The contextualization and decontextualization of Confucian morality: Making Confucianism relevant to China’s contemporary challenges in business ethics T. Q. Liu & Bruce W. Stening
Asia Pacific Journal of Management ISSN 0217-4561 Asia Pac J Manag DOI 10.1007/s10490-015-9415-2
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Author's personal copy Asia Pac J Manag DOI 10.1007/s10490-015-9415-2
The contextualization and de-contextualization of Confucian morality: Making Confucianism relevant to China’s contemporary challenges in business ethics T. Q. Liu 1 & Bruce W. Stening 1
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015
Abstract In response to serious ethical problems in China, Confucianism is being invoked as a possible solution. We argue that to apply Confucianism as a useful resource for developing business ethics in China, two processes are needed—contextualization and de-contextualization. This paper puts Confucian moral concepts back into their original context for more accurate interpretation and better understanding, and then discusses the adjustments that need to be made before applying them in today’s business environment. Five important Confucian concepts—ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin— are examined and two suggestions are provided for the effective application of Confucian morality in business ethics in present-day China: the introduction of codified ethics and a clear focus on individual behavior. Keywords Confucianism . Contextualization . Ethics . Traditional Chinese culture
Introduction By all accounts, including those of the Chinese Communist Party, China is facing an ethical crisis of massive proportions. Specifically in relation to corruption, the government led by Xi Jinping is engaged in a severe crackdown on the behavior of businesses and businesspersons, both local and foreign, and government officials. While corruption is long-standing and deep-seated (Wedeman, 2012), the government’s apparent determination to deal with it reflects the reality that the legitimacy of their power is being called into question, especially insofar as members of the Party are implicated. In seeking means by which to address the situation, a number of approaches have been taken, mainly by the central government. Progressively, various institutional improvements have been made, especially in relation to the creation of a more * Bruce W. Stening
[email protected] 1
National School of Development, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China
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predictable and fair legal system, and the development of corporate governance mechanisms, though these still fall well short of those in most developed countries. Most recently the enforcement of laws concerning ethical behavior has been treated much more seriously. However, recognizing that such legal and regulatory mandates may, on their own, be insufficient, increasing attention has been given to how the revival of traditional values, especially Confucianism, might be undertaken to encourage the development of internal mechanisms of moral regulation (e.g., Ip, 2009b). The contemporary literature that has addressed the role that Confucianism might play in China has suffered from two serious limitations. First, much of it has focused on Confucianism’s very positive attributes and has uncritically extolled its virtues (Chan, 2008; Koehn, 2001; Lam, 2003; Romar, 2002, 2004; Woods & Lamond, 2011). With a few notable exceptions (Ip, 2009a, b), the darker side of Confucianism that was extensively detailed by, among others, de Bary (1991) has been ignored, perhaps not even seen. Second, very little attention has been given to contextualizing it, considering the Bfit^ historically and culturally between China as it was at the time of Confucius and China as it is now. In short, many naive assumptions have been made about how Confucian ideals might be applied to current practice. The purpose of this paper is three-fold: first, to show how important it is that Confucian ideals be understood in relation to the context in which they were developed; second, to examine the conditions that would be required for their application to circumstances that are quite unlike those for which they were originally intended to apply, that is contemporary China; and third, by considering those two issues, to contribute to the on-going debate (see, for example, Li, 2012; Tsui, 2006) about the contextualization and development of indigenous management research and theory in China. Our central argument is that the mere invoking of Confucian moral concepts will not cure China’s current ethical problems. We need to de-contextualize Confucianism to make it suitable for application in the field of business ethics. But in order to do that, we first need to contextualize Confucian moral concepts to understand their original meanings and explore the scope for their possible reinterpretation. The objectives of the paper are pursued through several phases. In the next section, we contextualize Confucianism, describing the circumstances that prevailed at the time Confucius propounded his ideas. In particular, we discuss and contextualize five Confucian concepts—ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin—that are pertinent to business ethics today. We then elaborate on yi, since we argue that it is of foremost importance. On the basis of that discussion, section three of the paper provides a critical assessment of Confucian morality. In section four, we de-contextualize Confucianism, discussing how it can be applied successfully to the ethical challenges confronting business in China today. In this section, we outline two specific ways in which Confucianism can be applied: first, by the adoption of a set of codified rules and, second, by focusing on the application of Confucianism at the level of the individual. In the final section of the paper we draw some conclusions about the relevance of Confucianism more generally.
The contextualization of Confucian morality Though many writers on Confucianism have described the historical period during which the ideas were generated, most have not carefully examined the complexity that
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exists in determining the deeper structure within which the ideas were embedded and have not clarified the subtleties in meaning that attach to the original concepts. The most fundamental question, then, is what is BConfucianism?^ The problems involved in answering this question are multi-faceted. First, many Confucian concepts have multiple meanings and have been interpreted in different ways at different times by different people. Second, like most very old philosophies and religions, the understanding of what is BConfucian^ has changed over time. Scholars have pointed out that some of the concepts that are today labeled BConfucian^ have, in fact, been influenced by doctrines of Buddhism, Taoism, popular religion, and foreign ideas, and different sources of information, such as the state, religion, opinion leaders, and many types of publications, have modified Confucianism in various ways (see Ames, 1983; Chan, 1963; Lee, 2003). The result, they argue, is that there exist what they call the Bhigh^ Confucian culture of the original texts as well as Blow^ Confucian culture comprising popular, easy-to-digest versions of those. An even more important difference is between the original ideas of Confucius as stated in the Analects and Confucianism as the official ideology and practice of imperial China since the Han Dynasty. Our contextualization of Confucianism focuses on analyzing the original meaning of such concepts as they appear in the early (pre-Qin) Confucian text, which are much less associated with authoritarianism and thus can be more easily related to contemporary business settings. It follows from this and our first point that Confucian moral concepts are open for re-interpretation. Third, writers who are not well versed in Chinese culture and history of the period under which they were initially developed have sometimes drawn conclusions that are either inaccurate or only partially accurate. As Liu (2010) noted, even in the Chinese business literature, some of these concepts have been quoted out of context. Fourth, due to the multiplicity of meanings and high-context nature of the Chinese language, when the concepts are