The role of context in morphological processing

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The role of context in morphological processing: Evidence from Finnish a

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Raymond Bertram , Jukka Hyönä & Matti Laine

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University of Turku, Turku, Finland Published online: 21 Sep 2010.

To cite this article: Raymond Bertram , Jukka Hyönä & Matti Laine (2000) The role of context in morphological processing: Evidence from Finnish, Language and Cognitive Processes, 15:4-5, 367-388, DOI: 10.1080/01690960050119634 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690960050119634

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LANGUAGE AND COGNITIVE PROCESSES, 2000, 15 (4/5), 367–388

The role of context in morphological processing: Evidence from Finnish Raymond Bertram, Jukka Hyo¨na¨, and Matti Laine


University of Turku, Turku, Finland This paper is concerned with the role of context on the processing of inected nouns in Finnish. Identication of partitive plurals with the homonymic sufx -jA was studied by presenting the target nouns in a sentence context and by recording durations of readers’ eye xations and self-paced reading times for these targets. A recent visual lexical decision study indicated that the same inected words with -jA were sensitive to surface frequency manipulations, but not to base frequency manipulations. The authors interpreted these results to suggest that these inectional forms are stored and processed by means of their whole-word representations. In contrast, the present context study shows both a surface frequency effect and a lagged base frequency effect. We argue that syntactic cues prior to the target word prime the inectional reading of the -jA sufx, and as a consequence the base is reinstated as an effective unit in processing these nouns with a homonymic sufx.

INTRODUCTION The vast majority of studies that have examined the role of morphology in word recognition have employed the simple lexical decision paradigm where isolated words are presented for identication. Only relatively few studies have examined morphological processing by presenting the critical words in a sentence context (Hyo¨na¨ & Pollatsek, 1998; Hyo¨na¨, Vainio, & Laine, 2000; Inhoff, 1989; Inhoff, Briihl, & Schwartz, 1996; Lima, 1987; Niswander, Pollatsek, & Rayner, this issue; Pollatsek, Hyo¨na¨, & Bertram,

Requests for reprints should be addressed to Raymond Bertram, Department of Psychology, University of Turku, FIN-20014 Turku, Finland. Email: rayber@utu.. We wish to thank Keith Rayner and one anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper. This study was nancially supported by the Finnish Graduate School of Psychology (grant of the Finnish Ministry of Education to the rst author). c 2000 Psychology Press Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/01690965.html


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ÈNAÈ, LAINE BERTRAM, HYO

in press). This is quite surprising, as ultimately one would like to know how morphology inuences word identication in normal, continuous reading. One may be tempted to generalise ndings observed in lexical decision directly to reading, but this is not warranted without sound empirical evidence. Indeed, Hyo¨na¨ et al. (2000) showed that a morphological effect observed in lexical decision may not generalise to reading. In this paper we report four experiments that investigated morphological processing in reading. The starting point for this study was that of Bertram, Laine, Baayen, Schreuder and Hyo¨na¨ (2000a), which examined the role of inectional sufxes in recognising Finnish nouns by using the lexical decision paradigm. They employed the sufx -jA,1 denoting the partitive case in the plural form. An interesting feature of the -jA sufx is that it is homonymic in the sense that it can not only be used to denote partitive plural, but it is also the subject noun marker in derivational formations like tutki + ja ‘‘researcher’’. Moreover, it also appears as a free morpheme ja, which is equivalent to and in English. However, it should be noted that the whole word form containing the -jA sufx is basically unambiguous: it is almost always clear which one of the two afxal functions is employed. The subject noun marker -jA is deverbal and therefore the stem has to be a verbal form; the partitive plural -jA is a nominal inection and therefore the stem has to be a noun. In one experiment, Bertram et al. (2000a) manipulated the base frequency of these inected words while matching for the surface frequency; in the other experiment, they manipulated the surface frequency while matching for the base frequency. For the word hattu/ja (= hat + partitive plural) the base frequency is the frequency of hattu plus the frequency of all its inectional variants, whereas the surface frequency is the frequency of the inected form itself. Bertram et al. (2000a) reported a reliable surface frequency effect in lexical decision times in the absence of a base frequency effect. They interpreted the results to suggest that these inectional forms are stored and accessed by their full forms. If the words were recognised via their constituent morphemes (i.e., base + sufx), they should have observed an effect for base frequency as well. It is assumed that computation was still attempted (as a parallel dual route model in the spirit of Schreuder and Baayen, 1995, would suggest), but it would be slowed down to the extent that it is not operative in the recognition process. Bertram et al. (2000a) argue that the confusion in the decomposition route derives from the more central processing levels of licensing and meaning computation (see Schreuder & Baayen, 1995, for a more detailed 1 The capital A in -jA denotes an archephoneme that is realised as a front vowel a¨ or a back vowel a depending on the phonological properties of the stem.


MORPHOLOGY IN CONTEXT

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description of these processing levels). At the licensing stage, the stage where subcategorisation issues are sorted out, there is confusion, because the activated deverbal -jA option is ‘‘looking for’’ a verbal base where there is none. On compositional level, the strongly activated ‘‘agent marker’’ semantics for -jA has to be suppressed to free the way for the only correct inectional reading of the sufx. Bertram et al. (2000a) note that the effect of homonymy is particularly felt, because the derivational variant of -jA is a strong competitor of the inectional variant. As a matter of fact, the derivational variant is more frequently used than the inectional one. The 22.7 million lexical database on written Finnish employed by Laine and Virtanen (1999) lists 83 974 occurrences of the sufx, of which 65.5% appears as derivational sufxes. Therefore Bertram et al. (2000a) argue that for the homonymic inectional formations with jA full-form representations are developed via which processing takes place. At the same time processing via the decomposition route takes place, but is seriously slowed down by the activation of the derivational alternative of the -jA sufx. Note that here we assume that processing of a morphologically complex word is not a strict left-to-right process where the stem is recognised rst and the sufx second. If that were the case, the grammatical class of the stem would have had a disambiguating role by giving a pointer as to which function of the homonymic sufx is the appropriate one. In line with parallel processing models, we assume that visual lexical access to stem and afx takes place simultaneously. For instance, the Augmented Addressed Morphology model claims that ‘‘a letter string will simultaneously activate all the access units that correspond to parts of the stimulus’’ (Chialant & Caramazza, 1995, p. 64). Baayen, Burani, and Schreuder (1997, p. 17) argue that during morpheme-based access to inected words ‘‘the access representations of these afxes become activated long before the access representations of the roots’’, mainly because the afx string is almost always of much higher frequency than the accompanying root.2 The notion of whole-word storage of inected nouns may come as a surprise for an agglutinative language like Finnish with its rich morphology. The homonymic afxes studied by Bertram et al. (2000a) may indeed make up a special case, as previous lexical decision experiments that have employed a wide variety of noun inections have consistently suggested that inected Finnish nouns are accessed via the decomposition route (Bertram, Laine, & Karvinen, 1999; Hyo¨na¨, Laine, & Niemi, 1995; Laine & Koivisto, 1998; Laine, Niemi, Koivuselka¨-Sallinen, 2

It may be that at the semantic level, the information carried by the stem is of primary importance (see Laine, 1999), but this does not exclude the possibility of parallel access during visual word recognition.


