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Mapping migration biographies: Using Google Earth to explore migration at varying spatial scales

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MAPPING MIGRATION BIOGRAPHIES: USING GOOGLE EARTH TO EXPLORE MIGRATION AT VARYING SPATIAL SCALES Caitlin Buckle 1 Abstract: Migration and residential mobility researchers are increasingly exploring moves across the entire life course, rather than singular migration events (Coulter et al. 2016). Depending on the person, residential moves across an entire lifetime can be international as well as local or regional, and so methods that are sensitive to various spatial scales are necessary. This paper provides an overview of a qualitative geographical information systems (GIS) method that is sensitive to changing spatial scales of migration. Combined biographical interviews, mapping and visual methods were used to explore the migration paths of international and domestic migrants to the regional city of Maroochydore, Australia. Participants were asked to outline and describe the places they have lived throughout their life course, while their residential locations were mapped and visually represented using Tour Builder 3D© (Tour Builder) and Google Earth© satellite imagery. By combining the mapping exercise with a traditional oral interview, additional data were generated as the participants discussed their satisfaction and personal experiences of each location. The multiscalar ability of Tour Builder and Google Earth allowed the participants’ migration biographies to be followed virtually as they described their place experiences and perceptions at the local, regional and national levels. This paper is a step towards bridging the gap between international and domestic migration and mobility studies, and presents a creative biographical mapping method with the potential for further mapping applications.

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INTRODUCTION

igration and residential mobility researchers alike are increasingly concerned with how individuals’ mobility and housing choices change over a lifetime (Clark & Onaka 1983, Feijten et al. 2008, Bernard et al. 2014, Coulter et al. 2016). This temporal consideration of migration and residential mobility has influenced both quantitative and qualitative research (Wingens et al. 2011, Coulter et al. 2016). Rather than the analysis of singular migration events, life course frameworks and longitudinal analysis has been applied to quantitative methods to investigate influences such as family mobilities, life stage or age, and the timing of life events such as marriage, first child or retirement on the change of residence (Elder 1994, Michielin & Mulder 2008, Mulder & Wagner 2010, Clark 2013, Holdsworth 2013). In qualitative research on migration, biographical and ethnographic methods have been argued for and incorporated into explorations of motivation and experience of residential moves over time (Halfacree & Boyle 1993, Skeldon 1995, Clark 2009). This focus on the temporal and biographical influences of migration and residential mobility has produced groundbreaking work and reveals the benefits of using similar theoretical and methodological approaches in both large-scale international migration research and smaller-scale domestic and residential mobilities (Coulter et al. 2016). Despite converging methodological approaches, migration and residential mobility literature remain separate, largely focusing on international or domestic migration and residential mobility rather than considering them together. There is growing cause for migration of different spatial scales to be considered together. Research topics such as transnationalism, border security, refugee or forced migration, and global politics require that international migration be treated separately to domestic migration (King & Skeldon 2010). However, beyond the context of border politics there are many parallels and interlinkages between domestic and international migration that suggest the benefits of analysing migrations of different spatial scales together (see Ellis 2012 for a full review). Economic, social and lifestyle factors play similar roles in influencing international migration as they do with domestic migration (Ellis 2012). In Caitlin Buckle is a PhD student in the School of Humanities and Languages, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of New South Wales Kensington, NSW. Contact: [email protected]

