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MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY

TOWARDS ENHANCED DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT INTERVENTIONS FOR FLOOD HAZARDS AND DISASTERS IN TSHOLOTSHO DISTRICT, ZIMBABWE

ERNEST DUBE

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DPhil) IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

2017

i

TOWARDS ENHANCED DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT INTERVENTIONS FOR FLOOD HAZARDS AND DISASTERS IN TSHOLOTSHO DISTRICT, ZIMBABWE

By

ERNEST DUBE PIN: R138091P

Supervisor PROFESSOR MTAPURI, OLIVER

Co-Supervisor PROFESSOR MATUNHU, JEPHIAS

A thesis submitted to the Department of Development Studies in full fulfilment of the requirements of the Midlands State University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies

July 2017

ii

Abstract The impact of flood disasters on development has resulted in unprecedented human, material, economic and environmental losses, with some flooding events demonstrating the complexity of disaster response. This study entailed researching the flood- impacted communities in Tsholotsho District, South-west Zimbabwe. Recent flooding events in the district have severely impacted the communities and their livelihoods. The success of this study can be measured against the fulfilment of its research objectives. The study‘s overarching aim was to develop a new model of disaster risk management for flood hazards and disasters. This qualitative, phenomenological and interpretive study used Interview Guide and Observation Checklist to gather data. The study found that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District caused human population movements, destroyed crops, damaged shelter and infrastructure, caused land and environmental degradation, destroyed small livestock, led to human injuries, affected food storages and non- food items (NFIs), and disrupted education of the children. Flood disasters were a result of settlements located close to the rivers and dams, settlements located on the low lying areas, and the use of inferior materials to build human shelter and infrastructure. Furthermore, communities lacked training and awareness to flood hazards, whilst some farmers undertook bad farming practices along the rivers. Women and children, members from poor households, people living with HIV/AIDS and the elderly were the most impacted. Community livelihoods including crops, small livestock and dams were also destroyed. People lived in flood prone areas due to culture and traditional beliefs, the presence of fertile soils, good pastures, costs associated with relocation, and availability of natural food resources. Previous interventions for flood management included relocation, provision of food and NFIs, Early Warning and public education, and Indigenous Knowledge Systems. All these have not been effective. The study concluded that flood disasters have worsened poverty levels and threatened food security. The main conclusion of the study was that the flood disasters in the district are human- induced. This study is significant as it offers the Action-Time based Disaster Model, which is a new approach towards disasters. Development planners, disaster managers, governments, land resettlement officers and the academia are expected to benefit from the model.

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Dedication I dedicate this thesis to my lovely wife Nyaradzai and my four children Andile, Zandile, Ernest (Jr) and Zanele. To them, I owe everything.

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Acknowledgements The research outlined in this Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil) degree thesis was carried out at the Research and Post Graduate Studies Office, Midlands State University (MSU), Zimbabwe. For the author to come up with the end product, many people were involved and made their immense contributions. The author is therefore, indebted to these people and I would like to thank them all.

Firstly, I thank my supervisor Professor Oliver Mtapuri, who worked tirelessly through providing me with his invaluable expert guidance, encouragement and all forms of academic support throughout my DPhil study. I am grateful to your tireless intellectual, moral, emotional and material support that you so highly exhibited. Secondly, I thank my campus supervisor Professor Jephias Matunhu who also worked tirelessly, through providing perceptive, helpful and unwavering support. Your intellectual and administrative support throughout my entire DPhil study is well acknowledged.

I am also highly indebted to Professor Doreen Z. Moyo, the Executive Dean of the Research and Post Graduate Studies Office at the Midlands State University, and her staff for their administrative support during my entire period of study with the institution. Thank you for listening to my plight when funds for my studies were not permitting.

Thank you too, to members of the Civil Protection Unit in Tsholotsho District for participating in the study. Special thanks to Mrs. Gloria Raundi the District Administrator for Tsholotsho, Mr. Themba Moyo the Chief Executive Officer for TRDC and Chief Inspector Chapeyama Gidion the Officer In charge Tsholotsho police station, for facilitating the collection of data from members of the Civil Protection Unit. Thanks also go to Mr. Allison Sibanda, who assisted me in conducting interviews from members of the community in the district.

To members of the communities in Tsholotsho District, I say thank you for your cooperation and participation in the study. Many thanks especially to the community leaders, for your high level of cooperation and understanding in mobilising the research participants. Lastly, but not least, I thank my wife Nyaradzai and my children, Andile, Zandile, Ernest Jr. and Zanele for their support and understanding during the difficult times. iii

Declaration I, ERNEST DUBE declare that this thesis titled, ‗Towards enhanced disaster risk management interventions for hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe‘, is my own work. Where work from other scholars is used, it has been clearly acknowledged through citations and referencing. I also declare that this work has not been submitted for any other award in any other University.

Signature: ............................................................................

Date: ....................................................................................

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List of Abbreviations ADPC

Asia Disaster Preparedness Centre

AFZ

Air Force of Zimbabwe

AIDS

Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

ARDC

Arrowhead Regional Development Commission

ART

Anti-Retroviral Therapy

ARV

Anti-Retro-Viral

CEO

Chief Executive Officer

CPU

Civil Protection Unit

DCM

Disaster Continuum Model

DCP

Department of Civil Protection

DCPC

District Civil Protection Committee

DCPU

District Civil Protection Unit

DFID

Department for International Development

DMC

Disaster Management Cycle

DRM

Disaster Risk Management

DRR

Disaster Risk Reduction

DTD

Deployable Training Division

EIA

Environmental Impact Assessment

EMA

Environmental Management Agency

EU

European Union

EW

Early Warning

FAO

Food and Agriculture Organisation

FC

Forestry Commission

FEMA

Federal of Emergency Management Agency

FPP

Flood Preparedness Plan v

GDP

Gross Domestic Product

GoZ

Government of Zimbabwe

HFA

Hyogo Framework for Action

HPG

Humanitarian Policy Group

HIV

Human Immuno-deficiency Virus

ICHRP

International Council on Human Rights Policy

ICSU

International Council for Science

IFRC

International Federation of the Red Cross

IK

Indigenous Knowledge

IKS

Indigenous Knowledge Systems

IOM

International Organisation for the Migration

ISDR

International Strategy for Disaster Reduction

LDC

Less Developed Country

MD

Millennium Declaration

MDGs

Millennium Development Goals

MES

Ministry of Emergency Situations

MLG&UD

Ministry of Local Government and Urban Development

NCPD

National Civil Protection Directorate

NDCC

National Disaster Coordinating Council

NDMC

National Disaster Management Centre

NFIs

Non Food Items

NGO

Non Governmental Organisation

NZAID

New Zealand Aid

PCPC

Provincial Civil Protection Committee

PIP

Policies, Institutions and Processes

PLWHIV

People living with the Human- immuno deficiency virus

PP

Precautionary Principle vi

PPA

Poverty Participatory Assessment

PRA

Participatory Rural Appraisal

RDC

Rural District Council

SAD

Single Approach Design

SLA

Sustainable Livelihoods Approach

SLF

Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

TRDC

Tsholotsho Rural District Council

UN

United Nations

UNDP

United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO

United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation

UNICEF

United Nations International Children‘s Emergency Fund

UNISDR

United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction

UNOCHA

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

USA

United States of America

USD

United States Dollar

USGAO

United States Government Accountability Office

WASH

Water, Sanitation and Hygiene

WFP

World Food Programme

ZIMSTAT

Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency

ZNA

Zimbabwe National Army

ZRP

Zimbabwe Republic Police

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Table of Contents Abstract

.............................................................................................................................i

Dedication

...........................................................................................................................ii

Acknowledge ments ...............................................................................................................iii Declaration

...........................................................................................................................iv

List of Abbreviations...............................................................................................................v

CHAPTER 1 ............................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION AND ORIENTATION ............................................................................1 1.0

Introduction

................................................................................................................1

1.1

Background to the Problem ........................................................................................1

1.2

Problem Statement and Substantiation

1.3

Purpose of the Study ....................................................................................................8

1.4

Aims of the Study

1.5

Objectives of the Study .................................................................................................9

1.6

Research Questions

1.7

Assumptions of the Study

......................................................................................10

1.8

Limitations of the Study

......................................................................................11

1.9

Significance of the Study

......................................................................................12

1.10

Delimitation of the Study

......................................................................................13

1.11

Ethical Protection of Respondents

1.12

Conceptualisation of Terms ......................................................................................15

1.16

Organisation of the Study

1.13

Concluding Remarks ..................................................................................................18

...............................................................5

....................................................................................................8

....................................................................................................9

..........................................................................14

......................................................................................17

CHAPTER 2 ..........................................................................................................................19 LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND POLICY FOR MANAGING DISASTERS ...................19

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2.0

Introduction

..............................................................................................................19

2.1

Legal framework and Policy for disasters

2.1.1

Civil Defence Act of 1982 and Civil Protection Act of 1989 ......................................22

2.2

The Department of Civil Protection and its role .........................................................23

2.2.1

Structure of Zimbabwe Civil Protection System .........................................................25

2.2.2

The Zimbabwean structure, compared with structures in advanced nations ...............26

2.3

The Organisation of Civil Protection in Zimbabwe ..................................................29

2.3.1

Environmental Management Act, Chapter 20:27 ........................................................31

2.3.2

Rural District Councils Act, Chapter 29:13 ..............................................................32

2.3.3

Forestry Act, Chapter 18:09 ......................................................................................33

2.4

The New Constitution of Zimbabwe ..........................................................................34

2.4.1

Shortcomings of the New Constitution ......................................................................34

2.4.2

A critique of the Current Civil Protection Act.............................................................35

2.5

Concluding Remarks ..................................................................................................35

..............................................................19

CHAPTER 3 ..........................................................................................................................36 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................................................36 3.0

Introduction

..............................................................................................................36

3.1

Framework, Theories and Approaches to Disaster Risk Management .......................36

3.2

The DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework .........................................................39

3.2.1

Components of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework.............................................41

3.2.1.1 The Context of Vulnerability ......................................................................................41 3.2.1.2 Livelihoods Assets

..................................................................................................42

3.2.1.3 Policies, Institutions and Processes

..........................................................................45

3.2.1.4 Livelihoods Strategies..................................................................................................46 3.2.1.5 Livelihood Outcomes ..................................................................................................46 3.2.2

Understanding Core Principles of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach .................46 ix

3.2.2.1 People centredness ......................................................................................................47 3.2.2.2 Responsive and Participatory ......................................................................................47 3.2.2.3 Multi- level Approach...................................................................................................48 3.2.2.4 Conducted in Partnership ............................................................................................48 3.2.2.5 Sustainability of the SLA

..................................................................................... 49

3.2.2.6 Dynamics of the SLA ................................................................................................. 49 3.2.3

Strengths and Weaknesses of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach .......... ..............50

3.2.4

Sustainable Livelihoods Framework: Summary of its Challenges and Lessons..........52

3.3

Social constructionist theory ......................................................................................52

3.3.1

Advantages and criticism of the Social Constructionist Theory .................................54

3.4

Chaos theory in Disaster Management ........................................................................54

3.4.1

Role of Military forces in Managing Disasters............................................................56

3.4.2

Critiquing Chaos theory and role of military forces in disasters .................................59

3.4.3

Using the Circular Model to manage chaos in disasters ............................................60

3.5

Complexity theory

3.5.1

Limitations of the Complexity Theory.........................................................................63

3.5.2

Using Kimberly‘s Model to manage complex events ..................................................64

3.6

Concluding Remarks ..................................................................................................65

..................................................................................................61

CHAPTER 4 ..........................................................................................................................66 LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................66 4.0

Introduction

..............................................................................................................66

4.1

Impact of flood Disasters on Communities

4.1.1

Impact of Flood Disasters on the global front .............................................................67

4.1.2

Flood disasters as a Development Concern ..............................................................73

..............................................................66

4.1.2.1 Flood impact on Sustainable Livelihoods and Livelihood Assets ..............................74 4.1.2.2 Flood impact of sectors of development .....................................................................76 x

4.1.3

The Nexus between Disasters and Development ........................................................78

4.1.3.1 Disasters can set back development ..........................................................................79 4.1.3.2 Disasters can provide opportunities for development..................................................81 4.1.3.3 Development programmes can contribute to disaster vulnerability.............................82 4.1.3.4 Development can reduce future vulnerability ..............................................................83 4.2

Elements most at risk to flood hazards .......................................................................84

4.2.1

Improperly configured human settlements .................................................................85

4.2.2

Poorly designed infrastructure and insecure livelihood assets ....................................86

4.2.3

Marginalised groups in societies .................................................................................86

4.3

Factors contributing to flood disasters .......................................................................88

4.4

Some common interventions towards flood hazards and disasters

4.4.1

Global frameworks on Disaster Risk Management ....................................................92

4.4.2

Promoting Community Participation ..........................................................................94

