The Cultural Negotiations of Korean Immigrant Youth

The Cultural Negotiations of Korean Immigrant Youth Christine J. Yeh, Pei-Wen Ma, Anvita Madan-Bahel, Carla D. Hunter, Sunna Jung, Angela B. Kim, Kyoko Akitaya, and Kiyoko Sasaki The authors investigated the process of cultural adjustment among 13 Korean immigrant youths using consensual qualitative research (C. E. Hill, B. J. Thompson, & E. N. Williams, 1997). Results indicate that Korean youth are expected to negotiate and shift their identities to meet differing expectations across various interpersonal contexts. Participants also report struggling to balance “American” and “Korean” cultural values and norms and to use social support networks, such as family and friends, to deal with the stress of acculturation.

Korean Americans are one of the fastest growing Asian American ethnic groups (Hurh, 1998; U.S. Census Bureau, 2000) with more than 1 million (1,076,872) Korean Americans in the United States. Because the majority of Korean Americans immigrated to the United States with their families after the Immigration Act of 1965 was passed (Hurh, 1998), this community is mainly composed of first-generation immigrants and their children (known as the “1.5 generation Korean Americans”) who were born in Korea and educated in the United States (Hong & Min, 1999). The major reasons for their immigration to the United States were to seek a better life, to pursue a good education for their children, and to be reunited with family members (Hurh, 1998; S. C. Kim, 1997). Because of the increasing demographics of this group and the fact that most are 1.5 generation, this study seeks to explore the cultural adjustment process for Korean immigrant youth living in the United States. Immigration can be a difficult and painful experience for many people (Segal, 1991). Immigrants move to a new culture with ingrained values and roles from their culture of origin (Segal, 1991) that may conflict with the values of the new culture or environment on several levels, such as interpersonal relationships, language, social mores, and role expectations (Padilla, Wagatsuma, & Lindholm, 1985). Many theorists have defined this process of adapting to a new culture as acculturation (Birman, 1994; Rogler, Cortes, & Malgady, 1991). The process of acculturation has been closely associated with stressful life experiences such as feeling a loss of control, feeling helpless, having less self-confidence (Torbiorn, 1982), experiencing role conflicts (Naditch & Morissey, 1976), verbal and nonverbal communication barriers (Dyal & Dyal, 1981), emotional difficulties due to personality

types (Padilla et al., 1985), and encountering unfamiliar behavioral norms. Moreover, intergenerational problems and other adjustment difficulties have been found within families when two sets of value systems coexist (M. Chiu, Feldman, & Rosenthal, 1992; Sam, 2000). Discrepancies in role expectations between the two social systems may create conflict, and, as a result, immigrants may feel pressure to choose one set of norms. Previous research on acculturation has been based on the experiences of adults, and much of this research does not take into account the experience of children or adolescents (Sam, 2000). The problems of self-concept, identity conflicts, and generational conflicts with parents are typical issues confronting adolescents, and relocation seems to exacerbate these normal developmental conflicts (Ho, 1992). Despite wide-ranging research on acculturation, there is limited research specifically on Asian immigrants due to the “model minority” stereotype, which leads to the perception that Asian immigrants have no or few emotional or adaptive problems (Y.-W. Chiu & Ring, 1998). However, studies with Asian immigrant samples have revealed that this population has serious developmental, social, and emotional difficulties (E. Lee, 1996; S. Sue, Sue, Sue, & Takeuchi, 1995). The model minority stereotype is also criticized because it is based on the incorrect assumption that Asians are a homogenous group (Y.-W. Chiu & Ring, 1998; A. B. Kim & Yeh, 2002). On the contrary, Asians are a diverse group and differ in their origin, language, culture, socioeconomic status, educational attainment, and immigrant experience (Y.-W. Chiu & Ring, 1998; Ho, 1992). Specifically, Alvarez, Kohatsu, Liu, and Yeh (1996) suggested that race and ethnicity play important parts in the

Christine J. Yeh, Pei-Wen Ma, Anvita Madan-Bahel, Carla D. Hunter, Sunna Jung, and Angela B. Kim, all in the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, Teachers College, Columbia University. Kyoko Akitaya and Kiyoko Sasaki, private practice, Japan. Kyoko Akitaya is now in Bogata, Columbia. The authors thank Mona Shih, Jennifer Weiner, Michelle Jhun, Lisa Chin, and Lillian Chiang, for their excellent assistance with this project. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Christine J. Yeh, Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 West 120th Street, New York, NY 10027 (e-mail: [email protected]). © 2005 by the American Counseling Association. All rights reserved. pp. 172–182

