The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation ...

This article was downloaded by: [Virpal Kataure] On: 03 October 2012, At: 07:25 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

South Asian Diaspora Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsad20

The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves a

Virpal Kataure & Margaret Walton-Roberts

a

a

Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada Version of record first published: 03 Oct 2012.

To cite this article: Virpal Kataure & Margaret Walton-Roberts (): The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves, South Asian Diaspora, DOI:10.1080/19438192.2013.722385 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2013.722385

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-andconditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

South Asian Diaspora 2012, 1–20, iFirst Article

The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves Virpal Kataure∗ and Margaret Walton-Roberts

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada Canada has experienced the development of suburban ethnic enclaves by established immigrant diaspora groups surrounding major metropolitan centres. However, less is known regarding the housing and location preferences of their maturing offspring population, known as the second-generation. This paper seeks to explain the housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians residing in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves, a suburban city on the periphery of Toronto. This research draws on the home leaving process and integrates the theoretical perspectives of ethnic enclaves and the life cycle. A telephone survey conducted in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves suggests a dominant preference of low-density, detached-style dwellings in suburban areas. The life cycle perspective has proven to be a powerful explanatory tool during the household-formation phase, but does not appear to be valuable during the independent-living stage, since ethnic enclave residency seems to persist. The importance of familial ties in the South-Asian culture, the growth of ethnic enclaves, traditional ideas of socioeconomic success and life cycle values during family-formation shape preferences for second-generation South-Asian-Canadians. Keywords: Brampton; second generation; South Asians; ethnic enclaves; housing; suburbs; settlement; life cycle

Introduction Immigrant diaspora groups have had an immense impact on the Canadian landscape by shaping physical and social environments through the development of culturally distinct ethnic enclaves. As these ethnic enclaves continue to grow (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010), the settlement choices of immigrant offspring, known as the second generation, have become of great interest (Alba et al. 1999, Reitz 2002, Mendez 2009a).1 It is important to understand the future housing and residential location choices of immigrant offspring to determine whether they will reproduce the settlement patterns of their parents. With extensive research conducted on immigrant ethnic clusters and segregation in Canada’s major metropolitan centres (Fong 1996, Ray 1999, Driedger 2003, Myles and Hou 2003, Agrawal 2006, Walks and Bourne 2006, Haan 2007), implications of specific second generation visible minority residential patterns outside of urban centres have yet to be fully explored in the Canadian context (Walks and Bourne 2006, Teixeira 2007). This paper seeks to address the following questions: What factors determine a desirable place to live for second-generation ∗

Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

ISSN 1943-8192 print/ISSN 1943-8184 online # 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2013.722385 http://www.tandfonline.com

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

2

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

South Asians in Canada? What are the group’s main priorities when deciding where to settle? Is the group likely to continue residing in suburban cities (and possibly ethnic enclaves), or is there a trend towards core urban settlement? South Asians are among the most concentrated visible minority groups in Canada (Walks and Bourne 2006, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010), and the largest share of this population is found in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA).2 The outer suburb of Brampton has the largest number of South Asians comprising its’ total population (31.7% in Brampton versus 12.1% in the City of Toronto) resulting in prominent ethnic enclaves. This paper reports findings from a telephone survey to understand the future housing preferences and residential location choices of South-Asian second-generation immigrants living in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves. It is important to begin to understand the nature of intergenerational change in ethnic enclaves, and how settlement choices might be affected by life cycle and socio-economic transitions. Ultimately, understanding some of the dynamics that shape the residential preferences of second generations will enhance our ability to assess the current status and future development of diaspora communities in ethnic enclaves, suburban and urban cities.

Defining concepts and theoretical framework Settlement theories There is a sizeable body of research concerned with immigrant residential settlement patterns. Most of these early theories hypothesize that immigrants are underprivileged and thus reside close together in ethnic enclaves until their socioeconomic status improves, allowing them to settle in the higher status suburbs (Burgess 1925, Duncan and Duncan 1957, Massey and Denton 1987, Gans 1992, Peck 2005). Many have criticized these theories in that they assume immigrants are socioeconomically disadvantaged, which is often not the case of ‘new’ immigration cohorts from Asia, Africa and the Middle East (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, p. 201, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002). Others also criticize these theories as they assume involuntary segregation and the formation of ghettos. But in Canada this may not be the case since even the most segregated neighbourhoods are on the whole multi-ethnic (Fong 1996, Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Logan 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005).3 Recent theories suggest that settlement in city centres is also a sign of success and integration. The gentrification of neighbourhoods and their unique characteristics makes them highly attractive to urban dwellers (Hiebert 2000, Bauder and Sharpe 2002), although existing less economically successful residents might experience gentrification displacement (Thomas and Darnton 2006, Lewis and Donald 2009, Murdie and Skop 2012).4 The experiences of Italians in Toronto have shown successful dispersal to the suburbs while still maintaining a presence in longstanding inner city communities (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Zucchi 2007). The arrival of recent skilled immigrants may also lead to settlement in major urban centres, since according to Florida (2002) highly educated and ‘creative professionals’ are attracted to these chic urban places rather than to traditional communities such as the suburbs (Florida 2002, 2004, Thomas and Darnton 2006, p. 155, Delisle and Shearmur 2010, p. 308).

Ethnic enclaves Before beginning to analyse suburban ethnic enclaves, it is important to understand the meaning and history behind this unique urban form. Ethnic enclaves are said to have

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

South Asian Diaspora

3

progressed from areas of involuntary segregation and discrimination to being starting points for immigrants and a desirable destination for others who have diverse socioeconomic backgrounds (Logan et al. 2002, p. 302, Marcuse 2005, Peach 2005, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, p. 318). Ethnic clusters began to form with the help of chain migration, connections with families back home, changing labour market locations from urban to suburban cities, and the development of ethnic businesses and community organizations (Li 1998, Teixeira 2007, Murdie and Skop 2012). Qadeer and Agrawal (2010) identify ethnic enclaves as the formation of ‘an axis or band of high-ethnic-density territories . . . surrounded by zones of lower ethnic concentrations’ (p. 315). The degree to which an ethnic enclave is concentrated is defined differently in various studies (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Walks and Bourne 2006). Contrary to the assumptions of the human ecology model (Burgess 1925), Doucet’s (1999) ‘dispersed city’ hypothesis shows that the socioeconomic status of immigrants has changed, where the previously homogenous suburbs have become reception zones for immigrants creating more heterogeneous communities on the periphery (Kalbach 1990, Ray et al. 1997, Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Hiebert 2000, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Teixeira 2007, p. 499). In Canada, ethnic enclaves can attract long-term immigrant residents, the second generation, and other members of society (Logan et al. 2002, pp. 300–302). There are some drawbacks that scholars have noted from continued segregation (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Djajic 2003, Ghosh 2007, Agrawal 2010, Frost 2010, Murdie and Skop 2012), but the Canadian experience of voluntarily clustering is, on the whole, viewed positively (Zhou 1992, Logan et al. 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Peach 2005, Borjas 2006).5

