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The developmental pattern of spelling in Catalan from first to fifth school grade: Writing Systems Research: Vol 8, No 1 Log in | Register

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The developmental pattern of spelling in Catalan from first to fifth school grade Anna Llaurado

& Liliana Tolchinsky

Pages 64-83 | Received 06 Sep 2012, Accepted 15 Dec 2014, Published online: 02 Jun 2015

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http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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Abstract Orthographies not only represent the phonology of a language but also aspects of morphology, syntax and the lexicon. Learning to spell in a particular language involves understanding the relation between the graphic elements of an orthographic system and the levels of language it represents. The goal of this study was to track the developmental path to orthographic spelling in native speakers of Catalan. Typologically, Catalan is a synthetic in ectional language with a rich in ectional and derivational morphology that has a moderately transparent orthography. In most cases, straight phonetic to written mapping renders incorrect spelling and spellers have to resort to morphology, word-contextual rules or to lexical knowledge to spell accurately. We analyse a corpus of written vocabularies from di erent semantic elds, that prime di erent syntactic categories and a variety of word features relevant for spelling, produced by 225 native speakers of Catalan from 1st–5th school grade. The productions were characterised in terms of spelling (in)accuracy on the basis of whether phonographic, morphologic, word-contextual or lexical knowledge was required to render the orthographically correct form. Results show that phonographically- and morphologically-based spellings are mastered earlier than orthographic and lexical errors. More errors occurred at the word stem than at the word a x level, suggesting a role of morphological awareness in spelling. Children misspelt words for Natural phenomena less than words in the other semantic elds, suggesting that primary via of exposure to words has an impact on learning to spell. Some linguistic and educational implications of these ndings are discussed. Keywords: Spelling, Later language development, Morphology, Type of misspelling

Spelling is a developmental linguistic activity (Treiman, Kessler, Zevin, Bick, & Davis,

2006) wherein children

have to transform their knowledge of oral language components into written units (Perfetti,

2007). Learning

to spell involves gaining knowledge about the nature of the particular orthography as a notational system (Ravid & Tolchinsky,

2002) and understanding the relation of the graphic elements to the di erent levels of

language: phonology, morphology, syntax and the lexicon (Ja ré & Fayol,

1997; Treiman & Kessler,

2006),

the interaction of information at these di erent levels being quite complex even in the initial stages of learning http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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The developmental pattern of spelling in Catalan from first to fifth school grade: Writing Systems Research: Vol 8, No 1

the interaction of information at these di erent levels being quite complex even in the initial stages of learning to spell (Treiman & Cassar,

1996).

A child learning to spell in an alphabetic system needs to develop adequate phonemic segmentation skills and certainly one source of di culty for young spellers is their di culty in analysing speech at the level of phonemes (Bourassa, Treiman, & Kessler,

2006; Caravolas & Bruck,

2009; Muter, Hulme, Snowling, & Stevenson,

1993; Lervåg, Bråten, & Hulme,

2004). However, even fully developed capacity for

phonological analysis is bound to be insu cient. To illustrate, strict assignation of letter to sound correspondences might render several orthographically inaccurate forms of the word /mənʒa/ → ‘to eat’, in Catalan. In order to avoid the phonographically plausible the child needs to use morphological knowledge of the in nitive in ectional su x /a/, as well as word-speci c knowledge of the stem, here lexical knowledge /mənʒ/ → . In some orthographies most graphic signs (letter or graphemes) have only one reading and one way of spelling irrespective of the word or word context they are part of, whereas in other orthographies one letter may have many di erent readings, or one phoneme many di erent spellings. The orthographic regularity of a language can be di erent between reading and spelling. Orthographies with a high degree of consistency (between phonemes and letters) are considered shallower or more transparent whereas orthographies with a low degree of consistency are considered deeper or more opaque (Frost,

1992). Because it is a matter of degree of

consistency, orthographic systems lay on a continuum of transparency. At one extreme of the continuum we nd orthographies with a high level of consistency in both reading and spelling, such as Finnish (nearly 100% of the letters have only one reading and nearly 90% only one spelling), whereas at the other extreme, orthographies such as French where reading is more predictable than spelling (75% of the letters have only one reading and 50% only one spelling), and English with a high level of irregularity in both reading and spelling (72% of the letters have only one reading and 62% only one spelling), show a much more inconsistent relation. Catalan orthography, the one we are concerned with in this study, lays somewhere in the middle (76% of the letters have only one reading and 70% only one spelling). It is less transparent than orthographies such as Finnish or Spanish but not as opaque as orthographies such as French ((ERN-LWE) COST-Action IS0703 Spelling Report; Caravolas et al.,

2012).

Thus, orthographies, particularly the deep ones, but the more shallow ones also to some extent, not only encode the phonological structure of words but also their morphological structure and their morphological relationship to other words (see: Baayen, McQueen, Dijkstra, & Schreuder,

2003; Feldman, Frost, & Pnini,

1995). Children have to learn how spelling systems encode morphological units consistently and use this information in order to spell correctly (Casalis & Cole, & Fayol,

2009; Deacon & Kirby,

2004; Pacton,

2001; Pacton

2003). From early on, children show knowledge of the in ection and (some) derivational features of

their language, and they have been shown to learn to spell in ectional su xes in an order similar to the order in which they learn to use them in oral language, before school age (Turnbull, Deacon, & Kay-Raining Bird, 2011). Derivational ability develops later on and strong developmental trends in both the mastery of derivational morphology and the spelling of derived words have been found in English, although spelling performance lagged signi cantly behind the ability to generate the same words orally (Carlisle, & Fleming,

1988; Carlisle

2003). Cross-sectional analyses of the development of spelling concerning di erent types of error

in English showed an increase of errors in spellings of in ectional and derivational a xes (Bahr, Silliman, Berninger, & Dow,

