; Dessel 2001; Joffe 1993; Levy 1998; Yekutieli 2001). The overall decline in number and size of settlements seems to hold true throughout the region, suggesting a major shift in geographic focus for settlement, although the drastic decline in the number of sites in the northern Negev from the Chalcolithic to the beginning of the EBI may not accurately represent all regions. Survey of the Nahal Beersheva and Lower Nahal Besor drainage recorded 75 Chalcolithic sites; this drops to only 8 sites in the EBII (Alon and Levy 1980; Levy and Alon 1987a, p. 48). The best-known sites in this area, such as Abu Matar, Shiqmim, and Bir es-Safadi, are no longer occupied during the EBA. Major sites such as Abu Hamid and Ghassul are also abandoned during the Chalcolithic and never reoccupied. Occupation at sites in other regions, such as Ashqelon/Afridar on the southern coast, ‘Ein Assawir on the northern inland coastal plain, Nahal Tillah/Tel Halif Terrace on the southern Shephelah, Tall esh-Shuneh and Bet Shean in the Jordan Valley, and Megiddo, continue from the Chalcolithic to the Early Bronze I period. Thus while it may be correct to speak of a collapse for the settlement system in the Beersheva Valley, this may be an overstatement for other parts of the southern Levant, where a transformation occurred. Nevertheless, the overall drop in the number of sites from the Chalcolithic to the EBI in the region as a whole is significant, with *75% of the sites ending by EBI (Joffe 1993, p. 46). In the south, some sites include Chalcolithic pottery in the earliest EBI strata (EBIa), suggesting earlier occupations existed during the Chalcolithic. Similarity of EBIa pottery to the preceding Chalcolithic is indicated by resemblance in form, dećor and technology, suggesting population continuity at sites such as Ashqelon/Afridar (Braun 2000; Braun and Gophna 2004; Gophna 2004; Golani 2004) and Nahal Tillah/Tel Halif Terrace (Levy et al. 1997). This suggests that in the south, at least, a short period of time elapsed between the terminal phases of the Chalcolithic and the early EBIa (Gophna 2004, p. 4), what Braun (2000) termed the ‘Initial Southern EBI’, closing the perceived gap between the periods (Gophna 1998). In contrast, ceramics recovered from EBIa contexts at sites in the north bear little resemblance to Chalcolithic pottery (Gophna 2004; Braun 2000). The causes for this collapse continue to be debated. A cautionary note is probably warranted when dealing with the possible demise or transformation Chalcolithic society underwent during this time. Literature focused on identifying and understanding societal collapse largely derives examples from state level societies and empires, where the demise can be quite dramatic (Flannery 1972; Renfrew 1979; Tainter 1988; Yoffee 1988). This is not to suggest that chiefdoms do not collapse or cycle; numerous examples, in fact, suggest that chiefdoms are unstable and collapse or dissolve frequently (Barth 1959; Earle 1991, 1997; Friedman 1982; Kristiansen 1991; Leach 1954; Renfrew 1979). One possible factor in this ‘collapse’ could be that climatic fluctuations were sufficient to upset the floodwater farming methods and trigger abandonment of more arid regions (Joffe 1993; Levy 1998) such as the northern Negev. In such areas, even minor short-term fluctuations of precipitation that might be undetectable through paleoclimatic methods could have a disastrous effect on societies within just a few years, particularly those under stress from other factors. In areas already too dry for the rearing of pigs, even a small drop in the yearly rainfall could potentially decimate herds, especially cattle. Given the imprecise dating and poor resolution of paleoclimatic data even at the regional scale, linking short periods of prehistoric time in smaller regions to climate fluctuation can be difficult (Rosen and Rosen 2001). In a similar vein, Bourke (2001, p. 152) suggests that the