South Asians South Asians are persons other than Aboriginal peoples, and are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour and whose ethnic background is identified as Bangladeshi, Bengali, East Indian, Goan, Gujarati, Kashmiri, Pakistani, Punjabi, Nepali, Sinhalese, Sri Lankan, Tamil or South Asian (Statistics Canada 2006). This characterization is used as the standard definition in this study, although it should be noted that there is tremendous intragroup diversity within immigrant populations due to differences in socioeconomic backgrounds, places of origin and settlement patterns (Zhou and Lin 2005). Myles and Hou (2003) caution that ‘skin colour alone does not produce shared identities’ and that ‘the “average” experience of Chinese, South-Asian and Black families potentially conceals important differences among immigrant populations’ (p. 28).6 Nonetheless, the term is relevant as a category of assessment insofar as it represents a form of official categorization for data collection, is representative of broadly similar cultural traits (White 1994, Zhou 1997), and describes comparable racial and labour market deskilling experiences (Portes and Zhou 1993, Bauder 2003), shared housing trajectories (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Bauder and Sharpe 2002) and educational attainment outcomes (Coleman 1990, Zhou 1992, Picot and Hou 2011).

Understanding second generations Settlement in ethnic enclaves The ‘segmented assimilation theory’ proposed by Portes and Zhou (1993) incorporates some analysis of second generation settlement patterns by arguing that different ethnic

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

4

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

groups exhibit various types of residential patterns, and they discuss three possible relationships: traditional upward mobility and assimilation to the host society, opposite downward mobility and ethnic segregation or upward mobility while sustaining ethnically homogenous immigrant communities (most often associated with ethnic enclaves where second generations are present) (Gans 1992, Portes and Zhou 1993, Perlmann and Waldinger 1997, Boyd 2002). Logan et al. (2002) called their similar model the ‘new assimilation’ theory, where the maintenance of ethnic enclaves actually form more durable communities giving rise to positive enclave effects (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997, Borjas 2002). As mentioned earlier the Canadian experience does not show any significant evidence of visible minorities contributing to segmented or underclass assimilation, since most settlement in enclaves is considered voluntary (Boyd 2002, Murdie and Skop 2012). Recent findings suggest that immigrants and their offspring favour living in suburban enclaves surrounding major urban areas (such as Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver) in order to access jobs within commuting zones (Reitz and Sommerville 2004, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Scholars conclude that such residential segregation among European and visible minority groups is unlikely to decrease in the future, and confirms an increase in ethnic concentrations for the Jewish, Chinese and SouthAsian populations in Toronto (Fong and Wilkes 2003, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). In general, studies show a hierarchy of residential segregation among groups in Canada where whites are the least clustered, and minorities the most concentrated, even when controlling for socioeconomic status (Richmond 1967, Balakrishnan 1982, Kalbach 1987, Balakrishnan et al. 2005). Educational attainment and settlement A large and growing body of literature has shown second-generation immigrants exhibit superior socioeconomic prospects since their educational attainment exceeds that of their parents, and is even above that of their Canadian-born counterparts (Boyd and Grieco 1998, Boyd 2002, Farley and Alba 2002, Fong and Wilkes 2003, Aydemir and Sweetman 2006, Yan et al. 2008, Picot and Hou 2011, p. 9).7 Secondgeneration residential segregation however has shown to persist when social class is controlled for, and even as their education level increases (Balakrishnan and Selvanathan 1990, Coleman 1990, Kalbach 1990, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002, Logan et al. 2004, Walks and Bourne 2006). In particular, Kalbach (1990) found the same level of segregation for many second-generation groups in Toronto. Studies also show that second-generation educational achievement may even be improved through continued settlement in enclaves (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997).8 On the other hand, some scholars argue that residential segregation may decrease once education increases (Fong 1996, Boyd and Grieco 1998, Farley and Alba 2002), but do not indicate where they choose to settle instead. Homeownership Among immigrant groups, there is a great deal of cultural importance placed upon homeownership (Ozuekren and van Kempen 2002, Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 12). There is still some debate as to whether immigrants are better off than the nonvisible minority population in terms of socioeconomic achievement (Hiebert 2000, Reitz et al. 2011), but many have demonstrated the ability of visible minority

South Asian Diaspora

5

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

immigrants to attain owner-occupied housing at a rate faster than the Canadian-born population (Kim and Boyd 2009). Mendez (2009a) reported that homeownership decreases with generational distance from immigration, although others found that homeownership is consistent in Canada’s three metropolitan regions, where it continues to rise and stabilizes up until the third-plus generation, when it begins to fall (Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 15). After examining the existing literature, it seems that the higher socioeconomic achievements of second-generation South Asians increases their homeownership prospects, freedom of choice and ability to obtain their desired housing options more so than their parents and other groups.

Life cycle One theory that plays a critical role in answering housing preferences is the life cycle theory. The life cycle perspective can be understood as ‘the changing demographic characteristics of a household as it progresses from initial formation to dissolution’ (Clark and Onaka 1983, p. 47, White 1994). Rossi’s (1955) conceptualization hypothesizes that housing need or unsuitability comes from changes that occur in the household life cycle, and these changes then alter the preferences and needs of the individual or family. The typical process is the following: a new married couple demands a small dwelling in a high-density neighbourhood close to the city core; increase in age and family size lead to increased demand for space and suburban living arises; lastly, as family size decreases, a trend back to smaller units and higher densities in the city centre is desired (Lansing et al. 1964).9 The transition into adulthood is seen as part of the life cycle theory and is indicated by events in one’s life: ending schooling, getting married, having children, becoming a fulltime member of the labour force or establishing independent-living arrangements (White 1994, Mulder and Hooimeijer 1999, Dieleman 2001). Therefore, the life cycle structures the motivation to move during these stages. Although many have criticized the model for its failure to incorporate divorced, never married individuals and non-traditional relationships, scholars have adapted a more flexible model with phases and a greater number of outcomes or pathways, with the possibility of counter transitions (White 1994, p. 83). Furthermore, the lifecycle theory has also been limited in examining specific ethnic groups who have distinctive cultural traditions and settlement patterns. In this study, I am not scrutinizing the validity of the theory or examining how the stages of the lifecycle influence second-generation South Asians. Rather, the aim is to determine whether the traditional theories of the household life cycle still have an influence on residential preference from urban to suburban settlement or vice versa, especially for those who have been raised in suburban ethnic enclaves. In this paper I specifically examine second-generation South Asians’ preference when considering the process of leaving home and developing independent-living arrangements.