translated into a foreign language (most often English), many of them are either shriveled in meaning or molded to fit readilyavailable terms in the target language. (For this reason, we have chosen to include the original Chinese characters for the concepts we are discussing.) Contextualization is a process in which ideas or concepts are placed in a particular context. To pursue the objectives of this paper, we must begin by putting Confucian moral concepts back into the context that existed when they were originally formed, thus avoiding possible misinterpretations that have developed subsequently due to historical or cultural misunderstandings. It must first be understood that Confucianism emerged in a time of considerable turmoil. Confucius (Kongzi, 孔子) (551–479 B.C.) lived in the second half of the Zhou Dynasty, a period known as BSpring and Autumn,^ a time in which the Zhou system that had been created in the early part of the dynasty was declining and the society was on the verge of huge transitions. When the Zhou Dynasty was founded in the mid-11th century B.C., the Zhou rulers controlled the vast country through a large number of vassal states. Through a process of enfeoffment (the lords of a big portion of the new vassal states were members of the royal family and shared the royal family name) and intermarriage, the rulers of the country literally became family, and the country was ruled by means of a patriarchal clan system. Ancestor-worship and familial morality bound people together and, based on the degree of kinship and seniority, a strict hierarchical order was imposed as the basis of social order. The succession of emperors, lords of vassal states, and ministers is supposed to follow the rule of primogeniture. The line of the eldest sons in each generation formed
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the major lineage and other brothers and sons formed the minor lineages. The society was run by familial order and the social norms were reinforced by ritual and music. In the BSpring and Autumn^ period, however, the system known as Zhou Order became no longer fully functional. Power replaced kinship as the most decisive force in the social order. Confucius spent his entire adult life attempting to restore Zhou Order since, after comparing it with the systems of the previous Xia and Shang Dynasties, he was convinced that with its elaborate system of ritual and music underpinning humanitarian familial order, the Zhou system was best (Confucius [1999: 25] proclaimed, BZhou could survey the two preceding dynasties. How great a wealth of culture! And we follow upon Zhou^). Faced with the collapse of the hierarchical order, Confucius tried to revive the Bgolden days^ of the early Zhou period. As the family system was the basis for China’s social system, Confucius based his philosophy on familial morals, such as filial piety and brotherly love. As the famous philosopher Fung Yu-Lan asserted, BA great part of Confucianism is the rational justification of this social system, or its theoretical expression^ (Fung, 2007: 36). While Confucius failed to persuade any of the rulers of his time, he attached his hope to education, and believed that through creating a class of true gentlemen his ideas would eventually be implemented. He stressed the importance of morality in government and made self-perfection (or, as Fung [2007: 74] terms it, to Belevate our mind^) the core of his concept of Blearning.^ Confucianism became an influential school of thought in the BSpring and Autumn^ period and later in the BWarring States^ period, but never became the central guiding principles of any state. It was not until the Han Dynasty (202 B.C. – 220 A.D.) that Confucianism was institutionalized by the imperial power as the official ideology of the country. It remained as such until the end of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. However, in a sense, it was hijacked by the Han and later imperial dynasties to provide legitimacy for their rule and served as a tool of highly centralized, totalitarian government. Confucius was a supporter of the enfeoffment system—autonomy at the local level—and wanted to revive vanished vassal states (BHe raised up States that had been destroyed, reestablished lines of succession that had been broken, summoned lost subjects back to prominence, and all the common people under Heaven gave their hearts to him^ [Confucius, 1999: 231]). He was never a supporter of despotism. While the modification and distortion of Confucianism over the course of history is beyond the scope of this paper, the complexity and multiple contexts of Confucianism should be borne in mind when we discuss concepts and ideas under this name.
Five key concepts: Ren (仁 benevolence), yi (义 righteousness), li (礼 ritual), zhi (智 wisdom), and xin (信 trustworthiness) Confucianism is widely regarded as a moral philosophy, expressing the ethical significance of the family/social system. It has been the major source of morality in China for two thousand years and people are today still looking for ways to apply it to restore the moral foundations of society. In the literature on business in China, and business ethics in particular, a number of Confucian values have been consistently mentioned. In particular, these include the socalled Five Eternal Virtues of ren (benevolence or humaneness), yi (righteousness), li
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(ritual or propriety), zhi (wisdom), and xin (trustworthiness), as compiled by Dong Zhongshu in the Han Dynasty, and the Five Cardinal Relationships between prince and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder and younger brothers, and those between friends, as summarized in the Confucian classic Zhongyong. In this paper, we have chosen to focus on the Five Eternal Virtues. Although previously some authors have discussed them as a full set (e.g., Woods & Lamond, 2011), or in part (e.g., Lam, 2003), we believe that a more contextualized study of them is necessary. Among the five, ren is the core of Confucian moral philosophy; yi concerns what is right and what is wrong; and li reflects the social order of the time. Together, they provide the philosophical foundations of Confucianism. The same three concepts have been identified as core Confucian moral values by Ip (2009b) and as the most important Confucian concepts for Bperson making^ by Hall and Ames (1987). The fourth concept is zhi, or wisdom. According to Mencius, (372–289 B.C.), the second most important Confucian philosopher after Confucius himself, zhi is Bto know^ ren and yi and to Badhere to them^ (Mencius, 1999: 173). The fifth concept, xin, a subject taught by Confucius, is commonly translated as trustworthiness, and can be described simply as Bkeeping of promises^ (Confucius, 1999: 71). The first three concepts are closely related. Confucius used the two concepts of ren and li to define each other. Mencius always discussed ren and yi together as renyi (仁义). Ren (仁), the highest moral principle in Confucius’s teaching (Zhang, 2002: 287) is often translated as human-heartedness, humaneness, or simply, Goodness. It is the ultimate goal towards which a Confucian strives. In certain contexts, it refers to virtue in general, but its most common meaning in present-day Chinese language is benevolence or kindness. Confucius phrased it as Bto love men^ (Fan Chi asked about the Good (ruler). The Master said, BHe loves men^ [Confucius, 1999: 135]). As humanheartedness, it is a basic moral sentiment deep in one’s heart. We must bear in mind that although Confucius was the first person in China to offer education to everyone who came to him, irrespective of that person’s social status, his intention was to train prospective leaders and prepare them for their future political career, and ren was directed towards them. Once when he was asked about ren, he listed five necessary characteristics for a government official: courtesy (恭 gong), breadth (宽 kuan), good faith (xin), diligence (敏 min) and clemency (惠 hui) (Confucius, 1999: 199). Yi (义) is most commonly translated as righteousness. Also translated as goodness, it refers to right action based on good judgment. Originally it applied mainly to the superior party in a relationship, a ruler or a parent (Zhang, 2002: 286), demanding that they do what they ought to. Later, as a more general term, it came to refer to righteousness that applies to everyone. Mencius believed that the essence of ren is Bto serve one’s parents^—an action of filial piety—while the essence of yi is Bto obey one’s elder brother^ (Mencius, 1999: 173)—something the younger brother is supposed to do. It is an internal human virtue that also reflects the external virtue of justice and is related directly to external outcomes. We consider it to be a key concept in understanding the role of Confucianism in business ethics, and discuss it in more detail below. Li (礼) means rite, ritual, or propriety. It was a term that originally had religious connotations but over time, especially in the Zhou Dynasty, it gained more humanitarian significance as a social code or order. The socio-political system designed by the Zhou founders, based on familial morality and hierarchy, is called Zhouli (周礼) or Zhou Order. Thus, li can also be a set of external rules and norms that governs the state and regulates