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certain instances, migration within a country can be more significant than migration between countries. For example, a move from one side of the US to the other could be far more disruptive than an international move between culturally similar, bordering countries given the distance and geographical context (King & Skeldon 2010). Within people’s lived experience of migration, the meaning and significance of moves is prioritized over what can be arbitrary categorizations of domestic versus international. Research on migration over an entire lifespan should include international moves in tandem with state, regional and local moves to better explore the similarities and differences of these movements, the interactions between them, and the meaning behind these movements over the life course (King & Skeldon 2010, Ellis 2012). This paper will discuss how exploring multiple spatial scales of migration contributes to the biographical approach in migration, and proposes qualitative geographical information systems (GIS) as a method to enhance the multiscalar exploration of migration. Throughout the paper, migration will be used as a blanket term to describe any movement from one residence to the next, including international, domestic and local-scale (town and suburb) moves. Due to this broad definition of migration, theoretical and methodological approaches from both domestic and international migration literature will be discussed. This paper also presents a mixed method that integrates the temporal, biographical approach with the spatial, multiscalar aspects of migration, by combining biographical interviews and digital mapping in Google Earth as a qualitative GIS method. This method gave the participants the opportunity to discuss their multiscalar mobilities in the biographical interviews, and Google Earth helped the participants to recall their migration history and provided a spatial context to the interviews. The mixed method is an introductory step to the greater potential of using digital mapping technology to explore multiscalar migration biographies. LITERATURE REVIEW There are clear definitional (Rossi 1980, King 2015), theoretical (King & Skeldon 2010) and methodological (Coulter et al. 2016) distinctions between large- and small-scale migration studies. This distinction is evidenced by the increasing use of the term ‘migration’ to refer exclusively to international migration, and ‘residential mobility’ instead being commonly used as a blanket term for shorter, interregional, domestic or internal migration, despite ‘migration’ originating as a description of both long and short distance moves (Ellis 2012, Skeldon 2015, Coulter et al. 2016). Rossi (1980) outlines the difference between ‘migration’ and ‘residential mobility’ in his book Why families move, where migration is the changing of address from one locality to the next, and residential mobility is a change of address within the same locality (1980:19). Rossi (1980) describes localities as bounded by transport, labour and economic networks to provide this distinction. However, economic and labour networks are increasingly globalized, and so localities are less likely to be restricted to the local labour force and economic market (Massey 1994). King (2012) instead uses temporal variability rather than spatially bounded networks as a way to define migration against other residential movements. He describes migration as “the movement of people from one place or country to another… for longer than visits or tourism and may involve either short-term/temporary or long-term/permanent relocations” (2012:136). This temporal definition of migration suggests that migration research could include moves of various spatial scales, with an integrated focus on both international and domestic migration. There has been a far greater theoretical and academic focus on international migration than smallerdistance and domestic migration in the last decade (King & Skeldon 2010, Ellis 2012). International migration appears to be increasing worldwide, resulting in an enhanced research focus. Effective air, ground and ocean transport, fast communication networks and Internet connectivity make large-scale mobility simpler to arrange and execute than ever before (Hugo 2013, Smith & Finney 2015). In Australia, for example, more than one quarter of the population in 2016 was born overseas (ABS 2017a). This high figure excludes Australian-born residents who moved internationally at some point in Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

Mapping migration biographies: Using Google Earth to explore migration at varying spatial scales