The case study: Brampton South Asians in Brampton The City of Brampton has a substantial South-Asian population, approximately 31.7% of the total population and 55.6% of the total visible minority population (Statistics Canada 2006). The proportion of total South-Asian population residing in enclaves

6

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

has also greatly increased in the GTA between 2001 and 2006 from 30% to 49%, although these areas still contain a large British population (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, pp. 328–329). Most South-Asian visible minorities in Brampton self reported ancestral backgrounds from the Indian subcontinent (69.0%), followed by Pakistani (9.3%), Sri Lankan (7.8%), Punjabi (4.1%), Tamil (2.7%) and Bangladeshi (1.8%) (Statistics Canada 2006). For the purposes of this research nationality groups were not used due to sample size. However, concerns about intra-group diversity may be countered by the fact that the majority of respondents self-reported East Indian origin in the census and 64.7% reported Punjabi as their mother tongue (Statistics Canada 2006). Based on these indicators the prominence of people of Indian origin should be noted when interpreting this data. Using the second-generation SouthAsian values for the City of Toronto, this study approximates there to be 20,649 second-generation South Asians residing in Brampton as of 2006.

Brampton: the suburb Taylor and Lang (2004) examined the obscurities associated with the term ‘suburban’ and counted 50 names given to this metropolitan form in the literature, thereby illustrating how complicated analysing and conceptualizing urban growth can be (Charney 2005). For the purpose of this study, Brampton is deemed a suburban city as development occurs in greenfield sites, it is located on periphery of the Toronto urban region, it has seen rapid development in homogenous housing styles and built form to meet the needs of the baby boom population, it has higher owner occupation rates than the region, and is largely automobile dependent (Statistics Canada 2006, Brampton 2011); it therefore has all the characteristics of a suburb (Charney 2005, Lee and Leigh 2007). Scholars also recognize that ethnic enclaves in the GTA are present in suburban areas with higher homeownership rates, have shown an increase in ethnic concentration, and contain newly developed, sprawl-like housing (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, p. 216, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Qadeer 2005, Agrawal 2010, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Brampton is the youngest community in the Toronto CMA with a median age of 33.7 in 2006, compared to Toronto and Ontario at 37.5 and 39.0 years, respectively. A significant second-generation population is also present, and approximately 20% of the population aged 15 or older has moved, or is moving, through secondary education (Statistics Canada 2006). Lastly, Brampton’s working-age population (20–64) has also increased by 32.3% from 2001 to 2006 and now comprises 62.2% of the total population (Statistics Canada 2006). These statistics suggest that the region’s growth is linked to Brampton being seen as a desirable area for young families and homebuyers with affordable housing, relatively speaking.10 Figure 1 shows SouthAsian ethnic concentration in Brampton by census tract (CT). The Bramalea neighbourhood contains a CT comprised of virtually all apartment buildings.11 The Fletchers Creek neighbourhood has slightly older dwellings with lower levels of homeownership than the other enclaves, although the housing stock is more diversified, and consequently has a higher population density (Statistics Canada 2006). The highest value of dwellings can be found in Castlemore, which contains very large houses on large lots and higher income residents (Statistics Canada 2006). Springdale also contains large houses but on smaller lots reflected by higher population densities (Statistics Canada 2006). Qadeer and Agrawal’s (2010) study on the evolution of ethnic enclaves in the Toronto area shows that the development of new housing and continued

7

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

South Asian Diaspora

Figure 1. Ethnic concentrations by CT using percent concentrated for the City of Brampton. Note: Above 50% South Asian of the total CT population is considered concentrated.

immigration from South Asia have led to the growth of enclaves; specifically Springdale and Castlemore saw the greatest growth in enclaves between 2001 and 2006.12

Methods The methods used in this case study are telephone surveys, focus groups and semistructured key informant interviews. A triangulation approach aims to ensure reliability, rigour and validity through the exploration of the same general questions from different angles (Winston 1997). In this paper the primary focus will be on the telephone survey results as they provide important and robust findings on the generally under-researched issue of second-generation housing preference. Some data from the interviews and

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

8

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

focus groups are incorporated in order to bolster the main findings of the survey. A telephone survey was used to examine the opinions, beliefs, characteristics, present behaviours and trends of the broader second-generation South-Asian population in Brampton through the use of nonprobability random sampling (Neuman and Robson 2007, McGuirk and O’Neill 2010).13 The telephone survey consisted of 14 questions in total, most of which were close-ended with a few semi-open ended questions to allow for ease of analysis and coding. Statistics Canada (2006) data were used to identify South-Asian ethnic enclaves. The percent of South Asians residing in each CT (of the total population in the CT) was used to determine whether the CT was an ethnic enclave. An indicator of 50% or higher South-Asian origin population in the CT was used, and 13 CTs were idenitified. These 13 ethnic enclaves were located in 5 of the total 10 wards. One ethnic enclave in each of the five wards with the highest concentration of South Asians was selected to be sampled. The following website allowed sample data to be collected using the reverse phone application and searching for surnames common to South Asians (Owusu 1999); using street names and postal codes within a CT, the website lists residents name and number: http://www.whitepages.ca/reverse_phone. However, this approach does present its own set of limitations (see Owusu 1999). A screening question was used to determine whether a participant was eligible in the survey. The requirements were: 20 years of age or older, currently living in the City of Brampton, born in Canada, and of South-Asian heritage. A total of 3930 households were contacted which returned a total of 103 usable surveys with participants who met this criteria.14 The average response rate was 2.3%.