4.4.3

Flood Embankment......................................................................................................96

4.4.4

Flood Forecasting and Warning ..................................................................................97

4.4.5

Institutional Arrangements...........................................................................................98

4.4.6

Flood Disaster Insurance ............................................................................................99

4.4.7

Buildings on elevated areas

....................................................................................101

4.4.8

Livelihoods Diversification

....................................................................................101

4.5

Towards enhanced Disaster Risk Management

4.5.1

The Disaster Management Cycle ..............................................................................103

4.5.2

Flood Disaster Mitigation ..........................................................................................105

4.5.3

Flood Disaster Preparedness .....................................................................................107

4.5.4

Flood Disaster Response ...........................................................................................112

4.5.5

Flood Disaster Recovery ...........................................................................................112

4.6

Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................114

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..........................91

................................................102

CHAPTER 5 ........................................................................................................................116 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ............................................................116 5.0

Introduction

............................................................................................................116

5.1

Design of the Study ...................................................................................................116

5.1.1. Research Design - Phenomenology............................................................................117 5.1.1.1 Strengths and Limitations of Phenomenological Studies...........................................119 5.1.2. Research Paradigm for the Study... ...........................................................................119 5.1.2.1 Interpretivism as the Research Paradigm for the Study.............................................120 5.1.3. Research Approach – Qualitative Research...............................................................122 5.1.3.1 Strengths of Qualitative Research .............................................................................125 5.1.3.2 Weaknesses of Qualitative Research........................... ..............................................126 5.2

Population, Sample selection and Data collection ....................................................127

5.2.1

Population

5.2.2

Sampling and Sample selection .................................................................................128

............................................................................................................127

5.2.2.1 Convenience Sampling...............................................................................................129 5.2.3

Data Collection Techniques ......................................................................................129

5.2.3.1 Semi-structured Interviews ........................................................................................130 5.2.3.2 Participant Observation .............................................................................................132 5.3

Trustworthiness and Credibility ................................................................................136

5.3.1

Dependability of the Study

5.3.2

Transferability of the Study ....................................................................................137

5.3.3

Credibility of the Study

5.3.4

Confirmability of the Study ....................................................................................138

5.3.5

Piloting of Data Collection Instruments ....................................................................139

5.4

Capturing Data and Ethical considerations ...............................................................139

5.4.1

Participants‘ Informed Consent

....................................................................................136

....................................................................................138

........................................................................140 xii

5.4.2

No harm to Research Participants

5.4.3. Anonymity and Confidentiality

........................................................................141 ........................................................................141

5.4.4

Respect for Privacy

................................................................................................141

5.5

Data Analysis Procedure............................................................................................142

5.5.1

Qualitative Content Analysis.....................................................................................142

5.5.1.1 Transcribing the interviews....................................................................................... 143 5.5.1.2 Verbatim Transcription..............................................................................................143 5.5.1.3 Thorough reading of transcribed text and field notes.................................................144 5.5.1.4 Developing a Data Coding System............................................................................144 5.5.1.5 Linking Codes to form themes...................................................................................144 5.5.1.6 Description of thematic relationships.........................................................................145 5.6

Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................145

CHAPTER 6 ........................................................................................................................146 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION OF THE EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION ..............146 6.0

Introduction

............................................................................................................146

6.1

Demographic Data of the Respondents......................................................................146

6.1.1

Demographic distribution of DCPU officials.............................................................147

6.1.2

Demographic distribution of Members of the Community........................................148

6.2.

Impact of flooding events and factors contributing to flood disasters: Addressing Research Objective 1 .................................................................................................149

6.2.1

The flood trend in Tsholotsho District

............................................................149

6.2.2. Impact of the recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District......................................151 6.2.2.1 Human population Movements ................................................................................151 6.2.2.2 Destruction of Crops ................................................................................................152 6.2.2.3 Damage to Shelter and Infrastructure ........................................................................153 6.2.2.4 Land and Environmental degradation ........................................................................156 6.2.2.5 Destruction of Small Livestock .................................................................................157 xiii

6.2.2.6 Injuries to Human Beings ..........................................................................................158 6.2.2.7 Affected food and Non- food items ............................................................................159 6.2.2.8 Disruption of Children‘s Education ..........................................................................160 6.3

Main factors contributing to flood disasters in Tsholotsho District: Addressing Research Objective 1, continued... ............................................................................161

6.3.1

Settlements located close to Rivers and Dams

6.3.2

Settlements located in low lying areas.......................................................................163

6.3.3

Use of poor Building Materials ................................................................................. 164

6.3.4

Lack of Training and Awareness ...............................................................................165

6.3.5

Bad farming practices ................................................................................................166

6.4

Groups of people and types of livelihoods mostly impacted by floods: Addressing Research Objective 2 .................................................................................................167

6.4.1

Groups of people impacted by floods the most in Tsholotsho District .....................167

................................................161

6.4.1.1 Women and Children ................................................................................................167 6.4.1.2 Members from poor households ................................................................................168 6.4.1.3 Flood Impact on People Living With HIV/AIDS. ....................................................170 6.4.1.4 The Elderly Members of the Societies ......................................................................172 6.4.2

Types of livelihoods and livelihood assets impacted by the floods...........................172

6.5

Why some communities prefer to live with the flood risk: Addressing Research Objective 3 ................................................................................................................175

6.5.1

Culture and traditional beliefs....................................................................................176

6.5.2

Rich soils for crop farming ........................................................................................178

6.5.3

Good pastures for grazing .........................................................................................178

6.5.4

Costs associated with relocation ...............................................................................179

6.5.5

Natural food resources endowment ...........................................................................180

6.6

Interventions to flooding in the District and related challenges: Addressing Research Objective 4.................................................................................................................181

6.6.1

Temporary Relocation ...............................................................................................184

6.6.2

Permanent Relocation ...............................................................................................186 xiv

6.6.3

Food and Non-food Items .........................................................................................188

6.6.4

Early Warning and Public Education ........................................................................188

6.6.5

Indigenous Knowledge Systems ...............................................................................189

6.6.6

Factors militating against implementation of DRM Operations ...............................192

6.7

Concluding Remarks .................................................................................................195

CHAPTER 7 ........................................................................................................................196

TOWARDS AN ACTION-TIME BASED DISASTER MODEL....................................196 7.0

Introduction................................................................................................................196

7.1.

The Action- Time based Disaster Model....................................................................196

7.1.1

Rationale of the Action-Time based Disaster Model ................................................197

7.1.2 How the model advances knowledge of Social constructionism and other theories...199 7.1.3

The Action- Time based Disaster Model compared with other models......................201

7.2

Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................201

CHAPTER 8 ........................................................................................................................203 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS .........................................................................203 8.0

Introduction

............................................................................................................203

8.1

Conclusions drawn from findings .............................................................................204

8.1.2

Factual and interpretive conclusions and implications .............................................204

8.1.2.1 Answer to Research Question 1 ................................................................................204 8.1.2.2 Answer to Research Question 2 ................................................................................205 8.1.2.3 Answer to Research Question 3 ................................................................................205 8.1.2.4 Answer to Research Question 4 ...............................................................................206 7 8.1.3 Conceptual Conclusions and Implications ................................................................206 8.1.3.1 Flooding can perpetuate poverty ...............................................................................206

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8.1.3.2 Refined Policies, Institutions and Processes needed .................................................208 8.1.3.3 Flood Disasters as Intersection of Society and Nature ..............................................209 8.1.3.4 The need for sound Flood Interventions ....................................................................210 8.1.4

The study‘s contribution to the field of research .......................................................210

8.2

Recommendations and for further research ...............................................................211

8.3

Summary of limitations of the Study......................................................................212

8.4

Concluding Remarks ................................................................................................213

REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................214

LIST OF APPENDICES APPENDIX A: Interview Guide for members of the community affected by floods in Tsholotsho District .................................................................................257 APPENDIX B: Interview Guide for Tsholotsho District Civil Protection Unit disaster practitioners ................................................................................................259 APPENDIX C: Observation Checklist...................................................................................261 APPENDIX D: University Release Letter ............................................................................262 APPENDIX E: Letter to the District Administrator Tsholotsho ...........................................263 APPENDIX F: Letter to the Provincial Medical Director Matabeleland North Province ....264

LIST OF BOXES TEXT BOX 4.1: Contribution of human behaviour to flood vulnerabilities ..........................90 TEXT BOX 4.2: Guiding Principles of Flood Insurance provision in the United Kingdom.100

LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1.1: The Map of Zimbabwe showing Tsholotsho District ........................................4 FIGURE 2.1: Structure of Zimbabwe Civil Protection System

......................................25

FIGURE 2.2: Structure of the Afghanistan Disaster Management System ............................26 FIGURE 2.3: Outline of Japan‘s Disaster Management System

......................................28

FIGURE 3.1: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework ..............................................................40 FIGURE 3.2: Circular Model of Disaster Risk Management ..................................................61 xvi

FIGURE 3.3: The Kimberly Model ......................................................................................64 FIGURE 4:1: The Disaster/Relationship Realm .....................................................................79 FIGURE 4:2: Community-based disaster risk reduction model .............................................95 FIGURE 4.3: Four phases of Emergency/Disaster Management ........................................104 FIGURE 4.4: Disaster Continuum model .............................................................................105 FIGURE 6.1: A hut damaged by the 2014 floods in Butabubili village ...............................154 FIGURE 6.2: The flooded Tsholotsho – Gariya road at Phaneni village ..............................155 FIGURE 6.3: Poor building material that has contributed to flood disasters ........................164 FIGURE 6.4: Temporary shelter used as permanent accommodation ..................................169 FIGURE 6.5: Poor disaster reconstruction that does not reduce future vulnerability ...........1 87 FIGURE 7.1: The Action-Time based Disaster Model .........................................................197 FIGURE 8.1: The relationship between Vulnerability, Flooding and Poverty......................207 FIGURE 8.2: Proposed Structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System ......................208

LIST OF TABLES TABLE 3.1: Implementation Challenges and Lessons of the SLF..........................................52 TABLE 4.1: Countries severely impacted by flood disasters .................................................71 TABLE 4.2: Disaster Preparedness Framework ...................................................................109 TABLE 6.1: Gender and Age distribution of all respondents ...............................................147 TABLE 6.2: Distribution of members of the DCPU according to qualifications .................148 TABLE 6.3: Gender and Age distribution of members of the community............................148 TABLE 6.4: Impact of floods on the Livelihoods Assets .....................................................173 TABLE 6.5: Distinctive roles of members of the DCPU in Disaster Risk Management......183

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CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION AND ORIENTATION 1.0 Introduction Flood disasters have had a major impact on human life and develop ment (Stromberg, 2007), calling for greater attention from governments and their stakeholders. Development processes have been compromised by flood disasters, since flooding has the potential to result in damage to property, hardships to people through destroying their livelihoods and in extreme events, loss of life. On a yearly basis, floods retard development through claiming around 20 000 lives and impact on at least 20 million people around the world, mostly through causing homelessness (van Zyl, 2006). This study was concerned with the existence and the impact of flood hazards and disasters on the communities in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe. New methods that support and improve disaster risk management with a focus on preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from the flood phenomenon, would go a long way towards alleviating this social problem in the district. This chapter highlights the Background to the Problem, where an attempt was made to reveal the effects of flood disasters on human beings, their livelihoods, the economy, environment and infrastructure, resulting in huge losses. It is also in this Chapter where the Statement of the Problem is located, the problem identified and substantiated. The Purpose of the Study, the Research Aims, the Research Objectives, the Assumptions and the Significance of the Study are some o f the issues covered in the chapter. The Delimitation of the Study, which confined the study to Tsholotsho District, was also covered in the chapter. The Limitations of the Study, and these being the issues that impeded the smooth progress of the research were also dealt with. Finally, the Chapter dealt with issues to do with the Ethical protection of the respondents in order to increase the response rate.

1.1 Background to the Problem Floods are some of the most known and destructive natural hazards, that can cause extensive damage to infrastructure, the environment, livelihoods and devastation to human habitat or settlements thereby affecting development. According to Aletan, Martins and Idowu (2011) , losses due to floods reduce the asset base of households, communities and societies through

destroying standing crops, dwellings, infrastructure, machinery and buildings, in addition to - 1-

tragic loss of life. Flooding occurs when a body of water raises to overflow some land which is not usually submerged (Mukhopadhyay, 2010). Floods affect development through tens of thousands of fatalities, hundreds of thousands of injuries, and huge economic losses on annual basis (Stromberg, 2007), with such losses usually resulting from the physical contact of the flooding waters with any damageable property (Barredo, 2009). It is important to note that recurring losses from floods have hampered the economic progress of both developing and developed nations. When floods hit developed countries, their impact is almost the same as those experienced by developing or less developed countries. As for the developed countries, floods hit the city of Kempsey in Australia in 2001, causing 2.5 million dollars worth of damage (Gissing, 2003). Floods also seem to be a recurrent phenomenon in Southern Africa, and research has predicted their continued future occurrence (Lukamba, 2010; McDonald, 2013:1). The Cyclone Eline induced floods of 2000 affected the SubSaharan countries in the Zambezi Basin. These claimed the lives of more than 700 people, caused homelessness to more than 500 000 people and resulted in over US$1 billion damage to infrastructure (Wamukonya & Rukato, 2001). According to Below, Grover-Kopec and Dilley (2007), floods rank higher than any disaster when considering the number of people affected, hence the seriousness needed to deal with this kind of disaster.