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identity development and acculturation process of Asian Americans. Although in the past there has been extensive research done and many theories proposed on ethnic identity development, later theorists have suggested that earlier theories did not present a true picture of the malleable and dynamic nature of ethnic identity (Yeh & Hwang, 2000). More recently, theorists have suggested that ethnic identity is multidimensional (Phinney, 1996), dynamic (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1990), and relational (Rosenthal & Hrynevich, 1985) and that it might change according to social contexts (Yeh & Huang, 1996), family interactions, and geographic location (Yeh & Huang, 1996). Understanding the process of migration and adaptation for Korean immigrant youth is of particular interest for many reasons. Specifically, in addition to coping with the difficulties of language and cultural adjustment, Korean Americans must also deal with challenges in establishing familial roles and patterns (S. C. Kim, 1997). Traditional gender roles and power relationships change as financial need requires that women work outside of the home (Gim Chung, 2001, Pyke, 2000). In addition, conflicts and lack of communication arise as children assimilate into a new culture and acquire English fluency faster than their parents (Gim Chung, 2001; Ishii-Kuntz, 1997; K. C. Kim, Hurh, & Kim, 1993). Korean American children are caught between two different cultures, each with its own expectations and roles. While trying to assimilate into U.S. culture, they are expected to maintain their Korean heritage (K. Park, 1999). Yet, they are also challenged to choose, juggle, and manage the competing demands and values of American individuality and independence. A study by R. M. Lee, Falbo, Doh, and Park (2001) measuring ethnic identity of Koreans in the United States and in China found that Korean Americans are more likely to be bicultural (able to retain their Korean heritage and identity while integrating aspects of American culture into their identity and lifestyle). In the process of attempting to balance the two different cultures, Korean Americans may experience internal and external conflicts. In a study by Gim Chung (2001), Korean American college students along with Southeast Asian Americans, ranging in age from 17 to 30 years, reported more conflicts regarding family interactions, educational and career concerns, and dating and marriage issues than did Japanese, Chinese, or Filipino Americans. In addition, a study by Nakashima and Wong (2000) revealed that alcohol misuse does occur among Korean American adolescents. Contrary to the model minority stereotypes, these studies indicated that Korean Americans do experience emotional, familial, and social problems. However, researchers (Atkinson, Whiteley, & Gim, 1990) have also reported that Korean Americans underuse mainstream mental health services. As a method of dealing with their acculturative distress, it is reported that Korean Americans seek emotional and


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social support from the church (Bjorck, Cuthbertson, Thurman, & Lee, 2001; Chong, 1998; H-S. Park, Murgatroyd, Raynock, & Spillett, 1998). According to Hurh (1998), Korean Americans’ church involvement is greater than that of any other Asian immigrant group. H-S. Park et al. (1998) found that low depressive symptoms of Korean Americans were related to their high intrinsic religious orientation. Chong (1998) reported that the Protestant churches help construct and maintain ethnic identity among second generation Korean Americans through the churches’ transmission of Korean culture and through a set of core traditional Korean values that are “legitimized and sacralized through their identification with conservative Christian morality and worldview” (p. 259). The studies just described support the need for further understanding of and research on the growing population of Korean immigrants in the United States. Despite the rapid increase of this population and recognition that they have cultural adjustment issues (Gim Chung, 2001; Hurh, 1998), studies on the acculturative process and mental health concerns of Korean Americans are limited. Hence, this study seeks to describe the experiences of Korean immigrant youths as they negotiate, or come to terms with, adjusting to a new cultural setting. We are especially interested in their experiences with various relationships (e.g., family, school staff, peers) and their perceptions of identity during this acculturation process. It is hoped that the current qualitative study contributes to revealing specific mental health issues, acculturative distresses, and coping/help-seeking behaviors of Korean American youth so that mental health and other helping professionals might better serve their social, academic, and emotional needs.

Qualitative Research Qualitative research methods offer a unique way of exploring complex phenomena. Researchers are able to investigate ideas in their natural context, and participants are able to provide a wider range of reactions while adding to the depth and richness of the data. Qualitative research may be understood as an avenue that allows one to identify and study important new variables and hypotheses. Researchers have the flexibility to adapt their ideas as the data emerge prompting new questions (Heppner, Kivlighan, & Wampold, 1999; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). Counseling psychologists have been promoting the increased use of qualitative methodology, in particular consensual qualitative research (CQR; Hill et al., 1997), and recommending the use of more qualitative methods in studying ethnic minority experiences (B. S. K. Kim, Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003). One of the central issues of qualitative methodology is the method by which data are analyzed and presented. In the current study, interview data were analyzed using CQR (Hill et al., 1997). CQR is a widely used, well-tested, and extremely

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reliable method to code and analyze data from in-depth interviews (Hayes et al., 1997; Hill, Nutt-Williams, Heaton, Thompson, & Rhodes, 1996; Hill et al., 1997; Knox, Hess, Petersen, & Hill, 1997; Ladany et al., 1997; Rhodes, Hill, Thompson, & Elliott, 1994; Williams, Judge, Hill, & Hoffman, 1997). CQR complements traditional qualitative research. For example, CQR seeks data from natural settings (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992), represents reality through the eyes of the participant (Henwood & Pidgeon, 1992), assumes that experience is multidimensional (Stiles, 1993), and is influenced by grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). The main focus of CQR is the notion of consensus. Hence, a group of researchers must collaborate to construct a shared understanding of the stated phenomenon. This requires compromise, patience, and an openness to new perspectives. Hill et al. (1997) explained that CQR makes use of multiple perspectives working together in a systematic way to reach consensus regarding how results are represented both across and within cases. Hence, we used CQR to gain an in-depth understanding of Korean immigrant youths’ experiences with negotiating a new cultural environment.