Procedure Housing preferences Studying housing choice is limited in that it only reveals partial explanations, especially when dealing with the complicated nature of immigrant offspring and their future housing preferences. Mulder (1993) defines preferences as actual transformations of overall goals during certain times in an individual’s life. Preferences reveal a liking or taste in mainly ideal situations and have the obvious potential to change and evolve in the future (Molin 1999). Ozuekren and van Kempen (2002) point out that work has been criticized for its emphasis on choice and lack of attention to constraints (p. 368). Although analysing preferences is complicated, difficult and may not reveal actual outcomes (Buck and Scott 1993, Dieleman 2001), the decision to study preferences was made given the difficulty of collecting adequate and assessable data from existing sources such as Statistics Canada. In favour of this, Molin (1999) illustrates how key elements in housing preferences often remain during selection, such as the type of house, the type of neighbourhood and the location – all three elements that are examined in this study. Ozuekren and van Kempen (2002) suggest that it is most ideal to examine this longitudinally, although this approach is only feasible on a large scale with a small number of respondents, and is often very costly; the alternative of cross-sectional methods is used by asking participants about their previous and preferred housing arrangements (p. 367). Given the limited time and resources available, the latter approach was taken and questions of preferred housing type and location, and opinions on current living arrangements were asked. Similar to Buck and Scott (1993), I distinguish between participants who are ‘leaving home’ and ‘living away from home’. I use the more restrictive ‘leaving

South Asian Diaspora

9

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

home’ definition for the fact that I want to understand housing preferences for independent residency where ‘living away from home’ is understood as moves into institutions or other housing arrangements as a result of entry into college or work with some economic dependence on the parents. For the purpose of this study, we view first-time home leaving as the individual’s desire to move out of their parents’ home into their own residence. This would most often be associated with marriage, cohabitation or independent living, although the reasons for wanting to leave the parental home are not discussed in detail. The results of the telephone survey represented a demographic of young individuals mostly residing at home. The life cycle stage of the majority of telephone participants’ is mainly that prior to first-time home leaving (87 participants) with a few in the independent housing arrangement stage (16 participants). This reflects the relatively young age of the population surveyed, which averaged 24.5 years old. Based on current demographic factors, the parameters of this cohort are suitable for understanding the housing desires of second-generation South Asians in Canada. Overall findings Characteristics of telephone survey participants There were 55 female and 48 male participants in the telephone survey. Approximately 82% of those surveyed currently reside with their parents.15 The last level of education completed among these participants was high school (46%), followed by an undergrad (32%).16 A slight majority (55%) of participants were currently enrolled in school, with 71% of this group attending a university to complete an undergrad.17 A large portion of participants (65%) had resided in Brampton for over 11 years, while the remaining participants resided in Brampton either 6–10 years (21%) or less than 5 years (14%).18 Future residence in Brampton Overall, second-generation South Asians seem generally satisfied to very satisfied living in the City of Brampton (Figure 2). However, when asked whether they would reside in Brampton in the future, the response was virtually 50/50; 49.5% responded yes and 50.5% responded no. For those who would reside in Brampton in the future, the overwhelming reason was being close to friends and family (66.0%), while some preferred the lifestyle (14.9%) (Figure 3). Of those individuals who do not wish to reside in Brampton in the future,

Figure 2.

Overall satisfaction with Brampton.

10

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

Figure 3.

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

Reasons to continue residing in Brampton.

many said they would like a change in lifestyle (40.8%), they disliked features of the city (18.4%), and other undisclosed reasons (30.6%) (Figure 4). Preferred housing characteristics The majority of second-generation South Asians preferred to live in semi-detached or detached housing types (67%) and the most important living feature noted was residing close to family and friends (49%) (Figure 5). Other important features when deciding where to reside include living in their desired house or neighbourhood (23%) and being close to work (19%) (Figure 6). Analysis and discussion Independent living and South Asians The average age of survey participants was 24.5 years old, and a large number were currently living with their parents. This suggests the group will be entering the leaving-home stage of the life cycle over the next decade. The process of leaving the parental home was usually associated with marriage but is now increasingly motivated by the preference for independent living (Buck and Scott 1993, p. 864). In the SouthAsian culture, however, there is the general belief that children, especially females, are not expected to move out until they are married. The interviews with professionals also suggest that moving out prior to marriage is uncommon among South Asians.

Figure 4.

Reasons to relocate out of Brampton.

South Asian Diaspora

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

Figure 5.

11

Type of house preferred in future.

Figure 6. Most important living feature.

Educational level and housing attainment Educational and career attainment inevitably alter housing consumption during the life cycle (Dieleman 2001). As long as the individuals are in school they are less likely to buy homes due to income and mobility limitations (Haan 2005, p. 10). Nonetheless, when the group does complete their schooling they will have higher levels of human capital that should translate into mortgage qualification, thereby increasing their likelihood of securing housing of their choice (Haan 2005, p. 10). Also, higher educational attainment leads to increased future earnings potential, income stability and higher homeownership rates, further adding to their ability to obtain desired housing preferences (Haan 2005, pp. 10–11).

Future housing preferences: residing in the ethnic enclave Closeness to family and friends For the half of the sample who said they would reside in Brampton in the future, the overwhelming reason was to be close to family and friends, supporting the notion

12

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

that the second generation may continue to reside in their ethnic enclave out of preference rather than constraint (Kalbach 1990, Portes and Zhou 1993). One focus-group participant stated:

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

Yeah growing up here, I loved it . . . I’d want [my kids] to have a good relationship with their grandparents and realize how important your elders are in your life and . . . that’s one of the things I love about our culture, and I definitely want to impart that on them [U-N1].

The familial ties, closeness to others of the same background, and importance of their culture may be indicators as to why this group still wants to reside in close proximity to their community (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997). Being raised in an ethnic enclave may greatly influence the importance placed on having that sense of community even into the second generation (Kalbach 1990). What is unknown, however, is how the pursuit of a professional career for a highly educated population may impact the dispersal of the second generation.

Suburban style dwelling The preferred type of housing is also reflective of suburban cities, with 81.6% of this group wanting to reside in a semi-detached or detached-type dwelling. Purchasing a house is not only the process of consuming a good; it provides a sense of achievement and it can also be viewed as an avenue for investment, therefore making an owner-occupied dwelling more attractive than a condo or apartment (Haan 2005, p. 6). A focusgroup participant presents the multiple meanings of home ownership: ‘You just feel that you have the house, it’s a nice thing . . . I think that the big house makes it seem that you’ve accomplished something in life . . . [CM-R]’. The group that stated their intention to continue to live in Brampton included a greater number who have completed a post secondary education (49.0%), versus those who wish to move out of Brampton, where only 34.6% have completed their education. According to Rossi (1955), these young adults should want to reside in dense urban centres and then eventually move to the suburbs later during the family-formation phase. However, half of the respondents said they would want to continue residing in the suburb of Brampton. It seems the half who wish to continue residing in Brampton are more concerned with obtaining owner-occupied housing ahead of their family-formation phase, and do not consider residing in an urban centre during their single or early marriage years of significant importance. One factor in this is the expectation of families to reside together, as one focus-group participant explained: ‘I might as well just live with my parents for free [U-P]’.