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Ahlseń & Hyo¨na¨, 1994; Laine, Niemi, Koivuselka¨-Sallinen, & Hyo¨na¨, 1995; Laine, Vainio, & Hyo¨na¨, 1999; Niemi, Laine, & Tuominen, 1994). The current study was conducted to test whether the rather surprising results of Bertram et al. (2000a) hold when the critical words are presented in a sentence context. Tyler and Marslen-Wilson (1986) showed in a gating study that inected words in a context providing strong syntactic cues with respect to the type of inection coming up are identied as soon as the base is identied. They used sentences like ‘‘For many years they had been regularly corresponding’’ in which after the presentation of the stem correspond, -ing is syntactically the most likely sufx. In other words, a strong syntactic context renders a specic sufx practically redundant. In our case this could imply that the base frequency effect which was absent in visual lexical decision reappears in context, provided that the context provides cues to make the -jA sufx sufciently predictable. In order to get an insight into the nature of the case inections studied here, we will provide some qualitative and lexical-statistical information on the Finnish language. The partitive case is the third most common case inection (Pajunen, unpublished manuscript, calculated that 13.7% of all case-inected nouns appear in the partitive). It is the dominant case of the sentence object; in a syntactic corpus study (Hakulinen, Karlsson, & Vilkuna, 1980), 58% of sentence objects appeared in the partitive (20% took the genitive case and 21% the nominative case). When marking the sentence object, a choice needs to be made between the partitive and the genitive/nominative case primarily on the basis of the completeness of the act denoted by the predicate. The partitive is used for uncompleted acts, whereas the genitive/nominative is used when the act is performed to its completion. (The nominative case is also used for objects in the imperative and passive sentences.) Consider the sentence Ha¨n luki kirjaa ‘‘He read a book’’ in which the noun kirja ‘‘book’’ appears in the partitive form kirjaa. It is implied here that the subject was reading a book, but that s/he has not completed it. In contrast, when kirja occurs in its genitive form in this sentence (Ha¨n luki kirjan), the action is completed. Also the clause subject can sometimes appear in the partitive case (7% of all clause subjects in the corpus study of Hakulinen et al., 1980) when the predicate is an intransitive verb as in existential sentences (in English, ‘‘There are . . .’’); with transitive verbs, the subject always appears in the nominative case (i.e., the non-inected base form of the noun). Regarding intransitive verbs, a choice is made between partitive and nominative depending on the deniteness of the subject phrase; with indenite subjects the partitive form is used, and with denite subjects the nominative form is used. Consider the sentence Asusteessa oli taskuja, jotka eiva¨t na¨kyneet ulospaïn (‘‘In the (piece of) clothing there are pockets, which cannot be seen from the outside.’’), in which the subject taskuja ‘‘pockets’’ appears in



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the partitive form. With this partitive form, it remains open as to how many pockets there are, and moreover, the possibility exists that there are other pockets which are perfectly visible from the outside. In contrast, when the partitive plural taskuja would be replaced with the nominative plural taskut, the reader would know that all the pockets in the piece of clothing are invisible from outside. The partitive plural nouns of Bertram et al. (2000a) were embedded in single sentences and appeared there either as clause objects or clause subjects. The syntactic role the target noun took in the critical sentences was strongly constrained by the preceding context, but as can be seen from the examples above, not as strongly as in the study of Tyler and MarslenWilson (1986). In our case, the exact form of the target word was not given by the context (i.e., which case ending it took, if any, or whether it was singular or plural), but it was a very likely option. We suggested earlier that the partitive plurals are processed in parallel by holistic and decomposition processing routes along the lines of the Schreuder and Baayen model (1995). However, in recognising these words in isolation the ambiguity of the sufx would slow down the decomposition route to an extent that it is not actively involved in word recognition. We hypothesise that in the present study the contextual clues in our target sentences are strong enough to prime the inectional function of the -jA sufx and with that will reinstate the base as an effective unit in processing the partitive plurals. In order to examine this hypothesis we employed eyetracking (Experiments 1A and 2A) and self-paced reading (Experiments 1B and 2B) as the methods. Experiments 1A and 1B tested the effects of base frequency, and Experiments 2A and 2B those of surface frequency. In all experiments, each high-frequency target was paired with a low-frequency target, and a sentence frame was constructed that was identical up to the word following the target. Semantic plausibility of the sentences was matched by conducting a separate rating study. The target noun was never the sentence-nal word, but it was typically succeeded by a relative pronoun followed by a relative clause. Subjects were instructed to read the sentences for comprehension; no mention was made of the existence of specic target words. EXPERIMENT 1A In Experiments 1A and 2A, we employed readers’ eyetracking as the measure of on-line processing. Eyetracking has now become the most preferred method to study on-line visual language processing (see Rayner, 1998). One of the most attractive features of the method is that it allows readers to freely inspect the text the way they wish.

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Experiment 1A examined the effect of base frequency on the processing of inected nouns, such as hattu/ja (‘‘hat’’ + partitive plural), while matching for the surface frequency (and some other features, see Materials). If low base frequency nouns take longer to read than high base frequency nouns, it would imply that word stem plays an important role in identifying these inected words. That in turn can be taken as evidence to support the view that these inected forms are decomposed into constituent morphemes for their successful recognition. On the other hand, lack of a base frequency effect would imply that these inected nouns are identied via the full form. Method Participants. Twenty-four students of the University of Turku participated in the experiment. All were native speakers of Finnish. Apparatus. Eye movements were collected by the EYELINK eyetracker manufactured by SR Research Ltd. (Canada). The eyetracker is an infra-red video-based tracking system combined with hyperacuity image processing. There are two cameras mounted on a headband (one for each eye) including two infra-red LEDs for illuminating each eye. The headband weighs 450 g in total. The cameras sample pupil location and pupil size at the rate of 250 Hz. Registration is monocular and is performed for the selected eye by placing the camera and the two infrared light sources 4–6 cm away from the eye. The spatial accuracy is better than 0.5 degrees. Head position with respect to the computer screen is tracked with the help of a head-tracking camera mounted on the centre of the headband at the level of the forehead. Four LEDs are attached to the corners of the computer screen, which are viewed by the head tracking camera, once the subject sits directly facing the screen. Possible head motion is detected as movements of the four LEDs and is compensated for on-line from the eye position records. The system allows free head motion within a 100 cm cube. The compensation is better than 1 degree over the acceptable range of head motion. Materials. The target words were adopted from Bertram et al. (2000a). Forty inected nouns with the partitive plural marker -jA were selected from an unpublished computerised newspaper corpus with the help of the WordMill database program of Laine and Virtanen (1999). For the forms used in the present study no stem formation was needed, but all stems appeared in their ‘‘dictionary form’’. Twenty target nouns had a high base frequency with a mean of 54 per million (range 15–254), whereas the other twenty had a low base frequency with a mean of 10 per million (range 1–25). The two sets were matched for