Measure

Method Participants Thirteen Korean immigrant youths (born in Korea, immigrated to the United States) from a large metropolitan area in the Northeast were the participants in this study. We determined the sample size based on recommendations that “less is more” (McCracken, 1988, p. 17), with 13 being within the suggested ideal range of 8 to 15 participants (Hill et al., 1997). This number of participants is also comparable to that of other published studies using CQR with ethnic minority populations (Juntunen, Barraclough, Broneck, & Seibel, 2001; B. S. K. Kim et al., 2003). In qualitative research, having a large number of participants is not as important as having each participant contribute to the development of strong theoretical knowledge. Participants were recruited from a local junior high/high school. Three of the participants were male and 10 were female. The mean age of the sample was 13.92 years (SD = 1.8), and the ages ranged from 11 to 17 years. The mean age at the time the participant immigrated to the United States was 5.23 years (SD = 2.9), with a range from 1 to 10 years. All of the participants (N = 13) were identified as middle class. All participants came from intact families with married parents. Researchers In CQR, a research group meets regularly to discuss the data and reach consensus about common domains (Hill et al., 1997). The primary research team for this study (the authors of this article) included two Chinese Americans, two Korean Americans, two Japanese Americans, and one South Asian American, and one Caribbean American. All were female

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students in counseling psychology at the master’s or doctoral level. Six of the researchers were born in another country and immigrated to the United States. Before collecting the data, the primary research team members noted their biases, expectations, and assumptions regarding the possible findings. We discussed these biases to allow us to be more aware of how they might affect the data analysis (Hill et al., 1997). Biases included believing that participants might not feel open to sharing difficult experiences related to coming into a new cultural context because many of the researchers perceived Asian youth to be private about discussing difficult topics. Another bias included the expectation of intergenerational family conflict because some of the researchers had that experience in their own lives. The researchers who had emigrated from another country as youth, in particular, believed that their experiences of adjusting to U.S. culture might influence their interpretations of the findings. In addition to some of these common biases, all of the researchers reported expectations about the topic and all were interested in learning more about this group of Korean immigrants.

The semistructured interview was selected as the primary method of inquiry due to the depth of data this format can yield and the importance of exploring each participant’s own perspectives of his or her experiences with adjusting to life in the United States. The semistructured nature of the interview protocol allowed for further exploratory probing and questioning when necessary (Hill et al., 1997). The interview questions explored participants’ thoughts and reactions to immigrating to the United States; their perceptions of how immigration has affected them in differing domains such as family, school, and friendships; their experiences with cultural differences; and who they turn to or what they do to cope with stress. The interview questions were open-ended (McCracken, 1988), to ensure that participants would respond in a manner that matched their experiences, and the interview was conducted with a method of inquiry that has been used with the Korean population in other published studies that investigated cultural differences (e.g., Pang, 1998). The interview questions were developed based on our review of the literature on cultural adjustment (M. Chiu et al., 1992; Padilla et al., 1985; K. Park, 1999; Sam, 2000), ethnic identity (Alvarez et al., 1996; Phinney, 1996; Yeh & Huang, 1996; Yeh & Hwang, 2000), coping (Bjorck et al., 2001; Nakashima & Wong, 2000; Yeh & Wang, 2000), and mental health (E. Lee, 1996; S. Sue et al., 1995). Finally, the interview questions were divided into nine areas: (a) background information, which disclosed participants’ current age, age at immigration, grade level in school, with whom and where they currently reside; (b) reasons for, and expectations of, immigrating that were shared with them by family members; (c) perceived physical and cultural differences


