shop, supermarket or restaurant. Moreover, in terms of prices, and the share of ..... of that of 1918 (Barbosa 1941). In this setting, wages came under pressure, ...
TEN
The Fisheries of the Iberian Peninsula in Modern Times Ernesto Lopez Losa and Ines Amorim
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The waters of the 'Bay of Biscay and Iberian Coast', designated as Region IV by the OSPAR Commission (QSR 2000), and as Fishing Areas Vffi and IXa by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES), comprise a particular oceanographic area that is clearly different from the rest of the Atlantic (Starkey and Lopez Losa 2009: 204-07). This distinctiveness is not only evident from an ecological perspective, but is also apparent in socio-economic and cultural terms. The three countries lapped by the waters of this part of the ocean - France, Spain and Portugal - followed the general pattern of growth that marked the North Atlantic fisheries for much of the twentieth century, although there were inevitably differences in the timing, intensity and impact of innovations and developments. Nevertheless, the three countries exhibited a number of common characteristics that set them apart from other nations in the North Atlantic region. The highly significant role of fish in the diet, which reflects the high value afforded to it as a foodstuff by French, Spanish and Portuguese consumers, is probably the most outstanding feature. As Table 10.1 shows, the consumption of fish and fish products, in terms of live weight of fish per capita, in the three nations is among the highest in the region, with only countries like Iceland and the Faroe Islands, both of which have small populations and fish-rich coastal waters, boasting higher rates of fish consumption. It is not only a question of the quantity of fish consumed, but also of the quality and value. As every country has its own method of estimating food intakes, it is necessary to use the 'Food Balance Sheets' compiled by the United Nation's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAQ) to make international comparisons, although these data barely reflect real consumption levels (FAQ Balance Sheets). Estimated as per capita availability of live weight fish, the FAQ's
measure inflates quantities and ignores qualitative aspects such as the type of fish commodity consumed, which probably underestimates the differences between northern and southern nations. In fact, in the Biscay and Iberian Coast region, fish that is marketed without any kind of processing is a common and valued commodity, as can readily be appreciated by a visit to any shop, supermarket or restaurant. Moreover, in terms of prices, and the share of fish in the food budget, these countries stand out. For example, while fish comprised less than 3 percent of average household food expenditure in most of the countries listed in Table 10.1, it stood at about 5 percent in France, 10.5 percent in Spain and 12 percent in Portugal (IFCP 1996). The aim of this chapter is to elucidate the evolution and characteristics of the fishing sector in this region, with emphasis placed on the historical importance of the demand for fish as a foodstuff in Spain and Portugal. While market preferences for white fish such as hake help explain the patterns of geographical expansion of the Spanish deep-sea fleet, the historical appetite of Iberians for salted cod reflects the supply of cod by the English, which created consumption habits dating back to the seventeenth century (Amorim 2009: 289-90), as well as the direct participation in this fishery of Peninsular fleets in modem times. In part, the agriculturally poor lands of Iberia, with their limited capacity to supply animal proteins meant that people turned to the sea for such sustenance, encouraged by the ideological and economic support of the dictatorships that governed Spain and Portugal during the central decades of the twentieth century. The ocean was an open reservoir for poor countries with little husbandry' moreover, for both dictatorships, the fisheries became an ideological reservoir as well. There are, of course, other similarities, such as the development of large 253
T modern canning industries, initially based on sardine and later tuna (and molluscs in Spain). But there are also different patterns, the most prominent of which is the response of the deepsea fishing sectors of both countries to the profound change in marine resource governance from the mid-1970s onwards. Such themes are explored in the pages that follow, which offer a concise survey of the history of the fisheries in the Iberian Peninsula since the mid-nineteenth century, with the sections on Spain and Portugal written respectively by Ernesto Lopez Losa and Ines Amorim. Spain: The Rise of a Fishing Power Despite having few natural advantages, Spain developed one of the most powerful fishing industries in Europe, and even the world, during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries (see Chart 10.1). This was due to two broad, interacting forces. While tradition, politics and private initiative shaped the development of the fisheries, state support was provided under the aegis of the crony capitalism of Franco's dictatorship. This evolution is discussed in a chronological framework, with due emphasis placed on the 'waves of expansion' identified in PazAndrade's explanation of the growth of Spain's deep-sea fisheries in the twentieth century (Paz Andrade 1967; 1973). Institutional and Technical Changes, 1860-1918: To trace the beginnings of the expansion of the Spanish fisheries, it is necessary to go back to the last quarter of the nineteenth century when the first signs of change took place. Prior to this, the generally weak demand for fish in the domestic market had caused the sector to stagnate, although there were pockets of growth at the local and regional level. Among the constraints that impaired the expansion of the fish market were the generally low levels of income, and the geographical configuration of the Peninsula, which offered few natural transport links between producers and inland consumers. There 254