As observed by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [UNOCHA] (2011), 40 people died and 6,000 were displaced due to flooding in the month of January 2011 in South Africa. During the same month, flash floods killed 11 people in Luanda Province in northern Angola, whilst in Lesotho floods resulting from heavy rains caused extensive crop and infrastructure damage. In Madagascar heavy rains were recorded in the city of Tulear in southern Madagascar in January 2011, resulting in floods that killed two people. All these were the negative effects of flood disasters, which threatened sustainable development through wiping out the development gains achieved over years in the affected areas. This natural phenomenon can destroy many years of human development effort and investment, thereby prompting new demands on communities towards rehabilitation and reconstruction.

Zimbabwe has not been spared by the floods. In Zimbabwe the impact of the Cyclone Eline induced floods of 2000 were the worst in many years. Their impact on the increased numbers of deaths was exacerbated by survivors who continued to suffer from lack of food stuffs and - 2-

water, compounded by an outbreak of malaria emanating from persistent mosquitoes that were breeding in the stagnant floodwaters (Gwimbi, 2007; Shumba, 2000). Tsholotsho District was one of the areas affected by the recent flooding events in Zimbabwe. The district shares its boundary with Plumtree District on the North, Lupane District on the South, Umguza District on the East and Hwange District on the West. The district consists of 22 wards and six Chiefdoms. These are under the jurisdictions of Chiefs Mathuphula, Mswigana, Ngqoya, Magama, Siphoso and Gampu. The district‘s area size is 7, 745.43 square kilometres and its human population is estimated at 115, 119 (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency [ZIMSTAT], 2012).

The communities in Tsholotsho District eke out their living mainly from subsistence farming, with maize, millet and sorghum being their major crop varieties. The district is located in the Zimbabwe ecological farming region five, this being the region that usually experiences less rainfall compared to other regions in the country. However since the turn of the new millennium, the district has been receiving a lot of rain, resulting in some areas flooding. Apart from growing maize, millet, sorghum, ground nuts and water melons, people in the district also derive their livelihoods from keeping livestock. The main types of livestock they keep include cattle, goats and donkeys. Cattle and donkeys are also used as draught power during the farming seasons. Cattle are also a source of income, as those who need money usually take their cattle to the markets for sale in order to supplement their incomes. According to Gandure, Drimie and Faber ibid, (2010), many families in the district have at least one person working in South Africa, and these send their remittances back home in order to help their relatives.

Apart from the crops and livestock, water sources also act as a form of livelihood in Tsholotsho District. The major sources of water in the district are boreholes, rivers and dams. However, the rivers and dams are fewer and usually dry up before the coming of the next rainy season as the district usually receives an average rainfall of 590 mm per annum (Ncube, 2007). However, since the year 2000, the district has been receiving improved levels of rainfall. These are the levels of rainfall that have resulted in the increased and persistent flooding in the district. The district has been experiencing some floods in almost every year, though with varying magnitudes. These floods have been occurring in low lying areas and in flood plains along the rivers. The geographical placement of Tsholotsho District on the map of Zimbabwe is as shown below (Figure 1.1). - 3-

Source: Google images (2013). Map of Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe, Retrieved 23 September 2013, from http://images.google.com/images?hl=EN&biw=1366&bih=677&gbv=2&tbs=isch:1&sa= 1&q=map+of+tsholotsho+district+in+zimbabwe&aq=f&aqi=&aql=&oq=&gs_rfai=

FIGURE 1.1: The Map of Zimbabwe showing the location of Tsholotsho District

Floods normally are short- lived occurrences that can be sudden and sometimes providing little warning or no warning at all (Ashwajit et al., 2015). They usually result from severe storms that can cause more run-off than an area or stream can hold within its normal capacity. Although there are many triggers to flood disasters, this study argues that human action is regarded as a major driver to flood disasters. As such, the study follows the Social constructionist theory which regards social problems, including flood disasters as human induced or socially constructed. Most flood disasters result from human-created vulnerabilities, which are an outcome of the interaction of humans with their environment such as designing and locating infrastructure, exploring natural resources and concentrating populations in given areas (Hualou, 2011). The Social constructionist theory in this study therefore, views human beings as being at the epicentre of many floods disasters. According to Action Aid International (2006), although flood hazards are natural, damage and losses emanating from floods occurrence are the consequences of human actions. This can be interpreted to mean that some people choose to settle where flood disasters are likely to - 4-

occur, thereby increasing their vulnerability to the flood hazard, yet they have no sound preparedness plans, and are not able to employ effective mitigation strategies to adequately respond to the hazard. There is therefore, a correlation between the impact of flood and the geographical settlement of communities located in the flood plains. It has been observed that natural hazards like floods have a potential to strike hardest on the poor people. Unavoidably, the marginalised groups are the ones that usually suffer most when flooding occurs (Gumbo, 2006; Gwimbi, 2009; Madamombe, 2004). These have limited capacity to deal with the hazards. Most vulnerable are usually women, the aged and children whose experience of the flood impact is most often severe compared to that experienced by men (Hanna, 2002). According to Gwimbi (2004), the relationship between the impact of flood and the geographical location has also resulted in crop damages, school drop outs, flooded human dwellings and illnesses, including death.

1.2

Problem Statement and Substantiation

This research focused on Tsholotsho District, which is located in Matabeleland North Province, South-West of Zimbabwe as its study site. River and flash floods have been occurring on a regular basis in Tsholotsho District and the floods have continued to intens ify every year. As such, the state of vulnerability to flood hazards, of people settled in the district is ever increasing. The most recent flooding events in the district were experienced as from year 2000. These have been occurring along the Gwayi River, Zombani River and Gariya dam in addition to flooding experienced in low lying areas. The seasonal bursting of the river banks has resulted in flooding of varied magnitude, leaving people and livestock marooned. Human settlements, infrastructure and livelihoods have also been heavily impacted. As such, this study is informed by the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework. This framework seeks to analyse and understand the livelihoods of the poor and to comprehend the complexity of development in rural settings (Chambers & Conway, 1992; Knutsson, 2006). The study also understands that the real problem of flooding in the district lies with the level of development undertaken by the communities. The study therefore views the problem of flooding in Tsholotsho as a social construct. Flooding in the district has affected human settlements in ward five that include villages of Tamuhla, Mkhethwa, Mahlaba, Mbanyana, Gumede and Shakiwa, villages which are precariously situated in a low lying area close to the rivers and dams. The study therefore believes that the problem of flood ing in the district is socially constructed or human induced because people have settled at places prone to flooding. The - 5-

researcher therefore, also adopted the Social constructionist theory to guide study. The theory was adopted because according to the Social constructionists‘ perspective, the nature of interaction between hazards and human activity is what causes disasters (Kromm & Sturgis, 2008). The theory views social problems as being constructed by people‘s attitudes and behaviour. In January 2013, some villages in ward six and situated far from the rivers were also affected. The worst affected were Magotsha, Jimila and Sawudweni villages (Sibanda, 2013:18). Other villages affected were those in ward eight that included Butabubili, Gariya, Dzokotsi, Mtshina, Sandawana, Sasedza and Kalave. In ward eight, which is a flat area, flooding is usually caused by the spilling of Gariya Dam, affecting most of the dominantly San community.

Enhancing preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from natural disasters such as floods, improves a community‘s state of readiness and resilience towards this phenomenon. As observed by Gandure, Drimie and Faber (2010), floods have been a recurrent occurrence in Tsholotsho District, resulting in loss of household property and important livelihoods that include crops, livestock, and roads, making this a source of concern to the government, its cooperating partners and the rural communities in the district. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework that the study adopted therefore makes it easy to understand the flood impact on community livelihoods and how the livelihoods‘ sustainability can be improved. Many villages in this part of Zimbabwe have been affected by the floods in many different ways, ranging from the destruction of property and livelihoods, to the depletion of the natural environment. This scenario justifies the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, as a theoretical framework to follow in the study. Natural disasters, especially flooding and drought, can impact directly and severely on rural communities in Zimbabwe (Gwimbi, 2007; Madamombe, 2004; Shumba, 2000). According to United Nations International Children‘s Emergency Fund [UNICEF] (2013), in Zimbabwe in January 2013 some bridges were swept away by floods, denying some children access to their schools in Tsholotsho District. The same floods rendered toilets at some homesteads and schools unusable due to the flood water. Satellite schools, these being temporary structures in rural areas for learning purposes, a nd huts were particularly vulnerable as they were made of pole and dagga. The inferior building materials used to construct structures further reinforce the Social constructionist theory, which regards human activities as contributing to disasters. The Ministry of Local Government and the DP Foundation had reported that between 266 and 299 homesteads were damaged in the district. UNICEF (2013) further noted that by February 2013, some 120 - 6-

families needed assistance. The February 2014 floods resulted in four people from Butabubili village, including a three year old baby, being hospitalised for the injuries sustained when the floods destroyed a total of 19 huts in the village and also affected pupils who failed to attend lessons at Butabubili Primary school (Dube & Chiwanga, 2014).

As a result of these devastating effects of flood disasters, the government and stakeholders should adopt a variety of intervention strategies meant to lessen the impact on the rural communities of Tsholotsho. Previous interventions, whose focus have been more on temporary relocation and provision of relied aid have proved to be inadequate as they have not saved the communities who are still faced with the same problem. For example, as a response to the February 2013 flooding events, a coordinated teamwork approach was adopted by the government and stakeholders. However, only food and Non-Foods Items (NFI) in the form of 100 full NFI packs, 300 Tarpaulins, 400 blankets and 120 food packs were given to 120 households, yet between 266 and 299 homesteads were affected by the floods (UNOCHA, 2013). Sound interventions related to the management of floods in the district, are what is needed in order to serve the communities and their livelihoods.

Although they have been getting relief aid, seemingly, people in the affected settlements are not capacitated with intervention measures to prevent, minimise the damage and effectively respond to the flood hazard. In order for a community to be more resilient, its members should have the capacity to recover should a disaster strike (Walker & Dolan, 2004). If the problem, which is characterised by lack of disaster preparedness, mitigation strategies, and response and recovery mechanisms, is not resolved, it means that the flood prone affected communities would continue to suffer. Their lives, livelihoods, property and the natural environment would continue to be at the risk of flood destruction. It is therefore, important that the Zimbabwean government, together with its co-operating partners and the vulnerable rural communities, evaluate their preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery mechanisms, and map out concrete intervention strategies in order to be able to deal with flood disasters and their aftermath. Such a move would result in the creation of livelihoods that are sustainable in the face of shocks and trends.

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1.3 Purpose of the Study Tsholotsho District has been experiencing intensification of severe flooding since the turn of the New Millennium. The past decade has seen a lot of destruction of infrastructure caused by floods that have also affected the livelihoods and the environment in the district. Floods have generally set back development in the district, destroying years of programming and development initiatives. Despite the communities‘ exposure to this hazard and eventually disaster, it seems little has been done to capacitate the relevant players so as to enhance their preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from this phenomenon. The failure to capacitate the relevant players to deal with flooding further confirms the problem as a social construct, thereby justifying the relevance of the Social constructionist theory in this study. The study sought to analyse the extent of damage and costs that the communities have incurred in the district as a result of the flood impact.

The purpose of this study was to also investigate elements within the district that are most at risk to flooding. It was the purpose of the study, to also help the different players with a mandate to manage hazards and disasters, so that they are capacitated with the suggested intervention strategies in order to help the communities in general, and the flood impacted people of Tsholotsho in particular. The study sought to do this through analysing the effectiveness of the past and current strategies that have been employed to improve flood preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery in the district. New strategies aimed at dealing with the social construction of flood disasters in the district and making livelihoods more sustainable, are what is needed. As such, the study intended to come up with new and meaningful intervention strategies that would be recommended for adoption by both the government and its players in order to adequately prepare for, mitigate and respond to the flood hazards and disasters. Lastly, the study aimed to develop a new model for managing disasters. It is envisaged that the same model might be adopted for managing flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District.

1.4 Aims of the Study The aim of the study was to develop a model for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters, with particular focus on Tsholotsho District, in Zimbabwe. Such a model is expected to make a significant contribution to existing knowledge, thereby leading to an improvement in the management of flood hazards and - 8-

disasters. As such, an attempt was made to get information concerning the frequency and magnitude of flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, as well as to document their impact on the communities. The information was used to determine the appropriate possible intervention strategies to be adopted against such hazards and disasters.

