The eclipse, the astronomer and his audience

The eclipse, the astronomer and his audience: Frederico Oom and the total solar eclipse of 28 May 1900 in Portugal LUÍS MIGUEL CAROLINO Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências e da Tecnologia –CIUHCT / Museu de Ciência da Universidade de Lisboa Faculdade de Ciências, Universidade de Lisboa Campo Grande, C4, Piso 3, 1749-016 Lisboa, Portugal Phone: 00-351-21-392-1860 Fax: 00-351-21- 390-9326 [email protected] ANA SIMÕES Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências e da Tecnologia –CIUHCT Faculdade de Ciências, Universidade de Lisboa Campo Grande, C4, Piso 3, 1749-016 Lisboa, Portugal Phone: 00-351-21-750-0817 Fax: 00-351-21- 750-0158 [email protected] Received XX Month Year. Revised paper accepted XX Month Year Summary This study offers a detailed analysis of an episode of popularization of astronomy taking placing in Portugal, a peripheral country of Europe, and occurring in the early twentieth century. The episode was propelled by the 28 May 1900 total solar eclipse seen as such at the Iberian Peninsula (Portugal and Spain). Instead of focusing on one of the ends of the popularization process, we analyse the circulation of knowledge among scientists and public, contrast the aims of the various expeditions, professional and amateur, which took place in Portuguese soil, analyse their repercussions in the Portuguese astronomical landscape, and the different ways used by the Portuguese political elite and astronomical community to successfully appropriate this astronomical event to serve their varied agendas, political, social and scientific. In this episode of public enthusiasm for science, a central figure emerged in the network of the official commission, professional and amateur communities and the ‘general public’: Frederico Tomás Oom (1864-1930), an astronomer of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory. This paper at aims at illustrating the different layers of the circulation process, and at proving that neither popularization of science was an unidirectional process from scientists to lay people nor did it serve only a particular agenda, be it political, social or scientific. Keywords: 1900 total solar eclipse, Frederico Tomás Oom, Eclipse expeditions, Popularization of science, Lisbon Astronomical Observatory

Contents 1. Introduction 2. The eclipse of 28 May 1900: a question of national prestige 3. Scientific agendas: different observational programmes and teams 3.1 Foreign professional and amateur expeditions 3.2 National professional and amateur expeditions

3.3 Foreign ‘versus’ national astronomical programmes 4 ‘Social’ agenda: legitimizing science professionals 4.1 Oom’s powerful strategy to disseminate science: writing a popular book on the 1900 solar eclipse 4.2 Oom’s impact upon the press: the case of the newspaper Diário de Notícias 5. Conclusions

1. Introduction At the turn of the nineteenth century, Georges Frederick Chambers, a prolific author of popular astronomy, depicted his readers as a somewhat passive audience, not very much concerned with science. As he mentioned in the opening pages of Story of Eclipses: It may, I fear, be taken as a truism that ‘the man in the street’ (collectively, the ‘general public’) knows little and cares less for what is called physical science. Now and again when something remarkable happens, such as a great thunderstorm, or an earthquake, or a volcanic eruption, or a brilliant comet, or a total eclipse, something in fact which has become the talk of the town, our friend will condescend to give the matter the barest amount of attention, whilst he is filling his pipe or mixing a whisky and soda.1 Based upon this sort of descriptions of the ‘general public,’ historians have traditionally understood popularization of science mainly as an unidirectional type of communication. This diffusionist perspective has led historians to assume the public as a passive audience, and to take transmission of knowledge for granted. Most recently, however, the question has been revisited and the traditional dichotomies between scientists and lay audiences or scientific production and consumption have been reinterpreted.2 As a result, historians of science have gradually drawn attention to different actors and practises involved in popularizing science. Political, social and cultural agendas that shaped popularization of science in the past have been

1

George F. Chambers, The Story of Eclipses simply told for General Readers (London, 1902), 9. This booklet was first published in 1899. Nevertheless, in this paper we use the 1902 edition because it included a few details of Chambers’s experience while observing the 1900 eclipse in Portugal. 2 For a historiographical analysis of ‘popularization of science’ studies going beyond the traditional view see R. Cooter and S. Pumphrey ‘Separate Spheres and Public Places: Reflections on the History of Science Popularisation and Science in Popular Culture’, History of Science, 32 (1994), 237-67; J.R. Topham, "Beyond the 'Common Context'. The production and reading of the Bridgewater Treatises", Isis, 89 (1998), 233-62; Pedro Ruiz-Castell, ‘Popularization of science’ in Beyond Borders. Fresh Perspectives in History of Science, edited by J. Simon and N. Herran with T. Lanuza-Navarro, P. Ruiz-Castell and X. Guillem-Llobat (Newcastle, 2008), 171-8; Faidra Papanelopoulou, Agusti NietoGalan, Enrique Perdiguero, Popularizing science and technology in the European periphery, 18002000 (Ashgate 2009); Kostas Gavroglu, Manolis Patiniotis, Faidra Papanelopoulou, Ana Simões, Ana Carneiro, Maria Paula Diogo, Jose Ramon Bertomeu-Sánchez, Antonio Garcia Belmar, Agusti NietoGalan, ‘Science and technology in the European periphery. Some historiographical reflections’, History of Science, 46, (2008), 153-75.

scrutinized.3 At the same time, new ‘actors’ such as audiences, publishers and the means used to popularize science, have been brought into scene.4 Accordingly, there is currently an increasingly more comprehensive understanding of the processes involved in popularizing science, their aims, methods and achievements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Nevertheless, studies have focused mainly on specific national contexts and have followed mainly a partial approach to the problem. They have focused either on the public perception of science, or on scientists’ involvement in calling the attention of the public for science or on the mechanisms and means used to popularize science. This study offers a detailed analysis of an episode of popularization of astronomy taking placing in Portugal, a peripheral country of Europe, and occurring in the early twentieth century. The episode was propelled by the 28 May 1900 total solar eclipse seen as such at the Iberian Peninsula (Portugal and Spain). Instead of focusing on one of the ends of the popularization process, we analyse the circulation of knowledge among scientists and public, contrast the aims of the various expeditions, professional and amateur, which took place in Portuguese soil, analyse their repercussions in the Portuguese astronomical landscape, and the different ways used by the Portuguese political elite and astronomical community to successfully appropriate this astronomical event to serve their varied agendas, political, social and scientific. In this episode of public enthusiasm for science, a central figure emerged in the network of the official commission, professional and amateur communities and the ‘general public’: Frederico Tomás Oom (1864-1930), an astronomer of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory. As the Iberian Peninsula was the only European region traversed by the totality path of the May 1900 eclipse, Portugal and Spain became a focus of international interest. A number of distinguished astronomers travelled to these countries to observe the eclipse. At that time, with the growth of astrophysics, astronomers regularly took part in eclipse expeditions because these events provided exceptional opportunities to observe the sun's corona and prominences, and to analyse the chemical composition of its atmosphere. In organizing an eclipse expedition, astronomers necessarily entered into contact with local astronomer’s communities. In Portugal, Oom worked as the expert interlocutor who assisted foreign astronomers to plan their scientific expeditions. He advised them on prospective weather conditions, on railways structures in Portugal and on other facilities. Furthermore, this eclipse raised locally an unusual interest in science. In fact, alongside professional and amateur observational missions, expeditions organized for lay people were a success. People travelled from the main cities to the region included in the eclipse’s totality path. Numerous observations of the eclipse were carried out and reported by amateur astronomers throughout Portugal. And the newspaper press gave an exhaustive coverage of this astronomical event, which included articles of different lengths and types, together with advertisements and even cartoons. 3

Ruth Barton, "Just before 'Nature'. The Purposes of Sciences and the Purposes of Popularisation in Some English Popular Science Journals of the 1860s", Annals of science, 55 (1998), 1-33. 4 Steven Shapin, ''Science and the Public'' in Companion to the History of Modern Science, edited by R. C. Olby; G. N. Cantor (London, 1990) 990-1007; Peter Broks, ‘Science, Media and Culture: British Magazines, 1890-1914’, Public Understanding of Science, 2 (1993), 123-39; G. Cantor et al. (ed.) Science in the Nineteenth Century Periodical: Reading the Magazine of Nature (New York, 2004); Peter Bowler, ‘Experts and Publishers: Writing Popular Science in Early Twentieth-Century Britain, Writing Popular History of Science Now’, British Journal for the History of Science, 39 (2006), 159-87.