Future housing preferences: moving out of the ethnic enclave When examining the motives of the half who would not reside in Brampton in the future, the response was mixed. Many said they would like a lifestyle change (40.8%), and others said they disliked Brampton or wanted to relocate for ‘other’ reasons (30.6%). Some participants elaborated on underlying factors that led to ‘other’ responses. Three out of a total of 15 telephone participants said there was a lack of diversity (too ethnocentric), while two participants said there was overcrowding or too much traffic, and two said that the city did not meet their expectations compared to where they lived before (often Mississauga was used as a comparative). Other single

South Asian Diaspora

13

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

responses included increasing property taxes, poor infrastructure and hospital, not pedestrian friendly, not an ideal place to raise children, and an unsafe city (increased crime).

Desire for urban centre settlement among the young Of the participants that said they would not stay in Brampton, 46.2% would rather live in an urban centre or downtown area. This falls in agreement with those respondents who said they would like to see a change in lifestyle. Within the group wanting to move downtown 70.8% are still in the process of completing school, and are younger than those who have completed their education (an average age of 23.9 years old versus an average of 27.2 years old, respectively). This further support Rossi’s (1955) life cycle theory since this group has yet to finish their education, and it seems that they have not started to think about living independently or with a spouse/partner. They are also likely to be more concerned with employment opportunities where cities boast central business districts (Woldoff et al. 2011). The desire to reside in an urban city centre may also indicate a possible shift in housing preferences among younger generations. The urban residency group is also more likely to live in an apartment or condo (28.8%) versus the group who wishes to continue residing in Brampton (10.2%), indicating a possible shift in preference that counters previous findings on South Asians and condo living preferences.19 As Dieleman (2001, p. 250) suggests, young adults between the ages of 20 and 25 in developed societies are the most mobile segments of the population. However, Mulder and Hooimeijer (1999) note that people (commonly over the age of 30, families with children, and long term couples) who initially prefer to reside in the city are often prepared to move to a suburb in order to obtain the dwelling or residential community of their preferred quality, size or tenure (p. 174). Furthermore, Howley et al. (2009) suggest that urban living is a short-term residential choice and the family-formation stage leads people to move to the suburbs (p. 5). All focus-group participants, even those who would initially live downtown, agreed with this perspective, ‘I feel like downtown would be like now. Ten years from now, downtown would not be me only because I would be thinking about my family . . . I wouldn’t want to raise my kids there [U-N2]’. Overall, the people who want to reside in the city represent a small segment of the overall second-generation South-Asian population, and this movement seems temporary up until the family-formation phase. In this regard elements of the stated choice of this population confirm the life cycle theory. The key for planning purposes though will be whether this population will actualize their stated preferences.

Relocate to another suburban city From the respondents who would not reside in Brampton, 36.5% said that they would prefer to reside in another suburban city, which may account for the numbers who ‘dislike the city’. There is some possibility that the values of being raised in the suburbs could carry onto the second generation. One focus-group participant reveals, I’d want a big, big home . . . [my parents] came from back home, immigrated, worked hard, saved for us, educated us and put us through everything, you know what I mean?

14

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts And they are settled in a nice home like at least 3000 or more sq ft so I would want . . . a home [like] that . . . [CF-K].

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

Feijten et al.’s (2008) study of housing careers over the life-course also resulted in similar findings; being born in suburban cities increases the probability of preferring rural or suburban living in later life.

Conclusion Despite the limited sample reported on here,20 it does nonetheless challenge theories of declining suburban settlement preference for highly educated second-generation SouthAsian populations. South Asians are a large and rapid growing visible minority population in Canada, especially around the GTA, and this paper explores a largely under researched topic; the impact of suburban residency on contemporary second-generation immigrant groups (Alba et al. 1999). Findings from this research indicate that the life cycle theory, when applied to second-generation South Asians, has better explanatory power for the household-formation phase rather than for the independent-living stage. The survey results suggest that continued ethnic enclave residency persists and most do not wish to reside in dense urban centres. For second-generation South Asians, residing in an ethnic enclave may in fact reinforce traditional ideas of socioeconomic success, at least among those thinking about getting married and starting a family. The importance of homeownership held by immigrant parents are clearly passed onto their Canadianborn children, since the majority of second generations, even if they did not want to stay specifically in Brampton, stated a desire to reside in low-density family style dwellings that perpetuate a trend towards suburban form. This research suggests that settlement in suburban ethnic enclaves may continue for the second generation throughout all phases of the life cycle, thereby modifying the life cycle theory of urban settlement. There is some ambiguity regarding the extent of this preference based on the research sample, and the possibility of weakening ethnic concentrations as a result of a dispersed second-generation population is still possible based on these findings. However, the possibility of a secondary ethnic concentration could also form as an extension of the original ethnic enclave, similar to the case of the Portuguese, Italian and Jewish populations in Toronto (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Teixeira 2007, Zucchi 2007, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Of the majority who do wish to reside in the ethnic enclave, they prefer to be close to family and friends. Of the small numbers who do not want to live in the ethnic enclave, the youngest and least educated prefer to reside in an urban centre or downtown area, while some simply prefer another suburban city. Although the urban residency group follows traditional life cycle theories, this group may show a shift towards residing in the suburbs as they begin to conclude their educational careers and transition into independent-living or family-formation phases. Furthermore, this segment of the population represents only a small number of the survey respondents; so the shift towards urban living in housing forms other that detached homes for second-generation South Asians is limited. The importance of familial ties in the South-Asian culture, the growth in ethnic enclaves, and more traditional life cycle values during family formation, play important roles in shaping preferences for second-generation South-Asian-Canadians. Future studies on the actual housing outcomes would be immensely beneficial in fully understanding the housing preferences of this group. Conducting interviews

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

South Asian Diaspora

15

with real estate agents and their clients may yield interesting results. Also, understanding whether similar preferences exist for other visible minority groups within ethnic enclaves would help us to explain whether this is a South-Asian phenomenon or if it differentiates along ethnic lines. Continuing to understand the housing preferences among second-generation South Asians in Canada will be challenging, especially with the shortened Canadian census form that was implemented in 2011. The topic is of increasing importance though, since Canadian city planners need to better understand why high-density urban communities are not seen as an attractive alternative to suburbs throughout the life course for South-Asian-Canadians. Despite these limitations, this study indicates that a number of factors support the reproduction of suburban housing choices for South-Asian-Canadians throughout the generations. As such, this suggests numerous planning and environmental challenges linked with suburban growth surrounding large immigrant receiving metropolitan areas, and these will remain a policy issue for some time to come in Canada.

Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank all research participants for their time and contributions to the study, in addition to Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and CERIS for funding.