1.5

Objectives of the Study

The success of this study is hinged on its research objectives, which spelt out what the study intended to achieve. By achieving these objectives, it is hoped, the communities and stakeholders in Tsholotsho District would benefit from the study so that an improvement in the management of flood hazards and disasters is realised. The objectives of the study were to:1. Analyse the impact of the most recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District and the main factors contributing to flood disasters. 2.

Examine the nature of rural settlements, groups of people and people‘s livelihoods impacted by the flood most and the extent of the impact.

3. Analyse the reasons some communities have preferred to live with flood risk in flood prone areas, instead of moving to safer zones. 4. Examine the interventions that have been used to manage the past flood events, and factors militating against smooth disaster risk management (DRM) implementation. 5. Develop a new model for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from disasters, based on the Social constructionist theory which views problems as being socially constructed.

1.6

Research Questions

The study further attempted to answer the following questions, which it derived from the research objectives. The fulfilment of these objectives meant that the study successfully achieved its purpose. The research questions that guided the study were as follows:1. What was the magnitude of the impact of the most recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District, and what factors contributed to the disaste rs? 2.

Which rural settlements, groups of people and people‘s livelihoods were impacted by the floods most and what was the extent of the impact?

3. Why is it that some communities have preferred to live with flood risk in the flood prone areas, instead of moving to safer zones? - 9-

4. What interventions have been used to manage the past flooding events in the district, and what challenges have been faced in their implementation?

1.7 Assumptions of the Study Assumptions of the study concern issues that are perceived to be out of the researcher‘s control and if these may disappear, the study would seem irrelevant. Leedy and Ormrod (2010: 62) observed that, ―assumptions are so basic that, without them, the research problem itself could not exist.‖

In this study, there was an underlying assumption that the data collected was accurate and reflect the current conditions prevailing in the study area. Therefore, it was further assumed that the outcome of the research would help to properly manage the flood hazards and disasters in order to save the people‘s lives, property and livelihoods. There was also an assumption that the sample chosen for the study was representative of the views of the population in the district. To justify this assumption, the sampling method chosen was purposive, non-random and focused only on the affected communities that have experienced the flood phenomenon and affected by it in the district.

This study also focused on theoretical assumptions. The study assumed that the problem of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District is a socially constructed problem, because communities are interacting with flood hazards in a manner that amplifies their state of vulnerability. Because of the communities‘ failure to properly manage the flood hazards, flood disasters have resulted. This assumption buttresses the Social constructionists‘ view, that social problems are created by human beings in their interaction with the environment. In line with the Sustainable Livelihoods framework underpinning the study, another theoretical assumption was that flood disasters in the district had impacted heavily on community livelihoods of the poor. To prove these assumptions correct, this study was only confined to dealing with the flooding problem in Tsholotsho District. The last theoretical assumption was to effectively deal with flood hazards and disasters in the district, there was need for interventions that would focus on dealing with human behaviour. It was further assumed that the research instruments – an interview guide and a participant observation checklist would gather the necessary data. To ensure that the research got to the - 10 -

heart of the problem in Tsholotsho District and enabled the researcher to address the questions fully, a pilot study was performed in order to test the trustworthiness of the data and accuracy of the research instruments. There was also an important assumption that the research participants chosen for the study, would answer truthfully and honestly during data collection fieldwork. To achieve this, all the participants were assured of a high standard of confidentiality, and that anonymity was going to be preserved. Again, all the research participants were volunteers, who were free to withdraw at any given stage without ramifications.

1.8

Limitations of the Study

As was expected, the researcher encountered some limitations and challenges during the course of the study. These limitations had threatened to impede the smooth progress of the research project. As anticipated, the researcher was constrained in terms of time as he had to embark on extensive travelling in order to cover the whole study area, and to effectively fulfil the study objectives. To deal with this limitation, the researcher at times had to stay within the local communities, so that travelling to the flood prone areas was made easy.

Members of community in the areas affected by floods in Tsholotsho District do not often divulge important information in connection with flood hazards to strangers. At first, this researcher was viewed as a government official or representative who was on a mission to have the flood victims resettled. This suspicion resulted in them to initially refuse to participate in the study. However, the researcher explained the whole purpose of the research and also made available to them the university Release Letter and the university Identification Card. Confidentiality of their responses was also guaranteed and that their responses were only for study purposes. In the end, the participants understood the whole essence of the study and they agreed to participate in the interviews.

As part of the study, it was very important for the researcher to access some of the places affected by floods to interview members of communities and to also make proper onsite observations. However, the researcher found it difficult to access some of the flood prone areas, since the field work was also done during the rainy seasons. Some of the roads in the district were flooded, which rendered them difficult to manoeuvre by motor vehicle. This limitation was however countered by reaching some of the flooded places on foot, instead of - 11 -

using the motor vehicle. In some instances the researcher had to arrange with the local community leadership, so that they converged with their members at convenient places not affected by floods. The researcher would then carry out the interviews at those places and later visit the affected villages on foot to make observations.

Finally, since the study is highly qualitative with its scope limited to studying the impact of the flood phenomenon on members of the community in the district through their views, feelings, opinion and lived experiences, there is a great limitation that the findings and conclusions of the study may not be wholly generalisable. This may mean that the findings and conclusions are suggestive, contextualised and not definitive. However even though the findings are contextualised, the study has some aspects o f generalisability since it proposed a new model for managing disasters. The model can be applied in other settings affected by others disasters, as well as the flood phenomenon.

1.9 Significance of the Study This study is significant in that it was carried out in order to inform practice and policy. It attempted to come up with new possible interventions on how to carry out disaster preparedness, mitigation, response and recover from flood hazards and disasters. Disaster managers, the government, land resettlement officers, development planners and other stakeholders are expected to benefit from the new strategies. Disaster managers might adopt the new strategies in planning for and managing future flood hazards and disasters, while land resettlement officers and development planners might use the study as a guide in human settlement and site planning. The government, as civil protection policy- makers may benefit through using the outcomes of the study as a guide in the formulation of disaster risk management policy and policy implementation.

The researcher also envisages that the study would contribute improved preparedness, mitigation, response to and recovery from floods by the Civil Protection Unit (CPU), stakeholders and the affected communities. The study dealt with and attempted to address the current issues affecting the people of Tsholotsho who are living with risk and are prone to flood hazards and disasters. As a result, the communities in Tsholotsho might be empowered and armed with the necessary strategies, capacities and knowledge for getting themselves out of the dangers posed by flooding. The interventions and solutions for dealing with the - 12 -

adverse effects of the floods would not only benefit the Tsholotsho District communities, but other stakeholders as well. In this case, the study would achieve its significance to inform practice and policy.

The other significance of this study is the theoretical significance. The study came up with a new model that might help in improving disaster preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery – Action-Time based Disaster Model. The model might also be adopted and applied in the management of floods and related disasters in the area and elsewhere. As such, the study added value and contributed significantly to the existing body of knowledge in the area of disaster-risk management and other related disciplines. The academia world, disaster-risk reduction managers and development practitioners are also expected to benefit from this contribution to the body of literature, as they may use the new model in the management of future hazards and disasters.

There are two categories of the academia that are expected to benefit from the study. The first academic beneficiaries would be other researchers in same area of development. These are expected to gain more knowledge and insight in the field, since the study may be used as a source of reference in an academic enquiry. Apart from researchers in the same field of development, other academic beneficiaries who might benefit from this research are those from other disciplines such as disaster management, geography, sociology, rural and urban planning, and agriculture. Such academics might use the findings and recommendations to improve their knowledge in their own academic fields and for reference purposes when conducting research. For all the beneficiaries of this study to have access to the findings and recommendations, the finished product is disseminated through various forms. It may be found in the Midlands State University library and the university website as an online publication.

1.10 Delimitation of the Study The scope and focus of the study was Tsholotsho District in Matabeleland North Province, South-West of Zimbabwe, which was used as its boundary. The research was therefore, restricted to studying the flood impact through getting responses only from participants found within the district.

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The study restricted itself to obtaining data from the District Administrator‘s office in the Ministry of Local Government and Urban Development, this being a Ministry charged with the coordination role of all disaster risk management activities, as empowered by the Civil Protection Act, Chapter 10:06. This office of the DA chairs the District Civil Protection Unit (DCPU). The study further solicited for responses from other members of the DCPU in Tsholotsho, as these are charged with the responsibility for managing disasters at the district level. Responses from members of the DCPU were obtained from government departments and other institutions that make up the DCPU. In order to understand how the floods had impacted on the communities, the study delimited itself to getting responses from members of the community who had experienced the impact. Such participants included community leaders such as Chiefs, Headmen, Village heads, and other members who as expected, gave their invaluable information on how the flood disasters have impacted them and their livelihoods.

1.11 Ethical Protection of Respondents For this study to be a success, it was very important to have strict observance and adherence to research ethics. Ethical protection of respondents increased participation by the research subjects. Some of the ethical issues that were observed in this study include consent and confidentiality. These guaranteed the researcher with a lot of valuable information, including information on sensitive matters.

The researcher had in his possession, a University clearance authorising him to conduct the study which he produced to the participants. Permission to intervie w the research participants was also obtained from the community leaders, who also identified the right participants with relevant information to the researcher. Consent was then sought and obtained from members of the community who participated in the interviews. To increase their participation, members of the community were assured that all their responses were to be handled with utmost confidence.

The researcher also made sure that participation was voluntary and that no-one gave their information under duress. The participants were also assured that there would be no physical or psychological harm to those involved in the study, and that their identities would be kept

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private. Great assurance was made to the participants that information obtained from them was solely meant for the purposes of the research.

1.12 Conceptualisation of Terms This part of the chapter identified the terms that are common to the study. Such terms were used throughout the study and it was important therefore, to conceptualise them in order to make them relevant to the study.

Civil protection: is any service provided or measure taken for the purpose of preparing for, guarding against and dealing with any form of actual or potential disaster event (Government of Zimbabwe, 2001).

Community: According to Ife (2010), a community entails people acting together as a group, and the whole meaning more than the sum of its parts. Ife (2010) further states that a community is not just made up of individuals; such individuals also are part of a bigger picture, which has some greater meaning for members and for others. Development: The United Nations Development Programmes (UNDP)‘s new concept of development is human development, which is about broadening choices of human through focusing on the richness of human lives, rather than simply on the richness o f economies. People are the real wealth of nations, and human development focuses on enlarging people‘s choices (UNDP, 2015).

Disaster: Is a serious disruption of the functioning of a community, resulting in widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses, with such losses exceeding the ability of the affected communities in coping on their own resources (Brookings–Bern Project on Internal Displacement, 2011; Risk Shield, 2011; UNISDR, 2009b). It is viewed as a serious and sudden event, whose magnitude is that the affected communities would need extraordinary assistance to cope with the disaster, often with external assistance.

Disaster Risk Management (DRM): is basically the practice of trying to deal with disasters so as to minimise their negative effects on communities. It entails a range of complex

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interdependent activities involving many collaborating organisations (Bharosa, Lee, Janssen & Rao, 2012).

Flooding: The accumulation of water which may rise to overflow part of land which is not usually normally submerged (Mukhopadhyay, 2010). It is when water has overflowed and accumulated in areas where it is not wanted, that a flood becomes a hazard with a potential of causing danger in the form of damage to property, harm to human beings, and environmental degradation. Harm: According to Drew, Hardman and Hosp (2008: 64), harm may be defined to mean ‗extreme physical pain or death, but also involves such factors as psychological stress, personal embarrassment or humiliation, or myriad influe nces that may adversely affect the participants in a significant way‘.

Hazard: is referred to as a potentially damaging physical event, phenomenon or activity of human that may lead to loss of life or injury, damage to property, high social or economic disruption, or severe degradation of the environment (Kizilay, 2010). In the context of this study, a flood is a hazard. Livelihood: it is a means or way of getting a living. It entails people‘s capabilities, their assets, their income and their activities that are needed to secure the necessities of their daily life (DFID, 2010; Scoones, 2009). Mitigation: is the process of limiting of the negative impacts created by hazards and their related disasters (UNISDR, 2009b). It entails some structural and non-structural interventions put in place to minimise the adverse effects of natural hazards, environmental degradation and technological hazards (Van-Zyl, 2006).

Phenomenon: is an observable event or occurrence which is usually not man- made such a flooding. According to Steinberg (2000), a phenomenon is a chance event that is beyond the ability of human beings to control it, and the emphasis is to make nature the villain.

Preparedness: encompasses the human knowledge and capacities created by government bodies, response and recovery organisations, communities and to some extent individuals so - 16 -

that they effectively anticipate, respond to, and recover from, the negative effects of impending or existing hazards or adverse conditions (UNISDR, 2009b).