2012), showing integrating the di erent levels of information (i.e., phonological,

morphological) that are relevant to achieve conventional spelling takes a long developmental way. None of the mentioned studies were carried out in more transparent orthographies, therefore, whether a similar e ect of http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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mentioned studies were carried out in more transparent orthographies, therefore, whether a similar e ect of morphology will appear in languages with a less opaque system remains to be examined. Cross-linguistic research points out that children are attuned to typological underpinnings of their language from early on and employ appropriate strategies in linguistic problem-solving. For instance, while Hebrew speakers/writers of a language with a highly synthetic morphology found morphological cues a useful tool for spelling, children learning to spell in Dutch, a language with a sparse morphology and a rather shallow orthography, did not nd morphology a good cue provider and found it easier to deal with phoneme-grapheme inconsistency at the stem than at the a x level (Gillis & Ravid,

2006). In the same line, children learning to

spell in Spanish, a language with a rather shallow orthography but a more salient morphology than Dutch, did show sensitivity to morphologically-based spellings (De or, Alegria, Titos, & Martos,

2008).

At least with alphabetic orthographies, the use of morphological cues in children’s spelling di ers depending on the interplay between the characteristics of the writing orthographic system and the morphological structure of the language. In addition to accessing the phonological and morphological structure of the word, spelling requires developing an orthographic lexicon (Ehri,

1980; Olson, Forsberg, & Wise,

1994), in which word-speci c features are

stored and accessed. The writer must grasp the nature of the particular orthography of the language in use. The acquisition of written-word processing mechanisms in deep and shallow orthographic systems has been much researched (Seymour, Aro, & Erskine, Ziegler et al.,

2003; Snowling & Hulme,

2005; Treiman & Kessler,

2005;

2010). Studies have clearly established that learning to read and spell is faster in transparent

orthographic systems and that there is a stronger reliance on sublexical procedures for shallow orthographies (Caravolas & Bruck,

1993; De or, Jimenez-Fernandez, & Serrano,

Notarnicola, Angelelli, Judica, & Zoccolotti,

2009; Landerl, Wimmer, & Frith,

1997;

2011).

In contrast, spellers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme to grapheme translation mechanisms to spell most of the words of their languages and a fast-developing orthographic lexicon would be most useful for deep than shallow orthographies. Repeated exposure to printed words would generate storage of orthographic representations. Consistent with this, word frequency has shown to have an important impact on children’s development of spelling competence for deep orthographies (Alegría & Mousty, Fayol,

2008; Share,

1996; Leté, Peeremean, &

2004). For more transparent orthographies, the frequency e ect has been reported to

be counterbalanced by the e ect of regularity (De or,

2008; Notarnicola et al.,

2011). Recently, however,

Carrillo and colleagues found evidence for a faster developing orthographic lexicon in children spelling in a shallow orthography (Spanish) compared to children spelling in a deep orthography (French). As repeated successful decoding of new words generates orthographic representations of them (Share,

1995,

1999,

2004) and since success in word decoding is attained faster in a transparent orthography, storage of an orthographic representation of words must develop faster too, even if a well-developed orthographic lexicon is more necessary for spelling a language with a deep orthography (Carrillo, Alegria, & Marin,

2013). Such fast-

developing orthographic lexicons, in turn, may underlie the shift from sublexical to lexical word analysis in spelling in transparent orthographies, which has been shown for Italian 3rd graders (Notarnicola et al.,

2011).

Orthographic systems posit di erent spelling problems and the process by which orthographic learning happens appears to di er by language.

In this paper, we focus on the developmental pattern of learning to spell in Catalan, a Romance language, spoken by some 10 million people in Catalonia (north-eastern Spain) and southern France. Language http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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spoken by some 10 million people in Catalonia (north-eastern Spain) and southern France. Language

immersion programmes rule every school in Catalonia; thus, Catalan serves as the language of instruction for 1.5 million children. Catalan is represented by an orthography that lies halfway in the transparent-opaque continuum. Adequate use of the phoneme-grapheme correspondence rules leads to correct spelling in some cases, e.g., /pomə/ → ‘apple’ but by no means in all. Straight application of phoneme-grapheme correspondence rules rarely renders correct spelling of in ectional and derivational morphemes and recognition of the morpheme is clearly useful both for solving phoneme-grapheme inconsistencies, e.g., / aplə/ → < able> ‘trustworthy’ and written representation of phonologically empty segments /dißu∫a/ → ‘to draw’. Knowledge of context dependence rules is required to choose the correct letter in context-sensitive cases of inconsistency, e.g., /tumakət/ → ‘tomato’ in which /k/ admits transcription by both and , but only by before . Finally, the correct spelling of a considerable group of words is based on their etymologies. In such cases, the child needs to rely on lexical knowledge of the word form in order to spell that word correctly, e.g., /ibɛrn/ → ‘winter’ (see Appendix for a more detailed characterisation of the relationship between phonology, morphology and orthography in Catalan). The fact that Catalan is represented by an orthography that falls halfway in the depth-transparency continuum can shed light on the developmental path children follow when the phonographic correspondences provide useful support towards correct spelling yet they are not fully reliable. To date, very few studies have used it for research on spelling (Cordero Alonso,

2002). Speci cally, we will analyse the role of phonological,

orthographic, lexical and morphological information in native Catalan schoolchildren’s spelling decisions. With this aim, we will track primary schoolchildren’s spellings of isolate self-chosen words from ve di erent semantic elds (Food, Clothing, Leisure activities, Natural phenomena and Traits of personality). The selected semantic elds tackle the dimensions found to a ect spelling decisions such as: morphological complexity, imageablility and frequency of use. Three di erent grammatical categories: nouns (naming Food, Clothing and Natural Phenomena), verbs (naming Leisure activities) and adjectives (naming Traits of personality) were primed, thus re ecting the semantic weight distribution through di erent syntactic categories in the mental lexicon (Pustejovsky & Boguraev,