Yet, events surrounding the eclipse should be seen in a broader political perspective. In the late 1890s, Portugal faced a very delicate situation in the international political scenario. In the aftermath of the Berlin Conference, Portugal struggled with the most powerful European countries to keep its interests in Africa. In this context, the opportunity afforded by the eclipse of 1900 became a matter of national interest, a singular occasion for Portugal to project abroad a much needed image of modernity. In this context, an Eclipse Committee was established. Oom became a key player in this committee as he was in charge of organizing the logistics attendant to the expeditions of foreign astronomers and of coordinating a ‘national plan’ for the observation of the eclipse. By the time the 1900 eclipse took place, astronomers had long realized that this sort of events were particularly suitable to mobilize public attention and participation. In accordance with their different knowledge and instruments, during a total eclipse there were several observations that lay people could perform. Quite aware of this fact, Oom seized the opportunity provided by the eclipse to engage himself in popularizing science. He not only published a book addressed to a widereadership and carefully planned how it could reach a maximum audience, including sending it off to many newspapers, but also played a key role in organizing eclipse expeditions, in promoting public awareness of astronomy, and in establishing a national network of lay correspondents. This paper focuses on Oom’s involvement in promoting public awareness of science at the occasion of the 1900 total solar eclipse. It aims at illustrating the different layers of the circulation process, and at proving that neither popularization of science was an unidirectional process from scientists to lay people nor did it serve only a particular agenda, be it political, social or scientific. This case-study shows that the political plan to raise this event to a question of national prestige came along with the ‘social’ agenda of the astronomers who used it as a way to legitimize the national need for science professionals. Furthermore it demonstrates that the coexistence of different observational programmes during the eclipse does not exclude the fact that astronomers active in different institutional settings actually entered into contact at this occasion as well as with people with different levels and commitments with regard to science and scientific research.

1. The eclipse of 28 May 1900: a question of national prestige In the Report of the expeditions organized by the British Astronomical Association to observe the Total Solar Eclipse of 1900, May 28, Walter Maunder, who edited the volume, acknowledged the support provided by foreign governments and alluded to the difficult circumstances under which that support was granted. One feature of our various eclipse expeditions, a feature common to them all, it is impossible to pass over without recognition. They took place at a time when there was not a little irritation and stress between Great Britain and many other nations. The Continental Press in general, and to a considerable extent that of America also, was full of unfriendly remarks about us; nor were the replies of our own newspapers always above criticism. If we had formed an opinion of the state of international feeling from these and similar political writings, we should

have concluded that we had little to expect in the way of assistance or kindness from those with whom our expeditions would bring us into contact. But our actual experience was the very reverse of this. The record of our Members at each and every station, whether it was in the United States, in Portugal, Spain, or in the French colony of Algeria, was that they received in every case the fullest and most considerate courtesy; indeed, much more than that, the most liberal and generous help.5 As far as Portugal was concerned, Maunder was truly right. In fact, at the turn of the century, there was a widespread anti-British sentiment in Portuguese society, and the Portuguese press exploited it.6 In 1890, in the aftermath of the Berlin Conference (1884-85), where the British and the Portuguese interests regarding African colonization clashed, the British government issued an ultimatum ordering the Portuguese to withdraw from the regions between the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique (corresponding nowadays to Zambia and Zimbabwe). In the Berlin Conference, Portugal had presented a project (known as the ‘rose coloured map’) according to which the region from the Angola coast to the Mozambique coast should be recognized as part of the Portuguese colonial empire. As a consequence of the British ultimatum, Portugal actually gave up its original colonial intentions and contented itself with Angola and Mozambique. This resignation over its colonial interests had a profound impact on internal and international politics.7 In the domestic plan, the capitulation over the British ultimatum originated a huge critical movement against the Monarchy and definitely strengthened the Republican opposition.8 This internal state of affairs was aggravated as Portugal went through a very serious economic and financial crisis in the late nineteenth century.9 As far as international politics is concerned, the British ultimatum revealed the Portuguese incapacity to defy the most powerful European countries. In 1898, Great Britain and Germany signed a secret treaty according to which, in case Portugal was unable to pay its huge external debts, these countries should divide among themselves the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique, Angola and Timor. Nevertheless, one year later, in 1899, the Windsor Treaty, signed between Britain and Portugal, cancelled the former British-German treaty.10

5 E. Walter Maunder (ed.), The Total Solar Eclipse 1900. Report of the expeditions organized by the British Astronomical Association to observe the total solar eclipse of 1900, May 28 (London, 1901), 5. 6 Rui Ramos, Bernardo Vasconcelos Sousa, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (Lisbon, 2009), J. Mattoso (ed). Volume 6: A Segunda Fundação (1890-1926) (Lisbon, 1994) 50-4. A history of Portuguese press can be found in José Tengarrinha, História da Imprensa Periódica Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1989). 7 Nuno Severiano Teixeira, O Ultimatum Inglês: Política Externa e Política Interna no Portugal de 1890 (Lisbon, 1990). 8 Amadeu Carvalho Homem, ‘O Ultimato Inglês e a opinião pública’, Revista de História das Ideias, 14 (1992), 281-96; Lourenço Pereira Coutinho, Do Ultimato à República: Política e Diplomacia nas últimas décadas da Monarquia (Lisbon, 2003). 9 For a general introduction to Portuguese history at the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth centuries, see A.H. de Oliveira Marques and Joel Serrão (ed.), Nova História de Portugal. Volume 9: Portugal da Monarquia para a República (Lisbon, 1991); Rui Ramos, Bernardo Vasconcelos Sousa, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (Lisbon, 2009); R. Ramos (note 6); and, particularly, Kathleen Schwartzman, The Social Origins of Democratic Collapse. The First Portuguese Republic in Global Economy (Lawrence, 1989). 10 See, particularly, L. Coutinho (note 8).

