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Rueda, M. R., & Rothbart, M. K. (2009). The influence of temperament on the development of coping: The role of maturation and experience. In E. A. Skinner & M. J. ZimmerGembeck (Eds.), Coping and the development of regulation. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 124, pp. 19–31. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

2 The Influence of Temperament on the Development of Coping: The Role of Maturation and Experience M. Rosario Rueda, Mary K. Rothbart Abstract Temperament refers to individual differences in two broad aspects of behavior: (1) emotional, motor, and attentional reactivity and (2) self-regulatory processes that modulate such reactivity. These individual differences are grounded in people’s constitution and influence both stress reactions and patterns of coping. In this chapter, we examine how individual differences in temperament are conceptually linked to the development of coping and how this association is modulated by the maturation of brain systems underlying temperament. Finally, we argue about the possibility of improving children’s coping abilities through intervention programs designed to foster self-regulation. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The work presented here was supported by funds from the Ministry of Education and Science of Spain (grants ref. SEJ2005-01473 and JC2007-00312).

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT, no. 124, Summer 2009 © Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com) • DOI: 10.1002/cd.240

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COPING AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF REGULATION

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n this chapter, we consider contributions of temperament to the development of coping. Coping is seen as involving two processes, automatic reactions to stress (reactivity) and volitional and effortful regulatory processes intended to modulate the experience of stress (Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007). In our view, this regulation can take place both automatically and consciously. Temperament systems of emotional reactivity and attentional regulation influence the encoding and interpretation of external events, the internal cues generated by these events, and the pattern of responses displayed by the person (Derryberry & Rothbart, 1997). Thus, both the experience of stress and the person’s coping strategies in response to it are likely to be influenced by temperament. In the following sections, we examine how individual differences in temperament are conceptually linked to coping and how this association is modulated by the maturation of brain systems underlying temperament. We begin with a definition of temperament, followed by a description of brain structures and neural chemistry underlying emotional reactivity and attentional control. We then draw on related empirical findings to propose a model of temperament and coping as influenced by maturation and experience.

Temperament as Emotional Reactivity and Attentional Control Temperament is defined as constitutionally based individual differences in emotional, motor, and attentional reactivity, as measured by the latency, intensity, and recovery of response, and self-regulation—processes such as effortful control and executive attention that modulate reactivity (Rothbart & Derryberry, 1981). Temperament has foundations in underlying neural networks. In the infant, it is equivalent to personality. Later in development, personality takes on cognitions about the self, others, and the physical and social world, along with attitudes, values, and cognitive coping strategies. Building on the pioneering work of Thomas and Chess (1977), recent research on human infants has identified dimensions of temperament showing strong similarities to those of nonhuman animals. These include defensive reactions of fear and anger, approach reactions involving positive affect and activity, and duration of attentional orienting (Rothbart & Bates, 2006). The reactivity-regulation framework for temperament has been used to develop differentiated scales measuring temperament across the life span. Positive and negative emotionality are assessed in these measures, as well as attentional variables, including consciously driven attention shifting and effortful control. Effortful control, defined as the ability to inhibit a dominant response in order to perform a subdominant response, detect errors, and engage in planning, is difficult to study in infants but can be observed during early childhood and increases with age (Rothbart & Rueda, 2005). This chapter focuses on temperamental defensive and approach emotions and effortful control in relation to the development of coping. NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd

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Neural Models for Temperament Brain networks and the mechanisms modulating their activation underlie differences in reactivity and self-regulation, and hence they underlie some of the earliest means of coping. By considering the neural basis of these variables, we place early reactive coping in the context of evolution. At the same time, we identify the executive attention system as facilitating conscious and volitional control in coping. During evolution, the brain has been provided with structures and mechanisms that guarantee immediate responses to stimuli that either threaten us or promote our basic goal of survival. Emotion-processing structures are based on physiological, neurochemical, and molecular parameters that vary among individuals. Neural models have described brain circuits associated with appetitive/approach and defensive/inhibitory emotional responses. The appetitive/approach circuit is involved in the processing of rewards, including evaluation of the rewarding aspects of stimulation and activation of approach responses toward potentially rewarding stimuli. The defensive/inhibitory circuit is involved in detecting and avoiding or confronting threats. The defensive system is based on a circuit of brain structures including limbic (amygdala and hypothalamus) and brain stem (the central gray region of the midbrain and somatic and motor effector nuclei of the lower brain stem) areas, as well as the orbitofrontal cortex (Gray, 1982; Panksepp, 1998). The circuit also appears to be regulated by more general neurochemical systems, including dopaminergic and serotonergic projections arising from the midbrain and gonadal and corticosteroid hormones (Zuckerman, 2003). The amygdala is implicated in the rapid detection and encoding of arousing information, especially information with a negative valence, including potential threats and fearful stimulation. Fear activation is accompanied by inhibition of ongoing motor programs and preparation of response systems controlling response options such as fleeing, fighting, or hiding, all of which offer means for coping with stress. Pain or frustration may lead brain stem effectors to produce aggressive or defensive behavior, another means of coping (Rothbart, Derryberry, & Posner, 1994). The brain circuit related to the appetitive/approach system involves another subcortical structure, the striatum, involved in the automatic encoding and representation of implicit sequences of thoughts and actions that lead to positive outcomes (Rolls, 2000). This circuitry is likely related to active coping with stress. Reward-related projections from the amygdala to the striatum (nucleus accumbens) enhance responsivity to positive incentive stimuli, and goal-oriented behavior is facilitated by converging dopaminergic projections to the accumbens (Depue & Collins, 1999). Other information processing related to positive affectivity, such as affiliative and prosocial behaviors, may depend in part on opiate projections from limbic regions to the ventromedial hypothalamus and on the NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd

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level of hypothalamic oxytocin (Panksepp, 1993). Thus, social support offers another means of coping. The brain system most relevant to temperamental effortful control and the regulation of thought, emotion, and behavior is the executive attention network (Rothbart & Rueda, 2005; Rueda, Posner, & Rothbart, 2004). A major node of this network is the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC). The ACC and lateral prefrontal cortex have been consistently involved in the online monitoring of information and control strategies used to regulate actions, thoughts, and emotions (Rueda et al., 2004). Control of attention is often studied in tasks that involve conflict between dominant but inappropriate and nondominant but appropriate responses. This kind of conflict activates the dorsal division of the ACC, whereas the most ventral part of the ACC seems to be more directly involved in the control of emotionally relevant information (Bush, Luu, & Posner, 2000). The ACC is often seen as part of the cortico-limbic circuit involved in the control of emotions (Ochsner & Gross, 2004), and lesions of the ACC in adults or children result in great difficulty in regulating behavior, particularly in social situations (Anderson, Damasio, Tranel, & Damasio, 2001). Systems of effortful control and selfregulation support resolving conflict between dominant and nondominant responses to events and planful problem solving.

Temperament Systems, Evaluation of Stress, and the Nature of Coping Stressful events often involve threat and provoke fear, anger, anxiety, or sadness. These aversive states have been associated with various forms of dysfunction and pathology in the clinical literature (Rothbart & Posner, 2006). The defense system potentiates inhibition of ongoing behavior, preparing avoidance responses, adjusting autonomic and endocrine functions, and directing attention to potential threats and sources of safety (Derryberry, Reed, & Pilkenton-Taylor, 2003). When withdrawal from threat is not possible or is blocked, responses such as defensive aggression are promoted by this system. Thus, the defensive system is related to the person’s sensitivity to distress information, and it also sets up coping with situations appraised as dangerous. Coping responses are also generated by activation of the appetitive/ approach system, which serves the goal of resource acquisition by promoting organized responses to potential rewards (Derryberry & Rothbart, 1997) that involve approaching reward and avoiding obstacles. An important aspect of the approach system involves approach to novel objects, persons, and situations. Positive affectivity and approach responses also facilitate facing obstacles that may arise from difficulties in the social world (Derryberry et al., 2003). In situations that present rewards along with risk, both approach and defensive systems may become active and compete to influence action NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd


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tendencies. Activation strength can vary from moment to moment, leading to alternation of opposing behaviors or the appearance of disorganized or inconsistent responding. Some authors have identified a bias toward dominance of the defensive system over approach when both risk and reward are present (Cacioppo & Berntson, 1994). The negativity bias may vary, however, depending on temperamental differences (Ito & Cacioppo, 2005). Researchers have used factor analyses of coping questionnaires to identify categories, or “families of coping strategies” (see Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sherwood, 2003, for a review). One such study identified four main coping styles or categories to describe children’s coping strategies: active coping, avoidant coping, distraction, and support seeking (Ayers, Sandler, West, & Roosa, 1996). The first two refer to active efforts to deal with stress, such as engaging in problem solving, seeking help, and positive reappraisal, and avoidance of either the stressful situation or the emotions caused by it, such as escape and denial, respectively. Support seeking is an active coping strategy based on the use of social support to solve the problem and reduce negative emotions. Distraction refers to involvement in some other activity to keep oneself from thinking about a problem. In Figure 2.1, we represent conceptual and empirical links between the temperament systems of negative affectivity, extraversion, and effortful control, and the response patterns associated with each of the coping styles identified by Ayers and colleagues (1996). One expectation is that individuals high in negative emotionality, who have the tendency to experience high levels of arousal to novel, threatening, or stressful situations, will be more likely to use avoidance and inhibition as coping methods. Higher levels of effortful control and positive reactivity are expected to be related to the use of cognitive control (such as distraction, reappraisal, planning, and problem solving) and approach-oriented coping strategies (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen & Wadsworth, 2001; Derryberry et al., 2003). In recent years, a number of studies have examined the relation between temperament profiles and stress-response styles, and their findings are also indicated in Figure 2.1. Lengua and colleagues studied the role of temperament in the appraisal-coping process of eight- to twelve-year-old children to stressors such as divorce (Lengua & Long, 2002; Lengua, Sandler, West, Wolchik, & Curran, 1999). They found that negative affectivity predicted more negative evaluations of the situation (perceived threat and threat appraisals) as well as avoidant coping strategies (cognitive avoidance and avoidant actions), whereas positive affectivity was moderately related to lower threat appraisal and more active coping. Children’s attentional regulation predicted active coping strategies, including cognitive decision making, control, direct problem solving, seeking understanding, positive cognitive restructuring, and optimism. These findings support several of the hypotheses put forward in Figure 2.1. Eisenberg and colleagues observed similar results with younger children. They found that negative affect and emotional intensity were inversely NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd

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Note: Gray lines represent hypothesized relationships based on conceptual connections. Black lines represent evidence-based relations. Solid lines represent positive relationships, and dotted lines represent negative relationships. *Social proximity is linked to Extraversion/Surgency in early childhood, however this dimension may constitute a separate factor of Affiliativeness during adolescence and adulthood. Sources: Rothbart and Bates (2006); Ayers, Sandler, West, and Roosa (1996).

Figure 2.1. Connections Between Response Patterns Associated with Temperament and Coping Strategies


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related to constructive coping, while attentional regulation was positively related to constructive coping (Eisenberg et al., 1993). Relations between negative affect and avoidant coping (Bolger, 1990) and between self-regulation and active coping (Fabes & Eisenberg, 1997) have also been found in adults. In adolescents, positive affectivity has been shown to relate to active problem-solving strategies (Wills, DuHamel, & Vaccaro, 1995). A recent meta-analysis of the relation between the Big Five personality factors and coping styles showed that extraversion, neuroticism, and conscientiousness, factors highly correlated with the temperamental dimensions of extraversion/surgency, negative affect, and effortful control (Evans & Rothbart, 2007), are the personality traits most clearly linked to coping (Connor-Smith & Flachsbart, 2007). Neuroticism is associated with wishful thinking, withdrawal, and emotion-focused coping, whereas conscientiousness is related to cognitive restructuring and problem solving. Support seeking is positively related to both extraversion and neuroticism.