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between the United States and Korea; (d) the experiences of immigrating to and living in the United States related to their relationships with family members, friends, and teachers; (e) experiences with race and ethnicity among their peers and teachers; (f) the use of English and the Korean language as an expression of ethnicity and for communication; (g) how cultural contexts are negotiated and the experience of conflicts between American and Korean cultural patterns; (h) experiences at school and expectations with teachers and other students based on the participant’s race and ethnicity; and (i) sources of social support. In addition, interviewers were encouraged to ask follow-up questions to further probe participants to clarify any ambiguities in the responses. Procedure CQR procedures described in Hill et al. (1997) were followed in this research project. Participants were recruited using posted flyers at a local school, with a large Asian population, and through announcements made to students by teachers and staff (school counselors). Based on the recommendation of school staff, announcements were also made at a local church that most of the Korean immigrant students attended. After 22 students expressed their interest in our project, teachers and staff (school counselors) were asked to “nominate” students from this list (because we only needed 8 to 15 students). Specifically, teacher/staff nominations have been used in previous research to identify participants for research and services (Ollendick, Greene, Weist, & Oswald, 1990). For example, Ollendick et al. found that teacher nominations provided accurate identification and selection of desired research participants. Other studies have used teacher/ staff nominations to select students from a larger pool of potential participants. In our study, teacher/staff nominations were used to select students who met our criteria and who had experiences relating to our research questions. Our criteria included students who were Korean, first generation (had immigrated to the United States), and spoke either Korean or English fluently. Teachers and staff nominated 16 of the students who were then provided with consent forms for themselves as well as for their parents. Thirteen Korean immigrant youths agreed to participate, and interviews were scheduled and conducted at the school site or at another location convenient for the student. All interviews were done in person. Participants could choose to be interviewed in Korean or in English, with 4 choosing Korean. Participants received a small gift (a gift certificate at a local store) when the interview was completed. A gift was deemed more culturally appropriate than a payment of money because many Asians may feel embarrassed by or guilty about receiving money. One is obligated to accept a gift in Asian culture so as not to offend the giver. We informed participants that the interview would be taped and that all data gathered from the interview would be kept strictly confidential. The interview lasted approximately 60 min-


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utes, including time to debrief each participant. During the interview, only first names were used to protect the identity of the participants. No other identifying features were used. Data Preparation Experienced, bilingual research assistants translated the audiotapes when necessary from Korean to English. These research assistants had received training in translation, and one had worked professionally as a translator. These translations were then back-translated (translated back to Korean from English) and checked for accuracy and consistency (Brislin, 1986). All translations were checked again by the original interviewer to verify that the meanings of the sentences were well represented. In this case, all aspects of the transcriptions and interview were subject to review. All interviews were transcribed verbatim (with the exception of minor phrases such as “uh-huh”). Any identifying features in the transcription were excluded. Moreover, another research assistant checked the transcriptions against the audiotape for accuracy, and then the original interviewer checked the transcription again with the original tape for accuracy. Coding Data Into Domains Procedures for coding and analyzing the data were based on previous research using CQR (for an example, see Ladany et al., 1997) as well as steps described in Hill et al. (1997). From the participants’ responses to the interview questions, we first developed a preliminary “start list” of main topics or domains. Three of the raters from the research team reviewed all of the transcribed interviews independently and placed related data into these domains. Next, the three raters debated the assignment of the data into domains until they reached consensus. For example, information pertaining to changes in family relationships, such as conflict or closeness and parental expectations, were coded into the “family relationships” domain. Previous studies using CQR have reported domains ranging in number from 8 to 15 (Hayes et al., 1997; Hill et al., 1996; Knox et al., 1997; Ladany et al., 1997; Rhodes et al., 1994; Williams et al., 1997). The data resulted in a final list of 11 domains (which are different from the list of interview questions outlined in the Measure section): (a) reasons to immigrate and expectations prior to immigrating, (b) family relationships, (c) linguistics adjustment and usage, (d) peer relationships, (e) discrimination and stereotypes, (f) coping, (g) identity, (h) Korean and U.S. cultural differences, (i) academics, (j) life goals, and (k) adjustment difficulties. Each of the three raters then independently finished coding the data into the domains for all of the transcripts. Finally, they discussed each categorization together until a consensus was reached among them. Next, three new raters (authors of this article) read the raw data within each of the domains and created core ideas (i.e., summary statements). As stated by Ladany et al. (1997), the

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purpose of creating core ideas in CQR is to “capture the content of all the interview data in the domain in a succinct manner” (p. 416). The team of new raters then talked about the core ideas that they developed until a consensus was reached regarding the specific wording of each core idea. Finally, the team of three raters developed a consensus version for each case. Thus, the consensus version for each case consisted of the particular core ideas that had been agreed upon and the attendant interview data within each of the domains. In CQR, after a consensus version is agreed upon, two auditors from the larger research team check the consensus version to make sure that the transcription data were appropriately assigned into the domains. The auditors also check to ensure that the wording of the core ideas is appropriate. The auditors provide independent written feedback to the team of three raters. These raters discuss the auditors’ feedback and reach consensus about which portions of the feedback should be made to the consensus version (Hill et al., 1997). Cross-Analysis In the current study, the same team of three raters then analyzed the data to locate any themes in the responses across the participants within particular domains (cross-analysis). The team created categories by searching for commonalities in the core ideas for each domain across all of the cases. For example, the data in the “adjustment difficulties” domain was divided into two categories: “feels parents experience more difficulty in adjusting to life to the U.S.” (5 cases) and “does not perceive any adjustment difficulties” (3 cases). After all of the categories were created, the three new raters then reevaluated the core ideas and the raw data for each case to ensure that the data pertinent to each category were appropriately coded. When any additional information was found, the team then discussed it until consensus was reached on whether or not to add this new information to the core ideas and corresponding category. According to CQR data analysis procedures (Hill et al., 1997), the cross-analyses must be audited by two outside raters. Two individuals (not authors of this article) who were part of the larger research team, but who had not been involved in developing the categories, served as auditors for the cross-analyses. They independently examined the crossanalyses to ensure that the data were adequately analyzed and provided detailed feedback. Next, the primary team of raters discussed this feedback and reached consensus regarding any required changes. As outlined in Hill et al. (1997), the entire research team discussed all of the results until consensus was reached.