The international expeditions to observe the total solar eclipse of 1900 in Portugal took place under these difficult political circumstances. In the internal realm, however, the 1900 eclipse was perceived as a matter of national interest to the Portuguese government. On the one hand it could, in some way, allow Portuguese government to strengthen the political relationships with Great Britain, and, on the other hand, it was an outstanding occasion for Portugal to project abroad an image of modernity. The way foreign astronomers were received, the facilities offered to observe the eclipse properly and their contact with Portuguese scientific institutions (and especially astronomical observatories) could alter positively Portugal’s image abroad. In general terms, at the turn of the century, Portugal was described within the Anglo-Saxon intellectual milieu as a feverous catholic country ruled by a corrupted aristocracy and full of illiterate people. For example, in 1917, George Young, who presented himself as a ‘friend of Portugal’ and was clearly in favor of the new political order stemming from the Republican Revolution of 1910, which, according to him, inaugurated the ‘New Portugal’,11 synthesized the political history of monarchical Portugal in the following terms: ‘The seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries in Portugal were dominated by a virulent theocracy, a vicious aristocracy and a vapid autocracy.’12 The eclipse episode could contribute to change European’s negative perception of Portugal. With that aim in mind, the Portuguese government established, in 31 March 1900, a national committee in charge of all the logistics related to the eclipse event. The Eclipse Committee should ‘provide Portuguese and foreign astronomers with the most efficient means to carry out those observations [of the total solar eclipse] on account of science and the country.’13 This Committee was presided by Mariano Cyrillo de Carvalho, former professor of astronomy at the Lisbon Polytechnic School and director of the Astronomical Observatory of this school, and included César Augusto de Campos Rodrigues, director of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory, Oom, sub-director and astronomer at the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory to whom we already referred, José Nunes da Matta, professor at the Navy School, and Artur Teixeira Bastos, astronomer at the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory. In this team, the executive man was really Oom. Cyrillo de Carvalho played the role of the official president rather than actually that of an effective and working leader, and Campos Rodrigues was not cut out for that kind of job.14 It was in this scenario that Oom assumed the Committee’s informal command, and planned the national reception to the foreign astronomers who chose to observe the total eclipse in Portugal.15 Oom was by then a well established astronomer in Portugal. Son of the first director of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory, Frederico Augusto Oom (18301890), Oom studied astronomy at the Lisbon Polytechnic School and graduated in 11

George Young, Portugal Old and Young. An Historical Study (London, 1917), 28: ‘…Republicans represent Portugal and the Royalists do not’. On the Luso-British relationship in this period, see John Vincent-Smith, As Relações políticas luso-britânicas, 1910-1916 (Lisbon, 1975). 12 G. Young (note 11), 24. 13 ‘(…) assegurando aos astronomos nacionaes e estrangeiros os mais efficazes meios de proceder a essas observações no interesse da sciencia e do paiz’. Diário do Governo, 3 April 1900, 814. 14 Campos Rodrigues was a very reserved and not particularly sociable person. On Campos Rodrigues see Pedro Raposo, A Vida e Obra do Almirante Campos Rodrigues, Unpublished Master thesis at the University of Lisbon, 2006. 15 The largest amount of documentation produced by this Committee is now preserved at the Historical Archive of Lisbon Astronomical Observatory, where Oom worked during his lifelong career as astronomer.

military engineering from the Army School (Escola do Exército). In 1891, he integrated the staff of astronomers of the Portuguese main astronomical institution, the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory, working in close relation with its director, Campos Rodrigues, with whom he published Observations méridiennes de la planète Mars .16 Oom published regularly in some of the main academic journals such as The Observatory, Astronomischen Nachrichten and Revue Scientifique.17 As a matter of fact, even prior to the Committee’s creation, Oom was already planning the scientific and social organization related to the 1900 total solar eclipse. Already one year earlier, Oom was writing to several astronomers and astronomical institutions so as not to miss any of the aspects involved in the organization of former eclipse expeditions. Thus, he addressed letters not only to European astronomical observatories, asking what had been their observational programmes in former eclipses, but also to astronomical observatories worldwide, enquiring about the facilities conceded by their countries in the past to observe eclipses.18 He wrote, for example, to H. Terao, director of the Tokyo Astronomical Observatory, and to the Kodaokanal Observatory, in southern India, as well as to the main European observatories: Greenwich, Paris, Potsdam, Madrid, etc.19 Not surprisingly, Oom received a number of answers and indications on how to organize the reception of foreign eclipse expeditions, what their scientific agendas were about, and on other possible and useful observations to be taken into consideration. For example, Herbert Hall Turner, director of the Oxford University Astronomical Observatory, informed the Portuguese astronomer that: As regards the eclipse, our recent experience has led us to confine our work to taking photographs of corona and its spectrum. But there is still much valuable work of other kinds to be done. For instance, exact observations of the times of contacts at places near the border of the totality belt. Anyone disinterested enough to do such work gives up a good view of the corona, which he only sees for a second or two: but if such a series of observations could be organized they would give most valuable information as to the relative sizes of the Sun and Moon. The observers should determine the local time and also their geographical position, with as much accuracy as possible. The last occasion on which such observations were organized was 1887 in Russia: but bad weather prevented anything being done with kind regards.20 By making enquiries to his colleagues worldwide, Oom learnt that there were a number of facilities that the Portuguese Eclipse Committee should offer. Those facilities included providing forecast information for late May 1900, information on observational sites, relieving foreign astronomers from Custom-House formalities, granting free railway travelling, guaranteeing telegraphic transmission of daily timesignal, advising on matters related to travel plans, arranging accommodations, and finally making available good conditions for astronomical observations (that is, military and police protection during the observations).21 16

Campos Rodrigues, F.T. Oom, Observations méridiennes de la planète Mars (Lisbon, 1895). Manuel Soares de Melo e Simas, ‘Elogio histórico do sócio efectivo Frederico Oom’, Boletim da Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, 3 new series (1931), 600-26. 18 Historical Archive of Lisbon Astronomical Observatory (hereafter OAL), C233 19 OAL, C233 20 OAL A65; Correspondência, Turner, 02 February 1900 21 OAL, C233. 17

All theses issues were later considered in a document called Avis aux astronomes se rendant en Portugal pour la prochaine éclipse and issued by Campos Rodrigues, director of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory and member of the Eclipse Committee, on behalf of the Portuguese government.22 This Avis announcing the facilities provided to foreign astronomers who visited Portugal was published in some of the main astronomical journals, such as the Astronomische Nachrichten and the Bulletin Astronomique.23 Astronomers who intended to travel to Portugal and desired to use privileges conceded by the Portuguese government should present their astronomical credentials to a Portuguese Consulate abroad. This institution would issue an official document to be presented later in the Portuguese territory. Once in Portugal, astronomers were received differently according to their institutional status. The British royal astronomer, for example, was received by King Manuel II (1889-1932),24 while the astronomers from the British Astronomical Association were given not only transport and security facilities but also a permanent translator and assistant.25 Everything went well and, indeed, letters and notes from foreign astronomers, acknowledging the facilities and kindness received in Portugal, arrived at the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory afterwards. For example, before departing from Portugal, W. Gibbs addressed a letter to the president of the Eclipse Committee, stating that ‘on behalf of myself and my friend Mr F. Smith I wish to tender to you our thanks for the kindness we have received during our visit to Portugal. We have come to the country knowing nothing of the language but owing to your kindness and that of other friends our visit has been a great success and we shall always retain very pleasant memories of it.’26 3. Scientific agendas: different observational programmes and teams 3.1 Foreign professional and amateur expeditions In the observation of a total solar eclipse, different observational programmes coexisted. With the growth of astrophysics, solar eclipse expeditions became major scientific events.27 They involved the observation of the sun’s corona and prominences. The brief moments of totality were also unique moments for the search for intra-mercurial planets. By the turn of the century, a number of astronomers still believed that a planet - or a group of minor planets - moving inside the orbit of Mercury cause Mercury’s perihelion to move more rapidly than it was supposed