The Role of Maturation and Experience In this section, we consider the relations of maturation and experience with temperament. In addition, we consider how all of these are associated with the development of coping. Maturation. The approach system represents the initial driving force toward reward in the behavior of the child. Aspects of this system, including sociability, positive affect, and approach to novel objects, can be observed by three months of age, showing normative increases throughout the first year of life (Rothbart, Derryberry, & Hershey, 2000). Later in the first year, infants begin to demonstrate fear and strong behavioral inhibition in response to unfamiliar and intense stimuli. Fearful inhibition allows control of approach and serves the function of protecting the child from potentially dangerous objects and situations. More fearful infants also show greater empathy, guilt, and shame in childhood (Rothbart, Ahadi, & Hershey, 1994). Work by Kochanska and colleagues has shown that fear is involved in the early development of moral motivation and development of conscience (Kochanska, Aksan, & Joy, 2007). Extreme fear, however, may lead to problems of rigid overcontrol of behavior, limiting children’s access to positive experiences. In our longitudinal research, infant fear in the laboratory predicted childhood fear, sadness, and shyness and was inversely related to approach, impulsivity, and aggression later in childhood (Rothbart et al., 2000). This suggests that fear is involved in the regulation of both approach and aggressive tendencies. Thus, although temperamental fear and its component, behavioral inhibition, allows the first major control system over approach, it is a reactive one that can lead to lack of flexibility. Regulation of behavior is closely related to attention from infancy (Ruff & Rothbart, 1996). As attentional control develops, coping becomes NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd

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increasingly reliant on the balance between emotional reactivity and selfregulation. Orienting of attention is an early mechanism for coping with negative emotion during infancy. A common strategy to regulate an infant’s distress consists of bringing his or her attention to other stimuli. As infants orient, they are often quieted, and their distress appears to diminish (Harman, Rothbart, & Posner, 1997). For young infants, the control of orienting is at first in the hands of caregivers. By four months of age, infants gain control over disengaging their gaze from one object or location and shifting attention to another, and this ability has been associated with lower parentreported negative affect and greater soothability ( Johnson, Posner, & Rothbart, 1991). More recent studies have found direct links between an infant’s self-regulated disengagement and decreases in his or her concurrent negative affect (Stifter & Braungart, 1995), and Posner and Rothbart (1998) have proposed that infant emotional regulation may later be transferred to the control of cognition and behavior. A second attentional control system, the executive attention network, allows increased voluntary control of orienting as well as more flexible control of cognitive and emotional processes and behavior (Rothbart & Rueda, 2005; Rueda, Posner, & Rothbart, 2005). Maturation of this network underlies the development of temperamental effortful control. As the executive attention system develops, the coping responses associated with activation of the defensive and approaching systems are brought under increasing voluntary control (Derryberry & Rothbart, 1997; Rothbart & Rueda, 2005). Development of this system provides the flexibility needed to adapt to demands set by a complex social and physical environment. Efficiency of the executive attention system is measured in tasks involving conflict. At about thirty to thirty-six months of age, for example, children are able to perform a spatial conflict task, which requires inhibiting the dominant response toward a spatial location in order to make a response based on matching identity (Gerardi-Caulton, 2000; Rothbart, Ellis, Rueda, & Posner, 2003). Children with higher performance on conflict tasks were also rated by their parents as having higher levels of effortful control and lower levels of negative affect (Rothbart et al., 2003). Children who perform better in conflict tasks are also more likely to be able to smile at the presentation of a disappointing gift (Simonds, Kieras, Rueda, & Rothbart, 2007) and to display more adjusted behavior in a school setting (Checa, RodriguezBailon, & Rueda, 2009). These findings are consistent with the idea that the capacity to engage in rule-based action in conflict situations can support responding to social rules and regulating emotion. Conflict resolution improves greatly during the preschool years (Rueda et al., 2005), and when other demands such as switching rules or holding more information in working memory are involved, there are further improvements during childhood and adolescence (Davidson, Amso, Anderson, & Diamond, 2006). Together with the ability to overcome strong response tendencies, the ability to represent information that is absent from the senses, which NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd


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depends on the maturation of dorsolateral prefrontal structures, is important for the child’s ability to coordinate actions and goals (Diamond, 2006). Infants’ responses are primarily influenced by their current state or concurrent external events. However, as the capacity to represent information develops, expectations linking events, responses, and outcomes become available. Complex representations developed over the years represent moral principles and personal values. Thus, current events and expectations based on information represented in memory can be coordinated into an action plan. This frontal lobe–based function allows the child to develop more anticipatory coping strategies that involve conscious planning and problem-solving (Derryberry et al., 2003). In addition, self-control processes may be facilitated by selectively attending to representational information. For instance, neuroimaging research with adults indicates that the executive attention network is involved in the modulation of emotion processing through reappraisal, which involves reinterpreting the meaning or value of affective stimulation and can be construed as competition among alternate internal representations (Ochsner et al., 2004). Reduction of negative emotion through reappraisal may represent another mechanism by which the executive attention system regulates affective reactivity. Experience. It is known that environmental variables influence the development of children’s cognitive and emotional skills (Bornstein & Bradley, 2003). Parenting and socioeconomic status (SES) are among the most studied environmental variables in children’s development. SES has been related to individual differences in a wide range of cognitive abilities. Children’s language has shown the strongest relation to SES, but executive control and other frontal lobe functions are also significantly related to SES (Noble, McCandliss, & Farah, 2007). Low income also appears to be associated with children’s higher levels of fear and irritability and lower effortful control, as well as higher levels of rejection by parents and inconsistent discipline (Lengua, 2006). Individual temperament is likely to both influence and be influenced by children’s experiences. For instance, inconsistent parental discipline seems to increase children’s negative emotionality, but at the same time, children’s irritability may evoke inconsistent discipline from parents (Lengua & Kovacs, 2005). Cognitive control and attention regulation can also be fostered by intervention. We have designed a series of child-friendly computer-based exercises aimed at training four- to six-year-olds’ attention, emphasizing aspects of executive attention (Rueda, Rothbart, McCandliss, Saccomanno, & Posner, 2005). Several training sessions with this program produced significant improvements in normally developing children’s measures of aspects of intelligence and more adult-like brain responses during performance of a conflict task. Recently a replication of this study was carried out for a sample of thirty-seven five-year-olds in a Spanish preschool. In this study, the benefits of training in brain activation and intelligence were replicated, and NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd

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the trained group was shown to maintain these training effects two months after without further training. Moreover, the training of attention also improved performance on affective regulation tasks, such as delay of gratification and children’s gambling tasks (Rueda, Checa, & Santonja, 2008). A recent study by Diamond, Barnett, Thomas, and Munro (2007) has also shown beneficial effects of a preschool curriculum aimed at improving cognitive control. Although efforts to enhance aspects of self-regulation show very promising results, they have mainly focused on training and testing effects at the neurocognitive level. Further research will be needed in order to examine whether the beneficial effects of these training programs also affect temperament and transfer to children’s abilities to cope with stressful events.

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M. ROSARIO RUEDA is an associate professor in the Department of Experimental Psychology and Physiology of Behavior at the University of Granada, Spain. MARY K. ROTHBART is Distinguished Professor of Psychology Emerita at the University of Oregon in Eugene. NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT • DOI: 10.1002/cd