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their lifetime, only to later return to Australia. Similar figures from other multicultural countries have been derived from census data, where around 20% of Canadian residents were foreign-born in 2011, and 13% of US residents were foreign-born in 2013 (Statistics Canada 2016, OECD 2017). In multicultural countries especially, migration biographies should consider these large-scale moves, as well as the small-scale mobilities; for while international migration is seemingly increasing, domestic moves are still undertaken at a far greater rate (Ellis 2012). Many people’s migration biographies incorporate both international and domestic moves, and biographical and longitudinal research into migration should reflect this multiscalarity. Migration and multiscalar methods Most migration research methods still maintain fixed spatial scales for analysis. Quantitative methods outline spatial boundaries to ensure the migration data can be compared and analyzed with statistical techniques (Hanson 2005). Focusing on mobility at one scale aids comparative and cohort studies and reveals broad migration trends. Quantitative methods, especially those that rely on census and housing surveys can miss information about family mobilities, seasonal and circular mobilities, return migration, temporary mobility or second homes, where formal addresses have not been changed or only primary addresses are noted (Behr & Gober 1982, McHugh & Mings 1991, Bell & Ward 2000, Holdsworth 2013). Even qualitative methods that allow more abstract notions of space and place tend to focus on only one spatial scale of mobility, or privilege one spatial scale of movement over the other, regardless of the importance of the move to the life course (Ellis 2012, King & Skeldon 2012). People do not conceive of space, place and home in segmented spatial or temporal scales, but instead in a fluid manner with subjectively defined boundaries (Ralph & Staeheli 2011). Isolating mobility by spatial scale divides individuals’ experiences of home and moving homes, where they may have made movements of various different spatial scales within their lifetime. Biographical, ethnographic and narrative methods are effective at exploring migration as a lived experience over the life course. Biographical methods have been used in migration research to explore how personal experiences are influenced by wider external economic and labour structures (Halfacree & Boyle 1993). Mason (2004) uses residential histories to understand the complex relationship between people and place, providing an opportunity for the participants to explain multiple reasons for moving – from the personal to the external. Migration and mobility biographies or ethnographies in particular detail mobility over their lifespan as part of a lived experience of mobility, and are more sensitive to temporal quirks (Iosifides & Sporton 2009, Coulter & van Ham 2013). Gustafson (2001) for example, describes life paths where ‘home’ is a network of important places. Rather than considering migration as discrete events, he looks at the interaction between temporary and cyclical mobility with moves with a greater duration of residence. These qualitative methods explore the subjective lived experience of moving and the fluid and complex manner in which people relate to place. Biographical and longitudinal approaches consider varied temporal scales of movement, but often at a singular spatial scale. Mapping multiple scales of migration Because of the complexity in migration decision-making, Findlay and Li (1999) suggest multiple or mixed methods to explore different ways of understanding migration. Maps have been incorporated to research on place, as they can act as a visual aid in interviews and reveal a spatial perspective to geographical phenomenon. Mapping can provide a conduit to discussing important places and experiences, and not necessarily accurate or precise spatial information (Powell 2010). Memory maps are a means in which places are explored through different maps – drawn, cartographic, satellite imagery and digital maps – in order to prompt memories of place, and engage in discussion about places (Ryan et al. 2016). Participants add their personal memories of the places represented in the maps in a Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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written, or text format (Kitchin 1994, Kitchin & Dodge 2007, Gieseking 2013, Boschmann & Cubbon 2014). Maps have been used in biographical research but usually at a fixed spatial scale, and usually only looking at one place or case study area. To provide, or ask a participant to draw mental maps or sketch maps for multiple places as part of a migration biography could be difficult for participants who have moved frequently, and for those who have trouble remembering where they have lived. Digital maps however, can be multiscalar and interactive, so they move with the participant’s migration history, overcoming the difficulty of the participant creating separate maps for each location. The incorporation of interactive, digital mapping can add a visual element to biographical research and represents a more fluid representation of space. Physical maps are presented at a fixed scale determined by the cartographer (Jung & Elwood 2010), however digital and interactive maps have the ability to change scale and ‘zoom’ between local and global views (Harris et al. 2008). The interactive capabilities of digital mapping programs, such as Google Earth© and Tour Builder© provide a method that is sensitive to changing scales, while providing realistic topographical views, street information and satellite imagery (Gibson 2014). Users can then view place at the spatial scale – international to local – that is important or meaningful to them, and not be confined to a map designed principally for the cartographer’s use (Powell 2010). The fluid nature of scrolling through satellite and aerial imagery and digital maps, and the added functionality of views such as ‘street view’, aids in the visualization of abstract notions of topography. These digital and interactive maps provide an experiential virtual image of place that mimics real places more closely than physical, static maps (Aitken & Crane 2009). The multiscalarity of these digital mapping platforms provide an opportunity to investigate the varying spatial scales of migration. Digital mapping and spatial analysis can be combined with qualitative data to create qualitative GIS. Qualitative GIS has promising methodological applications to migration and mobility studies, due to its ability to combine individual narratives and spatial representations (Kwan & Ding 2008). Qualitative GIS are conducive to multiple and mixed methods, allowing for an exploration of the spatio-temporal aspects of place through GIS, merged with qualitative methodologies such as biographies, narratives and ethnographies to explore subjective lived experiences (Kwan 2002, Cope & Jung 2009). This creative form of GIS is a method of looking at power structures that influence the personal and lived experiences of ‘everyday life’ alongside the personal, subjective narratives (Kwan & Ding 2008). Given these attributes, qualitative GIS could greatly enhance the migration biography, because the digital mapping element is able to match the spatial scale of movement being discussed. So far, qualitative GIS have largely been applied to research focused on the connection between people and a place, rather than people and places. The focus on mobility within qualitative GIS has been mostly small-scale movements around the local area, or a singular place of interest. For example, Jones and Evan’s (2012) research on cyclists in Birmingham, England; Kwan and Ding’s (2008) study on Muslim women in Columbus, Ohio; Knigge and Cope’s (2006) research into community gardens in Buffalo, New York; McLafferty’s (2002) study on breast cancer in Long Island, New York; Bagheri’s (2014) fieldwork in Tehran on women’s use of public spaces; Kwan’s (2002) research on the local mobilities of African American women in Portland, Oregon; Mennis and colleagues’ (2013) georeferenced narratives of drug use in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; and Pavlovskaya’s (2002) study on household economies in Moscow. The case study areas of these examples fit the aims of their research, however there still remains a largely untapped opportunity to utilize the interactive attribute of digital mapping to explore larger-scale mobility, and the networks between places. Despite the capacity for both digital mapping and traditional biographical methods to explore lived experiences of migration at various spatial scales, the scope of the qualitative research often remains restricted to one spatial scale of mobility. The remainder of this paper details the use of biographical methods to discuss multiscalar migration, with the aid of qualitative GIS.

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METHOD The following section outlines how a mixed, qualitative GIS method was used to explore each participant’s movements over his or her life course. A novel method was created through the incorporation of digital maps with migration biographies as a qualitative GIS method. Biographical interviews were combined with digital mapping to utilise the insights gained from each method (Elwood & Cope 2009). Loosely based on the concept of memory mapping, migrant biographies were explored, mapped and analyzed through qualitative GIS. Participants discussed their attachments and experiences of different places through their life course in the biographical interviews, and the multiscalarity of these experiences were explored through interactive, digital mapping in Google Earth. The combination of these two distinct methods allowed for a holistic exploration of the spatial and temporal influences on each participant’s residential movements.

Figure 1. Research area (bordered) and indication of location of the Sunshine Coast relative to the cities of Brisbane and the Gold Coast in southeast Queensland, Australia.