Notes 1. Second generations are those who are born in Canada, with at least one foreign-born parent (Statistics Canada 2006). 2. In 2006, 54.2% of Canada’s South Asian population lived in the Toronto CMA which includes the City of Brampton (Statistics Canada 2006). 3. Other criticisms include that these theories were developed based on the experiences of European settlement groups, and may not be the same for recent visible minority groups who have distinctive cultural backgrounds and structural labour market experiences (Fong and Wilkes 2003). Also, these theories assume that socioeconomic mobility can be used as a measure of integration into society (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, p. 201, Boyd 2002, Hiebert 2000). 4. Gentrification is when neighbourhoods undergo increased socioeconomic achievement of residents and rising home prices from renovations make these neighbourhoods highly desirable. 5. Some of the possible negative impacts from ethnic segregation are: constrained housing and employment choices/opportunities, emergence of a ‘ghetto’, reduced social interactions with others (possibly creating a mono-culture community), impedes acculturation, and the possibility of stereotyping or discrimination. Some of the potential benefits in continued clustering are: sustaining ethnic economies, maximizing social interactions, retaining cultural heritage and community organizations, and providing gainful employment or access to other resources within the neighbourhood. 6. Similar arguments were made in Ghosh’s (2007) study on different sociospatial patterns and outcomes of South Asian subgroups such as Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshis, and in Lo and Wang’s (1997) study on subgroup variances within the broad category of ‘Chinese’ immigrants (Mendez 2009b, p. 102). 7. The higher educational attainment level of second generations actually accounts for about one year of education more than the third-and-higher generation. 8. Some argue that tight knit communities may encourage young immigrants to pursue higher education through the sharing of similar values and obligations, social support systems, a strong sense of family, and the monitoring of children’s activities in the community. 9. Others have borrowed from this thesis with more detailed phases; see (Foote et al. 1960, Murdie et al. 1999).

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

16

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

10. The average price of a dwelling was $404,104 in Brampton versus $459,508 in Mississauga or $553,923 in Toronto year to date for 2012 as of June according to MLS prices from the Toronto Real Estate Board (Board 2012). 11. Due to the nature of the survey methods, this CT did not return any results, and for that reason is not included in the discussion. 12. In their study, ‘20% of the housing stock in the fastest growing South Asian enclave was built between 2001 and 2006, much higher than the CMA average of 11.5%’ (Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, p. 330). 13. Much of the data on education level, the type of housing, average age, etc., though possible to access, could not be pre-determined through statistical data analysis due to cost limitations. 14. This total also includes 10 surveys completed by focus group participants. Three focus groups were also conducted with a total of 15 participants with an average age of 22.8. Participants were recruited using a snowball method and followed the same eligibility criteria as the telephone survey. Three key informant interviews were also conducted using personal networks; one with a local real estate agent, one with a regional planner, and one with a local private sector planner. All focus groups and interviews were conducted by the researcher, audio recorded, and held in a local community centre or location of the participants’ choice. 15. The remainder reside with their spouse/partner (9%), with spouse/partner and parents (6%), with extended family (2%), and friends/others (1%). 16. The remainder had completed a postgraduate degree/ other (4%), masters (2%) or a PhD (1%). 17. The other 29% were completing a college diploma (18%), postgraduate degree (5%), masters (4%) or a PhD (2%). 18. Many of the participants had or were currently studying business (39.4%) or science (16.7%). Also, 74.5% of participants were employed and of that group, 60.5% of them had jobs that related to what they studied in school. Most of the cities where people worked were local. The majority (62.3%) of participants were employed within the Region of Peel (32.5% in Brampton and 29.9% in Mississauga) and 15.6% in Toronto. 19. Kim and Boyd’s (2009) study noted that ‘With the exception of South Asians, all other non-White groups are more likely than Whites to own condos versus other housing in Toronto’ (p. 11). 20. Investigating only one ethnocultural group within a geographically specific community limits this research’s applicability to other groups and cities as it may not have an adequate number of cases (Winston 1997). Furthermore, the cross sectional quality of this research assumes that social phenomena are static over time but preferences typically change and this relationship may only be ‘true’ under certain conditions (Baxter 2010). This analysis is also hampered by small sample numbers.

Notes on contributors Virpal Kataure is a graduate student in the department of Geography and Environmental Studies at Wilfrid Laurier University. She completed her Bachelors of Urban and Regional Planning at Ryerson University. Her research interests are in Canada’s second-generation and South-Asian populations, housing, ethnic enclaves and planning in suburban cities. Margaret Walton-Roberts is an associate professor and director of the International Migration Research Centre at Wilfrid Laurier University and the Balsillie School of International Affairs, Canada. She is a human geographer with research interests in gender and migration, transnational networks and immigrant settlement in Canada. Current research focuses on gender, care and international migration in the context of India.

References Agrawal, S., 2010. Neighbourhood patterns and housing choices of immigrants. Region of Peel, Ontario, Canada. Agrawal, S.K., 2006. Housing adaptation: a study of Asian Indian immigrant homes in Toronto. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 38 (1), 117–130.