22

Campos Rodrigues, Avis aux astronomes se rendant en Portugal pour la prochaine éclipse, Lisbonne (Tapada), Observatoire royal, 1900, avril 2, OAL A65. 23 Astronomische Nachrichten 152 (1900), 207-8 ; Bulletin Astronomique, serie I, 17 (1900),1613. 24 W. H. M. Christie and F. W. Dyson, ‘Total Eclipse of the Sun, 1900, May 28. Preliminary Account of the Observations Made at Ovar, Portugal’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 67(1900), 393. 25 The party was composed by W. B. Gibbs, G. F. Chambers and F. Lys Smith was received in Lisbon by an official deputy, Lieutenant Pellen, who assisted them during their sojourn in Portugal, E. Maunder (note 5), 26. 26 OAL C233, Correspondence, Gibbs, 30 May 1900. 27 On the rise of solar physics and the role played in it by the observation of total solar eclipses, see particularly Karl Hufbauer, Exploring the Sun. Solar Science since Galileo (Baltimore and London, 1991) 42-80.

according to gravitational theory.28 More traditional programmes including observation of contact times also stimulated a large number of astronomers. The comparative study of total solar eclipse expeditions brings to light the co-existence of different scientific agendas both among different groups of professional astronomers as well as between professional and amateur astronomers.29 Therefore, they became instrumental in comparing local astronomical traditions with other traditions, especially in what relates to their adoption of the agenda of the new field of astrophysics. The observation in Portugal of the total solar eclipse of 1900 naturally and unsurprisingly brought about different astronomical programmes. The study of those programmes reveals a split between Portuguese and foreign astronomers and, into some extent, between professional and amateur astronomers. Great Britain was the best represented country in Portugal in 1900. The main British team that chose to observe the eclipse in Portugal came from the Greenwich Observatory, and was formed by the Royal Astronomer, William Christie, and his assistants C. Davidson and F. Dyson. This team was particularly focused on obtaining large and small scale photographs of the corona, and on photographing the flash spectrum. With this aim in view, and with the support of the British community living in Porto (particularly of Frank Rawes), the Royal Observatory party decided to establish its observing station at Aveiro (northwest Portugal), near the extreme westerly point of the line of totality in Europe, in the backyard of the house of a local notable. This team was also joined by two English amateur astronomers, J.J. Atkinson and Arthur Berry, and by two members of the Porto British community, Frank Rawes and Mrs. Kennedy.30 During the eclipse, Christie took photographs of the solar corona, using a Thompson photoheliograph, while Davidson, assisted by Atkinson, used a double camera to take small scale photographs of the corona to show the extension. Dyson photographed the spectrum of the ‘flash’ and of the corona with a double photographic spectroscope.31 Photographing the emission spectrum of the sun’s chromosphere occurring in the few seconds before totality in a solar eclipse allowed astronomers to identify the chemical constituents of sun’s atmosphere. Figure 1: The team of Royal Observatory of Greenwich preparing their Eclipse observation at Ovar (in front William Christie*?) This observational programme enabled the Greenwich astronomers to confirm the close association between the occurrence of coronal streamers and prominences, which was suggested in the photographs of the1898 eclipse. Nevertheless, Dyson failed to register photographically the green line of the corona spectrum.32 From Great Britain came not only a group of professional astronomers but also some outstanding amateur astronomers. This was the case of the popular writer Chambers, to whom we referred in the beginning of this paper, and author of Story of 28

See David Leverington, Babylon to Voyager and Beyond. A History of Planetary Astronomy (Cambridge, 2003), 181-5. 29 See, for example, Pedro Ruiz-Castell, Astronomy and Astrophysics in Spain (1850-1914) (Newcastle, 2008), 110-264. 30 Christie, Dyson (note 24), 392-3. 31 Christie, Dyson (note 24), 392-5. 32 Christie, Dyson (note 24), 396-402.

Eclipses which included useful information on what should be observed during an eclipse and how.33 In Ovar, Chambers dedicated himself to the observation of the ‘Baily’s Beads’, a phenomenon produced by the sunlight shining through valleys along the Moon’s limb.34 Other amateur astronomers, such as W.B. Gibbs, F. Lys Smith and Reverend Augustin Morford, travelled to Ovar to observe the corona. In his turn, Nielson, another English astronomer observed Mercury.35 At Ovar, during the totality, Mercury and Venus were clearly seen, but no stars were observed except Sirius.36 Six miles further south, in Estarreja, Reverend H. P. Slade made his observations in company with E.C. Boden. In general, these astronomers used in their observations small refractor telescopes.37 The British team was undoubtedly the main foreign team stationed in Portugal. Nevertheless, there was also another significant group of astronomers coming from Germany. Two central astronomers were to be found in the German team, Ernst Jost of the Heidelberg Observatory and G. Müller of the Potsdam Observatory. Jost stood at Ovar, and joined the British party,38 while Müller went to Viseu.39 Despite the fact that German astronomers chose different sites of observation, they shared a similar astronomical agenda. They paid special attention to Mercury.40 Müller had observed Mercury photometrically for more than a decade (1878-88) in order to establish a connection between Mercury’s brightness and the magnitude of the phase for phaseangles from 50º to 120º. But Müller needed to observe the brightness of this planet at smaller phase-angles to verify whether the behaviour of Mercury was similar to that of a number of minor planets, and to ascertain the value of the diameters of these planets by comparing their albedo with that of Mercury. When Müller realized that the total solar eclipse of 28 May was an especially favourable occasion to confirm his theory, he published a short paper in the Astrophysical Journal, advocating this kind of observation.41 As he referred in his paper, ‘total solar eclipses under some circumstances offer an excellent opportunity to fill out the gap in the light-curve of Mercury, and to observe the planet photometrically during daytime, and even when it is high above the horizon.’42 It is most likely that Jost was fully aware of Müller’s research and seized the opportunity to observe Mercury’s brightness during the eclipse. At a time when women gained a more prominent role in Western societies, it is not surprising to find that women as well took part in the astronomical observation of the 1900 eclipse. Thus, the daily newspaper Diário de Notícias announced that Madame von Prittwitz and Miss Grace Sawyer, ‘two American women astronomers, mother and daughter’, had arrived at Ovar on 20 May.43

33

G. Chambers (note 1). G. Chambers (note 1), 242-3. 35 E. Maunder (note 5), 190. 36 ‘The Solar Eclipse of May 28’, The Observatory, 23 (1900), 247. 37 E. Maunder (note 5), 26. 38 E. Maunder (note 5), 26 39 Diário de Notícias, 21 May 1900. 40 E. Maunder (note 5), 26. 41 G. Müller, ‘Proposal for the Photometric Observation of the Planet Mercury during the Total Solar Eclipse of May 28, 1900’, Astrophysical Journal, 11 (1900), 144-7. 42 Müller, ‘Proposal for the Photometric Observation…’, 145. 43 Diário de Notícias, 21 May 1900. The records of the Eclipse Committee documented the demand of these amateur astronomers to enjoy the privileges offered by the Portuguese government to observe the eclipse. OAL, C233. 34