were also institutional constraints on the development of the sector. The Maritime Inscription (naval press), the Royal Monopoly on salt supply and a chaotic and contradictory array of regulatory legislation served to suppress levels of participation in the fisheries. (Lopez Losa 2005). Nevertheless, circumstances started to change from the 1860s. A long and winding process of institutional change opened the legal door to the entry of capital and new techniques into the industry. The first steps were taken in 1864, when the salt trade in Spain was liberalised, and then in 1873 the Maritime Inscription was abolished, making fishing a free activity for all Spanish citizens. Nevertheless, the legislation relating to the fisheries remained complex and highly restrictive, and it was not until the mid- l 880s that the barriers which inhibited the deployment of intensive fishing techniques began to be dismantled. This was merely the start of a long and contentious process, since it gave rise to much debate, and led to conflict between advocates of the old and new methods that lasted until the early twentieth century, especially in the areas where the authorities were ambivalent and indecisive. One of the first laws to be contested serves as an example of this tense and protracted process. In 1885, a new law, the Reglamento para la libertad de pesca reglamentada (The Regulation of the Freedom of Regulated Fishing), was enacted with the aim of establishing the freedom to fish outside Spanish territorial waters. Despite its grandiloquent name, it did not regulate anything, failed to establish a liberalised fishing regime and, as Giraldez ( 1996) has rightly pointed out, did not create a legal framework that was valid for the entire Peninsula, since it only concerned catching activity beyond the three-mile limit. In essence, the legislation neither facilitated the development of the industry, nor improved conditions for vessel owners and fishers; rather, it was a further recognition that the state was largely unable to regulate the fisheries (Girfildez 1996). New and more intensive fishing techniques started to spread through Spain's northern and
southern ports, while steam was increasingly adopted in the propulsion of fishing vessels. In the pelagic fisheries, purse seines came into play before steam power, but when these innovations were combined in the opening years of the twentieth century landings of sardine and, to a lesser extent, anchovy expanded greatly (Giraldez 1996; Lacomba 2006). The stimulus to modernise and increase catching effort in the coastal fisheries came from a canning industry that developed so rapidly from the 1880s that it was one of the leading processing sectors in the North Atlantic region by the turn of the century (Carmona 1983; 1994). The growth of the demersal fisheries, however, was much more sluggish (Giraldez 1996; Lopez Losa 2008). While the first steam trawlers were active as early as 1879, the expansion of steam trawling was very slow until the 1920s. Unlike other European countries, in which there was a clear link between trawling, railway development and the expansion of the fresh fish market, in Spain, even though some of these connections existed, fresh fish consumption did not start to grow significantly until after the First World War (Lopez Losa 1997; 2000).
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The First Wave of Spatial Expansion, 1918-1936: The Great War generally impeded the development of the Spanish fisheries. The modernised sector was largely dependent on imports of coal, tin for cans, machines, steam trawlers and spare parts, which were depressed because of the difficulties of transporting goods by sea during the war. As a consequence, catches stagnated between 1913 and 1917. Yet the war was also a time of accumulation. As Carmona has shown, the canning sector in Galicia gained ground during the later stages of the conflict (Carmona 1994). In the Basque Country, although the evidence is sketchy, it seems that exports of both processed and fresh fish to France increased during wartime, generating good profits for canners, merchants and shipowners. The war was also beneficial for southern fishing regions. In the Canary Islands, for instance, there was an increase in catches and exports of salted fish to
Africa, while Andalusian fishers began regularly to exploit Moroccan grounds, thereby fostering the fresh fish trade (Rodriguez Santamaria 1923). The expansion of the Spanish fisheries in terms of catches and fishing effort between 1917 and 1921 was astonishing, as both landings and the number of steamers of all classes more than doubled. Nevertheless, in general terms, these were years of adjustment to a major crisis in pelagic fisheries precipitated by ecological and political factors arising from the prohibition of pilchard fishing in Portuguese waters (Giraldez 1996). The recovery of pilchard landings from 1927 onwards in northwest Spain boosted the canning industry due to a fall in prices, but the onset of the Great Depression led to the erection of trade barriers and therefore much production was diverted to the national market (Carmona 1994). The impetus afforded to the fisheries during the later stages of the war stimulated the first great wave of spatial expansion, which lasted for approximately 20 years from 1917 to the onset of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. The fishing industry was transformed during these years, as the increase in catches and a rapid spread of the trawling led to the development of a new fishing structure dominated by the deep-sea fisheries. Whereas canning and salting had previously been responsible of the growth in catches, during the 1920s and the 1930s the rise in demand for fresh fish boosted landings (Piquero and Lopez Losa 2005). Expanding urban fresh fish markets and the scarcity of resources in nearby waters led to a process in which the fleet was not only expanded and modernised, but also deployed in more distant waters. Commencing in the early 1920s, this process of geographical expansion moved in two directions. First, continuing the pattern that had started in wartime, Spain's fishing effort extended into the South Atlantic along the African coast towards the Saharan Banks and the grounds off Mauritania (Paz Andrade 1973). Second, Spanish vessels fished more extensively in the North Atlantic. Here, two branches emerged, one extending from about 1927 255
along the French continental shelf into the Celtic Sea and the southwestern Irish grounds (Grand Sole, Petit Sole), where the target species was hake, while the other progressed from 1926 into the northwest Atlantic, where cod was the main prey. This latter shift developed significantly in 1927, when the trawling firm Pesquerias y Secaderos de Balacao de Espana, S.A. (PYSBE) sent two large trawlers, each of around 1200 tonnes, to the Newfoundland Grand Banks. The success of PYSBE during the late 1920s and the early 1930s was accompanied by a partial substitution of salted cod imports, and by 1935, the catches returned by the firm's six trawlers constituted nearly 20 percent of the total imports of salted cod into Spain (Ginildez 1996; Lopez Losa 2008). Significantly increased landings of white fish such as hake, small hake and cod reflected a growing demand for fish, particularly in urban markets. Until approximately 1918, national consumption stood at around 6-7 kg per head, but over the next 15 years it almost doubled to approximately 15 kg. In Madrid, for example, fresh fish consumption rose from 5-6 kg per head at the beginning of the century to almost 20 kg on the eve of the Spanish Civil War (Piquero and Lopez Losa 2005). Nevertheless, the Spanish fish trade experienced difficulties during the first half of the 1930s. Despite the sustained rise in catches, the rise in prices of imported inputs associated with the contraction of the international and Spanish economies had a negative impact on the fishing sector in general, while the advent of the Second Republic in 1931 led to an increase in labour disputes, rising costs and restrictions on the use of foreign coal in an effort to stimulate the consumption of low quality Spanish coal. Nevertheless, during this first wave of expansion, and especially during the 1930s, new, larger vessels, equipped with improved catch and communication systems, were progressively fitted out for the deep-sea fisheries. With more distant grounds being fished, the older steamers became more inefficient in that the capacity to carry fish was reduced due to the necessity to deploy more 256