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relationships in the hierarchical order, a far more sophisticated meaning than its most common present-day meaning of etiquette or politeness, though some basic rules remain the same. Reciprocity, for example, was a principle in li, according to the Confucian classic, Book of Rites, and is still an important concept of proper conduct in China today. In a time of huge social disorder, Confucius believed that revival of the old moral and social system was the cure. He raised the concept of ren to the core of his teaching and made self-perfection and the uplifting of individual moral standards an important way to achieve his goal. As he said, BA man who is not Good (ren), what can he have to do with ritual (li)? A man who is not Good (ren), what can he have to do with music?^ (Confucius, 1999: 21). On the other hand, he also defined ren as Bsubmit to ritual (li, propriety, Zhou Order)^ (Confucius, 1999: 125). Though he was not able to realize his political ideas in his lifetime, his instruction stressing morality and encouraging everyone to become a gentleman (君子 junzi) became the cornerstone of traditional values in China. According to Tu (1972: 187), B…the central concern of Confucian teaching is how to become a sage, which means how to become fully realized as an authentic human being. And it is in selfrealization that the basis of li as an externalization of jen (ren) really lies.^ Confucius had a deep understanding of human nature and wanted to inspire people by basing moral practices on human instinct. For example, although ren is a lofty characteristic in his teaching, he claimed that the root of ren is filial piety, the natural love towards one’s parents. This love can be developed and extended to others, eventually becoming the love for all people, that is, ren. However, the origin of this love in filial piety makes it a special kind, different to universal love. The degree of kinship or measurement of kinship closeness is an inherent part of Zhou Order. Some scholars (first and foremost, Fei, 1992: 60–70) call this kind of structure that typifies Chinese society, Bdifferential social circles,^ or Graded Structure, and this kind of love is also named, Graded Love (Xu, 2007). Mencius criticized the Mohist School (a rival contemporary school to Confucianism, developed out of the philosophy of Mozi), which advocated universal love. He said that to love without discrimination is to deny the particular relationship between a person and his father (Mencius, 1999: 145), arguing that this is the most important relationship in society and the root of ren, and that universal love is uncivilized. However, we need to fully contextualize what Mencius said. The reason he stressed the particular relationship with one’s father was to give a solid foundation for love, which is filial piety. But his love did not stop there. As his suggestion to King Hui of Liang goes, BDo reverence to the elders in your own family and extend it to those in other families; show loving care to the young in your own family and extend it to those in other families^ (Mencius, 1999: 19), love should be extended to everyone in the world. In the Analects, it is also stated that if a gentleman Bbehaves with courtesy to others and observes the rules of ritual, then all within the Four Seas are his brothers^ (Confucius, 1999: 127). Li emphasizes hierarchical order. People are never equals in traditional Chinese culture. As in a family, the role of each person is predetermined. Confucius, with his idealistic social notions, based hierarchical order on morality, implying the moral superiority of people higher in the hierarchy. As it is a presumption that the leaders are of higher moral quality and thus bear the mandate of heaven to rule the others, obedience from subordinates is required and no challenge from them is expected. Both at home and in society, people are supposed to be submissive; as stated in the Analects, BThose who in private life behave well towards their parents and elder brothers, in public life seldom show a
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disposition to resist the authority of their superior. And as for such men starting a revolution, no instance of it has ever occurred^ (Confucius, 1999: 3). The fourth concept zhi (智 wisdom) bears a less culture-specific meaning; as Confucius said, BHe that is really wise (zhi) can never be perplexed^ (1999: 99). Sometimes Confucius also used it to refer to the intellectual competence of the ruler: BHe whose wisdom (zhi) brings him into power, needs goodness (ren) to secure that power^ (1999: 181). Zhi is related to yi, because any sensible judgment between right and wrong requires intelligence. The fifth concept, xin (信), relates to trust and credibility. The basic meaning of this concept is to keep one’s word. Confucius said, BI do not see what a man can be put to, whose word cannot be trusted (wuxin, no credit)^ (1999: 17). In the moral sense, it refers to trustworthiness, as an essential virtue of a gentleman. It is especially crucial to a ruler: BA country of a thousand war-chariots cannot be administered unless the ruler attends strictly to business, punctually observing his promises (xin) …^ (Confucius, 1999: 3). It is, however, closely related to and affected by yi. In the Analects, it is said that BIn your promises (xin) cleave to what is right (yi), and you will be able to fulfill your word^ (Confucius,1999: 7). The fact that the Confucian concepts of ren, yi, and li are all rooted in familial morality makes it easier to understand certain cultural characteristics of China that have been shaped by Confucian morality and which are brought to the fore in various cultural dimensions developed by Western scholars. In relation to Hofstede’s (2001) cultural dimensions, for example, China scores high on Collectivism and Power Distance. The cultural context of such high scores is deeply rooted in the social structure of China, which is a patriarchal clan system with the family structure as the prototype of any form of social organization including the state itself. Such a culture values collectives rather than individuals; an individual is just a member of the family, the clan, and the state, with the patriarch predetermined. Collectivism in this context implies familial morality. The hierarchical order of the traditional Chinese family and state nurtures, then, a culture with high Power Distance. With relationships specified by paternal and maternal linkages, seniority and closeness, there are no equals, even within a family. In the first dictionary published in China, Erya (尔雅, dating from the 3rd century B.C.), there are more than one hundred terms for various family relationships (Fung, 2007: 34). This made interpersonal relationships particularistic, starting from the most basic unit of the society, the family. As other organizations in traditional societies are just different forms of enlarged family, the characteristics of Trompenaars’s (1993) cultural dimensions identified as universalistic are rare to see in Chinese culture. For the same reason, the sense of belonging and the tightly knit social network made it difficult for people to separate their private life from their public life. In this respect, using Trompenaars’s dimensions, the culture is diffused rather than specific. In order to better understand such cultural differences, it will be helpful to examine the concept of yi in more detail.