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

South Asian Diaspora

17

Alba, R.D., et al., 1999. Immigrant groups in the suburbs: a reexamination of suburbanization and spatial assimilation. American sociological review, 64 (3), 446–460. Aydemir, A. and Sweetman, A., 2006. First and second generation immigrant educational attainment and labour market outcomes: a comparison of the United States and Canada. Institute for the Study of Labor Discussion Paper No. 2298, Bonn, Germany. Balakrishnan, T.R., 1982. Changing patterns of ethnic residential segregation in the metropolitian areas of Canada. Canadian review of sociology and anthropology, 19 (1), 92–110. Balakrishnan, T.R. and Hou, F., 1999. Socioeconomic integration and spatial residential patterns of immigrant groups in Canada. Population research and policy review, 18 (3), 201–217. Balakrishnan, T.R. and Selvanathan, K., 1990. Ethnic residential segregation in metropolitan Canada. In: S. Halli, F. Travato and L. Dreidger, eds. Ethnic demography. Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 339–413. Balakrishnan, T.R., Maxim, P., and Jurdi, R., 2005. Social class versus cultural identity as factors in the residential segregation of ethnic groups in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver for 2001. Canadian studies in population, 32 (2), 203–227. Bauder, H., 2003. ‘Brain abuse’, or the devaluation of immigrant labour in Canada. Antipode, 35 (4), 699–717. Bauder, H. and Sharpe, B., 2002. Residential segregation of visible minorities in Canada’s gateway cities. Canadian geographer, 46 (3), 204–222. Baxter, J., 2010. Case studies in qualitative research. In: I. Hay, ed. Qualitative research methods in human geography. New York: Oxford University Press, 81–97. Board, T.R., 2012. Market watch [online]. Toronto Real Estate Board, June. Available from: http://www.torontorealestateboard.com/market_news/market_watch/2012/mw1206.pdf [Accessed 1 August 2012]. Borjas, G., 2002. Homeownership in the immigrant population. Journal of urban economics, 44 (2), 448–476. Borjas, G., 2006. Making it in America: social mobility in the immigrant population. The future of children, 16 (2), 55–71. Boyd, M., 2002. Educational attainments of immigrant offspring: success or segmented assimilation? International migration review, 36 (4), 1037–1060. Boyd, M. and Grieco, E.M., 1998. Socioeconomic achievements of the second generation in Canada. International migration review, 32 (4), 853–876. Brampton, C.O., 2011. Discover Brampton’s history [online]. Available from: http://www. brampton.ca/en/Arts-Culture-Tourism/heritage/Pages/Brampton’s-History.aspx [Accessed 12 November 2011]. Buck, N. and Scott, J., 1993. She’s leaving home: but why? An analysis of young people leaving the parental home. Journal of marriage and family, 55 (4), 863–874. Burgess, E., 1925. The growth of the city: an introduction to a research project. In: R.E. Park, W. Burgess and R.D. McKenzie, eds. The city. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 47–62. Charney, I., 2005. Re-examining suburban dispersal: evidence from suburban Toronto. Journal of urban affairs, 27 (5), 467–484. Clark, W.A. and Onaka, J.L., 1983. Life cycle and housing adjustment as explanations of residential mobility. Urban studies, 20 (1), 47–57. Coleman, J., 1990. Foundations of social theory. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Delisle, F. and Shearmur, R., 2010. Where does all the talent flow? Migration of young graduates and nongraduates, Canada 1996 – 2001. The Canadian Geographer, 54 (3), 305–323. Dieleman, F.M., 2001. Modelling residential mobility: a review of recent trends in research. Journal of housing and the built environment, 16 (3 –4), 249–265. Djajic, S., 2003. Assimilation of immigrants: implications for human capital accumulation of the second generation. Journal of population economics, 16 (4), 831–845. Doucet, M., 1999. Toronto in transition: demographics change in the late twentieth century [online]. Virtual Library. Available from: http://ceris.metropolis.net/vl/other/doucet2.html [Accessed March 2010]. Driedger, L., 2003. Ethnic/racial urban residential segregation in Eastern Canada. Prairie Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration, Working Paper No. 03-03, Edmonton, Alberta.

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

18

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

Duncan, O.D. and Duncan, B., 1957. The negro population of Chicago: a study of residential segregation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Farley, R. and Alba, R., 2002. The new second generation in the United States. International migration review, 36 (3), 669–701. Feijten, P., Hooimeijer, P., and Mulder, C.H., 2008. Residential experience and residential environment choice over the life-course. Urban studies, 45 (1), 141–162. Florida, R., 2002. The rise of the creative class: and how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life. New York: Perseus Books Group. Florida, R., 2004. The rise of the creative class: and how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life. New York: Basic Books. Fong, E., 1996. A comparative perspective on racial residential segregation: American and Canadian experiences. The sociological quarterly, 37 (2), 199–226. Fong, E. and Wilkes, R., 2003. Racial and ethnic residential patterns in Canada. Sociological forum, 18 (4), 577–602. Foote, N.N., et al., 1960. Housing choices and constraints. New York: McGraw-Hill. Frost, H., 2010. Being ‘brown’ in a Canadian suburb. Journal of immigrant & refugee studies, 8 (2), 212–232. Gans, H., 1992. Second generation decline: scenarios for the economic and ethnic futures of the post-1965 American immigrants. Ethnic and racial studies, 15 (2), 173–191. Ghosh, S., 2007. Transnational ties and intra-immigrant group settlement experiences: a case study of Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshis in Toronto. GeoJournal, 68 (2 –3), 223–242. Haan, M., 2005. The decline of the immigrant homeownership advantage: life-cycle, declining fortunes and changing housing careers in Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver, 1981 – 2001. Ottawa: Minster of Industy. Haan, M., 2007. The homeownership hierarchies of Canada and the United States: the housing patterns of white and non-white immigrants of the past thirty years. Centre for migration studies of New York, 41 (2), 433–465. Hiebert, D., 2000. Immigration and the changing Canadian city. The Canadian geographer, 44 (1), 23–43. Howley, P., Scott, M., and Redmond, D., 2009. An examination of residential preferences for less sustainable housing: exploring future mobility among Dublin central city residents. Cities, 26 (1), 1–8. Kalbach, W.E., 1987. Growth and distribution of Canada’s ethnic populations, 1871 –1981. In: L. Driedger, ed. Ethnic Canada: identities and inequalities. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 82–110. Kalbach, W.E., 1990. Ethnic residential segregation and its significance for the individual in an urban setting. In: R. Breton et al., trans., Ethnic identity and equality. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 92 –134. Kim, A. and Boyd, M., 2009. Housing tenure and condos: ownership by immigrant generations and the timing of arrival. Canadian journal of urban research, 18 (1), 47–73. Lansing, J.B., Mueller, E., and Barth, N., 1964. Residential location and urban mobility. The Survey Research Centre, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan: Ann Arbor, MI. Lee, S. and Leigh, N.G., 2007. Intrametropolitan spatial differentiation and decline of inner-ring suburbs. Journal of planning education and research, 27 (2), 146–164. Lewis, N.M. and Donald, B., 2009. A new rubric for ‘creative city’ potential in Canada’s smaller cities. Urban studies, 47 (1), 29–54. Li, W., 1998. Anatomy of a new ethnic settlement: the Chinese ethnoburb in Los Angeles. Urban studies, 35 (3), 479–501. Lo, L. and Wang, S., 1997. Settlement patterns of Toronto’s Chinese immigrants: convergence or divergence? Canadian journal of regional science, 20 (1), 49–72. Logan, J., Alba, R., and Zhang, W., 2002. Immigrant enclaves and ethnic communities in New York and Los Angeles. American sociological review, 67 (2), 299–322. Logan, J., Stults, B., and Farley, R., 2004. Segregation of minorities in the metropolis: two decades of change. Demography, 41 (1), 1–22. Marcuse, P., 2005. Enclave yes, ghetto no: segregation and the state. In: D. Varady, ed. Desegregating the city. Albany: State University of New York Press, 15–30.