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surface frequency (high 1.1; low 1.1; all frequency counts reported are scaled to one million), family size3 (high 151; low 131), bigram frequency (high 836; low 756), and word length in letters (high 7.1; low 6.9). The complete list of target items is given in the appendix of Bertram et al. (2000a), together with individual item RTs. The target words were embedded in sentences by having each target word appear in a separate sentence. Each of the high base frequency words was paired with a low base frequency word, and a sentence frame was constructed that was identical up through the word following the target word; the rest of the sentence was different. To match for the semantic plausibility, a rating study was conducted, in which both versions of the sentence pairs were listed underneath each other, and 7 subjects who did not participate in the experiment proper rated the naturalness of the sentences by using one of three possible alternatives: sentence 1 sounds more natural, sentence 2 sounds more natural, or sentence 1 and 2 sound equally natural. If the majority of the subjects (at least 4 out of 7) rated one sentence to be more natural than the other, a new sentence frame was constructed. An example of a sentence pair is shown below (the target word is shown in bold). The complete list of stimulus materials is presented in the Appendix. Low base frequency: Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti koruja , jotka olivat silmiinpista¨va¨n suuret. ‘‘Around her neck the woman used jewelry, which was noticeably big.’’ High base frequency: Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti ketjuja , jotka naÿttiva¨t vanhanaikaisilta. ‘‘Around her neck the woman used necklaces, which looked oldfashioned.’’ The target sentences were presented one at a time in the centre of a computer screen. The sentences extended a maximum of 2 lines of text; the critical word never appeared as the initial or nal word of a text line. The target sentences were mixed with 64 ller sentences. The sentences were presented in two blocks, and the order of the blocks was counterbalanced across subjects. Within a block, the order of sentences was randomised.

3

Family size is the type count of derivational and compound descendants of a word stem (see Bertram, Baayen, & Schreuder, 2000b, for the impact of this factor on processing complex words).


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Procedure. Prior to the experiment, the eyetracker was calibrated using a 9 point calibration grid that extended over the entire computer screen. Prior to each sentence, the calibration was checked by presenting a xation point in a centre-left position of the screen; if needed, calibration was automatically corrected, after which a sentence was presented to the right of the xation point. Subjects were instructed to read the sentences for comprehension at their own pace. They were further told that periodically they would be asked to paraphrase the last sentence they had read to make sure that they attended to what they read. It was emphasised that the task was to comprehend, not to memorise the sentences. Subjects were asked to paraphrase a sentence approximately after every 10 sentences. The experimental session lasted a maximum of 30 minutes. Results and discussion First xation and gaze duration (the time spent reading a word prior to exiting it) on the target and on the word following the target word were used as the dependent measures. In addition, the skipping rate (the probability of leaving a word unxated) and the probability of making more than one xation on the word were analysed. A set of t tests were computed on the rst xation and gaze durations using both subjects (t1) and items (t2) as the random variable. For the skipping rate and probability of more than one xation only the item analysis was conducted (the subject analysis was dropped due to many empty cells). The analyses by subjects were done using the paired samples test and the analysis by items using the independent samples test. The average durations, skipping rates and probabilities are given in Table 1. Target word. Base frequency did not exert an effect for rst xation duration (t1 and t2 < 1) or gaze duration (t1 and t2 < 1); high base frequency words elicited exactly the same rst xation durations as low base frequency words and produced 1 ms shorter gaze durations than low base frequency words. The skipping rates were very low and identical for the high base and the low base frequency condition (t2 < 1). The probability of making more than 1 xation on the target was slightly higher for the high base than for the low base frequency condition, but this difference did not reach signicance (t2(38) = 1.3, p > .15). Word following the target. As the word following the target word was identical for the sentence pairs, we were able to reliably examine possible lagged effects in processing. The analysis included only those trials in which a saccade was made from the target to the subsequent word. Two


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TABLE 1 First ® xation durations (ms, with SD), mean gaze durations (ms, with SD), skipping rates (%), the probability of more than one ® xation (%), and word reading times (ms, with SD) for in¯ ected words with the partitive plural marker -jA (target word) with high versus low base frequency and for words following the target word (target word + 1)


Target word

Target word + 1

High Base Fr.

Low Base Fr.

High Base Fr.

Low Base Fr.

Mean

Mean

Mean

Mean

Experiment 1a First xation 213 Gaze duration 237 Skipping rate 2.9 Probability of more 17.1 than 1 xation Experiment 1b Word RT 615

SD 37 45

237

213 238 2.9 14.4 622

SD 33 48

237

194 194 40.2 0.0 561

SD 33 33

175

202 202 38.5 0.2 583

SD 32 31

200

items were discarded (1 from the high frequency and 1 from the low frequency condition) because they were almost always skipped. The word following a low base frequency target was read with 8 ms longer rst xation durations than the word following a high base frequency target; the difference was signicant in the analysis by subjects (t1(23) = 2.32, p < .05, t2(36) = 1.14, p > .1). For the gaze duration, a similar difference was observed (t1(23) = 2.40, p < .05, t2(36) = 1.22, p > .1). The probability of more than 1 xation was practically zero in both conditions (t2(38) < 1). The skipping rates were remarkably high in both conditions (around 40%), but they did not differ signicantly from each other (t2(38) < 1). The results of Experiment 1A show a base frequency effect that is not obtained when reading the target word itself, but only when xating on the word following the target. Even there the size of the effect is small and non-signicant in the analysis by items. The lack of a base frequency effect for the word itself is not due to the frequency manipulation being too weak to show an effect. Namely, Bertram et al. (2000a) ran a control experiment where the word bases were presented without the sufx and found a reliable frequency effect in lexical decision times. One possible reason for the effect on the word following the target word to remain non-signicant in the item analysis is the frequent skipping of this word, which signicantly reduces the power for observing an effect. Therefore Experiment 1B was designed to study further the role of base frequency by using the method of self-paced reading. In this method, readers advance in the text word by word by pressing a button on the computer keyboard. The method does not allow word skipping, so it

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provides a reading time for every word of the sentence (even for those that would be typically skipped in normal reading). EXPERIMENT 1B Method