and more space for coal. This also led to the comparatively rapid substitution of steamers by motor vessels in some ports. In Pasajes, for instance, the most important trawling port of the time, some 25 percent of trawlers were new motor vessels in 1934 (Lopez Losa 1997). Franco 's Dictatorship and the New Fishing Policy, 1939-1960: In 1939, with the end of the Civil War and the start of General Franco's dictatorship, Spain's fisheries entered a distinctive phase that was to last until 1960. As the conflict ended, there was a general scarcity of food, due in general to the complete disorganisation of the Spanish economy, and in particular to the disruption of agricultural production, and the loss of a good part of the nation's livestock, which dramatically reduced the meat supply. In this setting, fish emerged as a very attractive and accessible source of cheap protein, and therefore the state determined to increase its supply. Consequently, by 1959, the average per capita fish intake of Spaniards exceeded 20 kg. As a part of the recovery plan implemented by the National Reconstruction Credit Institute, Naval Credit (merchant shipping and fishing) accounted for nearly half of all the loans granted. The loan terms were exceptional, with low rates of interest (2 percent) and favourable repayment conditions. Moreover, although it had been intended that the credit would cover a maximum of 60 percent of the investment, many loans reached 100 percent. In such a low-cost borrowing environment, the renewal of the trawling fleet was rapid and marked by tonnage increases, the replacement of steamers by motor vessels and the incorporation of communication and detection systems (see Chart 10.2). As Naval Credit was directed towards the construction of such vessels, the catching capacity of the fleet was much enhanced, while its operational area was not constrained by restrictions on where and what it might fish (Girfildez 1997b; Sinde 2008). The first postwar years yielded incredible catches in the Bay of Biscay and Celtic Sea. Nevertheless, from 1947, overfishing problems
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gradually appeared and diminishing returns ushered in a number of changes, the most important of which was the transfer of a great part of this fleet to Newfoundland waters. The question, therefore, is why to Newfoundland and not to other grounds, for example, Africa? First, during the Second World War, Spanish vessels fished the Saharan banks in search of substitutes for cod, but there was little success in terms of the quality of the fish cured. Second, the route to the northwest Atlantic was well known and had been pursued since 1927, with reports from the big trawlers working the Grand Banks indicating that the area had great potential. Third, techniques of salting and curing cod were also known since many of the 'pairs' (trawlers working tandem) were crewed by fishermen who had formerly worked in Newfoundland trawlers. Before 1936, the rise of fish consumption was almost exclusively an urban phenomenon, with many Spaniards never tasting the flavour of fresh fish. After the war, when fish became a strategic foodstuff, plans to reorganise and extend the supply were made, but not completely developed since there was more to building fish consumption than simply increasing landings. It was necessary, for instance, to improve the means of transport, chiefly by using trucks to expand the geography of the domestic fish market. At the same time, a wide cold storage network was required to preserve fish in ports and inland distribution centres in order to regulate the trade and exploit its commercial potential. Whereas advances in these links in the fish supply chain were steadily developed, cured cod did not need aggressive marketing, as it had long been a highly regarded foodstuff, especially in its salt-cured form. Accordingly, tradition and improved distribution facilities played an important role in the expansion of Spain's fisheries (Lopez Losa 2007).
The 'Golden Age' of the Deep-Sea Fishing Industry, 1960-1977: The years between 1960 and 1975 witnessed the 'golden age' of the Spanish fisheries. Both coastal and deep-sea fisheries underwent major transformations, which were
much more spectacular in the case of the long distance fisheries. During this period, the interrelated expansion in landings and the size and power of the fleet was awesome. New types of vessels - stem trawlers, freezers, new purse seiners for tropical tuna fisheries, factory vessels came into play in a way that had not been seen before, while the trawling fleet that fished in the northeast North Atlantic and in western African waters, and the coastal fishing vessels, also increased significantly in terms of tonnage and catching power. The geographical scope of the Spanish fisheries expanded greatly to embrace both sides of the South Atlantic and the Western Indian Ocean, where tuna and seafood freezers worked. Moreover, on all of these grounds, the intensity of fishing rose notably as well. As had been the case in the early postwar years, the state played a central role in this new step forward (Gonzalez-Laxe 1983). Conceived as an element in the Economic Development Plans introduced after the Economic Stabilization Plan of 1959, the Law of Fleet Renewal ( 1961) heralded the start of a long-term scheme to finance the modernisation of the fishing sector. Apart from assuring a growing fish supply, its main objective was to boost the shipbuilding industry, which was in difficulties due to international competition, and thereby increase demand for Spanish iron and steel. Although the growth was a bit chaotic due to the lack of real planning, the wide and long lasting flows of public money generated a very fast increase in the industrial fleet, a spectacular rise in catches and significant spatial expansion. While the traditional European grounds were reaching maximum levels of productivity, the diffusion of the new technology favoured the search and exploitation of fresh, distant grounds, in particular by the new and fast growing deep-freeze trawling fleet. Although growth was general in all branches, the deepfreeze trawler was the great protagonist of the last wave of expansion (Ginildez 2007). The first years were difficult for this new fishery due to the inadequacies of cold storage infrastructures (in ports, consumer centres and households), and 257