Eclipse expeditions were not only scientific events; they revealed also a strong cultural dimension.44 In fact, especially among amateur astronomers, eclipse expeditions were a very good opportunity to get in touch with different cultures and to travel and visit the beauties and sights of those countries. And, in fact, some foreign astronomers took the chance to visit Portugal. After the eclipse, for example, Chambers visited the north of Portugal, Coimbra and Buçaco, while other astronomers, such as Gibbs and Lys Smith, visited Lisbon before embarking to England.45 These astronomers took photographs of the cities and regions visited and took notes and comments on the local people, flora, and animals. Gibbs, for example, mentioned in his report that he and his colleagues ‘were greatly struck with the richness of the Portuguese flora, which appeared to be a worthy rival of that of the Swiss Alps. The different species of mesembryanthemum, cistus, and lithospernum were in great profusion, and made a most brilliant show. The public gardens, and such private gardens as those of Viscount Cook, at Montserrat, and the Baron de Soutelinho, at Porto, were filled with the most beautiful specimens of tropical vegetation.’46 3.2 National professional and amateur expeditions If the observation of the total solar eclipse attracted the attention of leading and amateur foreign astronomers, it caused no lesser enthusiasm among the Portuguese astronomical community. The main scientific and technical colleges (including the University of Coimbra), some secondary schools, scientific associations and a large amount of lay people followed the eclipse event and made a huge number of observations different in kind and purpose. Besides organizing the reception of foreign astronomers and teams and arranging all the logistics related to the event, the Eclipse Committee coordinated these observations and gathered the observational data registered by Portuguese observers. Again, a central role was played by Oom. As the executive leader of the Committee, Oom not only took notice of the local initiatives involving the observation of the eclipse, but also created and strengthened a network of nationwide correspondents, including a majority of amateur astronomers. Oom himself stood in Lisbon and failed this opportunity to observe the total solar eclipse. As vice-director of Lisbon Astronomical Observatory he was assigned to welcome Queen Amélia, who visited the Observatory on 28 May to observe the eclipse there.47 In turn, the other astronomers of the Lisbon Observatory travelled to Serra da Estrela (northeast) to observe the eclipse, on an unofficial basis.48 Taking into account the important role of this institution in the Portuguese scientific context of the time, the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory party was a surprisingly small team with a somewhat traditional programme. The Lisbon Observatory team was lead by its director Campos Rodrigues and included Teixeira Bastos, Guilherme Capelo and Viterbo Elias.49 Its major aim was to observe the intra-mercurial planets, but adverse

44

Alex Soojung-Kim Pang, Empire and the Sun. Victorian Solar Eclipse Expeditions (Stanford, 2002); Ruiz-Castell (note 29), 212-47. 45 E. Maunder (note 5), 27. 46 E. Maunder (note 5), 28. 47 OAL, [Livro de Visitas], DD 455, 28 May 1900; Diário de Notícias, 29 May 1900. 48 Oom, Frederico, ‘O futuro eclipse’, O Instituto, 52 (1905), 489. 49 Diário de Notícias, 28/05/00.

weather conditions prevented this sort of observations.50 In view of this setback, observations carried out by the Lisbon team focused especially on contact times, shadow bands, landscape colour and meteorological observations.51 Their major outcome was the precise determination of the geographical coordinates of this remote region of the country.52

Figure 2: The party of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory preparing the observation of 1900 eclipse in Serra da Estrela. (Historical Archive of Lisbon Astronomical Observatory) More ambitious was the participation of the University of Coimbra, guided by the professor of astronomy and director of the University Observatory, Francisco da Costa Lobo. In addition to a traditional programme of observations, Lobo took this chance to enhance the interest of the Coimbran astronomers in the new field of astrophysics. Their observations took place in Viseu. Lobo divided the Coimbran team as follows: Rocha Peixoto and two assistants observed contact times while Costa Lobo, with three assistants, photographed the spectrum of the corona, and Luciano da Silva and Charles Lepierre operated with the spectroscopes.53 It seems that the Coimbran team obtained eighty three photographs and intended to publish the data and the conclusions of their observations,54 but failed to do so for still unknown reasons. Two other expeditions went to Viseu to observe the eclipse: one involving teachers and students of the Lisbon Polytechnic School and the other members of the Navy School. The astronomy professors and students of both colleges observed basically the contacts of the moon with the sun’s disk, temperature and atmospheric variations.55 The team from the Lisbon Polytechnic School included João Inácio Patrocínio da Costa, professor of astronomy, one assistant and six students. The Navy School party was formed by the professor of astronomy Nunes da Mata, together with Hugo de Lacerda, Ernesto de Vasconcelos, both professors at this college, two other auxiliary personnel and twelve students.56 Local high schools also took the solar eclipse as an opportunity to develop among their students and teachers an interest in science, and particularly in astronomy. The most remarkable instance of active participation of secondary schools was that of the Colégio de S. Fiel. This religious school observed the eclipse in two sites near Viseu – Benespera and Capinha - photographed the spectrum of the corona, and later published its observations in O Eclipse Total de 28 de Maio de 1900.57 And, one should note that afterwards, teachers of this school exchanged many letters with Oom. They were intrigued by the brief observation of spots of light just before

50

Oom (note 48), 490. OAL, A65. 52 Oom (note 48), 490. 53 Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900. 54 Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900. 55 OAL, A147 56 Diário de Notícias, 31 May 1900 57 Eclipse do Sol de 28 de Maio de 1900. Observações dos Professores do Collegio de S. Fiel (Lisbon, 1900). 51

totality,58 which Oom identified as the known ‘Baily’s beads.’59 Later, in their publications S. Fiel teachers fully acknowledged Oom’s collaboration.60 Oom got also strongly involved in the organization of the bigger amateur expedition of all, an expedition promoted by the Lisbon Geographical Society. A scientific association with hybrid characteristics, this Society included not only geographers and scientifically trained people, but also a wide range of persons, from traders and industrials to civil servants. In the session of the Geographical Society that took place on 12 March 1900, the Society’s members enlisted in the class of astronomy – including Oom – were asked to pronounce themselves about a prospective expedition to be organized by the Geographical Society.61 They were in favour of the initiative, and a Committee was established to take care of organizational matters.62 Furthermore, astronomers were asked to produce a list of potential observations to carry out by excursionists. Oom was not to let escape such a favorable opportunity of promoting public awareness of science, and he himself wrote down the observation list.63 No copy of this list survived, but most likely it reproduced the topics already included in the book The 1900 Solar eclipse, which we refer in detail in the next section. Society’s members were encouraged to actively participate, and observations were to be published in the journal of Lisbon Geographical Society (Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa), following Oom’s suggestion.64 The expedition of the Lisbon Geographical Society was a success. One-day return tickets to travel from Lisbon to Viseu were put up for sale at the Society’s premises.65 By 27 May, three hundred first-class tickets together with over fifty second-class tickets were sold.66 Newspapers gave detailed coverage of the expedition promoted by the Lisbon Geographical Society.67 Just as it happened in Spain, in Portugal the eclipse event became a major social event. Large masses of people travelled to the regions of path of totality to observe the