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Case study location The Sunshine Coast, in Queensland, Australia, was chosen as a case study region due to its high seasonal tourist population and large migration rate relative to the resident population (Sharma & Dyer 2009) (Fig. 1.). The Sunshine Coast had the second highest net migration gain after Melbourne (West) at SA4 level (ABS 2017b). The area also attracts high numbers of temporary visitors, with 3.4 million domestic and nearly 300,000 international visitors in the year ending March 2017 (TEQ 2017). The wider Sunshine Coast Regional Council area was sparsely populated until the 1960s when it became a holiday destination for Brisbane residents, and is now an area developed for relatively recent domestic and international migrants (Carter et al. 2007). A century ago the Maroochydore suburb alone had a very low population of around 70 permanent residents, compared to over 17,000 residents today (ABS 2016, Sunshine Coast Regional Council 2016). The wider Sunshine Coast region is a large regional council area of 2,291 km2 (profile.id 2017), and so a reduced research area was chosen to capture migrants with similar place experiences of the Sunshine Coast. The development of a new central business district in Maroochydore suburb within the Sunshine Coast region was underway at the time of the interviews with plans for a new residential and commercial properties, light rail and international airport upgrades (Sunshine Coast Regional Council 2014). The most affected and population-dense areas of the proposed CBD development determined the research area. The research area chosen was bounded by the towns and surrounding suburbs of Coolum to the north, Caloundra to the south, and Nambour to the west. Participants To explore a diversity of biographies, migrants of various different ages and life stages were approached for interviews. Participants were recruited through a ‘New to the Sunshine Coast’ Meetup group, letterbox dropping within the research area and snowballing techniques. Participants over the age of 18 who had moved into the research area at some point in their life course and remained at time of the interview were included. Participants were excluded if they had not moved outside of the Sunshine Coast Regional Council at least once in their lifetime. A total of 34 domestic and international migrants were interviewed, 17 male and 17 female. Table 1. Age at time of interview versus age moved into the research area

Age brackets 0-17 18-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70+ Total

No. of participants Age at time of Age at time moved interview into the research area n/a 4 11 8 2 4 4 9 9 4 5 3 3 2 34 34

Participants to the research area were asked to outline their residential history first in a list format, and then as a detailed biography through one-hour semi-structured interviews and visual techniques. The participants listed all the locations they had lived and the age that they moved to each location in chronological order on a participant information sheet. They then sat for an interview to discuss why they made these movements, and their thoughts on living in each location. The interviews were conducted in June and September 2016 and February 2017, and were conducted in various locations Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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around the research area, either in participants’ homes or nearby cafés. The participants’ ages were relatively varied (Table 1.), however no participants between 33 and 45 year olds were interviewed. Given that the largest group of in-migrants to the wider Sunshine Coast in 2016 were 35 to 44 year olds (ABS 2016), this was a problematic omission. However, when considering the age at which participants first moved into the research area, the age groups were far more evenly spread and the 35 to 45 year age group was better represented. Most participants moved into the area within the last 10 years (Table 2.), 15 participants were born overseas, and the remaining 19 born in Australia. Only one participant was born in the research area and returned later in life. Table 2. Year participants moved into the research area

Year moved into the research area 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-09 2010-14 2015-17 Total

No. of participants 2 2 1 9 13 7 34

Biographical interviewing and digital mapping method Participants were asked about all the locations (at the suburb or town scale) in which they had lived, from birth until their move into the research area. What they liked, did not like and why they moved from each location was noted. The participants were encouraged to discuss their narratives, thoughts, opinions and any stories that they recalled from each place they had lived. Memory maps were created using Google Earth© satellite images and Tour Builder 3D BETA© (Tour Builder). As the participant spoke, satellite and aerial imagery, as well as Google Map© layers such as street-view, roads, place names and images, were opened and displayed through Tour Builder with Google Earth satellite imagery plug-in, or through Google Earth Pro© desktop version. The suburbs were entered into the search bar and the default GPS coordinates for the suburb or town were used rather than exact addresses to retain participant anonymity. Satellite imagery of locations in which the participant had lived were ‘zoomed’ into following a userdefined chronology. The use of Google Earth satellite imagery was a way to explore multiple places and homes, elicit nostalgia and present spatial data in a recognizable format (Wise 2015). The Google Earth plug-in created a 3D view, presenting realistic satellite imagery in the hopes of eliciting a greater emotional response from the participant as in photo elicitation methods (Harper 2002). The Tour Builder tours, Google Earth visuals and the interview audio were captured and recorded simultaneously using ScreenFlow 6® computer screen and audio recording software. Analysis The ScreenFlow recordings were exported from the software in a video format to be reviewed and transcribed, and then key interview quotes were geocoded using the longitude and latitude of each location being discussed. The interviews were drafted as short biographies, summarizing each participant’s migration history. The interview videos were loaded into Nvivo 11® qualitative coding software, and coded via location, theme and keywords. Using QGIS® software, lines were drawn between the location points of past residential locations, signifying the migration paths of each participant. These migration paths were then situated alongside the drafted biographies to illustrate each participant’s whole lifetime of moves, to explore the meaning behind these moves, reveal connections between places, and to highlight the interaction between the small-scale moves and moves of greater distance over the life course. Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The participant information sheets provided a brief outline to the number of moves a participant had made, at what age he or she had moved, and where he or she had lived. This information revealed the diversity of the participants’ migration paths. Most participants moved consistently throughout their lifetime, starting their mobility at a young age. There were only three participants who had made their first residential move after the age of 30. The number of lifetime moves varied from one to more than 35, with an average of around nine times (µ ≈10.34, Mo = 7, Md= 8). This is greater than the Australian average of 5.6 moves for 17 to 50 year olds (Bernard et al. 2017). That the participants’ average number of moves is greater than the national average was to be expected given the transient residential nature of the research area, that some participants were over the age of 50, and that there was a selection bias in interviewing only participants who had moved at least once. Many of the participants had made moves of varying spatial scales in their lifetime (Table 3.). Of the participants, 15 had lived only within Australia and of these, seven had lived only within the state of Queensland. Four participants were born in Australia but had lived overseas at one point in their lifetime, only to move back. Participants made various moves mostly in the United Kingdom, Zimbabwe, New Zealand, South Africa and within the Sunshine Coast Council area. Of the 15 participants born overseas, most had first arrived in Australia at least ten years prior to the interview and had since become Australian citizens or permanent residents. Only three participants were recent international migrants, having moved to Australia in the last five years. Therefore, the participant sample was diverse in terms of age, mobility backgrounds and length of residence in the research area. Table 3. Participants that had made at least one move of each spatial scale in their lifetime (relative to the Sunshine Coast area)