Participants. Twenty-four university students served as subjects; none took part in Experiment 1A. All were native speakers of Finnish. Materials. The same sentences were employed as in Experiment 1A. The only difference was that the self-paced reading program did not allow randomisation of sentences within a block. As a consequence, we xed the sentence order by presenting 4 target sentences in a set of every 10 sentences; the target sentences were always separated from each other at least by one ller sentence. Procedure. An IBM compatible PC with a specially made program was used to present the sentences and measure the reading times. The words were presented on the computer screen one at a time starting from the top left corner of the screen. Only one word at a time was visible; the subsequent word appeared immediately to the right of the preceding word. The reader advanced in the sentence by pressing the space bar in the computer keyboard. The word reading time was the time elapsed between two key strokes. In other respects, the procedure was identical to the one employed in the eyetracking experiments. Results and discussion Target word. There was a slight tendency for the low base frequency words to receive longer (7 ms) reading times than high base frequency words, but the effect was not signicant, t1(23) = 1.71, p = .1, t2(38) < 1. Word following the target. The reading time for the word following the target was signicantly longer (23 ms) when it was preceded by a low base frequency noun than by a high base frequency noun, t1(23) = 2.07, p < .05, t2(38) = 2.08, p < .05. As in the corresponding eye tracking experiment, the base frequency effect failed to show up for the reading of the target word itself. Also similarly to the eyetracking experiment, an effect of base frequency was observed as a lagged effect, revealed by the reading times for the word following the target. This time the effect was also signicant in the item analysis, which supports our suggestion that the non-signicance of the item analysis in the eyetracking experiment was due to insufcient data, and thus lack of statistical power.


377

The results depart from those of Bertram et al. (2000a) who did not observe any signs for a base frequency effect in lexical decision times. We defer the discussion of this difference to the General Discussion.


EXPERIMENT 2A Experiment 2A examined the effect of surface frequency on reading inected nouns. As in Experiment 1A, readers’ eye movements were recorded. A set of nouns with relatively high surface frequency was contrasted to a set of low surface frequency nouns while matching for base frequency. The experiment tested whether the surface frequency effect observed by Bertram et al. (2000a) in lexical decision will generalise to continuous reading. Method Participants. Twenty-eight university students served as subjects; none took part in the previous experiment. All were native speakers of Finnish. Apparatus. The same apparatus was used as in Experiment 1A. Materials. The forty inected nouns with the partitive plural marker -jA were adopted from Bertram et al. (2000a). Twenty nouns had a relatively high surface frequency with an average of 4.6 per million (range 0.8–26.4), the other twenty target items had a relatively low surface frequency with the average of 0.4 per million (range 0.04–1.3). The two sets were matched for base frequency (high 35; low 35), family size (high 199; low 173), bigram frequency (high 958; low 868), and word length in letters (high 7.0; low 6.9). Procedure. The procedure was identical to that of Experiment 1A. Results and discussion Target word. Low surface frequency nouns elicited 9 ms longer rst xation durations than high surface frequency nouns. This difference came out signicantly in the subject analysis, but in the item analysis only a tendency for signicance could be observed (t1(27) = 2.56, p < .02; t2(38) = 1.50, p = .14). The low surface frequency nouns were read with 17 ms longer gazes than high surface frequency nouns, the effect being reliable in the subject analysis, t1(27) = 3.03, p < .01, and marginally reliable in the item analysis t2(38) = 1.79, p = .08. The skipping rates in both conditions were negligible and did not differ from each other (t2(38) = 1.34, p > .15). Also the probability of more than one xation did not signicantly differ between the conditions (t2 < 1).

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TABLE 2 First ® xation durations (ms, with SD), mean gaze durations (ms, with SD), skipping rates (%), the probability of more than one ® xation (%) and word reading times (ms, with SD) for in¯ ected words with the partitive plural marker -jA (target word) with high versus low surface frequency and for words following the target word (target word + 1)

Target Word


High Surface Fr.

Experiment 2a First xation Gaze duration Skipping rate Probability of more than 1 xation Experiment 2b Word RT

Target Word + 1

Low Surface Fr.

High Surface Fr.

Low Surface Fr.

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

231 270 1.1 24.3

34 56

240 287 0.5 24.0

36 76

208 218 19.6 11.7

35 44

217 237 18.0 13.6

35 52

594

191

580

202

502

135

540

140

Word following the target. Gaze durations for the word following the target were also inuenced by surface frequency (t1(27) = 4.26, p < .001; t2(36) = 1.83, p < .08). The word following a low surface frequency target was read with 21 ms longer gazes than the word following a high frequency target. First xation durations were 9 ms shorter for the word following a high frequency target than the word following a low frequency target. This difference came out signicantly in the subject analysis, but not in the item analysis (t1(27) = 2.68, p < .02; t2(36) = 1.21, p > .15). Two items were discarded (one from each condition) because they were almost always skipped. The skipping rates were quite high (around 20%), but did not reliably differ between the two conditions (t2(38) = 1.83, p < .08) and neither did the probability of making more than one xation (t2(38) = 1.26, p > .15). Experiment 2A replicated the surface frequency effect observed by Bertram et al. (2000a) and extended it to normal reading. Moreover, the experiment showed that the effect is seen both for the target word itself and for the word following the target. The latter nding suggests that the surface frequency effect spills over to later processing—a nding that has been reported previously (see Rayner & Duffy, 1986; Rayner, Sereno, Morris, Schmauder, & Clifton, 1989). EXPERIMENT 2B We conducted a parallel self-paced reading experiment to Experiment 2A, in which effects of surface frequency were tested by tracking readers’ eye


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movements. The motivation for this experiment was to replicate the surface frequency effect observed both in lexical decision (Bertram et al., 2000a) and in eyetracking (Experiment 2A). Method Participants. Twenty-four university students served as subjects; none took part in the previous experiments. All subjects were native speakers of Finnish.


Materials. The same sentences were employed as in Experiment 2A. Procedure. The procedure was identical to that of Experiment 1B. Results and discussion Target word. Surface frequency did not produce an effect for the selfpaced reading times, if anything, there was a non-signicant trend for the high surface frequency targets to produce longer reading times than low surface frequency targets (t1(23) = 1.94; p > .05, t2(38) < 1). Word following the target. A reliable surface frequency effect was observed in the reading times for the word following the target noun, t1(23) = 2.93, p < .01, t2(38) = 2.64, p < .02. Words following a low surface frequency target were read for 38 ms longer than words following a high surface frequency target. The self-paced reading experiment established a surface frequency effect, but only as a lagged effect showing up in the processing of the word following the target. The lack of a surface frequency effect for the target noun itself departs from the corresponding eyetracking experiment, which revealed an effect both for the target itself as well as for the subsequent word. The reason for a pure lagged effect may lie in the nature of the experimental task, which has been shown to entail a tendency to reect online processing with some time lag (see e.g., Magliano, Graesser, Eymard, Haberlandt, & Gholson, 1993). In other words, readers tend to press a button to advance to the next word before they have fully processed the word. GENERAL DISCUSSION The present study revealed an effect of base frequency on identifying inected nouns with an ambiguous ending; the effect was manifested only as a lagged effect showing up in reading the word following the target word. Moreover, an effect of surface frequency was established, but the two measures diverged with respect to the timing of the effect: eyetracking showed an immediate effect accompanied by a spill-over effect, while the