1993). Some elds, such as Food and Clothing, contain many nouns that

children encounter frequently since their early childhood, primarily in oral interaction. It is therefore likely that, in the child’s mental lexicon, such words may concurrently show a well-established semantic representation, but a much poorer orthographic one since the child may have had few opportunities to decode such words in reading activities. Conversely, less-frequent nouns for Natural phenomena are mostly encountered through print in textbooks. Specialised terms for Natural phenomena represent a later developing literate lexicon (Llaurado & Tolchinsky,

2013) including morphologically complex, long nominalisations—in Catalan

nominalisations are obtained through (recursive) derivation which is expressed through the su xation of bound morphemes. The morphological complexity, and the word length it entails, together with the increased abstractness of such advanced lexicon should make these words challenging in terms of spelling. However, this may be somewhat counterbalanced by the fact that children repeatedly decode them during textbook reading activities, which may facilitate their storage in the orthographic lexicon as Share’s hypothesis suggests. The semantic eld of Leisure activities primed verbs, which are always in ected for mode, tense, person and number in Catalan. In the corpus most occurrences correspond to in nitive forms denoting daily activities. Finally, the Traits of personality eld primed adjectives, a later developing category (Llaurado & Tolchinsky, 2013; Ravid,

2001) including basic, morphologically simple terms but also non-concrete, non imageable

morphologically complex derived forms which cannot, in many occasions, be spelt through straight application of phonographic correspondences. Unlike terms for Natural phenomena, they do not belong to a particular http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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of phonographic correspondences. Unlike terms for Natural phenomena, they do not belong to a particular content set expected to be learnt by children at a particular age. Therefore, there is less likelihood that children systematically encounter them in print and this would diminish the chances that an orthographic representation is stored. The study will examine if there are di erent patterns of spelling between syntactic categories, as well as between frequent words learnt primarily from everyday (spoken) language and lessfrequent terms encountered primarily in specialised (textbook) written discourse. A nal consideration concerns the corpus-based approach taken in this study. We examine spelling in a corpus of written vocabularies (for detailed information about the corpus see: Llaurado, Martí, & Tolchinsky,

2012).

Corpus linguistics o ers linguists, psycholinguists and educationists the possibility to focus on real language productions and to describe them by means of applying theoretically grounded research paradigms, but also to bring out linguistic phenomena that have not been explored yet (Teubert,

2005). The present study is

grounded in a theory perspective, which uses open coding to discover patterns, and/or categories from the data (Patton,

2002). Thus, unlike most previous research on spelling, which has used more experimental

tasks, such as dictation of selected words, this study analyses the spelling performance on a task of spontaneous word writing. Like us, a few previous studies have used spontaneous writing in English to analyse spelling with a focus on di erent types of spelling errors (Green et al.,

2003; Moats, Foorman, & Taylor,

2006). A study comparing dictated versus free writing for assessing spelling skills in Spanish in bilingual elementary schoolchildren concluded that both methods yield crucial information. Writing ultimately serves meaningful communication, which entails the child retrieving the context-adequate words in their appropriate form. In the present study, we ask the child to access and spell words, thus mobilising his/her knowledge about the relations between content and form as he/she will need to do when writing for meaning construction. It thus makes sense to assess spelling in the child’s spontaneous productions.

Goals and predictions This study examines 1st to 5th grade children’s spelling of self-chosen words belonging to ve di erent semantic elds (Food, Clothing, Leisure activities, Traits of personality and Natural phenomena). The aim is to establish, rst, what is the general developmental trend of spelling; second, if di erent types of spelling error follow di erent developmental paths; third, if spelling word stems or word a xes present the same spelling di culties and fourth, if a range of semantic elds, targeting words that di er in grammatical category and semantic and morphological sophistication, yield di erent spelling patterns. Overall, we expect a decrease of misspellings with school grade, however, we expect di erent spelling problems will follow di erent developmental patterns. Particularly, given that Catalan orthography presents a relatively fair degree of phoneme to grapheme consistency, we expect children to rely on phoneme to grapheme correspondence and show the quickest progress in spelling words in a phonographically plausible manner. Also, given that Catalan has a salient morphology, we predict children to show the capacity to use morphological cues in their spelling of word a xes early on after they have started the acquisition of literacy, that is, a decrease of misspelt (orthographically stable) a xes. In contrast, we expect that Catalan speakers/writers will struggle with cases of phoneme/grapheme inconsistency throughout grade school. However, we expect that inconsistencies that can be disambiguated through the use of context-dependence rules will be solved earlier than spelling decisions based on purely lexical factors, since lexical knowledge necessarily relies on sustained acquaintance with printed language. In line with our prediction that children will use the morphological structure of the word to guide their spelling, we expect children to have more di culties in their spellings of word stems than of word a xes. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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in their spellings of word stems than of word a xes.

The words produced by the participants belong to ve di erent semantic elds (Food, Clothing, Leisure activities, Traits of personality and Natural phenomena). Some elds, such as Food and Clothing, contain many frequent morphologically basic nouns children encounter primarily in oral interaction. Conversely, nouns for Natural phenomena re ect less-frequent literate vocabulary learnt through print in textbooks. Leisure activities triggers verbs, a category that is always in ected for mode/tense/person/number in Catalan. Traits of personality account for adjectives, including morphologically complex forms derived from nouns or verbs. We expect semantic eld to have an e ect on spelling performance, and we predict that children will struggle, particularly when spelling long, complex, infrequent later developing adjectives in the Traits of personality eld. In contrast, we expect the di culty of spelling the rarer more literate nouns used for Natural phenomena will be to some extent counterbalanced by the fact that children encounter those nouns in daily reading of textbooks.

METHOD Participants This is a corpus-based analysis of spelling development. The data consists of the written productions of 225 native Catalan speakers attending 1st to 5th school grade) in 32 di erent schools. There were 56 children in 1st grade (mean age: 6.5), 34 in 2nd grade (mean age: 7.4), 46 in 3rd grade (mean age: 8.6), 42 in 4th grade (mean age: 9.5) and 47 children were in 5th grade (mean age: 10.5). Of the total sample, 115 children were girls and 110 were boys. These children were considered as native Catalan speakers on the basis of their declaring Catalan to be their only home language and con rmed by their teachers.