The central importance of yi While ren is related to moral sentiment—love—and li deals with social norms— propriety—yi deals with the distinction between right and wrong. In that sense, it is more closely related to ethics in business decision-making.
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Yi, with its close relationship to ren, is associated with virtue ethics rather than rulebased ethics. Based on the ascribed roles in a given relationship, people behave in the way they are supposed to. This is the basic form of yi. Yi, then, means to do right things. However, what is Bright^ remains a question. The Chinese way of thinking about such matters is more dialectic rather than absolute. Some authors have pointed out that the Chinese concepts of yin and yang, which Bgive rise to, complement, and reinforce each other^ and Bexist within each other and interplay with each other to form a dynamic and paradoxical unity,^ may produce a perspective that Bthere exists no absolute truth^ (Fang, 2012). Since Chinese do not think in the polarized Western either-or manner, they thus do not believe there can be absolute/objective Bright^ and Bwrong.^ This implies a lack of objectivity in moral judgments (Nisbett, 2003). Zhongyong (中庸) is a very important Confucian concept that translates as Centrality and Commonality (Tu, 1989) or the Doctrine of the Mean. Its essence is conveyed in Confucius’s (1999: 115) comment that Bto go too far is as bad as not to go far enough.^ It refers to the proper way of handling things, implying a delicate sense of keeping balance. In one of the Four Books of Confucianism, the Zhongyong, there is an important phrase, BJunzi Shi Zhong (君子时中),^ which can be roughly translated as, BA gentleman shall always keep himself in Centrality.^ This kind of invariable centrality requires situational or contingent judgment rather than resorting to objective rules that can be easily followed. Indeed, there are no ready rules to follow. It is the responsibility of a gentleman’s to estimate what is Bright,^ with his zhi. There are hardly any universal rules in yi. Based on the status of the person and the relationship that involves, people make decisions that are right for that particular situation. This gives rise to multiple criteria when making decisions. In different relationships, under different circumstances, in relation to different interactions, the right decision can be very different. This particularity of righteousness is also reflected in the issue of loyalty. In Chinese companies, loyalty is given more to individuals than it is to the organization of which one is a member (Redding, 1993). Armed with perfect virtue, a Confucian gentleman is, then, supposed to make decisions based on his good judgment. The sense of justness/righteousness gives him the power to set aside other seemingly obligatory duties. Both Confucius and Mencius argued that a person’s word may not necessarily be kept, nor their actions resolute. Indeed, Confucius called those who keep their word (xin) and carry out their actions obstinately to the end Bxiaoren^ (the morally inferior or the humblest) (Confucius, 1999: 149), contrasting them with true gentlemen. Later, Mencius argued that whether a person’s word should be truthful (xin) and their actions resolute must depend on the standard of yi (what is right) (1999: 179). The subjective, particularistic concept of righteousness (yi) of Confucianism stands in contrast with Western universalistic business ethics, especially the latter’s notion of objective contractual relationships. Many writers (e.g., Chen, 2001; Hampden-Turner & Trompenaars, 1993; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001), have observed that in China, contracts are Bcontinually renegotiable^ and that when a contract is found to be Bunjust and unfair,^ a Chinese may feel that he/she has every right to change it or cancel it. This is exactly the point made by Zong Qinghou, the founder of Wahaha Group, in his dispute with Danone, a French food-products multinational corporation (Liu, 2010). When he found that the joint venture contract he signed with Danone left him in an unfavorable position, especially regarding the ownership of a trademark, he demanded
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revision or cancellation of the contract, because the contract was not just and mutually beneficial. This can be seen as a modern-day example of the practice of the overruling power of righteousness. The legal system in ancient China was mainly focused on criminal law, while civil affairs were directed and regulated by li. In the absence of either legal authority or religious power, the judgment of the gentleman was supreme.
A critical assessment of Confucian morality Having analyzed the key concepts in Confucianism that are relevant to business ethics, in this section of the paper we provide a critical analysis of both its strengths and limitations as a moral system, first generally, then specifically in relation to business ethics. The idealistic design of a government and society based on morality and existing in harmony was never a reality in China’s history. When Confucius injected ren into the Zhou system of ritual and music, he intended to rejuvenate the system by strengthening its humanitarian side. Although morality had been a crucial issue in the ancient political vocabulary of China, the original Chinese term, de (德 moral), also referred to the power or charisma of the leader, who, as well as his other functions performed the religious duties of a shaman, making contact between human and heaven. In the Analects of Confucius, de referred to human virtue, rather than religious power or charisma. During a time when the hierarchical order was shaken by mistrust of the ruler and disobedience of the people, Confucius hoped that the concept of ren (encompassing all virtues), in particular, could function as a social glue to hold the country together. The introduction of ren as the core concept in his thought reflected Confucius’ attempt to reinforce the declining Zhou Order by uplifting personal morality, especially that of the ruling class. He tried to motivate people to be morally conscious, and to cultivate people by developing their benign nature and instincts, just as he developed ren from the practice of filial piety. Later, Mencius elaborated that human nature is always good, just as water always flows downwards (1999: 245). Devoted believers of Confucianism take self-cultivation and self-perfection as their life-long goal. They are ready to give up anything, even their lives, in order to preserve ren-hood. As Confucius stated, a true gentleman shall not Bseek life at the expense of Goodness (ren),^ but will Bgive his life in order to achieve Goodness (ren)^ (1999: 173). No other philosophical school at that time in China gave so much trust to human nature, though there were some prominent Confucian scholars—for example, Xunzi (313–238 B.C.)—who took a less optimistic view of human nature, arguing that people were essentially born with bad tendencies that needed to be curbed (Xunzi, 1999: 740). In general, though, optimism and faith in human nature powered Confucian ideas of morality. Everyone could be a gentleman; it was only a matter of a person’s determination to be one. As Confucius put it, BIs Goodness (ren) indeed so far away? If we really wanted Goodness (ren), we should find that it was at our very side^ (Confucius, 1999: 73). This belief inspired countless Chinese in their moral pursuits. The development of morality intuitionally through human nature and aesthetic sentiments demonstrated the profound Confucian understanding of human beings. In a culture in which religion is not an important part of spiritual life, Confucianism appears