Scale of movement Local (within the Sunshine Coast Council area) Regional (within Queensland) Interstate (into Queensland) International (into Australia)

No. of participants 12 20 21 19

Mapping the multiscalar moves Although not regular practice, international and domestic migration can be analysed together using traditional biographical methods without necessitating mixed methods. However, digitally mapping the biographies provided key benefits to the traditional method. The Google Earth satellite imagery and Tour Builder exercise helped participants to recall the chronology of their movements, and helped to confirm specific details. The participants interviewed were more mobile than the average Australian, and had undertaken moves of various spatial scales (Table 3.). Asking the participant to recollect the entirety of his or her migration biography would have been challenging with solely spoken biographies and no visual prompts. This was evidenced through the participant information sheet exercise, where participants struggled to list their chronological order of moves. The age windows and locations provided in the participant information sheets were cross-referenced with the interview transcripts to see how well the participants recalled the specifics of their past locations in the interviews. The information sheets were intended to help the participants in the interview, but instead became an iterative process with the participants using the information sheet as well as the satellite imagery to piece together their stories correctly. The information sheets were often revised throughout the process of interviewing and mapping their biographies (Fig. 2.). By introducing a visual memory prompt, additional and accurate biographical information was generated.

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Figure 2. Scanned participant information sheet showing information noted, and participants’ corrections throughout the course of the interview

The method was also enjoyable for the participants; some grew excited about certain areas and would explore other capabilities of Google Earth, such as viewing historical imagery, visitor photographs, and road name layers. The imagery prompted participants when they felt they had little to say, or had little immediate memory of an area. The use of satellite imagery in the interviews also provided a focus for the interview participants, and those who were unfamiliar with being recorded were distracted and less likely to feel self-conscious (Boschmann & Cubbon 2014). Kate (55) enjoyed the nostalgia prompted from the satellite imagery, and used the satellite imagery to think through an accurate chronology of her lived experience: Oh my goodness, seeing names like that again is - so Earlsdon up here, we lived there when we came back to Coventry, and 73 Broadway was the name of the street there. […] We had a Collie dog called Laddie. But I remember going to school and in later years when I went on to do hospitality and I went to catering college, my first year prac[tical] was actually back at my original primary school. So the food that I absolutely hated when I was there, I was then back working in the kitchen and cooking it all. Interviewer: That’s a cruel kind of karma, isn’t it? It was a cruel type of karma. But I can remember we used to have to walk to school. We would have had a dog then because I can remember once Laddie followed us and then he got lost and everything else, so yeah, I can remember that.