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authority of the ‘traditional’ religiously based e´lite may have been undermined by an emerging e´lite based on agricultural surpluses and a superior ability to cope with an increasingly harsh environment. A similar idea posed by (Joffe 1993, pp. 36–37), suggests that sociopolitical and economic structures had become stretched so thin that any disruption in the system of resource procurement, craft specialization, and agricultural production could undermine e´lite positions. For this reason, the copper maceheads and standards, cornets, ivories, ossuaries, and other rich iconographic or specialized ritual equipment disappear, while the more mundane domestic ceramics and flint tools remain similar in form and attest to the continuity of the population throughout the fourth millennium BC. Another possible factor Joffe suggests (1993, p. 37) is that links of ‘commercialization’, particularly with Egypt, may have had some impact on Chalcolithic patterns of trade and the concomitant authority. He notes the connection between the southern Levantine Chalcolithic and the Delta site of Ma’adi, where semi-subterranean features similar to those from Beersheva were found along with copper ores, bitumen and ceramics imported from Palestine (Wilkinson 2002, pp. 515–516), all dating to *3600 BC (Rizkana and Seeher 1989). Despite this and other evidence for ties between early EBI societies and Egypt (see Levy and van den Brink 2002), contact during the Chalcolithic, even the later phases, was limited (Commenge and Alon 2002; Levy 1992). If, however, ties related to important resources such as copper were disrupted—and indeed the arsenic and antinomy-rich copper essentially disappears by this time—it could have proved disastrous for the status and authority of those who owed their power to the production or control of exotic and rare items. Continued refinement of chronological synchronisms between the Delta and Palestine indicate that not until after *3500 BC does exchange become more organized and perhaps commercial (Braun 2004; de Miroschedji 2002). In fact, the presence of locally made ceramics in the southern Levantine style at the Delta site of Buto could be interpreted as representing population movements from the northern Negev (Faltings 2002; Wilkinson 2002); it has been argued that this was related to expansionist goals, or more likely, to refugees from social upheaval and economic woes in the Levant (Commenge and Alon 2002). A final possible factor, warfare, has also been posited as a causal factor in the collapse of Chalcolithic society (Levy 1998). The increasing occurrence of maceheads, often interpreted as symbols of authority but equally potent as weapons, could reflect an increase in conflict (Golden 2009). Evidence for violence was recently reported from human remains recovered at Shiqmim, where an adolescent boy was wounded; three circular depressions on the left side and back of the cranium, possibly causing death, were inflicted with a blunt object, possibly a macehead (Dawson et al. 2003). Interregional conflict within the southern Levant may have been important in the rise of Chalcolithic e´lites, or in the maintenance of leadership roles, but conflict with predynastic Egyptians is also possible (Levy 1998, p. 243). Although evidence for widespread site destruction, perimeter walls or other defensive features is entirely lacking, the subterranean features may have served as storage areas against raiding neighbors. Soon after the Chalcolithic during late EBI, an Egyptian presence in the Negev region is documented, although the nature of this presence and interaction (economic, military) continues to be debated.

Future Research Directions Archaeological research over the past 20 years has significantly altered our understanding of the Chalcolithic. Several areas may prove fruitful avenues for future research. One area in particular that requires further research is the question of changes to socio-economic

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organization during the fifth to early fourth millennium BC. Limited evidence suggests that ranked societies, perhaps privileged lineages or corporate groups, controlled some aspects of status and exotic items. Yet in some regions the nature of any existing status system is but poorly understood: for example, does the wealth displayed in a few mortuary contexts translate to social status and power among the living? Thus, one direction for future study should be examination of the forms of and evidence for leadership, if any. There is also a regional dimension and questions about scale (i.e., individual, community, household, regional) that are poorly linked to archaeological data. Although a few of the multiple secondary interments found in caves include rich mortuary goods, the regions where they were discovered (e.g., Shephelah, Galilee, possibly Judean Desert) are either situated in areas where we know little about contemporary domestic occupation, or in areas with little evidence of hierarchical socio-economic forms of organization in non-mortuary contexts. By focusing on the relations between mortuary data, regional survey, and evidence from settlements, we should be able to better understand the practices of those in the social system rather than viewing mortuary rites as entirely abstracted and separate from the social network. This social network also includes religion, ritual practice and the role of those who facilitated seasonal rites, rites of passage, feasts and exchanges (Bell 1997, pp. 93–137). Understanding these phenomena, especially in relation to political organization, is another potentially fruitful line of research. We have a range of artifacts as well as architectural works that are widely considered to be related to ritual, but what this means is rarely the object of discussion. There have been several specialized studies of singular artifacts or artifact types (Alon and Levy 1989; Burton 2004; Fox 1995; Levy and Golden 1996; Joffe et al. 2001), but only recently have more comprehensive studies been completed (Joffe 2003; Levy 2006), with others in preparation (Rowan and Ilan in preparation). Craft specialization is another topic that requires further study, from the provenience of raw materials to the production of finished goods. One industry for which there are a number of outstanding problems is the metal industry. The most intriguing questions concern the source of complex metals such as the copper with arsenic and antimony used to make the intricate castings, and where the casting and ‘finishing’ of these goods was performed. The priority in current Chalcolithic research, though, is to answer questions about chronology, for without a more precise time frame with which to work, it is impossible to study change in any area of Chalcolithic society. As more radiocarbon dates emerge and researchers continue to synthesize these data, the absolute chronology should become more comprehensive and more reliable. Ceramic studies already underway (Burton 2004, in preparation) will no doubt contribute to our understanding of relative chronology. And as the data come together, the much needed sub-periodization will be within reach. This, in turn, will allow us to address the larger social issues with greater confidence and clarity. Acknowledgments The authors would like to extend their thanks to Emily Kelley and Paul Steinle (University of Notre Dame) for their editorial assistance in the preparation of this paper, and Ciana Meyers and Gamin Bartle of the Drew University Faculty Laboratory for their help in preparing Figs. 6, 8 and 10. The authors have benefited greatly from discussions with Meredith Chesson, David Ilan, Morag Kersel, Ian Kuijt, Thomas Levy and Jaimie Lovell. Anonymous review also greatly improved this article, but any errors or omissions remain our responsibility.

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