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particularly important as a cultural source for morality and the uplifting of self. For this reason, it can be argued that, in principle, Confucian morality can be a useful foundation for contemporary business ethics, especially after de-contextualization. Confucianism is marked by its humanitarian concerns. Modern Western management theories also pay a great deal of attention to human factors. The distinctive character of self-control and self-perfection in Confucianism echoes McGregor’s (1960) Theory Y in which he purports that subordinates may be self-motivated and self-controlled, willingly taking responsibility and finding satisfaction in doing a good job. In a similar way, Confucianism might be compared to self-actualization in Maslow’s (1954) hierarchy of needs, such as the realization of the authentic self (Tu, 1972). As Drucker (1999: 234) pointed out, Theory Y Bhas to achieve what Theory X achieved, and then do a good deal more,^ and the path is not easy since it imposes much higher requirements on both the manager and the subordinates. In the same way, Confucius wanted to educate future rulers, and had high moral expectations for them. According to his design, the social hierarchy based on morality was a prerequisite for the gentry. Over time, as Confucianism was adopted as the official ideology, this emphasis on morality became an expectation and requirement for everyone. Unwittingly and ironically, this may have created a level of perfunctoriness—what de Bary (1991: 66) labeled Blip service^—that resulted in a loss of sincerity about moral issues that eroded the moral basis of Confucianism. Confucius believed that morality could not be forced on people by administration and law. Rather, it must develop spontaneously. He suggested to rulers that they rule by acting as moral examples and behaving benevolently. He preferred education to punishment, saying BGovern the people by regulations, keep order among them by chastisement, and they will flee from you, and lose all self-respect. Govern them by moral force, keep order among them by ritual and they will keep their self-respect and come to you of their own accord^ (Confucius, 1999: 11). However, this design based on the virtue (ren) of the rulers, cultivated with ritual and music (social norms and aesthetic education), is not very practical. Especially after Confucianism became the official ideology of imperial China, moral perfection as a conscientious voluntary action was not something sincerely followed or even believed by most of those totalitarian rulers. Confucian idealism did not include effective checks and balance mechanisms in the system. While, according to Confucianism, it is the minister’s duty to dissuade the emperor from any wrongdoing, most often expostulation was the only recourse the minister had. Over the course of China’s long history, many true believers in Confucianism were killed for doing so. It was regarded as an honor, because they had fulfilled their duty. Successive rulers adopted the ideas of Legalism promoted by philosophers such as Hanfeizi (280–233 B.C.), creating and controlling a highly centralized state in a totalitarian manner. The Legalists stressed a rigid system of rewards and punishments to change people’s behavior. It relied on external reinforcement, rather than cultivating people internally. Thus, while under the highly centralized political system of imperial China the espoused ideology and ruling principles were Confucian, the political structure and administration was largely Legalist. While Confucianism provided the legitimacy of the government, the practice of government rarely matched the Confucian criteria, leaving the rulers morally bankrupt. Under the coercive imperial power,
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pretense and hypocrisy were common among people. As the Sinologist and missionary Samuel Kidd noted early in the nineteenth century, BFalsehood, duplicity, insincerity, and obsequious accommodation to favorable circumstances, are national features remarkably prominent^ (Smith, 1894: 266). This required Chinese to think in what he described as Btheatrical terms^ (16). It is certainly true that in Chinese society, apparent properness is in many cases more important than the reality. Thus, propriety (li) and morality (de), such important concepts in Confucianism, were reduced to the issue of face (mianzi). Sincerity was lost, not to mention spontaneity. This result is a far cry from the original teachings of Confucius.
The de-contextualization of Confucian morality and its application to the ethical challenges of China today We have discussed the historical and cultural context of Confucianism and provided a critique of Confucian morality. We now turn to how Confucianism can be used to address China’s current business ethics challenges. As we will explain, this requires the de-contextualization of Confucian morality from its original background. By this process of de-contextualization, we intend to detach Confucian moral concepts from the adverse effects that they came to have and the limitations they incur when they are associated with the familial morals of Confucius’s time, an association which was exploited by the imperial rulers to strengthen the hierarchical order to their advantage, and which is contrary to modern concepts of civil society. If this de-contextualization is not done, there could be serious side effects in any attempt to apply Confucianism today. To augment this de-contextualization process, we provide two practical means by which Confucianism can be made relevant today: the introduction of codified ethics and a clear focus on individual behavior. Only when the full context of Confucian morality is understood, can the need for decontextualization be seen. While we agree with Chan (2008: 355) that the Bconcepts of moral cultivation and moral leadership are arguably vital pillars in Business Ethics education^, we must be wary of the danger of making morality the only criterion for legitimacy to power, given the abuse of that power by China’s historical rulers. If they are to be compatible with the universal values that pertain to global business activity, the Confucian concepts of ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin need to be elucidated. Ren can still be cherished as the highest goal in morality and self-perfection but needs to be directed to the Blove of all people^ rather than to Bparticularistic concerns.^ In the Analects, Zengzi, a disciple of Confucius, summarized the essence of Confucian values in two words, zhong (忠) and shu (恕). Zhong may be translated as loyalty or sincerity. However, it can also be defined as integrity, in the way that Zhu Xi, the 12th century Confucian philosopher, interpreted zhong as loyalty to oneself. Integrity is a fundamental concept in ethics but is sometimes degraded to pretense, especially when morality is the consequence of external pressures rather than cultivated sentiments emanating from individuals themselves. Shu means empathy in the sense of, BDo not do to others what you would not like yourself^ (Confucius, 1999 125). Both zhong and shu can provide very rich explanations of ren as a fundamental principle in business ethics as neither of them bears any particularistic voice. Although Confucius did not talk about individualism, he never downplayed the importance of the individual.