Recovery: entails minimising the long term impact of a flood disaster and the facilitation of restoration to human conditions that equally good, or better, compared to those that existed before disaster occurrence (Rao, Eisenberg & Schmitt, 2007). Response: activities towards flood disasters undertaken during and immediately after a flood disaster event (Altay & Green, 2006). Risk: is a combination of different factors of hazard + vulnerability x probability. It is the probability resulting from harmful consequences, or potential loss of lives, injury to people, damage to property, loss of livelihoods, disruption of economic activity or damage to environment, emanating from interactions between flood hazards and vulnerable/capable conditions (UNISDR, 2004).

Vulnerability: is viewed as the state of susceptibility to harm resulting from exposure to floods, associated with changes in the environmental and social context, and from the lack of capacity by communities to adapt to the hazard. Vulnerability is created by the presence of hazards, making vulnerability not only a function of exposure to the hazards. According to Acosta-Michlik and Espaldon (2008), conditions of vulnerability are also determined by human behaviour and cognition.

1.12 Organisation of the Study The thesis is organised into eight thematic chapters. The chapters range from Chapter 1 to Chapter 8. Chapter 1 is the introductory and orientation chapter, highlighting the background to the study and showing the devastating nature of flood disasters and their impact on the communities, their livelihoods, economy, environment and infrastructure. It is also in this chapter that the statement of the problem is located, the problem identified, described and substantiated. Chapter 1 also highlights the Purpose of the Study, the Research Aims, Objectives and Assumptions of the Study. The Significance of the Study, its Delimitations, Limitations and the Ethical Protection of Respondents are also outlined in the chapter. Chapter 2 focuses on Legal Framework and policy, where different pieces of legislation and policy guiding disaster risk management were examined. The Theoretical Framework - 17 -

informing the study, including various theories and models on disaster-risk management were discussed in Chapter 3. The chapter identified the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework and the Social constructionist theory as the theoretical underpinnings informing the thesis.

Chapter 4 is about review of the related literature. The Chapter reviewed the existing body of literature through analysing, discussing and critiquing the work of different authors amongst other things. It also focused on the impacts of flood disasters on communities, with special focus on human settlements, infrastructure, marginalised and vulnerable groups and livelihoods assets. Chapter 5 discussed how the empirical investigation to fulfil the research questions and objectives was carried out. It is in this chapter that the research design, research approach and research paradigm, and data collection methods used in the study are revealed. Chapter 6 is the presentation of the research findings and the empirical investigation. Text, tables, figures, and photographs were used for the presentation and illustration of the results. These results were then discussed and interpreted as the findings of the research. Chapter 7 presents a new model – the Action-Time based Disaster model, which the study showcases as new knowledge in the field. Chapter 8 wraps up the thesis by outlining the summary, conclusions and makes recommendations.

1.13 Concluding Remarks This Chapter is the introduction to the study. It is meant to introduce or orient the reader about the whole essence of the research with its special focus on flood hazards and disasters. The Chapter that follows focuses on the Legal Framework and policy informing disaster-risk management in Zimbabwe. It covers and discusses the legal framework as it applied before, during and after independent Zimbabwe.

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CHAP TER 2 LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND POLICY FOR MANAGING DISASTERS 2.0 Introduction The previous Chapter was the introduction and orientation chapter. It revealed the Background to the Study, the Statement of the Problem, the Purpose of the Study and the Research Aims. The Chapter also discussed the Research Objectives, the Assumptions of the Study and the Significance of the Study. The Delimitation of the Study, its Limitations and issues to do with then Ethical protection of the respondents were also highlighted in the previous chapter. This chapter focuses on the Legal Framework and Policy guiding disaster risk management activities in Zimbabwe. It examines some pieces of legislation for dealing with emergencies and disasters, as contained in the Lancaster House Constitution and the new Constitution of Zimbabwe, which came into effect in year 2013. The Legal Framework is relevant to the study, as it highlights the legal issues that give direction for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters.

2.1 Legal Framework and Policy for Disasters Countries with sound and successful disaster risk management systems have some pieces of legislation that give them direction in managing disasters. This continuously strengthening of national disaster risk management systems by countries through legislation has been anchored on lessons learnt from previous disaster events within and from outside countries (Amini-Hosseini & Hosseinioon, 2012; Ikeda, 2012). Ishiwatari (2013) notes that Japan one of the countries considered effective in managing disasters in Asia, has the Disaster Countermeasures Basic Act in place as part of its legislation. This Act was enacted in 1961, following a huge wave of disaster event in Nagoya in 1959, which resulted in above 5,000 deaths. The framework of the Act covers the roles and mandates of both national and local governments, including communities, as well as the details of plans for disaster-risk management, institutions and countermeasures; and relevant platforms at both national and local levels (Ishiwatari, 2012).

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According to Van Niekerk (2006), South Africa‘s Disaster Management Act of 2003, is considered as one of the best international practices in Disaster Risk Management (DRM) legislations. From Van Niekerk‘s observation, the Act was promulgated by closely exa mining the current international laws in order to come up with a comprehensive and relevant legal framework. This framework was born out of a broad stakeholder consultation and policy configuration, encompassing government organisations, players in the private sector, organisations in the civil society, community-based organisations, research institutions, as well as the academia in the 1990s (Ishiwatari ibid, 2013). Other well advanced countries with enabling disaster risk management statutes in place, include Singapore (Civil Defence Act of 1986), Thailand (Disaster Prevention and Mitigation Act of 2007), Nepal (Disaster Relief Act of 1982), India (Disaster Management Act of 2005), and the People‘s Republic of China, which has more than 30 laws and regulations, including the Disaster Prevention and Protection Act (Ishawatari ibid, 2013).

The concept of disaster-risk management or disaster-risk reduction is not a new practice in Zimbabwe. This practice goes back to the colonial era, when the government would enact appropriate pieces of legislation which would guide responses to emergencies and disasters. Various pieces of legislation to manage disasters and emergencies in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia), were enacted during the colonial hegemony of 1890 to 1980. The major ones being the Native Reserves Forest Produce Act of 1928, The Natural Resources Act of 1941, The Forest Act of 1948, the Land Husbandry Act of 1951, and The Parks and Wildlife Act of 1975. All these Acts had their focus towards mitigating environmental disasters.

The Native Reserves Forest Produce Act of 1928 was enacted to provide for the regulation of timber concessions to then native reserves; for the prohibitions on tree felling for any purposes other than that of subsistence; and for the protection of felling certain tree species (Madondo, 2000). The Natural Resources Act of 1941 provided for the creation of the Natural Resources Board, which it vested with wide and sweeping powers to regulate the area of environmental care and conservation (Whande, Kepe & Murphree, 2003). The Forest Act of 1948 provided the state forestry agency with powers to regulate the exploitation of local hardwood timber by peasants in their areas (Mukwada, 2006). On realising that ecological disasters were occurring in the African reserves, the colonial government also came up the Land Husbandry Act of 1951. Through this Act, the colonial government wanted to protect natural resources in the African reserves (Sagay, 2010). It was meant to be a panacea to the - 20 -

ecological disasters in the country (Makanyisa, Chemhuru & Masitera, 2012). The Parks and Wildlife Act of 1975 sought to control access to animal resources as well as to conserve them.

There was also The Emergency Powers Act, 1960, of Southern Rhodesia. According to San (2010:7), the Act ‗enabled the Governor to proclaim a state of emergency, which could remain in force for three months only‘. Whilst the proclamation was in force, the State would make regulations for the summary arrest or detention of any person. However, this Act like any other Act promulgated during the colonial era, was suppressive to the blacks of Southern Rhodesia. It focused mainly on law and order maintenance in the country and the arrest and detention of the citizens. The dawn of independence in Zimbabwe in 1980 therefore, necessitated an era with re-aligned laws; laws with a direct focus on disaster risk and emergency management issues and without colonial connotations.

Therefore at independence, the Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) showed great commitment and took a defining step by enacting the first two major statutes, which it hoped would create a good environment for managing disasters and emergencies. These were the Civil Defence Act of 1982, and Civil Protection Act of 1989. The government also committed itself by enacting other supporting pieces of legislation - the Environmental Management Act, Chapter 20:27, as well as the Rural District Councils Act, Chapter 29:13. Government also amended the Parks and Wildlife Act of 1975 (in 1982), and the Forestry Act, of 1948 (in 1982). The GoZ also established an institutional framework and appropriate policies for disaster risk management activities. This step was meant to ensure that there is a movement away from the erstwhile approach which was centred on relief, to a more focused one which centred on preparedness, prevention and mitigation. This shift was meant to conserve developmental gains and minimise losses to life, property and livelihoods.

The idea by the GoZ, to have an enabling legislation in place to support disaster management activities was a step in the right direction. According to UNISDR (2007b), legislative and governmental systems in a country provide the platform for sound plans and proper organisation in areas of disaster risk management. Since Zimbabwe is prone to various types of disasters, it was therefore prudent for the country to have such legislation. This move was also supported at the Hyogo Framework for Action [HFA] conference on Disaster Risk Reduction, part of whose identified key activities is that national institutions and legal - 21 -

frameworks should ―adopt, or modify where necessary, legislation to support disaster risk reduction, including regulations and mechanisms that encourage compliance and that promote incentives for undertaking risk reduction and mitigation activities‖ (UNISDR, 2005b). Without a proper legal framework, disasters in the country would be managed haphazardly and posing a danger of worsening situations in the country.

2.1.1

Civil Defence Act of 1982 and Civil Protection Act of 1989

Following its independence from Britain on 18 April 1980, the GoZ adopted the Lancaster House Constitution. This Constitution had been used to deal with any forms of emergency or disasters before independence. As noted by Chikoto and Sadiq (2012: 7), after independence the GoZ came up with relevant legislation and policy to guide national disaster management systems. The first legislation passed was the Civil Defence Act of 1982. In that Act, civil protection was explained a service or measure taken for the purposes of preparing for, guarding against, and dealing with any occurring or potential disaster (Government of Zimbabwe, 1989).

The Act was later repealed and the Civil Protection Act, Chapter 10:06 came into existence in 1989. There were reasons which necessitated the repeal of the Civil Defence Act of 1982. Before independence, Zimbabwe was a colony of Britain and disaster risk management was referred to as civil defence. As observed by Bongo et al., (2013), one of the reasons behind the Act‘s repeal was that the civil defence concept was viewed as having a militaristic bias since it was enacted during Zimbabwe‘s war of liberation to serve some interests of a small group of white population. This evolution and development of the concept of disaster risk management, from civil defence to civil protection also led to the Civil Protection Act of 1989 being enacted (Government of Zimbabwe, 1989). The repeal of the Civil Defence Act of 1982 was also as a result of an attempt to domesticate international human rights and environmental conventions, as well as to adopt the international best practices for disaster risk management through the Draft National Disaster Risk Management Policy document (Government of Zimbabwe, 2011). In other words, the civil protection‘s view of disasters is wide since it also incorporates natural events, unlike civil defence which seemed more focused on the defence of the nation and complex emergences. Although there are some positive changes in the approach to disasters from the civil protection concept in Zimbabwe, nevertheless, there are some gaps that could still be covered.

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According to the Civil Protection Act of 1989, in emergency situations the Civil Protection System activated the available national resource base, including the creation of a National Civil Protection Fund. As specified in this Act, where the government had limited or inadequate resources, the state president would make a declaration of national disaster so that regional and international resources would be made available. Whilst the definition of ‗civil protection‘ remained intact, S.2, Part I, of the current Civil Protection Act, Chapter 10:06, of 1989 refers to a disaster as any of the following (Chikoto & Sadiq, 2012 : 8):  Natural disaster, major accident or other event howsoever caused; or  Destruction, pollution or scarcity of essential supplies; or  Disruption of essential services; or  Influx of refugees; or  Plague or epidemic or disease; that threatens the life or well-being of the community.

2.2 The Department of Civil Protection and its role In Zimbabwe, the National Policy for Civil Protection states that it is the responsibility of every citizen to assist in where possible, to prevent or minimise the adverse effects of a disaster (Bongo et al., 2013). As provided for in Civil Protection Act, Chapter 10:06, national government is mandated to initiate hazard and disaster risk reduction measures through the use of relevant Ministries. The responsibility for implementing then lies with the local administration.

Enactment of the Civil Protection Act, Chapter 10:06 under the Lancaster House Constitution resulted in the formation of the Department of Civil Protection (DCP), which falls within the Ministry responsible for Local Government, Rural and Urban Development. This Department implements all the disaster preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery programmes initiated by the government (Chikoto, 2004; UNISDR, 2005a). According to UNISDR (2005a), the Department is mandated to coordinate all response efforts towards disasters. Overall, the DCP‘s tasks encompass the mobilisation of resources in anticipation of dealing with emergencies and disasters of high magnitude (Bongo et al., 2013). Apart from disseminating information related to disaster risk management, the department is also involved in coordinating the training of civil protection officers at national, provincial, and district levels.