In this example, Kate used the satellite imagery to trace her walk from school when she lived in Earlsdon, which reminded her of when in her lifetime she had her childhood pet. This image helped her to correct the chronology of events of her biography. By using Google Earth and Tour Builder, Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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participants were able to visualise the places they had once lived in, experiencing pleasant feelings of nostalgia, and aiding in their recollections. Not all the participants needed the visual aid. However for those participants who had moved frequently, the digital mapping was effective to provide context to complex narratives. One participant in particular, Frank (64) had lived in over thirty different locations, and had a long period of time on the move in military service. Given Frank’s extensive mobility, it was difficult to grasp the lived experience of every move that he had made in the short duration of the interview, and his stories could be difficult to follow given their detail: Interviewer: So you went there, is that separate to boarding or you were boarding…? As soon as I finished my A levels my other friends had got called up to go to the National Service. I wrote to the Army and said “Can I come?”. I was the only one that went. But that was boarding school there and I went effectively from Redcliff all boarding school, effectively over here, to the military. And the military happened to be there. From there, I got posted everywhere...So most of the time I was in Mozambique. But let’s just put this into a geographic format. So you can see the country borders. So the bad guys used to come from this part of the world. All of this was cleared. If you were in there and you were not wearing our uniform or the Portuguese uniform, you were bad fellows. One morning… Interviewer: So this is after…? Mozambique. Yeah, I’ve jumped a couple. Do you want me to go back to Gwelo? Interviewer: If you can so that I can make sure that I’m doing it right. But I need to hear your stories. So don’t forget what you were going to say. Okay, where am I going to? I’ll show you Bulawayo. Bulawayo is a delightful place. Okay, Bulawayo now in Zimbabwe.

Given the difficulty of following his extensive migration path (Fig. 3.), following Frank’s movements digitally helped put his narrative into context, and reveal the spatial connections between military postings in Zimbabwe and Mozambique that would have been difficult to understand with spoken narratives alone. Frank was able to recall his memories of military service in relation to the strategic positioning and his postings. His military postings in turn helped him to recall personal memories, but also historical information about the political climate at the time. The satellite imagery also aided the interview as a form of virtual ground-truthing. Many place names and country names had changed within Frank’s lifetime, occasionally making it difficult to find the places to which he was referring. The places he quoted were searched online to find the current place names, and then Frank was able to visually confirm that the correct location was searched through the satellite imagery. The satellite imagery was effective at helping participants remember an accurate chronology, prompting memories, and revealed how places related to each other within the participants’ individual biographies. There were several limitations to the method. Tour Builder was only in beta phase at time of interviewing, and so was feature-complete but contained a number of technical bugs. After the first 16 interviews, the Tour Builder site no longer switched from ‘editing’ to ‘view’ mode. This meant that the view would no longer automatically zoom from place to place after the full timeline was entered, and the satellite imagery had to be navigated manually. The remaining 18 interviews were completed using only Google Earth Pro, which meant each of the participants’ residential locations were manually entered into the search bar in the correct chronology. The satellite imagery and 3D envelopes were more realistic and detailed in Google Earth than the Google Earth plug-in in Tour Builder, and so this development did not impact the visual effect, but only the ease of navigating the satellite imagery in the interview.

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Figure 3. Frank’s movements during his time in the military (orange), mapped in Google Earth

Some participants were not familiar with the Google Earth interface or with topographical maps, and struggled to find their correct locations. They were able to locate the correct areas, but the lack of familiarity with topographical maps may have impacted their recognition of the imagery being presented, and therefore the engagement with this imagery. Conversely, some participants were overly familiar with the Google Earth interface and seemed unenthused by the process, having seen the imagery many times before and probably already having looked up places where they had lived in Google Maps or Google Earth, which are both openly accessible and widely used. This may also have affected their ability to connect to the imagery. The ever-increasing resolution in satellite imagery and open accessibility to high quality mapping layers has positively impacted spatial and geographical research (Gibson 2014). However, future improvements could be the universal inclusion of historical aerial photography, alongside the recently captured satellite imagery in Google Earth. Historical satellite imagery was available in some key locations such as major cities as far back as a few decades, and the historical imagery was beneficial where available. However many of the older participants had lived in smaller regional locations with no available historical satellite images to represent the time that they lived there. The lack of familiarity with the landscape of the recent imagery impeded the ability for some participants to recognize or connect to the place visualized by the current imagery alone. The recent imagery also made it more challenging to conceptualize what living there might have been like without the help of the participant’s biographical narrative. As maps become increasingly digitized, historical aerial imagery and maps will become more widely and freely available and so this may be improved upon in future.

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Experiences of multiscalar moves The biographical aspect of this research helped to reveal not only the patterns behind the migration paths of the participants, but the meaning and experience of each move. Participants drew on their previous place memories to explain and situate the experiences of their more recent moves. The scale and distance of movement provided some insight into each moves’ meaning and importance. International moves were often very significant in participants’ minds. For example one participant, Dave (59) had lived in the one town in England throughout his childhood and early adulthood before moving to Australia, and stated that after an international move, the numerous local moves that followed were easier to undertake: Interviewer: Have you ever felt rooted to a place like you wanted to stay there for a really long time? … I was quite happy to move around and … no never really rooted to a spot. I think once you emigrate … you’ve uprooted yourself in such a big way that I don’t think you can be rooted again, anyway. It’s a huge, huge decision. It’s not for everybody. Interviewer: … I wonder if having moved once makes it easier for you to then move again? It does, yeah. Something can happen to you that … changes the way you think. I think emigrating is the biggest single move anybody can make from one place to another. And, I mean, I’ve got very similar cultures and we speak English, of course but it’s still a hell of a long way from home. Dave, 59