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After all, moral pursuit is a personal act. He said that the practice of ren depends solely on the self and Bcannot be got from others^ (Confucius, 1999: 125). In this way, ren will inculcate caring, empathy and moral perfection of the self, instead of particularistic measures of closeness. Yi as a concept for doing what is right needs to be backed up with simple and clear guidelines and criteria for what are right actions in business. The generality of this concept allows it to easily be connoted to embrace globally accepted ways of conducting business. Li can exert its function of promoting proper conduct in three ways. First, the rules of reciprocity and mutual respect can still be guiding principles in business behavior. Second, the role of li as unwritten law regulating civil affairs for thousands of years makes it a suitable device for promoting business ethics and enforcing business law. Third, as an expression of ren, it can help to internalize ethical business behavior into the moral conscience. A generic concept of wisdom, zhi signifies reasonableness in problem solving. In its application to business, not only can it be related to profound Confucian principles, but it also implies the use of best practices and common sense for making judgments and decisions. Xin has two acceptations. One is trustworthiness as a personal virtue; the other is trust and faith in society. Confucius said, Ba people that no longer trusts its rulers (wuxin) is lost indeed^ (1999: 129). Although trustworthiness is much emphasized by Confucianism, Chinese society is characterized by a lack of trust. There are multiple reasons for the present lack of trust: the Cultural Revolution, which destroyed the old culture, especially Confucianism, and damaged interpersonal trust in the Bclass struggle^; huge social transitions resulting from industrialization and urbanization, which shook the foundations of the traditional society; and multiple and conflicting value systems, which made people confused. But particularistic and familial Confucian morality also plays a role; as Fukuyama (1995: 29) observed, Bthe essence of Chinese Confucianism is the elevation of family bonds above all other social loyalties.^ The basis of trust in China is personalized, in contrast to the West where it is strongly impersonalized (Li, 2008). Although mature trust can be developed in China that is relationship-oriented, affect-based, and reinforced by reciprocal interactions, the particularistic nature of this type of trust is not a good match for globalized economic activities, in which the participants are very likely to be total strangers. When Fukuyama discusses the negative effect of the destruction of civil society in the former Soviet Union, he notes that the Bironic consequence of a doctrine designed to eliminate human selfishness was that people were made more selfish^ (1995: 55). In China, while family and wider relationships play important roles in trust building in society, the underdeveloped legal and institutional system makes trustfulness difficult, even risky, especially among strangers. Thus, though Confucianism advocates trustworthiness, there is nevertheless a lack of trust. While we agree that under the influence of globalization there will be Ba gradual integration across cultures^ and a Bconvergence of their associated trust forms and trust bases^ (Li, 2008: 418), we consider that the first step to building trust in China is to downplay the imperativeness of personalized trust and make people’s behavior more predictable by establishing and strengthening institutional rules.
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Only when particularism, subjectivity and inequality are cleared away from ren, yi, li, zhi, and xin, can these Confucian morals be used as the basis for ethical behavior in business in contemporary China. Overarching all of this, it is critical that morality is disassociated with politics, thus breaking a major flaw in the way that it operated in its original Confucian context. And, as we explained above, Confucianism always possesses the potential to be reinterpreted. In practical terms, we believe that Confucianism can be made relevant to China’s present ethical malaise in two ways: first, by the adoption of a set of codified rules that set out unambiguously expected standards of behavior; and second, by focusing on the application of Confucianism at the level of individual behavior.
Codified rules Confucius lived in a patriarchal society, in which blood ties, the extended family and the wider clan was the core of the social structure. According to his philosophy, love and respect (qin qin, zun zun 亲,尊尊) were expected to serve as the guiding principles both for the family and the state. Morality was to be the source of power, and have strong significance in political life. The imperial rulers—the sons of heaven—were expected to rule by moral example. In this sense, virtue ethics trumped rule-based ethics. However, the introduction of a basic code of business ethics is both a much easier to follow and therefore more practical moral approach than the lofty ideas of Confucius, and, as such, is a useful appendage to and extension of Confucian morality based on virtue. It implies detachment from the all-encompassing rules of morality in traditional Chinese culture, especially professed moral superiority as an entitlement to power. In particular, it detaches ren from particularism, yi from subjectivity, and li (propriety) from hierarchical order, thus serving as a simple and effective means of decontextualization. In order to yield the optimum result, morality needs to be coupled with clearly defined rules and regulations—laws, in the broadest sense. To rely solely on the moral conscience of individuals in business conduct, especially in situations where the decisions they must make involve ethical issues, is clearly a dangerous and irresponsible approach. As Jones (1991) pointed out, an ethical decision is one that is both legally and morally acceptable to society. Furthermore, it must be recognized that there is always the possibility for Bvalues in use^ to be misaligned with Bespoused values^ (Argyris & Schon, 1995); some (e.g., Hua, 2011) argue that contemporary China is particularly prone to this problem. Though codified law can make clear expectations about behavior and has made considerable advances (Chen, 2008), it is ineffectual without enforcement (Liu, 2010). To reiterate an earlier comment, it will require much more than the mere invoking of Confucian moral concepts to cure the current problems in business ethics in China. In a particularistic culture such as China, it is not easy to have people abide by rules. Yet without rules, or if the rules are not seriously applied and strictly followed, there will not be a fair game. In business ethics, rules prescribe the bottom-line. So, for example, contracts need to be respected, cheating and piracy should not be tolerated. When considering the potential threat of the precepts of hierarchy and particularism inherent in Confucianism, objective rules seem even more pressing for a reliable
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business environment. The seemingly lofty moral standards in Confucian practices always leave people helpless when facing moral dilemmas. The good judgment required by Confucius and Mencius for gentlemen sets a high demand for moral competence and may well throw an unready soul into a mental struggle that could easily turn the liberty derived from moral superiority to a decision based on pure subjectivity. It also gives people who engage in unethical conduct a thousand and one excuses not to do what is right. Though Confucius was not a supporter of a strict reward and punishment system, it may be argued that an institutional system that provides external reinforcement can go hand in hand with Confucian morality. While for more than two thousand years many Chinese rulers and intellectuals condemned the Legalist School for its alleged cruelty and proclaimed their faith in Confucianism, in practice stringent Legalist measures were always tools for the imperial power. Objectively speaking, there is no irreconcilable conflict between Confucianism and Legalism. Xunzi effectively incorporated Legalist ideas into his theory and emphasized the importance of both li (propriety) and fa (law 法). In fact, Hanfeizi and Li Si, two prominent Legalists, were both his students. The real problem was that the approach of yang ru yin fa (阳儒阴法)— Confucian in appearance and Legalist in practice—adopted by the Chinese emperors undermined the moral credibility of these supposedly benevolent and saint-like rulers. When the banner of Confucian morality only served as a cover to shield the cruelty and prop up the legitimacy of the emperors, the combination of morality and law caused mutual harm and resulted in the loss of faith in both of them. The claim of moral superiority and authority over others gave Chinese despots de facto theocratic power. Unlike religion, however, the moral power of Confucianism is more vulnerable to challenge due to the blemishes of those in power. Just as importantly, the level of morality of the rulers inevitably affected the morality of the whole nation. Confucius said, BThe essence of the gentleman is that of wind; the essence of small people is that of grass. And when a wind passes over the grass, it cannot choose but bend^ (1999: 133). When the moral perfection of the rulers is drawn into question, morality is much less enforceable than laws and regulations. For the same reason, to improve business ethics in contemporary China, the development of codified rules is an essential first step. Only when people in business comply with basic rules of ethical behavior can there be a solid foundation for higher moral requirements. This can be construed as a continuation of Xunzi’s work of associating li with fa. Based on the wisdom of yinyang balance (Li, 2012), morals and law can be positively combined, in contrast to the political artifice of yang ru yin fa. Law, which is rigid, explicit, universal, and external, exercises the function of yang; morals, which are personal and internal, function with the softness of yin. The two can enhance each other when they are freed from the political context of yang ru yin fa.