Tasks and materials Each participant was asked to write down vocabularies upon the following instruction Escriu totes les paraules de x que puguis recordar ‘write down as many x words as you can remember’ as a prompt for producing the names of Food items, Clothing items, Leisure activities, items denoting Personality traits and Natural phenomena items. Elicitation instructions were piloted at di erent school levels to guarantee the most comprehensible wording.

Procedure Participants wrote by hand in order to avoid misspellings caused by lack of mastery of word processing software. The task was always carried out in the participants’ habitual classroom as part of their everyday school activities and the instructions were given by their habitual language teacher. The teacher allowed approximately 10 minutes for writing words in each semantic eld. No child was still writing by the time the teacher proceeded onto the following semantic eld. The teacher asked the participants to complete the ve semantic elds in one class session.

Corpus transcription and digitalisation

We developed a number of procedures to keep the original productions and to prepare them for further processing. Original productions for each task were introduced in a relational database (in MySQL) that enables http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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processing. Original productions for each task were introduced in a relational database (in MySQL) that enables Full Article Figures & datato each References Citations Metrics to identify Reprintsindependent & Permissions variables (school, us to trace information related element of the text that serves

sex, school level, home language(s), and length of time they have spoken Catalan).

Criteria of analysis All the words (tokens) written down, except those that were illegible, were counted and lemmatised, and assigned a grammatical category. As in any lexicographic study, the goal of the lemmatisation process was to de ne a canonical form that functions as a referent for a set of variants. However, given the nature of the corpus, variants were not just in ected forms but might also be orthographic and graphic variants. For example, the lemma ‘jersey’‘sweater’ had the following variants associated: 1. : plural variant 2. : graphic variant (graphic variants were not considered spelling mistakes here) 3. : orthographic variant.

Word frequency assignment Updated frequency dictionaries are not available in Catalan. In this study, we determined a word’s frequency by computing such word’s rate of occurrence within the CesCa corpus, which consists of the 242,404 words written by 2436 schoolchildren during a vocabularies writing task.

Spelling error coding Every error on each token or variant was manually coded, using an interface speci cally designed for this purpose, for two di erent aspects: type of error and type of morpheme in which the error was produced. As types of errors we considered:

Phonographic errors This category includes any error involving misuse of the sound to letter correspondences. Speci cally, we counted all instances of (1) omission of a sounded letter, e.g., for ‘t-shirt’; (2) addition of a letter, e.g., for ‘nice’; (3) substitution of a letter by another one corresponding to a di erent sound, e.g., for ‘skirt’; (4) inversion of letters either within or between syllables, e.g., for ‘tributary’. The number of phonographic errors is calculated as the proportion of phonographic misspellings relative to the total number of words written by the participant.

Orthographic errors This category includes errors involving misuse of context-dependence rules. These rules regulate contextsensitive letter choice in cases involving a one to many phoneme-grapheme relationship. For instance, although /s/ can be transcribed as either , , or , letter choice is constrained by rules in some word contexts. Thus, the use of in /kərəbəso/ ‘zucchini’ is determined by the intervocalic context. Any substitution, such as , or was coded as an orthographic error. Similarly, the use of or for spelling ‘blouse’ is determined by the illegality of the string, and In this article would be coded as an orthographic error. The omission of diacritic marks, e.g., for http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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would be coded as an orthographic error. The omission of diacritic marks, e.g., for Full Article & data References Citations Metrics ‘belt’, wereFigures included in the orthographic error category.

Reprints & Permissions

The number of orthographic errors is calculated as the proportion of orthographic misspellings relative to the total number of words written by the participant.

Lexical errors This category re ects either the lack or the non-use of lexical knowledge as evidenced by the substitution of a vowel or a consonant by another phonologically legal but lexically (etymologically) inaccurate one. For instance, /b/ can be transcribed by either , e.g., /bewrə/ ‘to drink’ or , e.g., /bewrə/ ‘to see’, and there is no context rule restricting letter choice. Therefore, lexical knowledge is needed in order to render the correct orthographic representation. Omissions of , always phonologically empty in Catalan, e.g., /ibern/ ‘winter’ → , were included in this category, since lexical knowledge is the only source of knowledge available to the writer for avoiding -related misspellings. The number of lexical errors is calculated as the proportion of orthographic misspellings relative to the total number of words written by the participant.

Morphological errors This category involves the misuse of morphological information. For instance, both in /atləs/ → ‘atles’ and /mapəs/ → ‘maps’ the nal chunk represents /as/. However, only in is it morphologically motivated as it corresponds to the plural form of /mapə/, thus requiring the change from (singular) to (plural). While the child needs lexical knowledge of the word in order not to misspell it, he/she can use morphological knowledge to assist him/her in his/her spelling of . A (phonographically legitimate) substitution such as for ‘maps’ was coded as a morphological error. The omission of phonologically empty segment of a xed morphemes was also coded as a morphological error, e.g., /parla/ ‘to speak’ → . Substitutions and omissions coded here as morphological errors might be seen as somewhat overlapping with lexical errors since the misspelling could be avoided should the child have a precise representation of the word in the mental lexicon. Clearly, morphological recognition of the a xed morpheme provides the child with a more e ective spelling strategy, given that he/she knows how to spell the particular a x. Storing the precise form of the a x is less e ortful than storing each in ected or derived form separately. The number of morphological errors is calculated as the proportion of morphological misspellings relative to the total number of morphologically a xed words written by the participant. As for type of morpheme, for all the tokens that were in ected or derived words, we coded whether the error was produced in the word stem ( for ‘to take a walk’; for ‘lettuce’) or in the a x ( for ‘shoes’; for ‘charming’). The number of stem errors is calculated as the proportion of stem misspellings relative to the total number of morphologically a xed words written by the participant. The number of a x errors is calculated as the proportion of a x misspellings relative to the total number of morphologically a xed words written by the participant. One In thistoken article could contain more than one error. Each error was coded separately. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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The developmental pattern of spelling in Catalan from first to fifth school grade: Writing Systems Research: Vol 8, No 1 Full Article