Results Table 1 shows the number of cases fitting each category and subcategory (where applicable) within each domain. On the basis of criteria for CQR, as suggested by Hill et al. (1997),

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TABLE 1 Number of Cases for Categories for Cross-Analysis of 13 Cases for Korean Adolescents’ Cultural Adjustment Number of Cases

Domain and Category/Subcategory

Reasons to immigrate and expectations prior to immigrating Father’s career opportunities Better education and diverse opportunities Expectations about differences Family relationships Cultural expectations impact family relationships Feels pressure to meet parents’ expectations Linguistics adjustment and usage Linguistic shifts Language proficiency concerns Peer relationships Feels close and comfortable with Korean/Asian friends Has close friendship with Korean church friends Discrimination and stereotypes Discriminated against and stereotyped due to physical appearance Koreans prejudiced against African Americans Angry and negative reactions to discrimination Witness family members experiencing racism Coping Does not feel comfortable seeking help from a counselor Utilize social support networks Religious support Friendship Family members Resolve problems on own Preoccupies him/herself with other activities Identity Cultural difference within Korean groups impact identity Has pride in ethnicity Negotiates across cultures Feels caught between American and Korean cultural groups Shifts cultural self Differences between self-perceptions and others’ perceptions Forms friendships regardless of race/ethnicity Cliques at school impact perceptions Religion and Christian outlooks affect self and relationships with others Korean and U.S. cultural differences Korean parents differ because of cultural background Korean school system is perceived to be strict Academics Interest in school subjects depends on personal interests and perceived difficulty Life goals Doing well in school is related to life and family goals Adjustment difficulties Parents experience more difficulty adjusting to life in the U.S. Does not perceive adjustment difficulties

10 6 4 10 7 9 7 11 4 9 4 6 3 8 6 9 7 10 3 6 3 4 9 4 9 3 5 7 5 10 7 6 3

we describe a category as general if it was applicable to all 13 cases, typical if it described 7 to 12 cases, and variant if it was applicable to 3 to 6 cases. Categories that contained


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fewer than 3 cases were dropped and are not described in this study because the cases did not adequately represent findings for our sample of Korean adolescent participants. Reasons to Immigrate and Expectations Prior to Immigrating Participants typically reported that the reasons for immigrating pertained to their father’s career opportunities (e.g., father’s business or educational needs). Participants occasionally reported that they immigrated to obtain a better education and diverse opportunities (e.g., family moved to the United States for participant’s education). Participants occasionally reported that they expected differences in people’s appearance in the United States in comparison to that of people in Korea (e.g., participant needed to adjust to being surrounded by people who are physically different from Koreans). Family Relationships Differing cultural expectations typically affected family relationships (e.g., a participant reported that her parents do not understand her because of cultural differences or she wished that her family would be more “family-like”). In addition, participants typically felt pressure to meet their parents’ expectations (e.g., a participant felt there was a lot of expectation from her parents to do well academically, and another commented that his parents expect him to do well at school, attend an ivy league university, and become a doctor or a lawyer). Linguistics Adjustment and Usage Participants reported that they typically shift between using Korean and English languages (e.g., participant’s friends are all Korean, and she communicates with them in both Korean and English; or another participant speaks Korean with her parents and speaks English at school and church). Even though participants shift languages, they also typically reported that they had concerns about their language proficiency (e.g., one participant speaks both Korean and English but sometimes feels “stupid” not knowing some of the Korean vocabulary). Peer Relationships Participants typically reported feeling close to and comfortable with Korean friends and friends who are Asian (e.g., a participant feels that friendships developed with Korean friends are deeper and more personal, primarily because she feels more comfortable and better understood with Korean friends). A few participants also reported having close friendships with Korean church friends (e.g., participant’s close friends are predominantly Korean and she feels closest to her friends from church). Discrimination and Stereotypes Participants typically reported that they felt discriminated against because of physical appearance (e.g., a participant