Individual level The role of the individual is another aspect that needs consideration in the context of Confucian culture. The individual in the context of business ethics today is very different from the role that person had as a member of a collective in traditional culture. It must be understood that collectivism in China has always meant something different
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to collectivism in other cultures (Nakamura, 1964). Whereas in Japan, for example, collectivism has been associated with attachments to educational and work institutions (Nakane, 1973), in China collectivism is based on the prototype of the family. On this basis, it has been argued (Yi, 2005) that the macro social structure is more akin to community than to society. This is why, it is said, Chinese lack the public spirit that is an essential requirement of a civil society. The particularistic perspective that pervades relationships in China always leads to questions of Bwho you are^ and Bwhat you are,^ and Bin what relationship we are,^ all of which can easily lead to favoritism, cronyism and nepotism. Confucian moral concepts have influenced China for more than two thousand years. They are still important sources of moral inspiration today, especially under an atheist government. However, just as religious faith is a personal issue, it can be argued that it is better to focus on instilling Confucian morality at an individual level. While Confucian morality has deep roots in Chinese culture and serves a powerful moral foundation for sincere believers, if it is adopted at an institutional level, there can be potential threats. First, because morality is centered on achieving unlimited heights of self-perfection, it can only be embedded in institutions through individual behavior (issues canvassed well in Trevino & Weaver, 2003). The mix of morality with politics and power has been a major problem associated with Confucianism throughout its history. The paternalistic management style of many Chinese companies (Wu & Xu, 2012) is also prone to abuse, resulting in accusations of hypocrisy and a loss of organizational integrity. Thus, while Confucian morality is exalted on personal level, it might have a damaging effect when handled improperly at the organizational or institutional level. The method of changing the environment by changing oneself is a good approach, following the order elaborated in the Confucian classic Daxue (Great Learning) (2006): from the self to the family, from the family to the state, and eventually to all under heaven. Second, the collective nature of the culture in China lives in tension with the need for individual responsibility. In the past, a person was the Bsum of his relationships^ or Ba knot on the net of relationships^ (Cua, 2012; Wang, 2007). Even today, Chinese employees tend to evade personal responsibility and avoid acting independently (Ho, 1976). In the Confucian tradition, the cultivation of an ethical individual leads to that person taking personal responsibility and becoming truly reliable. In terms of business ethics, individuals are the subjects of duties. Individuals make decisions, ethical or unethical. Any attempt to avoid personal responsibility is potentially very harmful. The practice of ethical behavior at the individual level can find a useful underpinning in the Confucian concept of zhong and shu, and junzi—gentleman—with all of the moral traits that implies. Last but not least, society is composed of individual human beings. At a time of ethical crisis, to uplift the moral standards of the individual using the approach of Confucius is likely to be much more reliable than any top-down campaign for ethical improvements. Saying this, however, we need to understand that the pre-conditions for ethical decision-making at the level of the individual are complex and issue-contingent (Jones, 1991). First and foremost, the individual must recognize that, in the situation they are facing, a moral issue exists (Jones, 1991: 391). As Leung, Liu, and Liu (2009) showed in the Chinese context, the moral intentions of individuals are significantly
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impacted by whether they reason according to a Blegislative schema^ (conforming to established social practices, rules and regulations) or an Begoistic schema^ (where moral reasoning is instrumentally oriented towards fulfilling one’s desires). Underscoring our argument in the previous section of this paper about codified ethics, they point out that B…the legislative schema is the precursor of the formation of moral behavior^ (Leung et al., 2009: 19). Those caveats accepted, our central point is that an emphasis on applying Confucian morality at the individual level can free it from its original context of familial collectivism and the socio-political adversity with which it came to be associated. Overall, the two practical approaches we introduced above—developing codified rules and placing emphasis on the individual—can help serve in the de-contextualization and rejuvenation of Confucianism. Although we put contextualization and de-contextualization in sequential order in our paper, the two processes are closely related to each other rather than isolated from or opposed to each other. Contextualization serves the purpose of, and is a necessary condition for, de-contextualization; and de-contextualization actually represents the start of a re-contextualization process that fits Confucian morality to the present context of business in China. In that sense, the process is itself a good demonstration of the harmony and dynamics of yin-yang thinking (Li, 2012). Given the richness of the meanings of Confucian concepts, in different situations and for different purposes the contextualization process can be conducted with different focuses. To better address emerging issues, the de-contextualization/re-contextualization process can also be oriented to different directions. Just as the typical diagrammatic depiction of yin-yang shows that there is the seed of yin inside the domain of yang, and vice versa, there is a reciprocal link between the two interdependent processes of contextualization and de-contextualization. In the broader process of evolution, each of them provides momentum and direction for the development of the other.
Conclusions More than any other school of thought in ancient China, Confucianism emphasized the importance of morality. As a subset of morality, business ethics cannot be detached from the overall moral concepts of a society. However, business ethics is focused on practical issues and must be capable of being applied. As Robinson and Zhou (2008: 25) have also pointed out, the context in which they will be applied is also critical: BVirtue ethics cannot provide absolute guidelines to individuals and communities, because of cultural differences and the process of adaptation…The lack of clear guidelines gave rise to more prescriptive forms of normative ethics.^ Similarly, any discussion concerning the application of Confucian morality to business ethics today must be approached with caution. Our argument in this regard is straightforward: Confucian concepts can be a useful supplement to a properly established institutional system. Just as Nakajima (1994) argued that once economic takeoff has begun, Confucian culture can enhance it, Confucianism can exert a positive influence on society today provided the social institutions and political system are appropriately constituted.