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the ignorance of consumers, but later improvements, publicity and, especially, lower prices rendered frozen fish very popular, and it precipitated a rise in consumption that went beyond the main cities to reach most parts of the country, including the countryside. The rapid rise of per capita income improved significantly the Spanish diet, with meat consumption growing substantially, but it did not mean that fish consumption decayed. On the contrary, Spanish fish consumption maintained similar rates of growth until the early 1980s, when consumption peaked above 30 kg per head (Piquero and Lopez Losa 2005). The Limits of Geographical Expansion and the New Institutional Framework: During the twentieth century, ecological conditions, fish market characteristics and socio-political circumstances encouraged a positive perspective on fisheries development. Yet this model of growth had its limits. While publicists, vessel owners and fishers claimed that the crisis had its roots in the advent of the new governance of the fisheries, with the extension of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) to 200 miles, other factors were at play in this process. Overfishing had already cast its shadow over some important fisheries, as indicated by diminishing returns in the cod and European trawl fisheries, which had been a problem since the late 1960s. The increase in costs that resulted from the major rise in oil prices in 1973 hit the long-distance fisheries hard, but in the long run the obstacle that seemed insurmountable was the privatisation of the sea resources. In November 1976, the European Economic Community informed the Spanish Government of the extension of Europe's jurisdictional waters to 200 miles from 1 January 1977. Negotiations between the European and Spanish authorities were long and complex, with the Spanish government allegedly trying to cheat to maintain access conditions for its fleet (Guirao 2005). In 1979, a Total Allowable Catch (TAC) of 43,000 metric tonnes was established for the hake fisheries in EU waters, while Spain was awarded 36.1 percent of the total, due to its historic fishing 258
rights. It should be noted that two years prior to the establishment of the TAC, the hake catches returned by the Spanish fleet in the same waters were estimated· at more than 41,000 metric tonnes (Lopez Losa 2001). In subsequent years, TACs were reduced ste!ldily, while fishing licences were brought in to effect a fast reduction in fleet size. In the case of the Basque trawling fleet, the number of vessels fell from 306 to 231 between 1975 and 1977. On the eve of Spain's entry into the European Community in 1985, the number of units registered in Basque ports declined to 121 (Lopez Losa 2008). After its incorporation in 1986, the Spanish fishing industry had to adjust to a fishing policy that did not promise a bright future for the deep-sea fishing fleet. It was established that the Spanish fleet should comprise 300 vessels (201 trawlers and 99 long-liners), of which only half could fish at the same time. It meant another forced contraction, for in 1981 it had been agreed that 401 vessels could access Community grounds (Franquesa 2004). Since then, there has been a steady reduction in the number of vessels and the modernisation of the existing units in order to attaip. the goals of the Common Fisheries Policy. In other fishing grounds, problems arose as well. Canada extended its EEZ in 1976 and established a quota system that reduced drastically Spanish participation. By the late 1970s, nearly 20 percent of the tonnage of fleet freezers was exported to countries such as Argentina, Uruguay, South Africa and Morocco. When South Africa closed its waters, many of the freezers moved to the grounds off Namibia where they continued fishing without recognising any limits until the country's independence in 1991. In Moroccan waters, circumstances were not so easy with the added problem of the Saharan Banks, although the Spanish government and, later, the European Community, maintained the fishing effort without great reductions, at least during the 1980s (Holgado and Ostos 2002). For a country that took at least 70 percent of its total catches from its territorial waters, the impact of the EEZs around the world, and espe-
cially in the nearby member states of the European Economic Community, was dramatic. But unlike other European countries, Spain did not completely dismantle its distant-water fleet. The complicated political and economic context in which the Spanish fishing industry operated called for a radical adjustment. The way chosen was to try to maintain the maximum possible number of fishing units while the fleet was restructured. The was attempted in two ways: first, by reaching agreement with countries whose fishing grounds might be utilised by the Spanish fleet; second, by establishing joint ventures with fishers in other nations, and then transferring the registration of Spanish vessels to the other country. Accordingly, after Spain's entry into the European Union in 1986, a proportion of the fleet was broken up, but many vessels were sold or transferred to other EU countries to obtain part of their quotas; for instance, in the UK it was estimated that there were at least 120 Spanish quota hoppers in 1986 (Robinson et al. 1998). In general, apart from mixed firms, joint ventures and agreements with third countries, the Spanish fleet has endeavoured to maintain its level of exploitation by broadening its target species from white fish to cephalopods and crustaceans with higher catch limits, and, most notably, to tuna. It has also explored new grounds around the world for fish with commercial potential to sell in Spanish and international markets. Portuguese Fisheries in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Portuguese fisheries history can be perceived as developing in four phases. Continuity and change was evident during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as the long 'ancient regime' gradually disintegrated. There ensued a period of adjustment in the interwar years, when the number of fishermen was growing as a consequence of canning industry development, and the introduction of French and Spanish capital in the south (Algarve), the north (Matosinhos) and near Lisbon (Serubal and Peniche). After