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was angry that Korean girls cannot become popular because their physical appearance does not match the typical blond hair and blue eyes of the popular girls). Participants occasionally reported that Koreans were prejudiced against African Americans (e.g., female participant feels that Koreans have more respect for Whites and discriminate against Blacks), that they have angry and negative reactions to being discriminated against (e.g., male participant is angered by racial slurs made by White kids at school and in the mall), and that they have witnessed family members being discriminated against (e.g., male participant’s father was harassed because of his race by a police officer). Coping Regarding seeking help for problems, participants typically reported that they did not feel comfortable seeking help from a counselor (e.g., participant does not feel comfortable sharing his personal problems nor asking for help from his school teachers and guidance counselors) and preferred to solve problems on their own (e.g., one participant would rather deal with problems on her own, or another participant does not really feel comfortable asking for help and would rather deal with personal problems independently because he is expected not to express weaknesses in Korean culture). Participants typically relied on friendships (e.g., participant talks to her friends about her problems) and family members (e.g., participant seeks help from her mother for emotional problems) to cope with problems. Occasionally participants relied on religious support (e.g., participant copes with difficult times by communicating with and receiving advice from church friends). A few participants also reported that they preoccupy themselves with other activities to cope (e.g., participant copes by staying in her room, listening to music, and sometimes might “sleep on it”). Identity Several aspects of participants’ identities emerged within this domain. Participants occasionally reported that cultural differences within Korean groups affect their identity (e.g., participant considers herself as a “twinkie” like her Korean friends, and claims that she does not have any “fresh off the boat” friends but they also indicated pride in ethnicity (e.g., participant feels better because there are more Asian kids at her current school). Participants also seemed to negotiate across, or find a way to deal simultaneously with, both Korean and American cultures, which could be divided into three subcategories. The first subcategory was typical and the other two were variant: (a) participants shift themselves to meet the demands of both cultures (e.g., participant goes back and forth in engaging in various activities specific to Korean and American friends), (b) participants feel caught between American and Korean cultural groups (e.g., participant feels that she is caught between the two groups),

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and (c) participants perceive differences between how they see themselves and how others see them (e.g., participant described himself as a “laid back” person, whereas his family thinks he is “too laid back,” and “lazy”). Participants typically reported that they formed friendships regardless of race and ethnicity (e.g., participant feels open to making friends with all types of people regardless of race). A few participants also reported that cliques at school affect their perceptions (e.g., she hangs out with cliques that share similar clothing style, interest, and music) and that religion and Christianity affect their relationships with others (e.g., participant wants to be a good person, but she feels that hanging out with her friends sometimes gets in the way of trying to become a good person). Korean and U.S. Cultural Differences Typically, participants reported that Korean parents differed because of cultural background (e.g., participant feels that Korean parents are stricter than American parents). A few participants reported that the Korean school system is more strict (e.g., participant perceives he would have a harder time studying in Korea due to Korea’s rigorous educational system). Academics Most participants reported that their interests in school subjects depended on personal interests and perceived difficulty of a specific subject (e.g., participant likes math because it is easy and she is good at it, whereas she dislikes biology because she has to study for it). Life Goals Participants typically reported that doing well in school is related to their life and family goals (e.g., participant also would like to start studying harder not only because of his parents’ expectations but to do well for himself). Adjustment Difficulties Both categories in this domain were variant, which indicated that a few participants perceived that their parents experience more difficulty adjusting to life in the United States (e.g., participant believes that her parents had a harder time adjusting in the United States, but they handle it well) and do not perceive any adjustment difficulties for themselves (e.g., participant did not experience any major difficulties adjusting to culture in the United States).

Discussion The purpose of this study was to understand the adjustment experiences of Korean immigrant youths and the process of how they negotiate various cultural value systems. The results of this study indicated that our participants were often faced with complex issues such as meeting parental expectations; negotiating Korean, Asian, and non-Asian peer rela-