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Ip (2009a: 220) has argued that, as an emerging economy, China is not ready for the imposition of strict codes of ethical conduct and that codes and norms copied from the West may Bcreate standards too high for China to follow, thus rendering the codes ineffective.^ We take a contrary view, that it is Confucian morals that set a higher standard: Confucian morality demands moral standards for gentlemen that are much more difficult to achieve than ethical codes and norms formulated on the basis of rational and practical principles. Many codes of ethics used around the world echo traditional business ethics and practices in China, such as tongsouwuqi (童叟无欺 no cheating of clients, no matter an old man or a small child), huozhenjiashi (货真价实 selling the real commodity at a real price) and qin xiongdi, ming suanzhang (亲兄弟明算 账 even blood brothers need to square their accounts). But were considered basic requirements for businessmen in China, supposedly to be followed without much effort, and not setting standards that were too high. At a more pragmatic level, after China entered the World Trade Organization and emerged as a global economic power, it became imperative that she abides by universal rules. Indeed, it is in China’s interests to do so, as she is now facing the same issues as the more developed countries such as intellectual property rights and corporate social responsibility (Cheung, 2009; Graafland & Zhang, 2014). There is no excuse for and no sense in rejecting codes and norms which have proven beneficial to business and the economy elsewhere. In short, Confucianism, then, can be used to enhance business ethics rather than as an excuse for evading simple, accepted and natural moral duties in business. A number of studies have investigated the application of Confucian notions of morality outside China. While some of them have been in Chinese-derivative societies (most notably, Japan and Korea), they have also included Western countries. Interestingly, Confucian morality has been warmly received in the context of developing personal relationships and interpersonal trust, seeking means for achieving consensus and harmony, yielding of the self to the organization, and moral leadership. Ironically, Confucian ideals failed to be realized in China due to the lack of an institutional structure amicable to it. While the Western capitalist market system might be characterized by Drucker (2002) as myopic, Bidolizing economics as the be-all and end-all of life,^ it nevertheless may provide an institutional foundation for the best performance of Confucianism. It could be that the cultural differences between the West and China serve as a natural filter, de-contextualizing Confucian concepts so as they can be quoted and applied out of context and free of cultural and historical burden. On the other hand, in China, Confucianism comes with the heavy burden of imperial history. Many of its adverse effects are still at work in contemporary China. Thus, a process of de-contextualizing Confucianism from them is needed and an objective codified system, though seemingly foreign and rigid, may be very helpful in paving the road for the rejuvenation of Confucianism in China itself. There is a Chinese saying, ta shan zhi shi, ke yi gong yu (他山之石,可以攻玉), which may be translated as BThe rocks from yonder mountain can be used to polish the jade at home.^ It is, perhaps, not too idealistic to think that both the West and China can find something of what is needed to treat their ethical malaise from the other side. For just as Drucker (2002: 149–150) said, B…whole dimensions of what it means to be a human being and treated as one are not incorporated into the economic calculus of capitalism,^ so, too, what China needs is an institutional system based on rule of law.
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As China industrializes, modernizes, and internationalizes, several different value systems are brought into competition: the espoused Communist values of the political system, the raw capitalism of the business sector and the traditional values of Confucianism, creating a highly ambiguous situation for managers (Yang & Stening, 2013). Further, given its growing economic, political and military might, the country is endeavoring to find its place on the world stage (Abrami, Kirby, & McFarlan, 2014). On an organizational level, China needs to establish the institutional foundation of a market economy that characterizes Western countries. On the other hand, Confucianism, as a major cultural resource and a historical legacy, has the capacity to exert new effects in the new context, especially in helping to resolve much of the social malaise that is beginning to affect the country. For these reasons, the field of business ethics is the right place for the different value systems to meet. Furthermore, business ethics is closely related to a wider set of concepts and norms that are crucial to the smooth functioning of a market economy, such as intellectual property rights, contracts, corporate governance, professionalism, the concept of conflicting interests, corporate social responsibility, and so on. The development of business ethics that embody both Western concepts and traditional Chinese culture can, therefore, be regarded as an exemplar for the development of corporate China and, using the same logic, a touchstone for China’s modernization. In this sense, it could be at the forefront of Chen’s (2014) call for ambiculturalism, integrating Chinese philosophy and Western social sciences, and a pre-step for building geocentric frameworks of organization and trust (Li, 1998, 2008). Our intention in this paper has been to explore the role that Confucianism can play in helping resolve China’s current ethical dilemmas. The task now is to have a concerted effort to achieve the potential that Confucianism has to do this. In the Chinese context, it is tempting to think that the most effective way forward would be for Confucian values to receive the endorsement of the most senior political leaders; indeed, Xi Jinping has already done this on a number of occasions since becoming President (Gardels, 2014). No doubt, there are a number of ways in which such leaders, and the government as a whole, can play an important part in creating the foundations on which a more ethical society can be built. First and foremost, both political leaders and government officials can be expected act as role models of moral behavior, behaving in the manner that Confucius expected governments to behave. The determined and sustained crackdown on corruption at all levels of government under Xi Jinping— aimed at Bcatching tigers as well as flies^—is a serious move in this direction (Deutsche Welle, 2015), as are stated intentions to improve the rule of law (Economist, 2014). While this top-down support is important in setting high moral standards, care should be taken, however, to ensure that Confucianism is kept separate from politics per se, lest it fall victim to the same negative forces that afflicted it for hundreds of years under imperial rule. As we have consistently argued throughout this paper, if Confucianism is to be made relevant to China’s contemporary ethical challenges, it must take hold at the level of individual behavior—not through what de Bary (1991) described as Blip service^ to what is decreed from above, but through widespread recognition that by following Confucian principles, society will operate more harmoniously, fairly, and efficiently. It would be naïve to believe that this can occur quickly or easily, though there are signs that increasing numbers of Chinese are seeking non-material fulfillment (Wall Street Journal, 2015) and that there is interest in Confucianism at many levels in
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Chinese society (Bell, 2010). At the most fundamental level, education is required, of various types. Based on the argument we have presented in this paper, it is critical that Confucianism is not presented as the old values but that, instead, consciousness is raised of the reinterpreted five key Confucian concepts—in other words, that decontextualization is undertaken. Using these re-interpreted concepts, Confucianism can be reinstated without the adverse effects with which it became associated. Academic writings on the subject—written for popular media as well as academic journals—have a serious responsibility here, in raising people’s consciousness that Confucianism need not have particularistic, unequal connotations. The task is not just one for philosophers but, crucially, for business educators. As in many Western countries, ethics should be a core course in business degrees, especially MBAs; there is a long way to go in this regard (Bastin, 2015). Enforceable and enforced business codes should also be introduced and popularized. The process of making Confucianism relevant to China’s contemporary ethical problems should start right away—the challenges are large and urgent. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the Guest Editor, two anonymous reviewers and Yves Stening for their valuable comments on this paper.
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