1945, the extraction of the 'big fish' in Canadian and Newfoundland waters, which had developed since 1920, was the leading sector of a generally bouyant third phase. This collapsed during the 1970s due the establishment of EEZs, the implementation of the Common Fisheries Policy and the major increase in fuel prices, giving way to a fourth phase in which the small-scale fishing fleet, operating primarily within the 12-mile limit, was pre-eminent. Throughout each of these phases the fisheries remained a highly significant element in Portugal's economy, society and culture. The continental shelf, which runs virtually parallel to the coastline and extends from 8 to 70 km offshore (Brito 1994: 180), has always conditioned the type of fishing practised in Portugal. Currently, the shelf, where a wealth of species can be found, constitutes 2 percent of the country's EEZ and 70 percent of the waters that lie within 12 miles of the shore; that is, within Portugal's territorial limits. State interest in fishing resources is well documented back to the eighteenth century, but it was not until the early nineteenth century that there was a concerted attempt to transfer the sector, until then under a manorial regime, into state tutelage. The regulation of the sector was institutionalised through the foundation of the Central Fisheries Commission ( Comissiio Central de Pescarias) in 1878. Several reports were produced on the means by which the sector might be reviewed and measured (Silva 1891; 1894). They also highlighted the goals to be attained, the most notable of which were restoring the national high seas fisheries (codfish), resolving the problem of domestic supply and training the seafaring workforce to guarantee a sufficiency of qualified personnel for deployment in the fisheries during peacetime and state service in times of conflict. By 1900, profound technological changes had begun to take place, and steam trawlers had already been criticised for destroying sea beds and driving species away (Inquerito 1890: 130). Despite prohibitive legislation from 1895, the gen259
·1 eral business context in which the fisheries operated was largely conducive to the growth of the sector and the expansion of catches and the output of fish products. The canning industry was encouraged by the capitalisation of seiners operating along the entire coast (sometimes illegally), while the war in 1914 accelerated consumption in general, with local factors, such as the disappearance of sardine from the Galician coasts in 1909-12 and 1924-25, forcing canners to come south to the Portuguese coast (Carmona Badfa 1997: 255). The Portuguese state itself reported that revenue from exports had improved the balance of trade to an extraordinary extent (see Table 10.2). The general growth of the sector from the 1880s meant that the industry generated 7 percent of Portugal's exports in 1910, a proportion that had increased to an average of 20.5 percent in 1930-35 (Simoes 1939: 21). In 1913, the port of Matosinhos in northern Portugal alone contributed 50 percent of the total national catch, ahead of Peniche, Portimao and Vila Real de S. Antonio. In 1917, there were 188 canning factories, employing 14,679 workers, while in 1925, approximately 400 factories, the highest number ever reached, were active in the fisheries (Barbosa 1941). Such predatory activity was responsible for the depletion of fish stocks, most notably with regard to trawling, which had a devastating impact on the sardine population. This was but one of many problems facing Portuguese fishers. Another was the difficulty that they experienced in adapting to economic and ecological change, which ultimately forced many of them to emigrate (Bemardes and Brito 1957: 4, 19-20), while in contrast the nationalisation of Brazil's fisheries in 1921 obliged many fishers to return to Portugal. There was, however, a further consequence that had serious repercussions. The new fishing techniques not only affected sardine, but also species such as whiting. This occurred in the Basque Country, as reported by Lopez Losa (1997), who noted that even in the winter months trawl fishing had a negative impact on non-target species such as whiting, which until 260
then had been a staple that guaranteed a minimum level of income for fishers during the season (Peixoto 1895; Pesca 1904). This led to structural change in the small-scale (artisanal) fisheries. Whereas fishers were allowed to use mobile catching devices at any time, the regulations introduced in 1895 dictated that permission to install a fixed device, such as a seine net, was to be given to the first person who requested it. In principle, permission was to be granted to 'fishermen's associations and not to capitalists', and only offered to shipowners when fishers did not take up the option (E~a 1904: 604-36). However, due to the organisational incapacity of fishers' co-operatives, it was not long before businessmen, who owned greater reserves of capital, began to monopolise the provision and management of fixed catching devices (Amorim 2001). Attempts were made to reconcile this regulatory process with the experience of the smallscale fishermen, whose knowledge of the sea was potentially a key business asset. Their economic welfare was proportional to the profits generated by their nets, while support from their families and religious confraternities enabled them to operate as self-employed workers. The Government's strategy was initially to provide the basis for, and to sponsor, these cooperative structures, but in the short term, particularly in the 1920s, the growing significance of canned exports demanded a policy that encouraged shipowners, who, after all, deployed the necessary capital (see Tables 10.3 and 10.4). The role of the state was governed by the need to mediate conflict, to establish bodies designed to enhance economic co-ordination, and, above all, to respond to the demands of the processing sector, which comprised the canning and marketing branches of the fish trade. This became particularly clear when the canning industry contracted in the post-1918 period, and the government wrestled with the difficulties of adapting to a change that witnessed the average productive capacity per factory in 1926 falling to 49 percent of that of 1918 (Barbosa 1941). In this setting, wages came under pressure, demand for support
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from official authorities intensified, and there were widespread complaints about the lack of fish in 1925, the lack of industrial education, the lack of empirical and scientific knowledge of ecosystems, the low financial potential of companies, the absence of commercial preparation on the part of many of the exporters who had been able to improvise in wartime, the drop in prices in external markets and the onerous conditions that hindered access to credit. Against this background, the First National Fisheries and Canneries Congress was held in Setubal in 1927. It had the following principal aims: to invest in the generation of oceanographic knowledge; to diagnose and combat the causes of the crisis in the sector; and to implement rigorous monitoring measures based on the compilation of comprehensive and accurate statistics. The idea that fishermen were the main agents of the fishing industry was consolidated, as was the need to educate, protect and support them (Quintas 1998: 83). The 1920s were marked by the 'codfish campaign' to Newfoundland (Terra Nova) and Greenland. This focused on the production of strategic and structural consumption goods, which, in turn, was based on the theoretical premise of self-subsistence in the context of nationalism, technology, markets and 'big fishery' (Garrido 1997: 78), married to the imaginary rights that the Portuguese held over the chilly cod banks. Inspired by the corporative principles of the 'Estado Novo' (the dictatorship that ruled Portugal, 1933-1974), a new model was implemented through the establishment of: Ship-owners' Guilds (of cod, sardine and trawling), Fishermen's Centres and their corresponding Central Council, which mediated between the Fishermen's Centres, Fishing Guilds and the state; economic co-ordination bodies, notably the ComissO.o Reguladora de Comercio do Bacalhau (CRCB - Regulatory Commission for Cod Trade), and the Instituto Portugues de Conservas de Peixe (IPCP - Portuguese Institute of Canned Fish); and industrial guilds comprised of exporters of canned fish and cod traders. The cen-