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self-paced reading method established the effect only as a lagged effect. The results converge with the lexical decision study of Bertram et al. (2000a) in nding a surface frequency effect, but they diverge from the lexical decision study by also demonstrating a base frequency effect. The pattern of results suggests that the full form of the type of inectional nouns studied becomes quickly available, and that later in processing the word becomes available as a morphologically decomposed form. This pattern is not in line with earlier studies on Finnish (Bertram et al., 1999; Hyo¨na¨ et al., 1995; Laine & Koivisto, 1998; Laine et al., 1999; Niemi et al., 1994). These studies suggest that inected nouns (with the exception of very high frequent forms) have not developed full-form representations and that they are identied by a decomposition route only. Bertram et al. (2000a) suggest that the reliance on full forms during recognition lies in the nature of the sufx type. As noted above, the -jA sufx is homonymic in the sense that it serves two separate linguistic functions: it is used to mark the partitive plural case often required for sentence objects, but it is also used as a deverbal subject noun marker to form agentives out of verbal stems (tutkija = researcher). In order to avoid processing delay due to competition between the two semantic/syntactic functions, these inectional forms are assumed to develop full-form representations and to be recognised via them. We hypothesised in the Introduction that the context primes the inectional function of the -jA sufx and that therefore the decomposition process could be speeded up. This implies that parallel processing of the complex words takes place, as is suggested in parallel processing models like that of Schreuder and Baayen (1995). The returned base frequency effect suggests that this assumption is indeed grounded. In the following we will argue that the effect can be explained in relation to grammatical priming (see Gurjanov, Lukatela, Moskovljevic, Savic, & Turvey, 1985; Hyo¨na¨ & Hujanen, 1997; Hyo¨na¨ & Lindeman, 1994; Schriefers, Friederici & Rose, 1998; Tyler & Marslen-Wilson, 1986). As mentioned earlier, the syntactic role of the target word was highly predictable from the previous context, which also constrained the particular inectional forms, in which the target word could appear in the sentence. Our context did not constrain the target word to a single inectional form as was the case in the strong syntactic context condition of the Tyler and Marslen-Wilson study (1986). However, on the basis of the context the inectional reading of the sufx -jA is much more likely than the derivational reading. Consequently, the presumed computational confusion emerging when words with -jA are presented in isolation, will be reduced when these words are presented in a context with syntactic cues as was the case in this study. In other words, the partitive plural is among the cases that receives activation before the target words are actually



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encountered. Upon xating the words with the -jA sufx, the function of partitive plural has a head-start in comparison to the subject noun marker, and will be selected much quicker than was the case when the words were presented in isolation. This will lead to a faster decomposition process and the reinstatement of the base as an effective unit in processing nouns with the partitive plural marker -jA. Thus we suggest that the base frequency effect observed here is due to contextual syntactic cues which prime the inectional reading of the -jA sufx. One may argue that the disambiguation of the sufx could instead appear on the word level. In other words, accessing the word class of the stem will provide a pointer as to which function of the sufx has to be selected. However, one would have to assume a strict left-to-right processing procedure in which the stem is accessed before the sufx. This might be a likely option for auditory perception, where the stem is acoustically presented before the sufx. However, as Chialant and Caramazza (1995) and Baayen et al. (1997) suggest, in visual perception more than one meaningful unit is processed simultaneously and it might well be that the sufx is dealt with much faster than the stem. Most importantly, if the stem would have indeed fullled a disambiguation role, we should have found a base frequency effect in visual lexical decision as well. The nding that the base frequency effect shows up later and is weaker than the surface frequency effect may have to do with our target nouns being fairly short, on average about 7 characters in length. When making an eye xation on such short words, the whole word form falls onto the foveal region of the eye, and thus it is readily available for the visual system. Niswander et al. (this issue) reported that the base morpheme appeared to be more signicant for longer derived words (7–12 characters) than for shorter inected words (5–9 characters). They suggest that for the longer derived words the letters of the sufx may not have been fully legible during the initial xation, and as a result the base had a ‘‘head start’’ over the whole word form. On the other hand, all the letters in the shorter inected words may have been fully legible during the initial xation so that the early recognition of the full form was rendered possible. All in all, we think that in future studies word length should be considered as a potential factor in modulating morphological effects. With respect to the lagged effect of base frequency, another possibility is that the effect reects the special nature of the words following the target and not the processing of the target itself. A high percentage (70%) of these words were relative pronouns referring back to the stem of the target word (the relative pronoun carried a different case sufx than the target noun). Thus, in order to process the anaphoric reference, the stem of the


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target word needs to be accessed, the process taking longer for low than high frequency stems; hence the base frequency effect for the word following the target. However, the fact that also the surface frequency manipulation showed an effect on the subsequent word (85% of them were relative pronouns) is problematic for this argument. In the surface frequency experiments, base frequency was matched, so accessing the referent should take comparable amount of time; yet this turned out not to be the case. Moreover, if anything, the lagged base frequency effect was more pronounced for the few non-pronouns, which is also against the view that the lagged effects would be due to referent assignment. Thus, we conclude that the lagged effect indeed reects the base frequency manipulation of the target nouns. The argument that a set of inected nouns is recognised via their full form might not sound particularly convincing for a language like Finnish with its rich morphology. A sceptic may argue that due to the excessive number of words containing the -jA sufx it is unlikely that all -jA sufxed words would possess a full form representation in the mental lexicon. However, it may appear more plausible to assume a full form representation only for the more frequent stem+ sufx combinations (see Alegre & Gordon, 1999; Laine et al., 1995). Following this line of reasoning, one might argue that our high-surface frequency words were accessed via their full form representations and the low-surface frequency words via their morpheme-based representations. By further making an assumption that the decomposition route is slower than the full form route, one is in the position to account for the difference between low and high surface frequency words. The assumption that the decomposition route may be in operation is in line with the observed base frequency effect as well as with earlier research conducted in Finnish. Finally, we want to take up the issue of deriving a meaning for inected forms. So far we have only discussed the issue as a recognition process. Ultimately, what the reader cares about is deriving the meaning for lexical items in order to grasp the message inherent in a linguistic expression. Whether this implies a process of meaning computation of inected noun forms on the basis of the morphological constituents is an open question. It is feasible to assume that full form representations automatically activate their corresponding meaning without a deliberate computation. Even when the inected form is accessed via the decomposition route, its meaning may be accessed without computation as a combined activation of the constituent morphemes. However, when inected forms are presented in isolation, their meaning may remain unspecied and incomplete. Consider for example the genitive form auton (= car’s). When forms like this are presented without any linguistic context, response may be delayed due to a lack of context, which would



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anchor the meaning of the form to something more meaningful (e.g., auton omistaja = car’s owner). Thus, a delayed response may not necessarily be due to lexical access being slowed down, but due to lack of a tting context. Indeed, Hyo¨na¨ et al. (2000) demonstrated that the repeatedly observed effect of longer lexical decision times for isolated inected than non-inected nouns was wiped out when they provided a context, where both the inected and non-inected form was equally acceptable and predictable. We think that the issue of context should be taken seriously and morphological processing should be preferably studied in sentence context. This applies particularly to inected forms that seldom appear in isolation. Moreover, if one follows Taft (1994) in assuming that inections are not represented at the lexical level, but are processed in a separate syntactic module, it may be even more important to study their processing in a proper syntactic context.