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tionships; and coping with different language usage at home and at school. Internally, these youths struggled to balance within themselves the “American” and “Korean” cultures. Externally, they are faced with expectations from family, school, peers, and church, given that each of these contexts has a different set of values and norms. Even among fellow Korean friends, there is a difference in terms of level of acculturation, which influenced ethnic identity and peer group formation of the youths in this study. On a systemic level, many of our participants have dealt with discrimination from and being labeled with the stereotypes held by peers, teachers, and society, which added another stressor in their adjustment process. Therefore, an important task for these youth is to learn to navigate through, or manage to balance, different values required of them and expectations placed upon them. It appeared that they must also learn to shift their identity by engaging in different activities and behaving differently, depending on the context in which they find themselves. In many instances, shifts in their self-identity were in response to discriminatory acts or negative reactions from others either to their “Korean” or to their “American” identities. For example, being teased about their accent may motivate students to assimilate into a culture faster. To address the complexities of negotiating or dealing with often conflicting cultural contexts, the participants in our study also tended to rely on social support networks such as friends, family, and church to help them cope with difficult circumstances. Our findings also support the idea that the adjustment process is often difficult for immigrant children, especially when their parents transmit cultural values through childrearing practices that might differ from the child-rearing practices in the United States (Sam, 2000). This notion was supported by participants’ awareness of parenting differences between Korean and American families. Furthermore, Segal (1991) found that when one’s parents and peers originate from different cultures, the continuity from one’s home country is shaken and conflict might arise. This conflict in cultures may be one of the reasons that participants reported that differing cultural expectations have a negative impact on family relationships. They reported feeling misunderstood by their parents on several occasions. Our findings are consistent with those published in previous literature, which indicate that Asian immigrant youth are constantly negotiating across or coping with various environments (i.e., school, family, and peer relations), and they often shift their identity and value systems according to the norms of these differing settings (Yeh & Hwang, 2000). Such shifts in identity allow Korean youth to fulfill cultural roles and obligations and maintain social harmony. The results also indicate that Korean youth also negotiate between American and Korean friends, dividing their time between activities that are culturally appropriate for either group. These negotiations continue between school and home, where shifts oc-


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cur on various levels such as language use, cultural values, activities, and even one’s appearance (e.g., ways of dressing). Previously, acculturation theories have been criticized for being linear (Liu, Pope-Davis, Nevitt, & Toporek, 1999; Yeh & Hwang, 2000). More recent theories of the shifting self (Yeh & Hwang, 2000), frame switching (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993), biculturalism (Y. Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martinez, 2000; LaFromboise et al., 1993), and “selfways” (Markus, Mullally, & Kitayama, 1997) have moved toward a more dynamic and contextual definition of self. The experiences of the participants in this study seemed to be more adequately addressed by these theories given that the participants’ ways of being and interacting as individuals in the world reflect movement and adaptation. We briefly discuss the connection between these theories and the findings of our study in the following paragraphs. The category of “negotiates across culture” that emerged in our study under the identity domain supports the idea of the shifting self (Yeh & Hwang, 2000), which allows for multiple ways for the self to be expressed and understood across numerous relational and situational contexts. The shifting self is one’s interpersonal, not individual, responsibility and responds and changes according to various influences such as feeling, relationship, place, time, and social situation (Yeh & Hwang, 2000). Participants of this study shared similar experiences wherein they changed their behavior or language according to the social setting. For example, if they were at school or with school friends they would interact in English, whereas at home they would mostly speak in Korean. Even with their Korean American friends, they would mostly speak in Korean or a mixture of Korean and English. They also perceived a change in their behavior depending on the situation and context. LaFromboise et al. (1993) defined frame switching as individuals shifting between interpretive frames that are rooted in different cultures in response to cues in the social environment. For example frame switching might occur in response to cues such as contexts (home or school) and symbols (language) that are psychologically associated with one culture or the other (Y. Hong et al., 2000). This theory was illustrated in the experiences of the participants in our study, not only socially (as indicated above) but also in their coping styles. Participants seemed to use different avenues of help, depending on the nature of the problem. They mostly kept problems to themselves or turned to their friends, family, or religion for support. In some situations, participants spoke to their mothers and friends from church. Most of the participants stated that they never have and never will visit a counselor. Although identity may be experienced as fluid and dynamic, many Asian youth want to integrate two cultures without feeling any tension (Domanico, Crawford, & Wolfe, 1994) in order to achieve what they believe to be cultural competence. LaFromboise et al. (1993) defined bicultural indi-


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viduals, similarly, as individuals who have internalized two cultures that exist within them together. These cultures may play alternating roles in guiding individuals’ thoughts and feelings (Y. Hong et al., 2000; LaFromboise et al., 1993). Y. Hong et al. (2000) further explained that internalized cultures are not necessarily blended and that absorbing a second culture does not always involve replacing the original culture with the new one. Specifically, Korean youth may acquire more than one meaning system, even if these meaning systems have contradicting messages. That is, individuals may simultaneously possess conflicting or contradictory constructs; however, these constructs may not be able to simultaneously guide cognition. Our findings also challenge the notion that acculturation is a linear process that results in assimilation or in embracing a new culture and way of life. R. M. Lee et al. (2001) found that Korean Americans were more likely to be classified as bicultural than were Koreans or Chinese. Nevertheless, previous research on Korean American children has portrayed them as being overwhelmed with problems of marginality and having a desire to be bicultural, yet being unable to achieve this (B-L. C. Kim, 1980). In previous research, Golden (1990) contended that marginality has been seen as a negative aspect of personality, whereas subsequent theorists have described a well-rounded “marginal person.” Moreover, Golden concluded that acculturation should include another focus besides ethnicity and assimilation, and this focus is biculturalism. Our findings underscore the complexity of the relationship between acculturation and adjustment. Some theorists indicate a positive relationship between acculturation and adjustment (Salgado de Snyder, 1987; Yu & Harburg, 1981), and others indicate a negative one (Sorenson & Goldings, 1988). This dichotomy reflected in the research is also experienced by many bicultural individuals. Some of the participants in our study were comfortable being in their Korean “cliques”; others had a separate set of American friends and a set of Korean friends; some had mostly White friends, and others had a group of friends from different ethnic groups. The common theme undergirding the experiences of our participants was that at some point they felt caught between the American and Korean cultural groups. Moreover, they believed that others perceived them in a way that was very different from their own perceptions of self. These experiences contributed to their feeling as if they had multiple and often contrasting selves. The broad spectrum of research discussed in the preceding paragraphs, together with the findings in the present study, emphasize that the process of cultural adjustment is not static or linear—rather, this process is more dynamic and fluid (Birman, 1994; Sam, 2000; Yeh & Hwang, 2000). Adjustment to a new culture is a highly individualized process that varies not only from group to group but also from person to person (Golden, 1990). Birman concluded that people might need to