tralised scheme entailed heavy state intervention with regard to entrepreneurial initiative, notably by subjecting investments to official approval, and also in relation to the market, with price fixing designed to protect the domestic market. The state, moreover, managed the functions of both entrepreneurial and syndicated associations through the establishment of guilds and fishermen's centres under state tutelage (Leal 1984; Garrido 2009). Immediately after the revolution of 25 April 1974, which brought an end to the fascist regime, a Secretary of State for Fisheries was installed. Anticipating entry into the European Community (EC), the fisheries sector was organised into five divisions: coastal trawling, seine fishing, smallscale and non-guild associated (PINA), tuna fishing and deep-sea fishing. The prevalence of a small-scale fleet was related to the contraction over the previous decade of the deep-sea cod fleet, which was largely due to the establishment of Economic Exclusive Zones (EEZs). Whereas the Geneva Conferences of 1958 and 1960 had upheld the rights of Portuguese fishers to work on the banks of Newfoundland and Greenland, the approval of the EEZ concept at the 2nd United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which passed into domestic law in 1977, ultimately distanced Portugal from this particular resource. The oil shocks of the 1970s also had a profound impact on deep-sea fishing, and in Portugal, with its scarce energy resources, the financial situation of related firms was adversely affected (Souto 1998: 27). Capital inflows into this activity were at best uncertain, while it suffered unproductive expenses, such as the wage costs of trawler crews, which accounted for 70 percent of gross revenue (Crespo 2000: 66). It was widely acknowledged that adaptation was essential and that it was necessary to reverse the trends that had led to the deployment of larger trawlers and nets, and more powerful and costly engines. The inevitable consequence was a return to small-scale fishing, with shoals detected horizontally rather than vertically. From the 1940s, the monetary value of the pelagic species caught by seine nets (chiefly sardine 261
and mackerel) decreased in percentage terms in relation to other species: whereas in the 1940s, they had constituted over 90 percent of the total catch, and almost the same percentage in terms of value, by 1988 these proportions had dropped to 70 and 30 percent respectively, while nonseine species had increased in commercial value (Souto 1990: 171). Upon Portugal's entry into the EC in 1986, distinctions were drawn in the Decree-Law n° 278/87 of 17 July between small-scale (local and coastal), industrial and deep-sea fisheries. This stipulated that: vessels dedicated to coastal fishing could be small-scale or industrial, since the law established that boats should be over nine metres in length, with a tonnage of up to 180 gross registered tons (grt) and motor power of over 35 horsepower (hp); only local fishing boats could be less than nine metres in length, could not operate outside the boundaries of the head port where they were registered, nor go beyond six miles from the coast, when opendecked, or 30 miles, when closed-decked; and where the deep-sea fishing vessels - which exceeded 100 grt and had a minimum range of 15 days absence from port - could operate in any area beyond the 12 mile limit (Souto 1994: 1989). Given the restrictions imposed on tonnage, power, length and operational range, very specific forms of work are presumed. Small-scale fishing does not conform to any homogeneity at all, and the idea of fishing as a diversified and versatile activity is more pertinent in this division than the concept of specialised forms of work by species and fishing methods (Vairao and Garcia 1975: 79). This fact appeared more recently in the statistics of 1986 under the institutionalised term of 'multipurpose fishery' (Estatfstica da pesca 1986: VIl; Deusado 1997: 124). It is in this division that the population connects directly and indirectly to fishing in an operational sense, and it is this division that is responsible for the largest fish catches. In effect, more than four-fifths of Portuguese fishers extract fish from territorial waters (within 12 miles), the value of which accounts for approx262
imately 80 percent of the national catch. In 1985, Portugal was the country with the highest number of fishermen per thousand inhabitants (4.3 percent, followed by Greece with 3.9 percent). It is from this group of fishermen that human resources are periodically recruited for deep-sea fishing campaigns, an important activity for these communities and also for the Portuguese economy. Small-scale fisheries have been studied by the EC since 1986, when Portugal and Spain entered, in recognition of the specificities of the fishing sectors of these countries (together with Greece, which entered the EC earlier), which are structured according to the Mediterranean style of fishing. In structural terms, small-scale fisheries differ markedly from the fisheries of northern Europe, as they are characterised by the predominance of small-draught boats, operating up to six miles from the coast, the extensive utilisation of labour and the frequent deployment of women in significant social roles. The work regime is largely part-time, paid through traditional formulae, often without written records, and generally marked by insufficient compensation (the level of productivity is quite low), which obliges workers to follow other occupations, whether in agriculture, industrial fishing or trade, or by reviving river fisheries that had been abandoned (Moreirinhas 1994). The renewal of the sector took shape from the late 1980s, when established techniques were reviewed and new forms of capture introduced. Revenue increased and the process of improving the quality of the boats, their instrumentation and the workforce commenced, with the specific aim of enhancing the efficiency of fishing operations. The recruitment of crew members from outside a particular group of relatives became necessary, and this entailed the provision of more attractive rewards to people with appropriate qualifications and skill sets. Although this increased costs and required loans from financial institutions (Martins 1999: 255), it facilitated the introduction of more sophisticated technology and rendered the fishing sector potentially more profitable (Moniz and Barroso 2000; Mo-
i
~. .