REFERENCES Alegre, M., & Gordon, P. (1999). Frequency effects and the representational status of regular inections. Journal of Memory and Language, 40, 41–61. Baayen, R. H., Burani, C., & Schreuder, R. (1997). Effects of semantic markedness in the processing of regular nominal singulars and plurals in Italian. In G. Booij & J. van Marle (Eds.), Yearbook of morphology 1996 pp. 13–33. Amsterdam: Kluwer. Bertram, R., Laine, M., Baayen, R.H., Schreuder, R., & Hyo¨na¨, J. (2000a). Afxal homonymy triggers full-form storage, even with inected words, even in a morphologically rich language. Cognition, 74, B13–B25. Bertram, R., Baayen, R.H., & Schreuder, R. (2000b). Effects of family size for derived and inected words. Journal of Memory and Language, 42, 390–405. Bertram, R., Laine, M., & Karvinen, K. (1999). The interplay of word formation type, afxal homonymy, and productivity in lexical processing: Evidence from a morphologically rich language. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 28, 213–226. Chialant, D., & Caramazza, A. (1995). Where is morphology and how is it processed? The case of written word recognition. In L.B. Feldman (Ed.), Morphological aspects of language processing, pp. 345–364. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc. Gurjanov, M., Lukatela, G., Moskovljevic, J., Savic, L.M., & Turvey, M.T. (1985). Grammatical priming of inected nouns by inected adjectives. Cognition, 19, 55–71. Hakulinen, A., Karlsson, F., & Vilkuna, M. (1980). Suomen tekstilauseiden piirteita¨: Kvantitatiivinen tutkimus [Properties of Finnish text sentences: A quantitative study]. Department of General Linguistics, University of Helsinki. Hyo¨na¨, J., & Hujanen, H. (1997). Effects of word order and case marking on sentence processing in Finnish: An eye xation analysis. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 50A, 841–858. Hyo¨na¨, J., Laine, M., & Niemi, J. (1995). Effects of a word’s morphological complexity on readers’ eye xation patterns. In J.M. Findlay, R.W. Kentridge & R. Walker (Eds.), Eye movement research: Mechanisms, processes and applications, pp. 445–452. Amsterdam: North-Holland.


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Hyo¨na¨, J., & Lindeman, J. (1994). Syntactic context effects on word recognition: A developmental study. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 35, 27–37. Hyo¨na¨, J., & Pollatsek, A. (1998). Reading Finnish compound words: Eye xations are affected by component morphemes. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception & Performance, 24, 1612–1627. Hyo¨na¨, J., Vainio, S., & Laine, M. (2000). A morphological effect obtains for isolated words, but not for words in sentence context. Manuscript submitted for publication. Inhoff, A.W. (1989). Lexical access during eye xations in reading: Are word access codes used to integrate lexical information across interword xations. Journal of Memory and Language, 28, 444–461. Inhoff, A.W., Briihl, D., & Schwartz, J. (1996). Compound words effects differ in reading, online naming, and delayed naming tasks. Memory and Cognition, 24, 466–476. Karlsson, F. (1983). Suomen kielen aä¨nne- ja muotorakenne [The phonological and morphological structure of Finnish]. Juva, Finland: WSOY. Laine, M. (1999). Meaning analysis of inected words. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 52A, 253–259. Laine, M., & Koivisto, M. (1998). Lexical access to inected words as measured by lateralized visual lexical decision. Psychological Research, 61, 220–229. Laine, M., Niemi, J., Koivuselka¨-Sallinen, P., Ahlseń, E., & Hyo¨na¨, J. (1994). A neurolinguistic analysis of morphological decits in a Finnish-Swedish bilingual aphasic. Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics, 8, 177–200. Laine, M., Niemi, J., Koivuselka¨-Sallinen, P., & Hyo¨na¨, J. (1995). Morphological processing of polymorphemic words in a highly inecting language. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 12, 457– 502. Laine, M., Vainio, S., & Hyo¨na¨, J. (1999). Lexical access routes to nouns in a morphologically rich language. Journal of Memory and Language, 40, 109–135. Laine, M., & Virtanen, P. (1999). WordMill Lexical Search Program. Center for Cognitive Neuroscience, University of Turku, Finland. Lima, S.D. (1987). Morphological analysis in sentence reading. Journal of Memory and Language, 26, 84–99. Magliano, J.P., Graesser, A.C., Eymard, L.A., Haberlandt, K., & Gholson, B. (1993). Locus of interpretive and inference processes during text comprehension: A comparison of gaze durations and word reading times. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition, 19, 704–709. Niemi, J., Laine, M., & Tuominen, J. (1994). Cognitive morphology in Finnish: Foundations of a new model. Language and Cognitive Processes, 9, 423–446. Niswander, E., Pollatsek, A., & Rayner, K. (this issue). The processing of derived and inected sufxed words during reading. Language and Cognitive Processes, 15, 389–420. Pajunen, A. Tilastotietoja yleiskielen morfologisista yksikoïsta¨ [Statistics about morphological units in written Finnish]. Unpublished manuscript. Pollatsek, A., Hyo¨na¨, J., & Bertram, R. (in press). The role of morphological constituents in reading Finnish compound words. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance. Rayner, K. (1998). Eye movements in reading and information processing: 20 years of research. Psychological Bulletin, 124, 372–422. Rayner, K., & Duffy, S.A. (1986). Lexical complexity and xation times in reading: Effects of word frequency, verb complexity, and lexical ambiguity. Memory and Cognition, 14, 191– 201. Rayner, K., Sereno, S.C., Morris, R.K., Schmauder, A.R., & Clifton, C. (1989). Eye movements and on-line language comprehension processes. Language and Cognitive Processes, 4, 21–50.


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Schreuder, R., & Baayen, R. H. (1995). Modeling morphological processing. In L. B. Feldman (Ed.), Morphological aspects of language processing, pp. 131–154. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc. Schriefers, H., Friederici, A.D., & Rose, U. (1998). Context effects in visual word recognition: Lexical relatedness and syntactic context. Memory and Cognition, 26, 1292–1303. Taft, M. (1994). Interactive-activation as a framework for understanding morphological processing. Language and Cognitive Processes, 9, 271–294. Tyler, L.K., & Marslen-Wilson, W. (1986). The effects of context on the recognition of polymorphemic words. Journal of Memory and Language, 25, 741–752.