International moves were more frequently the most significant move of an individual’s life course; however there were some exceptions. The point in the life course that the international move happened played an important role in whether it was a significant or meaningful experience. Tim (57) was born in a suburb of Melbourne, Australia, and moved when he was less than one year old to England with his family. He has no recollection of this experience, and so this move was not as impactful on his life as other domestic moves within Australia. His most meaningful move was a residential move within the same Australian state of Queensland: from the regional city of Toowoomba to the coastal suburb of Mooloolaba within the research area. On holiday in Mooloolaba, Tim grew attached to the community and the holiday feel, and eventually moved there when he met his wife, Tracey (58). I came here [Mooloolaba] and my heart just was here from that point in 1997. And we didn’t move here until 2005. Interviewer: That’s so fascinating. So it was in your mind. My eldest daughter said to me, “your heart’s in Mooloolaba, Dad, you’ve got to go”. And I said, “I want to go”. From that time when I came here, I loved it. Tim, 57

Even though the distance travelled was significantly shorter, Tim found his interstate move from Toowoomba to Mooloolaba to be more meaningful than his international move from Australia to England. Theresa (46) also found meaning in moves that were not proportional to the distance travelled. She had lived in the same suburb of Melbourne, Burwood East, until the age of 37. When she met her now husband, she moved for the first time to a coastal suburb still within the Melbourne metropolitan area. She considered this local move to be significant, given that she had spent all of her life in the one place prior to that move. She talked about a profound personal change after that first move into a more transient lifestyle: I think you can change. And I think you can change because I must admit that now that I’ve made that move, I feel a lot more transient than what I would’ve...if [my husband] had suggested it properly when we very first got married, I wouldn’t have gone. No, I don’t think I could do it. And so it was a process of me

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growing and developing to be able to let go of things. Because you know part of being immobile is not being able to let go on an emotional level, and now...I do feel quite transient. Theresa, 46

Rather than her most recent and greatest distance move into the research area, it was her first ever move that she considered most meaningful. Even though the move within Melbourne was only a few kilometres away, it was a significant residential move within her lived experience. When it came time for her and her partner to move interstate to the research area, she considered herself better prepared for moving homes and was not as impacted by the move itself. These examples reveal the interaction between international, interstate and smaller-scale mobilities through the life course. Undertaking an international move can make smaller-scale moves seem less significant in relative terms. However, temporal aspects also influence the meaning and significance of a move. As discussed by Tim and Theresa, the meaning found in a moving event is not always directly proportional to the distance travelled, but is also affected by the stage of the life course in which the move occurs. The biographical approach helped to reveal the interaction between the spatial and the temporal and the significance and meaning behind the moves that simply mapping their pathways would not reveal. Multiscalar moves over the life course Occasionally, the influences on the participants’ mobility pathways were multiscalar, where global and national influences prompted large-scale moves, and personal influences prompted smaller-scale moves across the life course. One participant in particular, James (43), embodied this multiscalarity. He had grown up in a coastal town in New South Wales, and moved multiple times domestically as a young adult before moving internationally to New Zealand for work placement. He moved only temporarily at first, but enjoyed his stay in New Zealand and intended to live there permanently. However, when the Global Financial Crisis began in early 2007 he moved back to Melbourne: Interviewer: So you couldn’t stay in Mission Bay [New Zealand]? No. No, Global Financial Crisis hit, and I work in Global Financial services, and I didn’t have a choice. In order to keep my job, I basically had to move. James, 43

After the move back to Australia and into the city of Melbourne, he was then motivated to move by small-scale influences. He considered Melbourne and the suburb he was living in particular to be too densely populated to bring up his young daughter. Having grown up in a small coastal town, his personal preference was that his children should have a similar suburban or small-town upbringing. He had a pre-existing connection to the research area as he owned an investment property there, and so he moved his work and family to the Sunshine Coast. He recalls a specific moment that influenced his move: …the catalyst for us moving up here is that I came home one night from work, and my daughter, who would’ve been two and a half at the time, is sitting on the footpath, with Mum, with some chalk drawing. And that was literally my lightbulb moment. It’s not how I envisage bringing up kids. Especially growing up in Woy Woy. And I literally went and resigned that week. James, 43