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

South Asian Diaspora

19

Massey, D.S. and Denton, N.A., 1987. Trends in the residential segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians: 1970 – 1980. American sociological review, 52 (6), 802–825. McGuirk, P.M. and O’Neill, P., 2010. Using questionnaires in qualitative human geography. In: I. Hay, ed. Qualitative research methods in human geography. New York: Oxford University Press, 191–216. Mendez, P., 2009a. Age-at-arrival differences in homeownership attainment among immigrants and their foreign-born offspring in Canada. Population, space and place, 15 (1), 19–36. Mendez, P., 2009b. Immigrant residential geographies and the ‘spatial assimilation’ debate in Canada, 1997 – 2007. International migration & integration, 10 (1), 89–108. Molin, E., 1999. Conjoint modelling approaches for residential group preferences. Eindhoven: Faculteit Bouwkunde. Mulder, C.H., 1993. Migration dynamics: a life course approach. Amsterdam: Thesis. Mulder, C.H. and Hooimeijer, P., 1999. Residential relocations in the life course. In: L.J.G. Van Wissen and P.A. Dykstra, eds. Population issues. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, 159–186. Murdie, R. and Skop, E., 2012. Immigration and urban and suburban settlements. In: C.W. Teixeira, ed. Immigrant geographies of North American cities. Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 48–68. Murdie, R.A. and Teixeira, C., 2003. Towards a comfortable neighbourhood and appropriate housing: immigrant experiences in Toronto. In: P.A. Lanphier, ed. The world in a city. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 132–191. Murdie, R., et al., 1999. Differential incorporation and housing trajectories of recent immigrant households: toward a concpetual framework. Toronto: Housing New Canadians Working Group, University of Toronto. Myles, J. and Hou, F., 2003. Neighbourhood attainment and residential segregation among Toronto’s visible minorities. Statistics Canada: business and labour market analysis division, 24 (206), 1–36. Neuman, W.L. and Robson, K., 2007. Basics of social research: qualitative and quantitative approaches. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. Owusu, T., 1999. Residential patterns and housing choices of Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto, Canada. Housing studies, 14 (1), 77–97. Ozuekren, A.S. and van Kempen, R., 2002. Housing careers of minority ethnic groups: experiences, explanations and prospects. Housing studies, 17 (3), 365–379. Peach, C., 2005. The ghetto and the ethnic enclave. In: D. Varady, ed. Desegregating the city. Albany: State Univeristy of New York Press, 31–48. Peck, J., 2005. Struggling with the creative class. International journal of urban and regional research, 29 (4), 740–770. Perlmann, J. and Waldinger, R., 1997. Second generation decline? Children of immigrants, past and present – a reconsideration. International migration review, 31 (4), 893–922. Picot, G. and Hou, F., 2011. Preparing for success in Canada and the United States: the determinants of educational attainment among the children of immigrants. Statistics Canada: Social Analysis Division. Portes, A. and Schauffler, R., 1994. Language and the second generation: bilingualism yesterday and today. International migration review, 28 (4), 640–661. Portes, A. and Zhou, M., 1993. The new second generation: segmented assimilation and its variants. The annals of the American academy of policy and social science, 530, 74–96. Qadeer, M., 2005. Ethnic segregation in a multicultural city. In: D.P. Varady, ed. Desegregating the city: ghettos, enclaves and inequality. Albany: State University of New York Press, 49–61. Qadeer, M. and Agrawal, S.K., 2010. Evolution of ethnic enclaves in the Toronto Metropolitan Area, 2001 – 2006. International migration & integration, 11 (3), 315–339. Ray, B., 1999. Plural geographies in Canadian cities: interpreting immigrant residential spaces in Toronto and Montreal. Canadian journal of regional science, 22 (1 –2), 65–86. Ray, B., Haiseth, G., and Johnson, B., 1997. The changing ‘face’ of the suburbs: issues of ethnic and residential change in suburban Vancouver. International journal of urban and regional research, 21 (1), 75–99. Reitz, J., 2002. Host societies and the reception of immigrants: research themes, emerging theories and methodological issues. International migration review, 36 (4), 1005–1019.

Downloaded by [Virpal Kataure] at 07:25 03 October 2012

20

V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts

Reitz, J. and Sommerville, K., 2004. Institutional change and emerging cohorts of the ‘new’ immigrant second generation: implications for the integration of racial minorities in Canada. Journal of migration & integration, 5 (4), 385–415. Reitz, J.G., Zhang, H., and Hawkins, N., 2011. Comparisons of the success of racial minority immigrant offspring in the United States, Canada and Australia. Social science research, 40 (4), 1051–1066. Richmond, A.H., 1967. Post-war immigrants in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Rossi, P.H., 1955. Why families move. Glencoe: Free Press. Statistics Canada. 2006. 2006 community profile: Brampton [online]. Statistics Canada. Available from: http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/ details/page.cfm?Lang=E&Geo1=CSD&Code1=3521010&Geo2=PR&Code2=35&Data= Count&SearchText=bra [Accessed 24 September 2009]. Taylor, P.J. and Lang, R.E., 2004. The shock of the new: 100 concepts describing recent urban change. Environment and planning A, 36 (6), 951–958. Teixeira, C., 2007. Residential experiences and the culture of suburbanization: a case study of Portuguese homebuyers in Mississauga. Housing studies, 22 (4), 495–521. Thomas, J.M. and Darnton, J., 2006. Social diversity and economic development in the metropolis. Journal of planning literature, 21 (2), 153–168. Walks, A. and Bourne, L., 2006. Ghettos in Canada’s cities? Racial segregation, ethnic enclaves and poverty concentration in Canadian urban areas. The Canadian geographer, 50 (3), 273–297. White, L., 1994. Coresidence and leaving home: young adults and their parents. Annual review of sociology, 20 (1), 81–102. Winston, T., 1997. Introduction to case study. The qualitative report, 3 (2), 1–16. Woldoff, R.A., DeCola, T., and Litchfield, R.C., 2011. The aspirational creative class: urban residential preferences of college students in creative majors. City, culture & society, 2 (2), 75–83. Yan, M.C., Lauer, S., and Jhangiani, S., 2008. Riding the boom: labour market experiences of new generation youth from visible minority immigrant families. Canadian ethnic studies, 40 (2), 129–148. Zhou, M., 1992. The socioeconomic potential of an urban enclave. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Zhou, M., 1997. Segmented assimilation: issues, controversies, and recent research on the new second generation. International migration review, 31 (4), 975–1008. Zhou, M. and Lin, M., 2005. Community transformation and the formation of ethnic capital: immigrant Chinese communities and the United States. Journal of Chinese overseas, 1 (2), 260–284. Zucchi, J., 2007. A history of ethnic enclaves. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association.