APPENDIX Materials used in Experiment 1 and 2. Each Finnish sentence is followed by an English translation. The target words are in italics Sentences used in Experiment 1a and 1b: A-sentences contain a target word with low base frequency, B-sentences contain a target word with high base frequency 1A. 1B. 2A. 2B. 3A. 3B. 4A. 4B. 5A. 5B. 6A. 6B. 7A. 7B. 8A. 8B.

Mies korjasi vaunuja koko illan. The man repaired carts for the whole evening. Mies korjasi lukkoja koko illan. The man repaired locks for the whole evening. Myyja¨ asetteli lappuja paremmin esille. The seller set up labels so that they would be better visible. Myyja¨ asetteli hattuja paremmin esille. The seller set up hats so that they would be better visible. Talossa kiertaä¨ haamuja, jotka pelottavat pois herkka¨hermoiset. In the house there circulates ghosts which scare away faint-hearted people. Talossa kiertaä¨ huhuja, jotka liittyva¨t tyo¨ntekijoïden irtisanomisiin. In the house there circulates rumors that are related to notices given to employees. Valikoimasta loÿtyy rehuja, joiden valkuaisainepitoisuus ei taÿta¨ EU-standardeja. The assortment includes animal feedstuffs the protein content of which does not fulll EU standards. Valikoimasta loÿtyy laatuja, jotka kiinnostavat seka¨ nuoria etta¨ vanhoja. The assortment includes choices which are of interest both to young and old. Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti koruja, jotka olivat silmiinpista¨va¨n suuret. On her neck the lady carried ornaments which were exceptionally large. Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti ketjuja, jotka naÿttiva¨t vanhanaikaisilta. On her neck the lady carried necklaces which looked old-fashioned. Tien varrella oli kojuja, joissa myytiin kaikenlaista rihkamaa. By the side of the road there were booths where all sorts of frippery was being sold. Tien varrella oli latuja, joita pitkin lapset hiihtiva¨t kouluun. By the side of the road there were tracks by which children skied to the school. Asusteessa oli kuituja, joiden tiedettiin olevan allergisoivia. The clothing had bers which were known to be allergenic. Asusteessa oli taskuja, jotka eiva¨t na¨kyneet ulospaïn. The clothing had pockets which were not visible from the outside. Saatoin na¨hda¨ polkuja, joiden la¨hella¨ oli paljon marjastajia. I could see paths close to which there were a lot of berry pickers. Saatoin na¨hda¨ hylkyja¨, joiden nostaminen voisi ilmeisesti olla helppoa. I could see wrecks which would apparently be easy to lift up.

386 9A. 9B. 10A. 10B. 11A. 11B.


12A. 12B. 13A. 13B. 14A. 14B. 15A.

15B. 16A. 16B. 17A. 17B. 18A. 18B. 19A. 19B. 20A.


Meita¨ vastaan tuli norsuja, jotka kantoivat sela¨ssaä¨n raskaita taakkoja. We encountered elephants which carried heavy loads on their back. Meita¨ vastaan tuli seutuja, jotka olivat uskomattoman kauniita. We encountered regions which were unbelievably beautiful. Puserossa on pilkkuja ja erilaisia rengaskuvioita. The blouse has dots and various circular gures. Puserossa on ruutuja ja mustavalkoisia salmiakkikuvioita. The blouse has squares and black-and-white diamonds. Keittio¨ssa¨ valmistettiin puuroja rman kokkien maisteltaviksi. In the kitchen one prepared porridges for the tasting of company’s chefs. Keittio¨ssa¨ valmistettiin kinkkuja rman pikkujoulujuhlia varten. In the kitchen one prepared hams for the company’s Christmas staff party. Naïn pihalla ratsuja, jotka naÿttiva¨t kovin uupuneilta. At the yard I saw horses which looked quite exhausted. Naïn pihalla kiuruja, jotka pyra¨htiva¨t minut na¨hdessaä¨n samantien lentoon. At the yard I saw larks which ied away at the moment they saw me. Pida¨n ka¨dessa¨ni tilkkuja, joilla oli tarkoitus paikata vanhat farkkuni. In my hand I have patches with which I am going to mend my old jeans. Pida¨n ka¨dessa¨ni kruunuja, joiden pitaïsi riittaä¨ koko Ruotsin matkan ajan. In my hand I have (Swedish) crowns which should last for the whole trip to Sweden. Kun poimin ylo¨s tossuja, naïn samassa lattialle pudonneen 500 mk:n setelin. When I picked up sneakers, I immediately saw the 500 mark note that had dropped on the oor. Kun poimin ylo¨s kurkkuja, naïn kauppiaan tulevan minua auttamaan. When I picked up cucumbers, I saw the seller coming to help me. Sanomalehti-ilmoituksen mukaan tyynyja¨ annetaan ilmaiseksi Ikeassa, kun ostaa sohvakaluston. According to the newspaper announcement, one gives away pillows for free at the Ikea department store if one buys a couch set. Sanomalehti-ilmoituksen mukaan pentuja annetaan ilmaiseksi hyvaä¨n kotiin. According to the newspaper announcement, one gives away puppies to a good home. Unessani naïn tonttuja, jotka kurkkivat puiden takaa. In my dream I saw goblins which peeked behind trees. Unessani naïn sa¨nkyja¨, jotka putosivat kovaa vauhtia alaspaïn. In my dream I saw beds which were falling down fast. Varastossa meilla¨ on happoja, jotka ovat erittaïn syo¨vytta¨via¨. In the store we have acids which are extremely corrosive. Varastossa meilla¨ on kimppuja, jotka sopivat hyvin ylioppilaalle. In the store we have ower bunches that suit very well for a high-school graduate. Maanviljelija¨lla¨ on ketoja, jotka ovat aivan liian laajoja, jotta ne voisi na¨hda¨ yhdella¨ silmaÿksella¨. The farmer has meadows which are way too large to be seen by a glance. Maanviljelija¨lla¨ on riemuja, jotka eiva¨t ole kaupunkilaisen ymma¨rretta¨vissa¨. The farmer has delights which an urban dweller does not understand. Keikkamuusikolla on urkuja, jotka tarvitsevat korjausta. The tour musician has organs which need repair. Keikkamuusikolla on suruja, jotka ovat seurausta a¨skettaïsesta¨ avioerosta. The tour musician has sorrows due to a recent divorce. Joen varrella oli myllyja¨, jotka olivat pahasti rappeutumassa. Along the river there were mills which were becoming dilapidated.


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20B. Joen varrella oli nippuja, jotka odottivat uiton alkamista. Along the river there were bundles of logs waiting for the timber oating to begin. Sentences used in Experiment 2a and 2b: A-sentences contain a target word with low surface frequency, B-sentences contain a target word with high surface frequency.