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make choices in different situations in order to assimilate into or to separate from the dominant culture. Hence, acculturation theorists should be cautious in suggesting the best way to acculturate and should not judge others negatively for assimilating, especially when their cultural contacts are coercive or oppressive.

Limitations There are several limitations to the current study that should be noted. First, a limitation of this study is the generalizability of the results due to the small sample size. Specifically, we advise against making definitive conclusions based on the 13 youths in our sample. Moreover, there were few categories that emerged from the data analysis that are representative of all cases, which suggests that some of the results may not describe the sample. An additional limitation relates to the self-selection of the participants; in particular, we did not use random sampling given that participants in this study are only those who agreed to an interview with one of our researchers. Youth who are willing to talk about their experiences of coming to a new culture may have certain characteristics, such as being more outgoing or less reserved, that are possibly related to their adjustment process. It is also possible that social desirability influenced our participants and how they responded to questions about difficult issues such as racism, discrimination, and family values. Because it is often viewed as inappropriate for Korean youth to discuss family problems, such values may have affected how the participants responded about their family experiences.

Implications for Counseling Understanding how immigrant youths negotiate across cultural contexts provides us with information to use for counseling and outreach activities. When working with immigrant youths, counselors need to consider the individual client’s acculturation level, length of residence in the United States, acculturation level of family and siblings, and how the client’s identity may change depending on the cultural setting (e.g., family, school, peers, church). Counselors need to make an extra effort to introduce and promote counseling services to immigrant students through outreach activities. Counseling services could incorporate an emphasis on peer support groups because friends are an important resource of support and comfort for youth. For example, many immigrant youths experience stress while learning to balance two cultures; therefore, developing a program in which bicultural peers from all ethnic backgrounds could share their own struggles with and the benefits of being bicultural and bilingual may be a way to introduce counseling to immigrant students. Moreover, counselors need to understand that many immigrant parents are also undergoing difficulty with cultural adjustment and that they might not be able to participate in school activities due to language barriers or conflicts in their work schedule. Parental lack of involvement should not be interpreted as

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not caring about their child’s education. Rather, counselors should be creative and flexible in finding ways to involve relevant family members in the adjustment process. Specifically, it is important for counselors to conceptualize counseling as being more than individual psychotherapy and consider the role of the group and family in how Korean youths cope with stress. For example, counselors could help to organize family parties at the school or in local community groups. They could begin counseling by creating a family genogram to better understand the youth’s family dynamics. Or, counselors could meet with cultural group organizations at school about some of the challenges with adjusting to a new culture. In terms of outreach services, counselors should consider ways to work with the community to inform Korean youths about services. Counselors can collaborate with indigenous healers and church groups to access complex issues. They can try to work with alumni from the school or professionals in the field to gain credibility in the Korean community. It would also be beneficial to work with community groups and agencies to destigmatize seeking help.

Implications for Future Research Future studies should include a larger sample size with Korean immigrant youth chosen from different religious backgrounds and geographic regions. Inclusion of recent immigrants is also necessary because their cultural adjustment experiences may be different from those of immigrant adolescents who have resided in this country for most of their lives. We hope that this study will generate more studies on immigrant cultural adjustment using qualitative analysis. It has been suggested that some scales might not encapsulate or measure an individual’s experience from all perspectives. Previous studies have suggested those single indices and unidimensional or bipolar measurement methods have been unsuccessful in measuring the experience of many immigrants (Nguyen, Messe, & Stollak, 1999). In addition, scales dichotomize youth experiences, and therefore the dynamic aspect of each individual’s adjustment process may be lost. By using in-depth qualitative analysis, the data present rich information that enables researchers to elicit the true essence of how immigrants negotiate one or more cultural contexts.

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