58

OAL, C 469 Letter dated 30 October 1900 and answered on the 01 November1900. Colégio de São Fiel (note 57), 6. 60 Colégio de São Fiel (note 57), 5. 61 The partners enlisted in the astronomy class who signed the statement were Frederico Oom, José Nunes da Matta and António Cabreira. Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 2ª caixa. 62 Apart from Frederico Oom, José Nunes da Matta and António Cabreira, the Committee (established on 2 April) integrated António de Vasconcellos Porto, Guilherme Gomes Coelho, Domingos Tasso de Figueiredo, José Augusto Moreira d’Almeida, José Martinho da Silva Guimarães, José Carlos de Carvalho Pessoa and Hypacio Frederico de Brion. Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 2ª caixa. 63 He had the list almost complete by 23 April when he requested a meeting of the Society’s astronomical section in order to discuss it. Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 3ª caixa. 64 Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 2ª caixa. Nevertheless, no paper on the 1900 eclipse appeared in the issues of Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa published in the early 1900’s. 65 The price of first-class ticket was 4500 réis and the second-class 4300 réis. Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 2ª caixa. 66 The correspondence between Eclipse Committee of Lisbon Geographical Society and the train company is preserved at Arquivo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Correspondência -1900, 2ª caixa. 67 Diário de Notícias, 29 May 1900. 59

eclipse.68 In his Story of Eclipses, Chambers reported the enthusiasm of Portuguese crowds in the following terms: As the day approached for our journey from our headquarters at Porto to Ovar we were all a good deal surprised to find the Portuguese masses, who are not supposed to be very studious, displaying so much emotion. Both before, at, and after the great event they entered thoroughly into it. How great was the popular ferment may be inferred from the fact that excursion trains were run not only from Lisbon to Ovar and Porto, which is a straight journey, but also from Lisbon to Vizeu, another town on the central line but which is a very long and tedious journey of well-nigh 200 miles across country up into the mountains.69 Although we cannot obviously advocate that all social mobilization was due to Oom’s work, one may certainly conclude that the dissemination of Oom’s booklet, his frantic collaboration with newspapers, and his effort to establish a nationwide network of correspondents, granted him a key role in mobilizing public participation in the observation of the 1900 eclipse. 3.3 Foreign versus national astronomical programmes The aims of Portuguese and foreign expeditions were strikingly different. Basically, foreign professional astronomers took the chance provided by the 1900 total solar eclipse to observe the sun’s corona and prominences as well as to observe Mercury, while in general Portuguese expeditions were almost always concerned with regular routine observations. The only exception was the Coimbran party which attempted to make astrophysical observations, but failed to publish them. Several reasons may be invoked to explain the different agendas of Portuguese and foreign teams, including the option made by the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory to continue exclusively and competently – one shall add – with positional astronomy.70 As it often happened with eclipse expeditions, there was no relationship between different Portuguese expeditions, and particularly between Portuguese and foreign expeditions. A successful observation of an eclipse required the previous definition of the entire observational programme, the careful planning of all stages, and tasks’ division. Therefore, at the eve of the eclipse’s observation, when supposedly two teams could meet in the same region, there was no room to influence each others’ observations. However these events could set off long lasting relationship among astronomers. Astronomers usually took advantage of these opportunities to visit foreign observatories, meet their technical personnel and appreciate their instruments and working methods. For example, the Greenwich astronomers visited Lisbon Astronomical Observatory at Tapada before leaving for Ovar.71 Though it is not clear to what extent the 1900 eclipse event drew the attention of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory’s astronomers to the need of establishing strong 68

For the Spanish case, see Ruiz-Castell (note 29) as well as his “A ‘National Fiesta’: Total Solar Eclipses and Popularization of Astronomy in Early Twentieth-Century Spain” in Beyond Borders. Fresh Perspectives in History of Science, edited by J. Simon and N. Herran with T. LanuzaNavarro, P. Ruiz-Castell and X. Guillem-Llobat (note 2),179-98. 69 G. Chambers (note 1), 240. 70 P. Raposo (note 14). 71 Christie, Dyson (note 24), 392.

institutional relationships with foreign colleagues, Oom’s later engagement in publishing the results of Campos Rodrigues’s work might have been an outcome of his contact with some foremost foreign astronomers.72 As far as observations carried out by the heterogeneous group of amateur astronomers it is clear that observational programmes of both Portuguese amateurs and foreign counterparts were similar. Those observations included the inspection of shadow bands, contact times, photographs (we included Colégio de São Fiel’s teachers in the group of amateur astronomers) and occasional sketches of the corona, meteorological observations and the examination of the effect of eclipse on animals.73 4. ‘Social’ agenda: legitimizing science professionals 4.1 Oom’s powerful strategy to disseminate science: writing a popular book on the 1900 solar eclipse A large number of amateur astronomers sent their observations to Oom to the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory.74 This was a clear outcome of Oom’s active involvement in promoting the public awareness of science on the occasion of the 1900 eclipse. At the turn of the century, Oom was one of the leading astronomers in Portugal and one of the first to engage in the popularization of science. After the Republican Revolution that took place in 1910, a generation of astronomers got particularly involved in disseminating science to wider audience. Scientific education was regarded as a ‘sine qua non’ condition for the progress of the country perceived by Republican intellectuals as a backward and obscure nation. In this context, newspapers, publications on ‘popular science’ and events such the establishment of the ‘Free University’ (Universidade Livre), where Republican scientists regularly delivered conferences, played a key role as mediators between the cultural and scientific elite and the uneducated masses. Scientists such as the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory astronomer Melo e Simas, a future minister of Public Instruction in the Republican regime, wrote for generalist newspapers and cultural magazines on a regular basis and often delivered papers on astronomical and cosmological issues intended for a broad audience.75 Although Oom never held a political career, he was very much in tune with the Republican ideas about the need to offer scientific education to a large spectrum of society. A couple of years before the total solar eclipse of 1900, Oom saw in this astronomical event a splendid chance to ‘popularize’ astronomy among the ‘general public.’ Furthermore, it was also an excellent opportunity to publicly show the usefulness of scientific professionals in a country where scientific careers scarcely existed. With the exception of physicians, and few science professors teaching during the nineteenth-century at the University of Coimbra, at the military schools and at the 72

Raposo (note 14). OAL, A 147. 74 These observations are nowadays preserved at the Historical Archive of Lisbon Astronomical Observatory. 75 Ana Simões, Elsa Mota, Paulo Crawford, ‘Einstein in Portugal. Eddington’s 1919 expedition to Principe and the reactions of Portuguese astronomers (1917-1925)’, British Journal for the History of Science, 42 (2) 2009, 245-73; Ana Simões, ‘Considerações históricas sobre ciência e sociedade: divórcio litigioso ou casamento de sucesso?’, in edited by A. Tostões, E.R. Arantes de Oliveira, J.M. Pinto Paixão, P. Magalhães, eds, Encontro de Saberes. Três gerações de bolseiros da Gulbenkian (Lisbon, 2006), 247-57. 73