Figures & data

References

Citations

Metrics


RESULTS This section consists of four parts. Firstly, we provide a general description of the corpus in quantitative terms, speci cally, we present a breakdown by school grade of the number of tokens, misspelt tokens and misspellings produced. Secondly, we present a breakdown of spelling errors by types of error (phonological, morphologic, orthographic and lexical). Thirdly, we look at the distribution of misspellings in terms of whether they occur in the word stem or in a word a x. Finally, we present a breakdown by semantic eld of the proportion of errors produced. A series of one-way ANOVAs school grade (5) with repeated measures on type of error (4), type of morpheme (stem or su x) (2) and semantic eld (5) were performed. The eta squared value (η 2) is used to report the e ect size of both the main e ect and the interactions. The size e ects of relevant pairwise comparisons are reported using Cohen’s d. An alpha level of .05 was used for all statistical tests. When the assumption of sphericity was found to be violated, degrees of freedom were corrected using Greenhouse-Geisser estimates.

General description of the corpus The 225 children produced a total of 21,210 tokens, of which 5070 were types subsumed under 2212 lemmas. A total of 7347 words (tokens) contained one or more errors with the number of errors per word ranging from 1– 6. The total number of errors was 10,253 (see Table 1).

TABLE 1 Mean number of produced tokens T, SD, misspelled tokens t, SD and misspellings E, SD by school grade and by semantic field. CSV

Display Table

The mean number of tokens produced by each participant increased with school grade for the ve semantic elds, the most pronounced growth occurring between 3rd and 5th grades, and most particularly so for Traits of personality (most words in this eld were expressed by adjectives, a later-developing grammatical category (Llaurado & Tolchinsky,

2013; Tolchinsky, Marti, & Llaurado,

2010). In contrast, the mean number of errors

decreased throughout grade school, although such decrease was particularly marked between 1st and 3rd grades. School grade had a signi cant impact on the number of errors made F(4, 225) = 52,838, η 2 = 0.49, p < .001 and children improved their spelling accuracy throughout school grade. Bonferoni post-hoc analyses revealed signi cant di erences between 1st and 2nd grade and between 2nd and 3rd grade, and marginally signi cant di erences between 3rd and 4th grade. The contrast between 4th and 5th grade was not signi cant.

General developmental pattern of spelling The number of errors of all types decreased markedly between 1st and 5th grade, even though by 5th grade, 23% of the words produced were misspelt. Phonographic errors accounted for the lowest proportion of misspelling In this article from 1st (M = 0.16, SD = 0.09) to 4th grade (M = 0.06, SD = 0.05). According to prediction, Catalanspeaking children have good command of the PGC very early after they start formal writing instruction. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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speaking children have good command of the PGC very early after they start formal writing instruction. Full Articleerrors Figures & data a dramatic References Citations Metrics Reprints & Permissions Morphological underwent decrease from 1st (M = 0.34, SD = 0.12) to 2nd grade (M = 0.14, SD =

0.11). Thus, while it was the most frequent type of error in 1st grade, it descended below lexical and orthographic errors in 2nd grade, and it is the least frequent type of error in 4th (M = 0.05, SD = 0.07) and 5th grade (M = 0.04, SD = 0.06). This supports our prediction that Catalan-speaking children show early sensitivity to the morphological structure of the word. Orthographic and lexical errors accounted for the largest proportion of misspellings. Lexical errors surpassed orthographic misspellings by far in 1st (M = 0.30, SD = 0.10; M = 0.21, SD = 0.06 for lexical and orthographic misspellings, respectively) and 2nd grade (M = 0.25, SD = 0.11; M = 0.19, SD = 0.06 for lexical and orthographic misspellings, respectively), but they represented roughly the same proportion from 3rd (M = 0.17, SD = 0.11; M = 0.17, SD = 0.05 for lexical and orthographic misspellings, respectively) to 5th grade, (M = 0.10, SD = 0.07; M = 0.10, SD = 0.06 for lexical and orthographic misspellings, respectively) following a marked decrease of lexical errors. These results support our initial prediction that in spite of an overall decrease in spelling errors, children would struggle with phoneme-grapheme inconsistencies, most particularly when lexical knowledge is the only available source of knowledge they can turn to for spelling.

Developmental pattern of spelling by type of error In order to track the developmental changes in the developmental pattern of errors of each type, we calculated the proportion of the number of errors of each type relative to the total number of errors made. An ANOVA with repeated measures by type of error showed a signi cant impact of both school grade F(4, 225) = 18,4187, p < .001, η 2 = 0.27 and type of error F(2076,225) = 1057,410, p < .001, η 2 = 0.84 as well as a signi cant interaction between them F(8304, 225) = 7871, p < .001, η 2 = 0.13. Phonographic errors showed a signi cant decrease between 1st (M = 0.20, SD = 0.06) and 3rd grade (M = 0.16, SD = 0.11) and light, not signi cant, recovery in 4th (M = 0.19, SD = 0.10) and 5th grades (M = 0.21, SD = 0.11). Morphological misspellings accounted for the lowest proportion of errors made since 1st grade and showed steady decrease throughout grade school (M = 0.16, SD = 0.07; M = 0.05, SD = 0.05, in 1st and 5th grade, respectively). Orthographic errors decreased signi cantly between 1st (M = 0.36, SD = 0.09) and 3rd grade (M = 0.31, SD = 0.12) in contrast to lexical errors which showed a signi cant increase between 1st (M = 0.27, SD = 0.09) and 3rd grade (M = 0.43, SD = 0.16). This tendency reversed between 3rd and 5th grade although neither the increase of orthographic errors nor the decrease of lexical errors were signi cant. In 1st grade we found signi cant di erences between all types of misspellings. In 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th grades phonographic and morphological errors did not di er signi cantly from each other and both di ered signi cantly from orthographic and lexical errors (see Figure 1). Figure 1. Mean proportion of errors by school grade and by type of error.