!'
niz and Ramos 2000). In essence, by virtue of a series of adjustments, the structure of the sector was reconfigured to meet the consumption habits of a population that is the largest per capita consumer of fish in Europe; increasingly, the Portuguese preference was for fresh fish, rather than the dried and salted product (Souto 1998: 2930). Such rates of consumption run counter to the deficient production and falling levels of productivity that are evident in coastal waters owing largely to the coastline's physical features - but align with the more successful fisheries conducted beyond the nation's EEZ. These latter activities have brought Portugal into conflict other nations, as attested by the difficult negotiations with Morocco in 2000-01. In practice, aquaculture is a 'postponed promise' (Canhao 2000), despite all the attempts to develop it since the late nineteenth century (Amorim 2001a). Efforts to restructure the organisation of the fisheries entailed consideration of over 20 variable factors (Diegues 1983: 150-1), including the goals of fish production (from self-consumption to the marketplace), the instruments of production (from manual to mechanisation), the area of capture, the costs of production, commercialisation and the effects of industrialisation. Such reformist appraisals also focused on labour, with attention afforded to four main themes: the social division of work; contractual relations; ownership of the means of production; and the remuneration of the workforce (see Table 10.5). Central to these issues is the contribution of female work in the sector (see Tables 10.6 and 10.7), as is demonstrated in Sally Cole's analysis of women in Vtla Cha, on Portugal's northern coast (Cole 1991). A question worthy of study is extent to which links with sectors related to fishing have created hierarchies of values, promoting or degrading female roles in the world offishing (Bradley 1989: 103). The adaptive capacity of women, whether single or married, is significant, and helps to explain the low production costs, since females were paid at half the rates offered to male workers employed in equivalent jobs, as stipulated in the collective contract
of 1936. To all intents and purposes, women did not have prescribed working hours. Since their primary task was to prepare the fish before it decayed, the number of hours they spent in the factories varied directly according to the amount of sardine or mackerel the bosses placed on the market. When, in 1907, the Portuguese state decreed a mandatory rest day, the factory owners in the canning centre of Setubal did not ratify the ordinance as it applied to their female workers, and continued impassively to order them to work at the stalls, even on Sundays (Valente 1981: 626-9). In 1911, the measure was reiterated and a 'regulation' was introduced, which obliged women to work on Sundays and holidays when work was available. Moreover, their weekly rest of 24 consecutive hours would be complied with, but in accordance with the industry's special nature. Thus, the canning industries that survived were those which combined technological advances, like the Masso system imported from Vigo, Galicia (Tato 2007: 42-4), and a significant percentage of women, as was the case of Matosinhos, located in the suburbs of Porto (see Figure 40).
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Table 10.1 Production, Foreign Trade and Fish Consumption in the North Atlantic, 2005-2007
Belgium Canada Denmark Estonia Faroe Is. Finland France Germany Iceland Ireland Latvia Lithuania Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Russian Fed. Spain Sweden
UK USA
Population
Production
(thousands) 10,472 32,627 5,431 1,345 49 5,263 61,367 82,382 302 4,271 2,280 3,387 16,388 4,677 38,164 10,595 142,547 43,563 9,113 60,807 305,704
24,266 1,224,381 846,304 99,327 588,715 146,096 793,725 319,109 1,470,830 322,582 151,160 141,798 617,383 3,077,538 187,320 238,566 3,420,614 1,133,922 262,239 849,053 5,356,976
Imports Non-food uses (tonnes live weight) 19,415 565,337 104,762 608,972 613,295 983,087 1 51,528 323,245 8,003 79,403 37,016 20,456 1,845,934 1,839 1,738,630 669,135 82,517 50,104 80, 111 10,222 41,784 130,427 26,857 477 1,027,836 883,424 207,238 506,444 4,033 35,419 587,571 1,242,930 329,270 81,440 1,980,420 90,033 560,886 1,192,431 2,281 745,157 4,612,415
Exports
325,669 979,609 1,089,729 135,243 269,263 27,564 484,287 808,462 856,772 199,545 154,125 128,236 1,377,833 2,160,414 312,922 184,229 1,491,138 1,115,306 507,403 795,356 1,837,155
Per capita suooly (kg/year) 23.4 23.7 23.3 16.4 85.9 31.8 34.8 15.5 91.0 21.8 12.6 37.2 19.l 51.5 10.1 57.2 19.9 44.2 28.7 20.5 24.2
Source: FAO. Fish and Fishery Products -Apparent Consumption. ftp://ftp.fao.org/fi/stat/summary/ applybc.pdf. Accessed 6 April 2012.
267
Table 10.2 Composition of Exports and Imports of Fresh and Salted Fish in Portugal, 1840-1914 (percentages) Products 1840-49 1850-59 1860-69 1870-79 1880-89 1890-99 1900-09 1905-14 1.3 1.2 1.4 0.8 1.3 1.9 0.7 Fish* 0.7 0.1 2.1 4.3 5.5 6.4 Canned* 4.6 4.7 5.7 4.6 5.8 5.0 5.9 Codfish# 7.5 * exports; # imports Source: Lains 1995: 92, 136.