Polytechnic schools of Lisbon and Porto, Portuguese scientific professionals continued to find a working place almost exclusively in the Army.76 The key piece of Oom’s plan to communicate science to a broad audience and concurrently to legitimize the role played by scientists in a modern society was the publication of a book addressed to a wide-readership on the eclipse of 1900, and its effective distribution not only among scientific professionals, but especially among different groups of people. Accordingly, as it becomes clear from the inspection of Oom’s personal records preserved at the historical archive of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory, he spent partially the year of 1899 writing O Eclipse do Sol de 1900 Maio 28 em Portugal [The Solar eclipse of 28 May 1900 in Portugal. Hereafter cited as The 1900 Solar eclipse]. In April 1900, this book was published by Imprensa Nacional (National Press), the same publisher commonly entrusted with the publication of official documentation, including laws.77 No doubt, this publication was regarded as relevant for public interest, revealing the official commitment to the event. The 1900 Solar eclipse is divided in two parts. First, it provides a general introduction to solar eclipses, describing their nature and associated phenomena associated . It proceeds with a note on past eclipses, as well as some descriptions on spectroscopy and on the Sun’s physical constitution. The first part ends by focusing on some non-astronomical observations that can be carried out during a total solar eclipse. The second part of the book focuses on the eclipse of 28 May 1900, providing astronomical details for its successful observation. The 1900 Solar eclipse is clearly a book written by an up-to-date astronomer and addressed to a wide audience of lay people with some astronomical knowledge rather than a book addressed to professional astronomers. As Oom referred in the book’s prologue: This booklet is neither intended for an expert audience, nor for the generality of lay public, but for those who despite not directly involved with science, are generally enlightened, and have sufficient knowledge to be interested in scientific matters, and strive to be informed on what is currently studied in eclipses, on the results already obtained on the matter, and on those results which are still to be expected. Among those topics there are a few intelligible to anyone provided with the indispensable good will and to which anyone can easily contribute with the data obtained from their personal observations.78 By addressing his work to the generally enlightened public, Oom wrote a book on ‘popular astronomy’ as this genre was considered at the turn of the century. Similar books were published throughout Europe, including the Story of Eclipses by Chambers. Readers of this sort of literature were not circumscribed to amateur astronomers, though a huge number of them fell in this category. Readers were 76

Which was, by the way, the case of Oom. He was an Army officer. Frederico Oom, O Eclipse de Sol de 1900 Maio 28 em Portugal (Lisbon, 1900). 78 ‘Não se destina, pois, este folheto aos sábios, nem tampouco á massa geral do publico, mas sim áquelles sómente que, sem cultivarem elles mesmos a sciencia, têem uma illustração geral e uma intelligencia sufficientes para ligar interesse aos assumptos scientificos, e que estimam informar-se do que actualmente se estuda n’um eclipse de Sol, dos resultados já obtidos, e dos que se procuram ainda, entre os quaes ha bastantes cuja investigação está ao alcance de todos que para isso tenham a boa vontade indispensável e a quem será fácil obter agora valiosos dados de observação própria.’ Oom (note 77), vii. 77

supposed to be in a position to understand generally the technical aspects involved in professional observations. During an eclipse, their active participation was confined to the observation of contact times and, more often, to the record of the effects produced by the eclipse on temperature, animals and plants. Addressed to this generally enlightened audience, thus, The 1900 Solar eclipse was not only an astronomical introduction to eclipses, but it also aimed to provide its readers with practical instructions to observe the eclipse and with an achievable programme of observations. Different observations were proposed to people with different educational backgrounds. Not surprisingly the topics expounded in The 1900 Solar eclipse were those later covered by the large majority of correspondence sent to Oom. Among Oom’s correspondents, one finds local teachers, civil servants, post-office clerks and a mass of anonymous people who, despite having a poor educational background, wished to contribute with their observations on the effect that the 1900 eclipse had upon local people, animals and plants. By evaluating this correspondence one concludes that Oom was successful in his characterization of what a ‘popular reader’ of astronomy was at the turn of the century. Nevertheless, in order to reach these ‘popular readers’ and hit his target it was crucial to disseminate the book as widely and efficiently as possible. The book was officially put up for sale at the Lisbon Geographical Society.79 Probably, one could also find it at the main bookshops in Lisbon and Porto. But, for an author engaged in popularizing science it was not enough. Oom’s personal documents reveal that he was quite aware of the need of a much broader circulation. Thus, Oom not only sent his book to the main astronomical institutions,80 as scientists usually did, but he dispatched it to journals and newspapers throughout the country. Furthermore, as one can conclude from Oom’s personal notes registering the book’s shipment, Oom sent the book to local influential people all over the country, and a large number of them acknowledged its reception. By doing so, he created a network of nationwide correspondents. Some would later send back to Oom their observations together with doubts and queries. Such was the case of Colégio de São Fiel. Two days after the eclipse, Silva Tavares, a teacher of this school , sent some photographs to Oom together with some doubts about the phenomenon known as ‘Baily’s beads,’ as we already mentioned. Some time later, the same professor wrote again to Oom, asking him questions about photo-amplification, and about astronomical instruments to be bought for a prospective observatory to build in the school.81 4.2 Oom’s impact upon the press: the case of the newspaper Diário de Notícias Even more influential was Oom’s decision of sending off his book to over two hundred newspapers.82 In fact, a number of these newspapers not only acknowledged the publication of Oom’s book, praising the scientific authority of its author, but more significantly made long quotations from The 1900 Solar eclipse. It is certainly not a coincidence that it was the capital newspaper Diário de Notícias which gave greater prominence to the 1900 solar eclipse. The capital 79

Diário de Notícias,, 29 April 1900. Five hundred copies were initially printed and put up for sale at the Geographical Society. 80 For example, Oom dispatched O Eclipse de Sol to the observatories of Greenwich, Paris, Madrid, Rio de Janeiro, Madras and Tokyo. OAL A65. 81 OAL C469. 82 OAL A65.

newspaper assumed its function of a national, not just local, newspaper, reporting on international events especially relevant to the Portuguese population. The eclipse’s national relevance materialized in 38 articles, distributed from 8 March to 12 December, making often the front page. Extensive information of the happening, with descriptions of preliminary observations from various places, was included on the two days following the eclipse.83 Its importance was such that both the eclipse’s day and the day after were declared holidays.84 Diário de Notícias followed carefully all the events related to the eclipse, informing about different issues. ‘Scientific matters’ were given a prominent place and included the characteristics of the eclipse, its progressive phases, its totality path and relevant calculations, effects on animals, as well as the eclipse’s importance for the observation of the corona and prominences. 85 Figure 3: Figure of totality path taken from Oom’s book The international character of the astronomical event was materialized by giving a special relevance to foreign scientific expeditions: the newspaper listed the nationality of different expeditions and their observational sites, gave the names of foreign astronomers, and announced special exemptions awarded to them as well as reported on weather conditions.86 The national face of this astronomical (and inherently) international event was described by pointing to the role of national institutions in supporting foreign expeditions, by listing the members of the scientific commission created for the event,87 and describing the aims of national scientific expeditions organized by the Royal Observatory of Lisbon,88 the University of Coimbra;89 the more socially oriented expeditionary excursion organized by National Geographic Society; 90 the expeditions of the Navy School, Army School and 83

Diário de Notícias, 29 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 30 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 13 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 17 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 22 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 23 May 1900. 85 Diário de Notícias, 28 April 1900. Diário de Notícias, 25 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 30 April 1900 86 Indication of names of foreign astronomers observing in Portugal: Diário de Notícias, 7 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 10 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 22 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 23 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 1 April 1900: Astronomers were exempted from charges on luggage and instruments. Diário de Notícias, 15 March 1900: The Royal Railroad Company offered 50% discount in the fares. Indication of observational site in Viseu: Diário de Notícias, 3 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 17 May 1900. Special reference to Müller: Diário de Notícias, 27 May 1900. Weather conditions: Diário de Notícias,20 May 1900. 87 Diário de Notícias, 3 April 1900. 88 Diário de Notícias,13 May 1900: The Astronomical Observatory secured the transmission of time by its pendula to the telegraphic stations of Ovar and Viseu. Personnel of the telegraphic stations were asked to provide help to astronomers if needed. Diário de Notícias, 21 May 1900: It is mentioned that Oom (this is incorrect as we have already seen), Campos Rodrigues and Teixeira Bastos went to Ovar but further down it is said that the expedition from the Astronomical Observatory went to Serra da Estrela, close to Viseu. Diário de Notícias, 15 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 23 May 1900. It is mentioned that Campos Rodrigues, Teixeira Bastos and Guillerme Capelo, from the Observatory of Lisbon were preparing the instruments for observing the eclipse in Serra da Estrela. 89 Diário de Notícias, 3 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 23 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 27 May 1900. It is from the news included in Diário de Notícias, 2 September 1900 that we know that a memoir with the results of their observations, including photographs of the different phases of the eclipse and the solar corona was planned to be published. 90 Diário de Notícias, 18 April 1900 included a list of members of the commission assembled to prepare the scientific excursion. Diário de Notícias, 22 April 1900 announced special prices listed for 84