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It was a noble idea by GoZ to set up a department that looks at the coordination of plans towards disaster risk management events in Zimbabwe. The country followed footprints of developed countries, whose focus is to manage disasters through establishing departments. South Africa‘s Disaster Management Act of 2003 established a National Disaster Management Centre (NDMC), which is a focal point of agency. Nishikawa (2010) notes that the attacks by terrorists in September 11, 2001 in the United States of America (USA) generated a major governmental reorganisation there and necessitated the birth of the Department of Homeland Security. The establishment of this Department came about also after the realisation that the Federal of Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) of 1979, which was then the only body, mandated with responding to disasters was an imperfect system (Mener, 2007). This was after FEMA was heavily criticised for failing to deal with Hurricane Katrina which hit Florida in 2005. As Hay (2009) points out, most of the countries in Asia and the Pacific decided to come up with national disaster risk management offices to function as independent agencies. Thailand has maintained its Disaster Management Department, while Indonesia established a National Disaster Management Agency, complemented by local agencies located all over the country.

However, some countries have taken major strides by creating ministries for the purposes of coordinating disasters. Bangladesh became the first nation in South Asia to create a ministry responsible for disaster risk management (ADPC, 2007). Japan also went a step further and created the Ministry of Disaster Management in a bid to strengthen its coordinating power. According to Sarafyan, Azaryan and Khachikyan (2009), the government of Armenia set up the Ministry of Emergency Situations (MES). The MES is the authorised body responsible for dealing with all disaster risk management issues in that country. This Ministry is charged with developing, implementing, as well as, coordinating government‘s policy in the area of civil defence and protection of the citizens in disaster situations. Sri Lanka, like Japan, established the Ministry of Disaster Management, after merging its disaster management centre with its meteorological department (Gopalakrishnan & Okada, 2007). The setting up of the Civil Protection Department in Zimbabwe was therefore, a worthy cause. However, having a Ministry responsible for disasters is more ideal than a department. Government ministries are usually more resourced, independent and better coordinated than departments, which are usually controlled by parent ministries. Currently, the Civil Protection Department in Zimbabwe can neither formulate policy nor make regulations. These are done - 24 -

by Cabinet and the Ministry responsible for Local Government and Urban Development (MLG & UD). A country like Zimbabwe, which has been experiencing different types of disasters in recent decades, it would be ideal to have a stand-alone ministry responsible for disaster management. The MLG & UD is currently mandated with many tasks, some of which have nothing at all to do with civil protection or disaster risk management. 2.2.1

Structure of Zimbabwe Civil Protection System

Figure 2.1 represents the Structure of the Civil Protection S ystem in Zimbabwe. Betera (2013) observes that the existing civil protection system makes use of the available Government departments, private organisations, and Non- governmental organisations whose activities entail disaster-risk reduction, as well as community development.

PARLIAMENT (Legislative Assembly) PRESIDENT (Head of State) CABINET (Policy Formulation) _________________________________________________________________ 1

2

MLG&UD

3

4

5

6

7

Sector Ministries/Departments/

8

9

10...

UN, REDCROSS, NGO

Parastatals

Representatives

Source: Betera, L. (2013). Overview of disaster risk management and vulnerability, Department of Civil Protection: Harare.

FIGURE 2.1: The Zimbabwe Civil Protection System Structure

Top in the hierarchy of the Civil Protection System (Figure 2.1) is Parliament, which is responsible for the enactment of appropriate legislation for managing disasters in Zimbabwe. The President, who is also the Head of State comes after Parlia ment and is vested with powers to declare the state of disaster. After the President is the Cabinet whose mandate is policy formulation, which policies guide in carrying out disaster risk management plans and activities. The Local Government and Urban Deve lopment ministry coordinates all disaster risk reduction activities, whose implementation is done by sector ministries, government departments, United Nations agencies, representatives of Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the Red Cross Society. The structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System has some weaknesses, which bring in some challenges during implementation. One of the - 25 -

weaknesses of the structure is that it puts the President, who is the Head of State, below Parliament. The Act then invests in the President, powers to make a declaration of a state of disaster in the country, a function that the President can perform without having to consult Parliament. As such, this structure makes the Parliament ineffective and docile as far as disaster issues in the country are concerned. The structure of the Civil Protection System in Zimbabwe also delays flow of information from the ministry responsible for disasters, to the President. According to this structure, the Local Government, Rural and Urba n Development ministry is supposed to pass the information first to the Cabinet, which then passes it to the President. In case the President is to declare an event to be a national disaster, such pronouncement would be delayed.

2.2.2

The Zimbabwean structure, compared with structures in advanced nations

More loopholes of the structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection system may be revealed by comparing it with structures of countries that are considered to be effective in terms of disaster risk management. This study draws comparisons and contrasts between the Zimbabwean structure and the structures in Afghanistan, Japan and the Philippines. These are some of the countries considered to be effective in managing disasters. Figure 2.2 represents the disaster management system structure in Afghanistan (Government of Afghanistan, 2003).

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Source: Government of Afghanistan. (2003). National Disaster Management Plan. Department for Disaster Preparedness: Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan.

FIGURE 2.2: Structure of the Afghanistan Disaster Management System

It can be observed that unlike the Zimbabwean Civil Protection System (Figure 2.1) which is headed by parliament, the Afghanistan Disaster Management System (Figure 2.2) is headed by the President of the country. This makes the President to be in great command and control of disaster activities in the country and this is perhaps the main reason why the Afghanistan government has an effective system of disaster risk management. Whilst in Zimbabwe the President should consult the Parliament as demanded by the structure, in the Afghanistan structure, the President does not consult anyone before making any decisions related to the management of disaster risk. The Department of Disaster Preparedness acts as a stand-alone entity in Afghanistan and reports directly to the President. This is in contrast to the Zimbabwean situation, where the Department of Civil Protection is under a ministry which has no direct communication with the President. This arrangement makes the Zimbabwean structure less effective in information flow and decision making, whilst the Afghanistan structure provides room for quicker movement of information and passing of major decisions.

Despite the differences in the two structures, some similarities also exist. Both structures cascade from national level, through provincial level and down to district level. At all the three levels, both the Zimbabwean and the Afghanistan structures show involvement of line ministries and Non-Governmental Organisations. However, the Afghan structure goes further to involve villages and individual households making it more effective. This means that disaster risk management in Afghanistan can be managed from household and community levels through Village Development Councils (VDC), also known as Village Shuras (Government of Afghanistan, 2003). This community-based structure for managing disasters in the Afghanistan may be the most viable means for managing flood hazards and disasters in communities, such as those in Tsholotsho District.

There are also some major differences between the structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System and that of Japan‘s Disaster Management System (Figure 2.3). These differences are noted when comparing the two structures.

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Source: Nazarov, E. (2011). Emergency response management in Japan, ADRC.

FIGURE 2.3: Outline of Japan‘s Disaster Management System According to Nazarov (2011), the structure of Japan‘s Disaster Management System is headed by the Prime Minister, who also is the Head of State. This structure (Figure 2.3.) is different from the one in Zimbabwe, where the President comes after parliament. The Japanese structure also cascades downwards to the residents‘ level, while in Zimbabwe it ends at the district level. Municipalities are also part and parcel of the Japan‘s Disaster Management System. The scenario makes the Japan Disaster Management System more effective as it involves city fathers, such as mayors, town clerks and councillors in disaster risk reduction issues. At the prefectural (provincial) level, the Japan structure is headed by the Governor whilst the Zimbabwe structure is headed by the Provincial Administrator, with the Minister of State responsible for Provincial Affairs being the patron. A Provincial Governor - 28 -

or Minister of State responsible for Provincial Affairs, because of political influence, would be more effective as a leader like in Japan than as a patron, such as the case in Zimbabwe. Thus, the arrangement in the Japan structure makes it more effective compared to the one in Zimbabwe.

The Philippines is also one of the nations whose disaster risk management system seems to be effective. While in Zimbabwe disasters are the province of the Department of Civil Protection, the Philippines scenario shows that they are coordinated by the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC). Porcil (2009), states that the NDCC is the bod y responsible for policy making, coordination and supervision of disaster risk management activities at the national level in the Philippines. This body also feeds back to the president on issues concerning the state of national disaster readiness as well as on the management plan. It can also recommend to the president to declare a state of disaster and the release of funds to support the calamity as may be necessary. This situation makes the roles and mandate of the NDCC differ from those of Department of Civil Protection in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean body does not make any disaster risk management policies. It also does not advise the President about the status concerning disaster preparedness in the country. All these weaknesses make the Department of Civil Protection ineffective in the discharge of its mandate.

In Chapter 7, this study presents a refined Civil Protection System structure for Zimbabwe, to include elements from the structures of Afghanistan, Japan and the Philippines, countries with seemingly progressive administrative structures (Figure 7.2). It is hoped that by combining these elements, the Civil Protection System in Zimbabwe would be more effective.

2.3

The Organisation of Civil Protection in Zimbabwe

In Zimbabwe, Civil Protection is organised mainly in three levels namely, the national, provincial and district levels. Stakeholders at these levels are mandated to make plans for disasters, such as operational plans focusing on disaster preparedness and response. Such plans should be implemented whenever a disaster occurs (Government of Zimbabwe, 2001; UNISDR 2005a). In order to aid the planning process, the DCP appoints officers for civil

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protection at both the provincial and district levels so that they mediate between the two levels of government and that of the national government level (Interworks, 1998).

As far as the national level is concerned, the Minister responsible for Local Government, Rural and Urban Development chairs the National Civil Protection Directorate (NCPD), at the provincial level, the Provincial Administrators have powers to chair the Provincial Civil Protection Committees (PCPCs), and at the district level, it is the District Administrators who lead the District Civil Protection Committees (DCPCs). As asserted by Chikoto and Sadiq (2012), the law requires that the NCPD be composed of players who would get involved and act during disaster response in some form of capacity. Despite the fact that the Department of Civil Protection is chaired by the Director, its committee members have a duty to give advice and assist the Director in planning and implementing of measures that see the establishment, maintenance, and realisation of effective civil protection operations (Government of Zimbabwe, 2001). These actors are also engaged in a strategic nature, in that it becomes convenient to get their support during disaster situations or events. Usually when activated, the response teams may amongst other actors, comprise the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ) with its air support services, the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) with its water divers (sub-aqua), as well as the Fire Brigade. However, the nature of support needed would depend on the disaster situation.

Madamombe (2004) claims that by the year 2003, there were already plans in place to replace the DCP with the Department of Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Management, following the anticipated enactment of the Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Management Act, which it was envisaged, would replace the Civil Protection Act. In 2007, the GoZ compiled the first draft of its National Disaster Risk Management Policy. Following some wide consultations and stakeholders input, the draft was in 2011 revised (Government of Zimbabwe, 2011). The revised draft of the 2011 edition was distributed to relevant key stakeholders for final input before the draft is possibly, finally adopted. For the expedience of the policy framework in Zimbabwe, the government hired a consultant in June 2012 to assist on the finalisation of the policy framework. By 2013, the work of the consultant was still in progress.

However, it seems the idea of replacing the DCP with the Department of Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Management, and that of renaming the Civil Protection Act, by - 30 -

replacing it with proposed Emergency Preparedness and Disaster Management Act, would not improve Zimbabwe‘s approach towards disasters. As long the proposed Department still remains under the Ministry of Local government and not as a separate entity, its effectiveness would still be compromised. There would still be dela ys in information flow from the Department to the President should the need arise to declare a state of disaster or emergency in the country. This is so because the department would still adhere to the hierarchy of the structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System. A Ministry responsible for disaster risk management action plans would be more ideal than a department, considering that in Zimbabwe a Minister is both a member of Cabinet and Parliament. As such, a Minister is empowered to make regulations, influence putting in place disaster risk management policies and related pieces of legislation.

2.3.1

Environmental Manage ment Act, Chapter 20:27

The Environmental Management Act gives platform for the creation of the Environmental Management Agency (EMA), it being an agency that the Act empowers to monitor the environment, its use and oversee its management in Zimbabwe (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002a). Part IX of the Act is concerned with quality standards of the environment. Added to that, the Act‘s first schedule goes on to list protection measures required for Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) prior to implementation (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002a). Underpinning EIAs is the precautionary principle (PP); the polluter- pays principle and adaptive management.

The PP and the polluter-pays principle can be viewed as being related (De Sadeleer, 2003). Cooney (2004) observes that both these principles have their aims focusing on environmental protection and reflect a positive shift in the environmental law, at a time at which the law seems to be addressing harm to the environmental. For instance, the PP involves anticipative law, which averts unknown and uncertain threats to the environment; whilst the polluter-pays principle is part of reactive law, which addresses harms that have already happened. United Nations Organisation for Education, Science and Culture [UNESCO] (2005) strongly argues that the environment cannot regulate its own use, and therefore, it has to be assisted in dealing with the damage caused upon it by activities of human beings. The GoZ therefore, appropriately directed the economic costs by requiring those polluting the environment, to pay the costs for causing pollution to the environment. The one polluting the environment has to pay a gazetted fine under the EMA Act. The coming in of the PP has resulted in a move - 31 -

away from the reactive post damage control, to the proactive level of a pre-damage control of risks (UNESCO, 2005).