1A.

Opettaja haki varastosta huiluja, joilla oppilaat voisivat harjoitella. The teacher picked utes from the storage-room, with which the pupils could practice. 1B. Opettaja haki varastosta vaunuja, joilla penkit voitaisiin siirtaä¨ pois. The teacher picked carts from the storage-room, with which the benches could be moved away. 2A. Myyja¨ siirsi pois maitoja, jotka olivat vanhentuneet. The seller removed milk cans which were out of date. 2B. Myyja¨ siirsi pois nukkeja, jotka eiva¨t olleet menneet kaupaksi. The seller removed dolls which had not been purchased. 3A. Kirjassa kuvattiin ukkoja, jotka vaalivat vanhoja ka¨sityo¨taitoja. In the book one described old men who kept alive ancient handicraft skills. 3B. Kirjassa kuvattiin rotuja, jotka sopivat erityisen hyvin pieniin kerrostaloasuntoihin. In the book one described breeds which suited particularly well for small apartment houses. 4A. Valikoimasta loÿtyy laatuja, jotka kiinnostavat seka¨ nuoria etta¨ vanhoja. The assortment includes choices which are of interest both to young and old. 4B. Valikoimasta loÿtyy lamppuja, jotka sopivat myo¨s rokokoo-kalustukseen. The assortment includes lamps which t also to a rococo-style furniture. 5A. Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti ketjuja, jotka naÿttiva¨t vanhanaikaisilta. On her neck the lady carried necklaces which looked old-fashioned. 5B. Kaulassa nainen kaÿtti koruja, jotka olivat silmiinpista¨va¨n suuret. On her neck the lady carried ornaments which were exceptionally large. 6A. Tien varrella oli kuiluja, joita ohikulkijat pysa¨htyiva¨t kiinnostuneina katsomaan. By the side of the road there were clefts by which interested bypassers stopped to have a look. 6B. Tien varrella oli latuja, joita pitkin lapset hiihtiva¨t kouluun. By the side of the road there were tracks by which children skied to the school. 7A. Padossa on sulkuja, joiden avulla veden virtausta voidaan saä¨della¨. The dam has ood-gates by which one can control the ow of water. 7B. Padossa on aukkoja, jotka on paikattava ensitilassa. The dam has holes which must be repaired as soon as possible. 8A. Saatoin na¨hda¨ luotoja, joiden kauneus todella haïkaïsi. I could see rocky islets, the beauty of which was really overwhelming. 8B. Saatoin na¨hda¨ polkuja, joiden la¨hella¨ oli paljon marjastajia. I could see paths close to which there were a lot of berry pickers. 9A. Kohtasimme seutuja, jotka olivat uskomattoman kauniita. We encountered regions which were unbelievably beautiful. 9B. Kohtasimme tabuja, jotka olivat meille ennestaä¨n taÿsin tuntemattomia. We encountered taboos which were previously unknown to us. 10A. Puserossa on ruutuja ja mustavalkoisia salmiakkikuvioita. The blouse has squares and black-and-white diamonds. 10B. Puserossa on pilkkuja ja erilaisia rengaskuvioita. The blouse has dots and has various circular gures. 11A. Keittio¨ssa¨ valmistettiin kinkkuja rman pikkujoulujuhlia varten. In the kitchen one prepared hams for the company’s Christmas staff party.


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11B. Keittio¨ssa¨ valmistettiin herkkuja rman kokkien maisteltaviksi. In the kitchen one prepared delicacies for the tasting of company’s chefs. 12A. Naïn pihalla ratsuja, jotka naÿttiva¨t kovin uupuneilta. At the yard I saw horses which looked quite exhausted. 12B. Naïn pihalla poroja, jotka kaapivat lumen alta ja¨ka¨laä¨. At the yard I saw reindeers which sought for lichen under the snow. 13A. Pankkivirkailija ka¨vi la¨pi saldoja, jotka eiva¨t ta¨sma¨nneet kirjanpidon kanssa. The bank clerk went through balances which did not t with the book-keeping. 13B. Pankkivirkailija ka¨vi la¨pi menoja, jotka saattoivat mahdollisesti olla tekaistuja. The bank clerk went through expenses which could possibly be fabricated. 14A. Elokuva sai aikaan nauruja, jotka eiva¨t tuntuneet lainkaan loppuvan. The movie elicited laughter that seemed to go on forever. 14B. Elokuva sai aikaan tuntoja, jotka jaïva¨t mieleen pitka¨ksi aikaa. The movie elicited feelings that stayed in mind for a long time. 15A. Sanomalehti-ilmoituksen mukaan tyynyja¨ annetaan ilmaiseksi Ikeassa, kun ostaa sohvakaluston. According to the newspaper announcement, one gives away pillows for free at the Ikea department store if one buys a couch set. 15B. Sanomalehti-ilmoituksen mukaan pentuja annetaan ilmaiseksi hyvaä¨n kotiin. According to the newspaper announcement, one gives away puppies to a good home. 16A. Unessani naïn arkkuja, jotka naÿttiva¨t hyvin pelottavilta. In my dream I saw cofns which looked very frightening. 16B. Unessani naïn tonttuja, jotka kurkkivat puiden takaa. In my dream I saw goblins which peeked behind trees. 17A. Varastossa meilla¨ on happoja, jotka ovat erittaïn syo¨vytta¨via¨. In the store we have acids which are extremely corrosive. 17B. Varastossa meilla¨ on rumpuja, jotka olisi mahdollista myyda¨ edulliseen hintaan. In the store we have drums which one could sell for a good price. 18A. Tien vasemmalla puolella avautui ketoja, jotka ovat aivan liian laajoja, jotta ne voisi na¨hda¨ yhdella¨ silmaÿksella¨. At the left side of the road there were meadows which were way too large to be seen by a glance. 18B. Tien vasemmalla puolella avautui niittyja¨, jotka ovat olleet jo pitkaä¨n kesannolla. At the left side of the road there were elds which had lain fallow already for a long time. 19A. Luonnonsuojelijat peraä¨nkuuluttivat rehuja, jotka olisivat fosforipitoisuudeltaan mahdollisimman alhaisia. The nature activists called for animal feedstuffs which would have as low a content of phosphorus as possible. 19B. Luonnonsuojelijat peraä¨nkuuluttivat taitoja, jotka mahdollistaisivat puurakentamisen suosion kasvun. The nature activists called for skills which would enable the increase of popularity in wood construction. 20A. Hakkarainen naÿtti taskuja, joihin mahtui tosi paljon tavaraa. Mr. Hakkarainen showed pockets that could t lots of stuff. 20B. Hakkarainen naÿtti heittoja, joilla pitaïsi paä¨sta¨ EM -kisojen naaliin. Mr. Hakkarainen showed throws with which one should be able to get into the European championship nals.