Table 10.3 Principal Purchasers of Portuguese Canned Products, 1937-1965 (kilograms)
Germany France England Belgium/Luxembourg USA Italy *from January to October
1937
1959*
1965
10,608,835 8,521,559 5,276,415 2,889,744 2,158,272 1,308,281
13,465,000 3,843,000 5,601,000 3,496,000 5,752,000 8,814,000
18,759,369 5,535,248 8,420,424 5,433,968 6,374,612 13,868,228
Source: Pinheiro 2009: 47; Journal 'Conservas de Peixe', December 1959; 'Journal do Comercio', March 1966.
Table 10.4 Principal Purchasers of Portuguese Sardine, 1936-1959 (kilograms) 1938 1936* 1937** 9,413,442 8,297,000 Germany 10,008,218 7,310,000 France 4,931,496 7,007,938 England 4,645,562 4,058,914 4,157,000 Belgium/Luxembourg 1,878,342 2,451,011 2,336,000 2,123,717 1,881,000 1,706,610 USA Italy 493,253 1,121.000 810,639 *Only from January to September; **January to October Source: Pinheiro 2009: 48.
268
1940**
1959
8,294,561 3,231,218 3,994,472 1,606,737 1,209,406 547,765
13,201,000 2,654,000 5,448,000 2,491,000 2,564,000 3,538,000
Table 10.5 An Organisational Model of Work in the Fisheries
Forms of Organisation of Production 1. family-based fishing 2. family-based fishing with recruitment outside the family 3. semi-industrial fishing (trawlers) 4. deep-sea fishing, limited or public
a. Social division work Vertical
Horizontal
b. Contracting aspects
c. Ownership
of relationships
of means production
Duration of Specificity contractual of contracts bonds
d. Payment of labour Payment in parts
force Payment in employment
0
0/1
0/1
0
1/0
1
0
Oil
0/1
Oil
0
1/0
1
0
1/0
1
Oil
1
1/0
1/0
Oil
l
1
l
1
0
0
l
societies 'O' and 'l' mean, respectively, absence or presence of the corresponding feature; the ordering of the two factors gives more relevance to the one placed first. a. specialisation of functions within the unit (vertical), but also specialisation and complementarity of functions between units (horizontal); b. contractual aspects of work bonds among owners and workers, taking into consideration the more pennanent or sporadic nature of the worker's bond; c. position of the worker in relation to owing means of production; d. payment of the labour force taking into account whether payment is made in a system of parts ('rations') or by employment.
Source: Based on Diegues 1983: 150-1.
269
Table 10.6 Portuguese Fishers by Gender and by Port, 1940 Ports Settibal (near Lisbon) Portimao (south Ah?arve) Olhao (south Ahzarve) Matosinhos (near Porto) Central Region Total
Male Workers
Percentage of Men
Female Workers
Percentage of Women
Total Workers
1,738
28
4,570
72
6,308
1,313
28
3,411
72
4,724
1,195
28
3,014
72
4,209
678
22
2,372
78
3,050
450 5,324
39 27
1,160 14,527
72 73
1,610 19,851
Sources: Cordeiro 1999: 27; Barbosa 1969: 131; Pinheiro 2009: 72.
270
,l ·
Table 10.7 Number of Portuguese Fishermen, 1885-2005 Year 1885
N° fishermen
Year 1940
N° fishermen
39,704
1886
44,647
1955
44,000
1889
53,879
1964
44,000
1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903
34,550 35,420 37,225 40,527 39,463 43,020 47,843 41,517
1970
35,309
1973
33,000
1975
30,562
1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923
43,613 46,263 46,957 44,994 45,362 36,673 41,411 47,532 39,223 51,127 52,518
1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982
34,200 36,200 37,422 35,779 37,251 39,400
1990
38,700
1996
28,458
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
26,660 25,021 23,580 22,025 20,557 21,345 19,777
35,000
Sources: Anutirio Estatfstico 1885-1923; Leal 1984: 39-46; Serra 1987: 58; Piano Estrategico Nacional 2007.
271
Chart 10.1 Spanish Catches and Landings, 1868-2007
(' OOOs metric tonnes) 1800 -Spanish O!!icial Soun:es catches -Spanish Olficial SolfCeS L..andngs • • • • • FAO estinaleS of caicnes 1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
Sources: 1858-1934: Lopez Losa (1999) 76-7; 1938-1986: Anuario de Pesca Mar{tima, Anuario Estad{stico de Espana; 1950-2007: FAO, Fishstat Plus, Capture Production; 1987 onwards, La agricultura, la ganader{a y la pesca en Espana.
272
Chart 10.2 The Composition of Spain's Fishing Fleet, 1920-2005 800.000 •Total GRT
700.000
i;a
GRT Sailing Vessels
:; GRT Motor Vessels
600.000
Cl GRT Steamers
500.000
400.000
~ ~
300.000
I I
i
200.000
100.000
0
1920
1930
1934
1940
194S
1950
1955
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2008
Sources: Lopez Losa 1999; Anuario de Pesca Marftima, Anuario Estadistico de Espana; Eurostat, Fishery Statistics, 1995-2008.
273
. .:. .: :. "i.·-- ..
-,.,,..,...--...
-· ..
-...
Figure 38: Dory Fisheries in the NW Atlantic during the 1960s. (German Maritime Museum, Photographer: Dr. Kruegler)
274
Figure 39: One of the last dory schooners working on the fishing grounds of the NW Atlantic during the 1960s. (German Maritime Museum, Photographer: Dr. Kruegler)
Figure 40: Women working in the Portuguese fish canning industry. This picture shows part of the female workforce of the company Lopes Coelho Dias & C3, U in Matosinhos close to the city of Porto. (Municipal Archives of Matosinhos: Lopes Coelho Dias & C3, U Industry, 1948)
276