According to the EMA Act, adaptive management is a vital component within the wider framework of the ecosystem approach in environmental management (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002a). Since the ecosystem approach usually involves a lot of risk-averse and precautionary management, it is frequently argued that considering prevailing uncertainties regarding ecosystem structure, function, and inter-specific interactions, precaution calls for an ecosystem instead of a single-species approach towards management (Briggs, 2008; Myhr & Myskja, 2011).

By coming up with the EMA Act, the GoZ showed good foresight and vision. This Act helps to protect the environment, thereby mitigating the impact of environmental hazards, let alone preventing disasters. For instance, if environmental laws that prohibit the controlled cutting down of trees and proper land use are observed, the impact of flood hazards and disasters on the communities would be minimised.

2.3.2

Rural District Councils Act, Chapter 29:13

This Act gives platform towards the administration of Rural District Councils (RDCs). The Act has bestowed custodianship of natural resources to be under the control of local authorities. According to Part X of the Act, powers and duties of RDCs are clearly spelt out. In Section 71, the Act empowers the RDCs to carryout various issues that are outlined in the first schedule of the Act (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002b). It can be observed that most of these issues have a strong bearing on disaster risk management through the environmental conservation. For instance, councils are called upon to adopt measures towards regulation of farming and pollution. According to the Act, RDCs are empowered to make by- laws and to also conserve their natural resources. Such by-laws, according to the RDC Act, may be enacted with taking into account issues such as amenities and facilities, water pollution, the management of effluent and solid waste and the removal of vegetation (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002b).

The RDC Act is a piece of legislation that cannot be dispensed with. By regulating farming activities, this Act also prohibits ploughing down the slopes and on flood plains. Such

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activities can lead to the destruction of livelihoods includ ing crops, in the event that flooding occurs.

2.3.3

Forestry Act, Chapte r 19:09

The Forestry Act creates a Commission (Forestry Commission) responsible for the control, administration and management of forest resources (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002c). The Commission‘s main purpose is to protect private forests, including trees and forest produce, and also to control and regulate the burning of standing vegetation (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002c). These activities are carried out in order to conserve the flora, which often is damaged either through indiscriminate cutting down of trees or through uncontrolled burning. In Part VIII, the Act discusses the control of fires, as well as the burning of vegetation (Government of Zimbabwe, 2002c). This Act complements the Environmental Management Act, Chapter 20:27, as well as issues covered in the Rural District Councils Act Chapter, 29:13. The major focus for all the three pieces of legislation is that of the conservation and the preservation of the environment.

The Forestry Act, if properly enforced may reduce deforestation and prevent the occurrence of flood disasters. For instance, where vegetation has been removed, the vulnerabilities of communities, their property and livelihoods to flood hazards would be increased because of running water. This Act is therefore, of great necessity, and may be complemented by planting trees in flood prone areas in order to prevent the free flow of running water.

2.4

The New Constitution of Zimbabwe

The new Constitution of Zimbabwe, which came into effect in year 2013, also recognises the need to deal with emergences and disasters in the country (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013). In Section 213 (2) (c), the new Constitution, gives the President authority to deploy the Defence Forces in Zimbabwe in a move to support the Police Service and other recognised civilian bodies in the event of an emergency situation or disaster event (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013). The four pieces of legislation, that is, the Civil Protection Act Chapter 10:06, the Environmental Management Act Chapter 20:27, the Rural District Councils Act Chapter 29:13, and the Forestry Act Chapter 19:09, which were all enacted under the Lancaster House Constitution, remained in force under the New Zimbabwe Constitution. Under the current Constitution, the Civil Protection System structure in Zimbabwe also - 33 -

remained the same. The mandate of the Department of Civil Protection, roles of the National Civil Protection Directorate, roles of the Provincial and District Civil Protection Committees have also remained unchanged.

2.4.1

Shortcomings of the New Constitution

As far as the management of disasters and emergencies in Zimbabwe is concerned, the New Constitution of Zimbabwe did not bring any improvement. There still is no Ministry entirely charged with the management of disasters in Zimbabwe. Disasters are still coordinated by the Local Government ministry, through the DCP. This Ministry has many tasks which it performs, including housing, rural and urban development; tasks that have no direct link to disaster risk management. By retaining the Lancaster House structure of the Civil Protection System, it also means that there would be delayed information flow, from the Department of Civil Protection to the President for a possible declaration of the state of disaster, since information would go via the Ministry first. Whenever the President declares the state of disaster in Zimbabwe, he does that without consulting Parliament, although the current structure in the Civil Protection System shows the position of the President to be below that of Parliament. Taking all these issues into consideration, the New Constitution contributes little improvement to the legal framework for managing disasters and emerge ncies in Zimbabwe.

2.4.2 A critique of the Current Civil Protection Act The current legislation guiding disaster risk management activities in Zimbabwe has its shortcomings. The Civil Protection Act Chapter 10:06, in Part I (2), empowers the Minister of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development to administer the Act, and also to coordinate all disaster risk activities in the country. It is clear that the Minister running this portfolio has other issues to focus on, some of which are not connected to c ivil protection or disaster risk management issues. As such, civil protection or disaster risk management issues may at times be neglected or overlooked. Section 4 (1) of the Act, establishes the National Civil Protection Committee, which consists of one Director, who shall be the chairman; the Secretary for Health; the Commissioner General of Police; Commanders responsible for various branches in the Zimbabwe Defence forces; Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Red Cross Society; the Commissioner General of Prisons and Correctional Services; the Civil Aviation Director; and a representative of fire brigades. The functions of the Committee include among others, giving advice and assisting the Director in planning and implementing - 34 -

measures that lead to the establishment, maintenance and effective operation of civil protections. Of note, is that the composition of the committee leaves out representatives of various Non-governmental organisations operating in the country. These representatives have invaluable experience in managing disasters and ignoring their contribution would amount to doing a disservice to the communities. Part VI, section 20(1) of the Civil Protection Act, states that volunteers who want ―to serve in a civil protection organisation for the protection area‖, need to first of all, make an application to the civil protection officer responsible for the area. Such procedure is likely to face challenges, due to the fact that some disasters are of a rapid-onset in mature. Such disasters usually occur with little or no notice. Therefore, time taken to make an application to volunteer one‘s services, may not be desirable at the expense of serving life and property. Part VIII, section 27(1) enunciates the powers for declaring the state of disaster to t he President. According to section 28, the Minister has a mandate to communicate the declaration to Parliament, on its next sitting after the declaration is made (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013). The weakness of the Act in this regard is that, the state of d isaster would not be immediately communicated to Parliament unless it has sat early. Otherwise, there would be some delay in passing of information to Parliament.

2.5

Concluding Remarks

This Chapter analysed the Legal Framework and policy governing disas ter risk management activities in Zimbabwe. It scrutinised the Civil Protection Act, being the Act which constitutes the Civil Protection Department and structure of the Civil Protection System in the country. A comparison was then made between the structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System and structures in nations whose systems are considered to be effective. Lastly, a comparison was also made between the Lancaster House constitution and the new Constitution of Zimbabwe. The Chapter that follows focuses on Theoretical Framework that this study followed. The aim of the chapter is to discuss, analyse and critique the framework and theories common in the field of disaster risk management.

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CHAP TER 3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 3.0

Introduction

Chapter 3 outlines the theoretical focus of the study. It starts by examining the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework used by the Department for International Development (DFID), which is the theoretical framework used to guide the study. The study also examines the Social Constructionist theory, which was adopted to provide some discussion and argument pertaining to the flood problem. Other theories and some models which are common in the area of disaster risk management are also discussed. Such theories include Chaos theory and Complexity theory. Models that are examined in this chapter include Kelly‘s Circular Model and Kimberly‘s four phases Model. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, the theories and the models form the foundation of the research and are subject to modifications in order to agree with the requirements of the study. The chapter is significant in that it broadens the understanding of the management of the flood phenomenon from the theoretical perspective. It also helps to fill the identified theoretical research gap that the study intends to cover.

3.1 Framework, Theories and Approaches to Disaster Risk Management Flood disasters impact heavily on livelihoods, destroying lives, infrastructure, and land, disrupting businesses and leading to disintegration of societies. These represent the human, physical, natural, financial and social capitals of the communities. The context of development has a focus on sustainable livelihoods, which are also connected to Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) activities such as risk assessment, prevention, preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery. In order to enhance our understanding of disasters and improve on the DRR activities, conceptual frameworks, theories and models have been used in the area of disaster risk management. These tools structure thinking and action about a problem, and they provide a rationale, to justify decisions and explain findings (Ilott et al., 2013). The definition of a theory has been the subject of debate for many researchers (Gelso, 2006; Henderikus, 2007). According to Udo-Akang (2012), theory may point to a determining law, or systems of laws such as those used in the natural sciences, or a set of constructs for ordering and understanding a phenomenon. It also represents the conditions preferred by - 36 -

academics, which they try to promote in order to improve our understanding of events surrounding us. It is a set of concepts, definitions, and propositions that are interrelated and that present a view of situations or events systema tically by specifying correlations among variables, so as to explain and predict those situations or events (Glanz, Rimer & Viswanath, 2008). It is a road map that gives direction to disaster managers so that they orient themselves and manage to deal with phases of disaster events. Anfara and Mertz (2006) add that theories are a framework, or the lens, used by researchers to plan and carry out their studies. According to Gay and Weaver (2011: 27), theory is grounded in the nuances of everyday life and these give a meaning and significance to many stakeholders.

The field of disaster risk management also should be guided by theories, considering the current trend of increasing losses from disasters and that of practitioners‘ lack of coordination and haphazard approach in operations towards disasters. According to Dainty and Bosher (2008), the increase in disasters in the last few decades stimulated a growth in theoretical framework developments and this was in relation to the ways in which disasters were to be prevented or managed. Therefore, the desired objective is to reduce the negative impact of disasters. Eccles et al., (2009) argue that theories are usually specific, with concepts which are amendable to hypothesis testing, for example, the theory of planned behaviour; and that theories‘ prediction is that attitudes, beliefs and norms affect human intentions and therefore, their behaviour. However, there is probably no one absolute theory that is presently ascribed to in the field of disaster risk management. This is so because it is impossible to have a single theory to capture every variables and issues that are related to disasters. This study therefore, tried to refer to different theories in the framework because a single perspective has the disadvantage of limiting understanding and explanations. Asghar, Alahakoon and Churilov (2006) argue that disaster risk management requires a formal system, or models, to manage and possibly minimise the negative effects of disasters. According to Hussain (2013), models are based on the notion that disasters are temporary interruptions to development processes. The job of disaster and development practitioners is therefore, to take action quickly and return to the normal course of development. Stetler (2010), states that models tend to be more prescriptive, specific and with a narrow scope. Four main reasons have been advanced as to why a disaster model may be needed (Asghar et al., 2006):

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 A model can be used to simplify complex events through distinguishing between critical elements. The model‘s usefulness is more realised when there is need to respond to disasters within a short possible time.  By comparing actual conditions with a theoretical model can lead to an improved understanding of the prevailing disaster situation, and thus facilitating the planning process and the effective implementation of plans related to disaster risk management.  The presence of a model for disaster risk management is also an essential element in quantifying disaster situations or events.  When documented, a model helps to establish a common understanding between various stakeholders involved in managing disasters. It also affords the smooth integration of disaster relief and recovery efforts. Taking these four main reasons into consideration, one can argued that well defined and clearly crafted models may be highly essential in managing disasters as they help to describe, explain or predict human behaviour (Ilott et al., 2013), and can help to secure more support to complement efforts towards disaster risk management. Therefore, the management of disasters should be informed by models so as to reduce disasters‘ adverse effects. In this section, main classes of disaster risk management models that include logical, integrated, causes and miscellaneous models were identified (Asghar et al., 2006). As for logical models, they give a simple definition of stages of disasters and outline the basic events and actions that may constitute a disaster. Integrated models present the disaster phases thro ugh the evolution of disaster risk management functions, for instance, strategic planning and monitoring. The cause category is not based on the definition of stages in a disaster, but it may suggest the underlying causes of disasters. Models complement theories by drawing on many theories in order to help in understanding specific problems related to a particular setting or context; and are often informed by more than one theory, as well as by empirical findings (Glanz et al., 2008). The Action-Time based disaster model that this study proposes falls in the category of Logical models, since it provides a simplified definition of stages of disasters, together with the actions needed to be carried out at each particular stage of disaster risk management. The Action-Time based disaster model emphasises appropriated action and appropriate time to be taken at each stage of disaster risk management. The model also satisfies all the conditions of good models identified by Asghar et al. (2006). A more detailed description and discussion of the Action-Time based disaster model is given in Chapter 6 of this thesis. - 38 -

3.2 The DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework The Theoretical Framework that was adopted to guide and inform the study is the DFID‘s Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF). This framework is the widely used livelihoods framework in the field of development. Chambers and Conway (1992), state that a livelihood consists of the human capabilities, assets and activities that are required to acquire a means of living. It is viewed as sustainable when it can cope with and can recover from stresses and shocks, and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not compromising the natural resource base (Chambers & Conway, 1992: 6-7; FAO, 2013). A livelihood is also sustainable if it is resilient against external shocks and stresses, and if that livelihood is free from external support, and if it can maintain long-term productivity of natural resources and does not compromise other people‘s livelihoods (GLOPP, 2008). The DFID Framework can be used to understand measures which can be put in place to eliminate poverty in poorer countries or communities. Zimbabwe being one of the poor nations with high levels of poverty in various places including Tsholotsho District, the SLF was found suitable for this study. The framework is a versatile tool for the planning and management of disasters. The SLA can be used as the basis for intervention, and also for doing something that can help people. It is also used as a tool to provide the evidence-base and to help ensure that proper interventions can be tailored- made to have the positive impact (Allison & Horemans, 2006; Tao & Wall, 2009; Toner & Franks, 2006). Mancini, Van Bruggen and Jiggins (2007) also support this view and state that in some cases, the SLA can be used as an evaluation tool.