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These results con rmed our predictions. We had expected that children would nd spelling consistent phoneme-grapheme pairs and morphological a xes easier from early on than spelling irregular phonemegrapheme pairs. In every grade, the proportion of phonological and morphological errors was lower than the proportion of orthographic and lexical errors. With regard to our prediction that orthographic errors would decrease at the expense of an increase of lexical errors, our results fully con rm such a prediction between 1st and 3rd grade, showing that learning and using context-dependence rules is faster than acquiring orthographic representations of words. The (not-signi cant) tendency of this pattern to reverse in 4th and 5th grades needs to be further explored in future analysis of the productions of older participants.

Developmental patterns of spelling different word morphemes A total of 9349 of the words produced by children showed morphological a xes. The distribution of the 5293 spelling errors occurring in these words was: 3848 occurred in the word stem (spelling the stem relies on lexical knowledge) and 1445 occurred in the a xed morphemes (spelling an a x relies on a morphological analysis of the word) (see Figure 2). Figure 2. Mean proportion of misspellings by school grade and type of word morpheme.

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An ANOVA with repeated measures by type of morpheme on the subsample of tokens showing exion or/and derivation marks revealed a signi cant impact of school grade F(4, 211) = 38.634, p < .001, η 2 = 0.43 with the number of errors decreasing more sharply in a xes than in stems. Bonferoni posthoc analyses showed signi cant contrasts between 1st and 4th grade for stem misspelling and between 1st, 2nd and 4th grade for su x misspelling. The ect of type of morpheme was also signi cant F(2, 211) = 808,033, p < .001, η 2 = 0.8. The number of errors In thisearticle was signi cantly lower for a xes than for stems in 1st (M = 1.59, SD = 0.56; M = 0.40, SD = 0.19 for stem and http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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was signi cantly lower for a xes than for stems in 1st (M = 1.59, SD = 0.56; M = 0.40, SD = 0.19 for stem and Full Article Figures data SD = 0.52; References & Permissions 3rd (M = 1.02, SD = a x respectively), 2nd (M =& 1.3, M = 0.19, Citations SD = 0.11 forMetrics stem and Reprints a x respectively),

0.55; M = 0.17, SD = 0.12 for stem and a x respectively), 4th (M = 0.68, SD = 0.33; M = 0.09, SD = 0.08 for stem and a x respectively) and 5th grade (M = 0.68, SD = 0.42; M = 0.08, SD = 0.07 for stem and a x respectively). The e ect size of the contrast between the two types of morpheme was large (d > 7.97) for all school grades.

The effect of semantic field on spelling performance Semantic eld had a signi cant e ect on the number of errors made by children F(4, 225) = 15,076, η 2 = 0.08, p < .001. Thus, terms for Traits of personality accumulate the highest mean proportion of errors followed by Leisure activities, Clothing, Food and Natural phenomena, this being the semantic eld accounting for the lowest mean proportion of errors. Bonferoni post-hoc analyses reveals signi cant di erences only between the eld of Traits of Personality and all the other semantic elds. These contrasts were signi cant throughout grade school (0.28 < d < 2.26). The di erent semantic elds primed three di erent syntactic categories: nouns (Clothing, Food and Natural phenomena), verbs (Leisure activities) and adjectives (Traits of personality). These semantic elds yielded di erences in the distribution of word frequency, a dimension which impacts spelling accuracy. For instance, Clothing and Food contain many more high-frequency noun words common in everyday spoken conversation than Natural phenomena which contains also noun words, half of which, however, occur only once in the corpus (see Table 2).

TABLE 2 Distribution of total number of tokens by semantic field, proportion of tokens with a frequency of occurrence over 10, and proportion of tokens with a frequency of occurrence equal to 1 CSV

Display Table

Traits of personality, which concentrates the signi cantly highest proportion of errors (M = 0.72, SD = 0.45) compared to every other semantic eld, shows the highest proportion of words occurring just once in the whole corpus of vocabularies and the lowest proportion of words occurring more than 10 times in the corpus. It is worth noting that in this eld the growth of tokens per child is triggered from 3rd grade on, which is later than in the other elds (see Table 1). Leisure activities shows a similar distribution of word frequencies in the corpus and yields the second highest mean number of errors per child (M = 0.59, SD = 0.43). Thus, the semantic elds concentrating a high proportion of words occurring just once and a low proportion of words with at least 10 occurrences seems to relate to a high rate of errors. The Natural phenomena semantic eld, however, shows the opposite trend yielding the lowest mean number of errors per child (M = 0.53, SD = 0.38) in spite of showing the second highest proportion of words occurring just once in the corpus and the second lowest proportion of words with a frequency of occurrence over 10. This may indicate preliminary con rmation of our hypothesis of an impact of this eld on spelling performance on the basis that it includes school-related terms acquired mostly through the reading of textbooks, a via of exposure to words which may favour repeated decoding and subsequent development of orthographic representations of the words thus encountered. However, statistical information is required to fully con rm this hypothesis.