Polytechnic School which held a markedly training character and were specifically addressed to students;91 and finally the role of teachers and students of S. Fiel’s School.92 Diário de Notícias also gave full coverage of the social events related to the eclipse event. It provided its readers with information about the social events foreign astronomers were involved in – for example, the reception given by the English trade community living in Porto to the astronomers coming from the UK. It also provided its readers with the details of the organization of special eclipse trips to the totality path and, most of all, the newspaper witnessed the eagerness with which lay people participated in the event – for example, it covered the travelling of the Royal family to Ovar and described public enthusiasm towards the event. 93 In fact, amateur observers and lay people were so many that Viseu accommodated 3000 visitors, a number which amounted to 1/3 of its population.94 Social and cultural events were organized for special guests, from tours to cultural sites to outdoor dinners.95 The astronomical event gave also way to different extra-scientific uses. An advertisement of German lenses (Bacon lenses) specially fit to follow the eclipse safely through all its phases and sold in a Lisbon shop testifies to its commercial appropriation.96 More relevant from our point of view were the political appropriations of the event which gave way to two different cartoons. On the eclipse’s day a cartoon dubbed ‘International eclipse’ depicted two astronomers looking at the face of the Sun which depicted the politician Paul Kruger, leader of the Boer resistance against British dominion, and elected President of the Republic of Transvaal for the fourth and last time, in 1898. During the II Boer War, his position became unstable. By the day of the eclipse, the situation could not be worse.97 While it is difficult to ascertain the reasons behind the visual appropriation of the eclipse in such political context, we should recall that the interest of Portugal in the Boer War was associated with the construction of a railway linking Lourenço Marques (now Maputo), in Mozambique, to the Transvaal, and by associating the sun with the leader of the Boers it could also reflect an indirect (but still strong) popular anti-British sentiment while simultaneously British astronomers were given all support. first and second class passengers on the train for first 250 members of the Geographical Society. Diário de Notícias, 26 April 1900: the instructions were taken from the memoir prepared by the Royal Astronomical Observatory, which also prepared a map with the totality path. Diário de Notícias,19 March 1900 announced that preliminary and final results were to be published in the Society’s newsletter. Diário de Notícias, 19 April 1900 announced that photographic works were especially encouraged not only for their scientific but also their artistic worth. Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900: the success of this expedition was evident from the 300 people who participated in it. 91 Diário de Notícias, 29 April 1900. Diário de Notícias, 27 May 1900. The team from the Polytechnic School made observations in Viseu. 92 Diário de Notícias, 12 December 1900. 93 Diário de Notícias, 23 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 24 May 1900. Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900. 94 Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900. 95 Diário de Notícias, 24 April 1900. The mayor of Viseu is preparing visits to the cathedral and an excursion on the eve of 29 May to the mountain of Bussaco to see the sun’s rise. Diário de Notícias, 3 May 1900. Outdoor dinner. Diário de Notícias, 8 May 1900. Special accommodations, meals, resting places arranged by the mayor. Diário de Notícias, 27 May 1900. The paintings of the famous school of Grão Vasco will be shown to visitors. 96 Diário de Notícias, 24 May 1900. 97 Diário de Notícias, 28 May 1900. He left Pretoria the day after the eclipse, at first kept in hiding and then left for exile.

Figure 4: Cartoon of International eclipse At the national level, the political appropriation of the eclipse by those opposing the government materialized in a revealing cartoon named ‘Political Astronomy.’98 The sun represented the face of the politician José Luciano de Castro, leader of the Party in power (Partido Progressista). The government was to resign on 25 June, but by 14 May Luciano de Castro was still the commanding Sun, albeit challenged by protests and political rallies (white clouds) and by Ernesto Hintze Ribeiro, a man of the opposition and central figure of the rival party (Partido Regenerador), whose face’s contour is symbolized by the big black menacing cloud. He was soon to become Prime-Minister. Figure 5: Cartoon of political astronomy Seen through the lenses of the capital newspaper we can argue that the series of articles surveyed represent the 1900 eclipse in multiple and complementary facets pointing to its mixed nature. Articles embodied assorted features of organizational leaflets, scientific news, popular texts and cartoons satirizing political events. In fact, the eminence of the eclipse turned newspapers into efficient vehicles for enlightening readers on the eclipse’s astronomical features and impact, and entreated people to become active participants in the observations. In turn, the eclipse acquired extra lives. It started as an international scientific event which became a national happening with both scientific and social implications. It became the occasion for educating the population, for celebrations and partying. Finally, by turning the eclipse’s day and the day after into two successive holidays, Portuguese astronomy and astronomers were given extra credit and legitimacy. 5. Conclusions In this paper we tried to emphasize the multi-layered character of the events surrounding the 1900 solar eclipse as observed in Portugal, and the many agendas which were pushed forward on the occasion. At the political level, we showed how this astronomical event was turned into a matter of national significance to the Portuguese government: it was an outstanding occasion for Portugal to project abroad an image of modernity. At the scientific level, we contrasted the different agendas of foreign (British and German) and Portuguese professional astronomers, a fact which witnesses the gap that existed at the time between Portuguese and foreign astronomers in astronomy and, specially, in astrophysics. However, at the amateur level, the observational programmes of both Portuguese and foreign amateur astronomers were similar. As it is often the case in peripheral contexts in which scientific institutions are fragile, one person stood out. Frederico Oom played a key role, not only in preparing a national plan for the observation of the eclipse, but also in mobilizing public attention and participation in this event. Making use of his status as a professional astronomer, he published explanatory texts on eclipses which were intended for a broad audience, and created a network of nationwide active correspondents. The parallel strategies he put forward, the different outlets he used to popularize 98

Diário de Notícias,14 May 1900.

astronomy, and especially the potential he foresaw in the systematic use of newspapers, showed how he was able to profit from the multi-directional process of popularization of astronomy. He succeeded in turning members of the Portuguese population into active participants who collaborated in observations subsequently incorporated in scientific reports. He was further able to turn this astronomical event into an opportunity to legitimize the role of science and especially of astronomy, and to stress the role national scientific communities could play at many levels, scientific, social and political.

Acknowledgements This study was carried out as part of the Research Project PTDC/HCT/68210/2006 funded by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia. We thank Halima Naimova for her invaluable help and guide in our research work at the Historical Archive of the Lisbon Astronomical Observatory. A first draft of this paper was presented at the XXIII International Congress of History of Science and Technology (Budapest, 2009). We thank participants for comments and suggestions.