James had moved various times in his life, and these moves were motivated by influences at various scales. He moved internationally because of a global-scale issue, the Global Financial Crisis, and moved domestically because of local-scale and personal preferences: their property size and desire for low-density living for his daughter’s upbringing. His past residential locations also revealed clues to his personal preferences for both international and domestic destinations where his coastal town upbringing helped him connect to the coastal town within New Zealand, and the coastal research area. Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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Aaron (29) had similarly interrelated international and domestic moves. He moved domestically around England before making the decision to move to Australia, and was influenced by his colleagues who had moved overseas a few years prior to his own international move. He moved from England due to his dissatisfaction with England’s National Health Service, and found that Australia would provide a better work environment for his dentistry career. Once in Australia, he experienced living in many capital cities before settling into the research area, where he bought property and applied for permanent residency. Australian visa requirements initially influenced where he could reside and find work in Australia, encouraging migration into regional areas. He found employment in the regional town of Gympie, just outside the Sunshine Coast Council. As he became more established, his moves were influenced by personal preference and local factors such as social networks and community: I came to a decision whether or not I was going to stay in Gympie. I mean, it was really convenient; it was only 5 minutes from work and it’s easy, but socially was lacking for me. And by this point, I knew a lot more people here on the [Sunshine] Coast, so I figured that this would be the best compromise between the two. Aaron, 29

Events and factors at varying scales influenced the mobility of all participants – from the very personal to global events and national structures. The large international moves of James and Aaron changed their life courses, and affected their future local-scale moves. James would have remained in New Zealand given the choice, and not moved into the research area if not for a global event. Aaron’s multiple place experiences within Australian capital cities, and finally the property ownership and attachment to the research area would not have occurred without the initial move from England. Discussing and mapping international and domestic mobility within a participant’s life course revealed the interaction between different forms of mobility, and the importance of the moving events on future life trajectories. CONCLUSION AND FUTURE APPLICATIONS This paper argues for the incorporation of both international and domestic moves into migration research. In biographical, narrative and ethnographic methods, moves of multiple scales should be considered together as lived experiences increasingly incorporate both domestic and global migration. The biographical design of the research revealed the similarities and differences between the influences on long distance moves, and local moves over a lifespan. Further, the biographical interviews gave the participants an opportunity to discuss the personal and subjective experiences of living in multiple places, the importance of certain moves to their biography, and how differing scales of movement at different times in a participant’s lifetime related to levels of place attachment and meaning. The participants discussed their attachments to houses, local areas, larger regions and countries. Mapping their migration paths alone could not reveal the importance of certain moves, where the distance travelled and geopolitical boundaries traversed were not necessarily relative to the importance of the migration event to the participant. Mapping the migration biographies did, however, provide a spatial context to the participants’ stories of multiscalar residential moves. Digital mapping aided the interview as a data generation technique, a memory prompt, and provided context to the participants’ biographies. The Google Earth satellite imagery acted as a memory prompt to aid the participants in recollecting their experiences of past places and past moves, and helped reveal vernacular understandings of place (Gibson, 2014, Harris et al., 2008). The chronology of events that the participant jotted down prior to the interview was often rehashed through the process of virtually travelling to each place. Each was able to piece his or her timeline together in the order of events that gave sense to their story. The participants’ narratives of why they moved and the spatial logic of their decision-making was made clearer as their biographies were mapped out and virtually explored. The chronological process was especially important for participants Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Map Society Inc.

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who were extremely mobile, and had moved internationally multiple times. The combined biographical and digital mapping methods explored the spatial and temporal aspects of migration over each of the participants’ lifetimes. The use of this mixed method is a step towards bridging the gap between international migration and residential mobility literature. The biographical mapping overcame the issue of scale as participants regularly switched between discussions of home nation and hometown, and enabled international and smaller-scale moves to be viewed and analysed side-by-side in digital maps. These narratives could not have been meaningfully mapped using a fixed geographical scale, or through other techniques such as photo elicitation, mental mapping or sketch mapping. The use of digital memory prompts while interviewing was a way to overcome the issue of feasibility in using physical resources to elicit memories about each location. The ability to ‘zoom in’ with Google Earth and Tour Builder to see local moves and areas, and ‘zoom out’ to see international moves and entire life paths was especially effective. The satellite imagery helped bring up past memories for the participants, on what it was like to live in these areas, and gave context to their narratives for analysis. The ever-increasing resolution of current satellite imagery, and perhaps future additions of historical satellite and aerial imagery could help further this method in future, for varying research applications. The information gathered through this method could be analysed beyond the narrative and biographical analysis outlined in this paper. The participant information sheets gathered information that can be quantified and mapped in other GISystems, with data layers other than satellite imagery, not just for cross-referencing as described here. Age windows and GPS coordinates associated with each participant’s residential locations are mappable data than can be used to create migration paths. The digital migration paths could sit over other digitized spatial information, such as socio-economic and liveability indicators, employment, migration, transport and demographic data, as well as historical satellite and aerial imagery in Google Earth. This could reveal how well the participants’ lived experiences reflect the wider trends and issues identified in each area. The digitized nature of the paths means that these data layers could be at global, regional and local resolutions, further expanding the possibilities for multiscalar migration research. Digital mapping capabilities are improving, with ongoing creativity in presentation, unlimited geographical data layers and widespread public engagement with satellite imagery. These improved mapping capabilities match the increasing complexities in migration biographies, broadening future possibilities to explore multiple mobilities together.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This work was supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP).

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