DISCUSSION In this article http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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Full Article Figures & datapath of References Citations Metricsgradeschoolers Reprints & Permissions We tracked the developmental spelling of 225 native Catalan from grades 1st to 5th in a

written corpus of vocabularies. Particularly, we searched for possible di erences in the developmental patterns of four di erent types of spelling error: phonographic, orthographic, lexical and morphological, each requiring di erent sources of knowledge to obtain a correct spelling. Also, we analysed possible e ects of semantic eld on the di erent learning/spelling patterns. The study o ers four main ndings: rst, the number of misspellings decreases notably between 1st and 5th grade, though spelling performance is far from ceiling by 5th grade. Second, the developmental path of spelling di ers depending on the type of linguistic knowledge the writer can resort to in order to solve the spelling problem. Catalan-speaking children make early e cient use of phonological and morphological analysis of the word and show more di culty at solving rule-based or etymology-based spellings. Our results, however, align with those of Critten, Pine, and Ste er ( Bahr et al. (

2007) and

2012) for English-speaking school-age writers, pointing to a certain lack of linearity in the

developmental path of spelling wherein the writer deals with constant re-organisation of his/her linguistic knowledge, both driven and shaped by increasing experience with both oral and written language. Thirdly, and somewhat related to the former, spelling a word stem, being based on lexical knowledge, presents more di culties, than spelling a word a x, a task in which the child can rely on the morphological analysis of the word. Finally, our results suggest some in uence of semantic eld/grammatical category on spelling accuracy. In the following, we elaborate on each of these ndings and discuss a number of psycholinguistic and educational implications. Firstly, spelling accuracy improved with school grade. While children in 1st grade made spelling errors in 55% of the words written, the proportion of misspelt words fell to 23% in 5th grade. Further research of the corpus will reveal whether spelling performance continues to improve through compulsory schooling or it stagnates at a certain point. Previous research using a larger sample of children and adolescents with diverse home languages has shown only mild improvement in spelling accuracy up to third year of secondary school and then sudden marked improvement in the 4th (last year) of secondary school (Tolchinsky et al.,

2010). In this study we

examined the spelling abilities of the native Catalan-speaking participants, that is, children who extend their use of Catalan to out-of-school activities and to interactions with their families and friends. This, we think, should entail a better understanding of the language at all language subsystems. Secondly, the proportion of errors relative to the total number of tokens produced diminished grade by grade for all types of error. Phonographic errors since 1st grade and morphological misspellings from 2nd grade on are by far outnumbered by orthographic and lexical errors. This gives evidence that children have capacity to analyse words at the phonological and morphological level and use that information to support their spellings from very early on. While an emphasis on phonological analysis may be induced by a widespread focus on instruction of the phoneme-grapheme correspondences as a means for writing, to the best of our knowledge morphology is not systematically used as a basis for the teaching of spelling. The role played by morphological analysis may, rather, be attributed to an early developing morphological awareness promoted by Catalansalient morphology. It is worth noting that given the nature of the task, children were not given a pre-determined set of words to write but were instead asked to write down self-chosen words. The fact that a fairly noticeable percentage of misspelt words persists in 5th grade suggests that they are either unaware of their spelling di culties of particular words, or being aware of having such di culties, do not refrain from writing the words they need/want. In this article In contrast to research in French using a text-writing task in which children showed sensitivity towards their spelling di culties (Chenu & Jisa, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

2009), our informants seem unaware of them. It might be 13/27

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towards their spelling di culties (Chenu & Jisa,

2009), our informants seem unaware of them. It might be

Full Article Figures & data Reprints & Permissions that writing/spelling in more opaque References orthographiesCitations is perceivedMetrics as more challenging than spelling in more

transparent systems. The developmental pattern of spelling that emerged when number of errors of each type is computed in relation to the total number of errors made sheds further light on the developmental paths of spelling for di erent types of spelling errors. Our predictions (1) that the proportion of phonographic and morphological errors would be surpassed by the proportion of orthographic and lexical misspellings and (2) that lexical errors would increase with schooling against a decrease in all other types of error, are fully supported by results for children from 1st to 3rd grade. In 4th and 5th grade, lexical and orthographic misspellings continue to prevail over phonographic and morphological ones. However, in spite of lack of signi cant di erences, the pattern becomes more blurred concerning the prevalence of lexical errors over other types of misspelling. Certainly, lexical misspellings tend to decrease at the expense of an increase of orthographic and, to a lesser extent, phonographic errors. In contrast, morphological errors continue to decrease in a sustained way through school grade. This is supported by the third nding of this study showing a signi cantly higher proportion of errors at the word stem compared to word a x, through grade school. Two examples illustrate the di erent resources available to a child for solving apparently similar problems depending on whether he/she is spelling a stem or an a x. Apparently, a child spelling the in ected form /llantias/ → ‘lentils-pl’ faces two equivalent di culties of phoneme-grapheme inconsistency: /a/ spelt , both in the stem and the su x. Similarly, a child spelling /ißarna/ → ‘to hibernate’ faces the task of representing a phonologically empty letter both in the stem, for letter and in the su x, for letter . In order for a child to either solve the phonemegrapheme inconsistency in the stem of ‘llenties’ or to produce the phonologically empty in the stem of ‘hivernar’, they need to rely on lexical knowledge of the words. It appears, children in the early grades show capacity to analyse the morphological structure of the words, and the identi cation of the in ectional su xes, here , expressing number, in and , expressing the in nitive mode, in , provides the child with a more helpful basis on which to produce the necessary graphic transcription. In fact, spelling performance at the a x level approaches ceiling level at 4th grade. These ndings support the hypothesis that a salient morphology in Catalan would foster the recognition of the word morphological structure. Recognition, however, does not necessarily entail accurate spelling and additional research is needed in order to obtain a more ne-grained picture of the di erences between spelling derivational and in ective su xes, or between nominal and verbal in ection. In this line, we have initial evidence that children made fewer misspellings in nominal than in verbal exion. Studies on spelling in Spanish (very similar to Catalan in terms of morphological typology) pointed just in the opposite direction (De or et al.,

2008). However, in Catalan spelling an in ected

noun (mostly plural nouns in the corpus) entails control of an inconsistent sound to letter correspondence (see above /llantias/ → ‘lentils-pl’) whereas spelling a verbal su xation (mostly in nitives in the corpus) requires solving the more rare circumstance (in Catalan) of writing a phonologically empty letter (see above /ißarna/ → ‘to hibernate’). Morpho-phonological recovery of this segment would a ord an additional means to attain correct spelling in verbal in ection and also in some noun forms. Future research on the corpus may provide support for or against the claim that these types of cue, entailing a two-step action: rst, recognition of the morphological status of the segment; second, morphological manipulation of the word to recover the phonologically empty segment in a di erent form of the paradigm, does not necessarily result in faster spelling learning (Gillis & Ravid,

2006).

One interpretation for the ndings so far presented is that as the child’s lexicon is increasing at a fast In thispossible article pace (Llaurado & Tolchinsky,

2013; Tolchinsky et al.,

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

2010) and with accumulated reading experience, 14/27

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pace (Llaurado & Tolchinsky,

2013; Tolchinsky et al.,

2010) and with accumulated reading experience,

Article Figures & data References Citations Metrics Reprints & Permissions his/herFull orthographic lexicon grows too, even if some of the representations stored are not fully speci ed yet.

This concurs with a shift in focus from learning spelling basically as a notational system up to 3rd grade to spelling becoming a means for writing extended discourse from 4th grade onwards. At this point, both necessity to speed up writing and increased reliance on orthographic memory may lead the child to resort to lexical spelling procedures for so-felt familiar words leaving sub-lexical analysis for less familiar words. This interpretation converges with studies showing that developing spelling ability is subject to important individual di erences and in uenced by factors, such as teaching methods, preschooler abilities and orthographic regularity (e.g., Castles, Holmes, & Wong,

1997; Stuart & Coltheart,

1988; Treiman,

1984) since the early

stages of literacy acquisition. It also aligns with positions against the assumption that literacy acquisition progresses through xed qualitatively distinct stages has been severely criticised (e.g., Stuart & Coltheart, 1988). The fourth nding relates to the fourth goal of this study which was to establish in uence of semantic eld on spelling accuracy. Our results show that children made signi cantly more spelling errors when writing terms for Traits of personality than for Leisure activities terms, Food and Clothing and that Natural phenomena was the semantic eld with the lowest proportion of misspellings. The eld of Traits of personality had a high proportion of words occurring only once in the corpus (53% of the items) and a low proportion of words occurring at least 10 times in the corpus (only 10% of the items). This eld primed the production of adjectives, a later-developing syntactic category, that in Catalan include basic as well as morphologically complex forms obtained through derivational processes. If a certain parallelism can be established between the rate of acquisition in the oral and written language (Turnbull et al.,

2011), and if recently acquired terms have a less

speci ed representation in the mental lexicon, it is not surprising than children found it more challenging to spell these sophisticated, long, newly acquired forms. At the other end, the semantic eld of Natural phenomena includes also a high proportion of words with a frequency of occurrence on only 1 (50% of the items) and also a low proportion of words occurring at least 10 times in the corpus (13% of the items). This semantic eld primed the production of nouns, as Food and Clothing did, but unlike these two, Natural phenomena includes specialised content terms that the child generally encounters in print, through textbook reading activities. It is not infrequent that terms for Natural phenomena are encoded by morphologically complex nominalisations. However, the literate-like quality of the terms did not overlap with a high rate of spelling errors. On the contrary, the Natural phenomena semantic eld yielded the lowest proportion of misspellings. A possible interpretation for this di erence lies precisely in the fact that these terms are encountered by children in textbooks, thus allowing a quick developing orthographic representation in their mental lexicons. Finally, we could speculate on a possible e ect of spelling instruction on spelling performance, at least in the lower grades when spelling is the major focus of writing instruction, and more attention is placed on the acquisition of the phoneme-grapheme pairs. From 3rd grade on, the acquisition of the notational aspects of writing is considered to be completed and children are required/encouraged to produce complete pieces of texts and to gain increasing command of the discursive style of writing. This both entails and fosters writing new words recently incorporated in the child’s lexicon. It may well be that the child turns to phonographic correspondences for spelling new words, and this might be a consequence of an excessively narrow approach to spelling by spelling instruction practices. However, relying on phonographic correspondences as the only means for spelling words in Catalan is not su cient to achieve accurate spelling performance. Instead, a more multilevel In this articleanalysis of the word is required, that is, spelling must be approached as an interface of the phonological, lexical and morphosyntactic levels of language. However, in order to establish the exact extent of http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17586801.2014.1000812

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phonological, lexical and morphosyntactic levels of language. However, in order to establish the exact extent of Fullof Article Figurespractices, & data References Reprints & Permissions an e ect instructional speci c researchCitations needs to beMetrics planned that takes into account di erent

instructional approaches (Rieben, Ntamakiliro, Gonthier, & Fayol,

2005).

This study is the rst, to the best of our knowledge, exploring the developmental path of spelling in Catalanspeaking children. As such, it has contributed relevant information on how spelling develops in children using an orthographic system that lies halfway in the depth-transparency continuum to spell in a Romance language with a fairly salient morphology. Participants were able to use di erent strategies from early on to solve di erent problems they confronted in writing lists of self-chosen words. They showed a good grasp of graphophonemic links and of the speci c way in which morphological units are encoded by the system, whereas rulebased and etymological spellings proved to be harder for them. Our results align with ndings showing that learning the spelling system is a nonlinear process by which learning to integrate information at di erent levels is constrained by the characteristics of the orthographic system, as well as by the characteristics of the language. Lastly, we would like to make a few considerations on the corpus-based approach taken in this study. Given the naturalistic component of the data, several factors that could be relevant to explaining spelling di erences cannot be accounted for. This is a descriptive study of naturalistic spelling. It is a rst step towards the characterisation of school children spelling in a Romance language that has been little researched to date. In spite of the clear limitations, however, we are convinced of the importance of having at our disposal linguistic material that enable us to access/analyse children’s actual uses of language. Clearly, corpus-based studies provide us with analysis of real language data from which to obtain a general picture of what is and what is not a serious problem for both beginner and more skilful spellers. This in turn provides us with an extremely useful platform from which to discern where to carry out research in the future.

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