According to FAO (2013), the SLA is linked with reducing disaster vulnerability so that poverty alleviation and sustainable livelihood outcomes are realised. The 1997 DFID White Paper on International Development sets out the objectives of protecting and rebuilding livelihoods and communities after disasters, and reducing vulnerability to future disasters. The SLF therefore, offers a way of thinking abo ut livelihoods impacted by flood disasters in Tsholotsho District such as damaged infrastructure, crops, degraded land and injured members of the communities. Mubarak (2007) observes that identification of livelihoods and support seems to be a crucial thing in disaster situations. One major reason for the success of the SLF in winning the attention of policymakers and donors is that the SLF offered a fresh vision of a holistic and integrative focus with the capacity to analyse and comprehend the complexity of development in rural settings (Chambers & Conway, 1992; Knutsson, 2006). - 39 -

It was therefore, befitting that this study adopted this approach since its focus was on analysing and understanding the complexity of rural development in the poor communities o f Tsholotsho District. People living in this district, because of high levels of poverty bedevilling them seemingly, had little capacity to get themselves out of the dangers posed by floods. The SL framework is often formally set out diagrammatically (Ahmed, Allison & Muir, 2008). The DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework is discussed in detail below (Figure 3.1).

Source: DFID (2010). Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets, DFID

FIGURE 3.1: The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

The SLF (Figure 3.1) conceptualises people living and working within a vulnerability context that is characterised by different factors of shifting seasonal constraints and opportunities, economic shocks, as well as long term trends. The framework also looks at how people make use of different types of livelihoods assets (capitals): human, financial, physical, social and natural in different combinations ( Forsyth, 2007; Momentum, 2012). Sey (2011) offers a meaning of capital which he describes as embracing information technology, through enhanced connectivity that involves devices such as mobile phones. The livelihoods assets are commonly known as the ‗Asset Pentagon‘, because they are commonly represented using a five-sided shape – a pentagon. The central point of the Asset Pentagon indicates zero access, whereas maximum livelihood access is indicated by its outer perimeter (Glavovic & - 40 -

Boonzaier 2007). Pentagons with different shapes can be made, and these may reflect different asset portfolios held by communities and used by social groups (Maksimilianus, Ernawati & Soemarno, 2013). Some scholars argue that it may not be correct to limit the livelihood assets to the pentagon, because there are other important assets that the Framework has omitted. In the context of Social Sciences, the concept of livelihood extends to include cultural means, information and political capital (Odero, 2006; Savious, 2014; World Food Programme, 2009). In the case of communities in Tsholotsho District and indigenous peoples, cultural and spiritual assets would probably also be very important.

The livelihoods assets get their influence from the vulnerability context, as well as a range of existing institutions and processes. People rely on their level of asset base to come up with a range of livelihoods strategies to realise their needed outcomes of livelihoods. ―The framework depicts stakeholders as operating in a context of vulnerability, within which they have access to certain assets. Assets gain weight and value through the prevailing social, institutional and organisational environment. This context decisively shapes the livelihood strategies

that are open to people in pursuit of their

self-defined beneficial livelihood outcomes‖ (GLOPP, 2008:3).

3.2.1

Components of the Sustainable Livelihoods Frame work

Among the components that make up the SLF are the three key dimensions of the Sustainable Livelihoods framework: The Vulnerability context; Sustainable Livelihood Assets; and, Techniques and interventions (Ahmed et al., 2008). The three dimensions are discussed separately.

3.2.1.1 The Context of Vulnerability The context of vulnerability describes the external environment under which a community exists. The definition of vulnerability however, remains vague since there is no common and agreed conceptualisation of the term amongst the various scholars (McEntire, Gilmore & Peters, 2010). For vulnerability to occur it should be in the presence of a hazard, and vulnerability is not just a function of exposure to the hazard, but it is also influenced by human behaviour and perception (Acosta-Michlik & Espaldon, 2008). Simpson (2006) views vulnerability as constituting the characteristics of an individual or group in terms of one‘s capacity to anticipate, respond to, resist, and recover from the negative effect of a hazard. Many factors may contribute to human vulnerability and c limate change is increasingly - 41 -

regarded as one of the important factors that can contribute to such vulnerability for some human populations (Below et al., 2012; Simon & Leck, 2010).

The vulnerability context consists of shocks, trends, and seasonality such as the floods in Tsholotsho District that have affected livelihoods of people. These may heavily impact on the assets of households and assets of individuals, as well as on their abilities to generate incomes, to benefit from employment, and to provide food and nutrition for the families (Ahmed et al., 2008). Poor rural households face many sources of vulnerability, including both shocks [such as natural disasters] and stresses [trends over time, seasonal change] (Marshall, Okeyo & Johnson, 2009). Such households have few options for coping mechanisms. In this case, the Tsholotsho communities living in flood prone areas were exposed to and vulnerable to flood hazards. Changes at various levels, such as the organisational, community and policy levels were therefore needed, in addition to building the assets at individual and household levels.

3.2.1.2 Livelihood Assets Livelihood Assets are the anchor or pillar of a sustainable livelihood. The notion here is that different individuals and households can have different means of access to livelihood assets, which the sustainable livelihood approach wants to grow (Serrat, 2010). The SLF is built around five principal categories of livelihood capitals or assets comprising human capital [things like local knowledge, expertise], social capital [existing social networks], natural capital [water, land, and livestock], physical capital [infrastructure, equipment, transport] and financial capital [cash and loan] ( Forsyth, 2007; Obrist et al., 2007). These same assets are also found in Tsholotsho District. Odero (2006) is of the opinion that information is a vital component and should be considered as a 6th capital, considering that it is crucial for the success of every developmental project. At the same instance, the United Nations World Food Programme [WFP] (2009) recognises political capital, that is, power relationships, access to – and influence over – local and higher-level government processes, as another important livelihood asset. However, this study focuses on the five major capitals that form the Asset Pentagon. If all these assets were to be affected by flood disasters in Tsholotsho District, meaningful development might not be realised in the district.

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The SLA is mostly concerned with the welfare of people, and therefore it seeks to have a proper and realistic understanding of their capabilities and strengths. Its analysis is therefore, to find out how people access different types of assets and how they are able to put the assets to maximum productive use. The strengths that people in Tsholotsho District possess are their assets. As such, an analysis is focused on how people affected by the floods in the district have attempted to convert their livelihoods assets into the desired livelihood outcomes for sustainable development. Their assets include land, crops, human resources, infrastructure and all these have been affected by the floods. The livelihoods assets get their influence from the vulnerability context, such as economic, political or technological environments, climatic change or shocks such as floods, civil conflicts and epidemics (Obrist et al., 2007). In the Asset Pentagon, human capital portrays the necessary skills, expertise and knowledge, people‘s ability to do work, and good state of health. It is a set of job-related skills and competencies that a person acquires through education and training (Matunhu & Nengwenkhulu, 2012). The emphasis on good state of health is also made by Becker (2007), who asserts that health has a crucial role in determining human capital. This means that contamination of water after floods becomes a serious problem for the people in Tsholotsho, with serious implications for their health and hygiene (Hensel & Brochman, 2007; Tandukar, 2012). Chanda (2011) observes that human capital is a significant factor in determining households‘ vulnerability, and that, low levels of education have depressing repercussions for economic growth. Human capital therefore, enables people to employ diverse livelihood strategies meant to achieve their positive livelihood outcomes. This type of capital is important in that it uses other types of capitals. In other words, human resources are needed but are not on their own enough to attain positive livelihoods outcomes (Bull, Brooks & Smith, 2008). People in flood prone communities in Tsholotsho District have certain skills and knowledge that they can use. Human capital would achieve its aims if members of the communities in Tsholotsho are ready, with ability to invest in their strengths through training programmes and workshops.

As for Social capital, it represents the resources in a community upon which people may draw in their endeavour to achieve livelihood outcomes and objectives. According to Seraje (2007), social capital entails the institutions, social relationships, people‘s attitudes, values and norms that influence associations between people, thereby contributing to economic and social improvement. The social resources for communities in Tsholotsho can be developed - 43 -

from networks and connectedness. This scenario would improve trust amongst the people and their ability to work together as groups, political institutions or civic bodies. Social capital, for example, combined support amongst neighbours, support given by immediate members of the families and wider networks of relations, is an important safety net for people to cope with persistent flooding (Alam et al., 2007). Destroying social assets that act as a buffer would make people more exposed and increase their vulnerability to future flooding events (ALNAP-PROVENTION, 2008).

Natural capital denotes the naturally occurring stocks of resources from which are derived the flow of resources and the required services crucial for livelihoods. In this study, the natural capital affected by floods in Tsholotsho, include agricultural land, forests a nd water sources. Physical capital consists of the infrastructure, equipment and machinery needed for producing goods to support a community‘s livelihoods endeavours. Examples of the infrastructure that is important for achieving sustainable livelihoods, which are found in Tsholotsho District, include secure shelter and buildings, rivers, boreholes, roads and transport.

Financial capital entails the financial resources used by a community in pursuit of its livelihood outcomes. For example, Alpizar (2007) states that by accessing formal financial services to mitigate the impacts resulting from shocks created by natural disasters in El Salvador, farmers realised a more meaningful production. However, the definition of financial capital adopted here is not economically robust, as it includes flows and stocks. It may contribute to consumption and production (DFID, 2010), although it was used to try to capture an important building block of livelihood, that of the availability of cash or equivalent, which affords people to pursue diverse strategies for livelihoods. A unique characteristic of the financial capital is its versatility, in that it can be easily changed into other types of capitals. According to Serrat (2010), financial capital is the asset that tends to be scarce and out of reach amongst poor communities (such as communities in Tsholotsho District). Usually, it is this type of capital used by people to have access to other types of assets. Meena and O‗Keefe (2007) observe that in the absence of regular and enough income, having access to facilities that offer credit lines becomes important to the security of livelihoods.

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Physical capital entails the basic infrastructure and other physical assets that people have and derive their livelihoods from such as houses, dams, bridges and roads. For example, in an urban set up, housing is regarded as one of the most essential physical assets to be possessed by a household, since it can be used in a productive way to ease financial pressures (Moser, 2006; Moser & Felton, 2007; Schutte, 2009). According to Olajide (2013), housing has been regarded as the most common type of physical asset amongst many households, either as paying tenants, families dwellings, occupied by owner, or even as a squatter dwelling. The poor communities leaving in flood prone areas in Tsholotsho District have had this type of capital severely affected by floods. This calls for strong livelihood strategies for dealing with their vulnerability context.

3.2.1.3 Policies, Institutions and Processes The SLA may be a starting point for the formulation of new policies or changes in existing policies (Glavovic, 2006; Glavovic & Boonzaier, 2007). Such policies, institutions and processes (PIP) exists at different levels, that is, from the household level to the international level. Institutions should include rules enforced by outside third parties, such as laws: informal and formal institutions guide interactions, assign roles and influence rights and access to resources and resulting livelihood strategies. Lautze and Raven-Roberts (2006) describe the PIPs as comprising the external governance environment through which households negotiate how to use their assets and how to the configure livelihoods strategies.

According to Larson and Ribot (2007), on one hand policies, institutions or organisations can enable coping of communities, while on the other hand, they can also be systematically disabling. The communities in Tsholotsho District should be guided by enabling PIPs that would make them achieve positive livelihoods outcomes. These are critical in regulating uses and trade-offs between capitals and key to achieving sustainability (Levin, 2009). The DFID SLF provides a method of assessing how livelihoods are shaped by organisations, policies, institutions and cultural norms, both by determining how to access the assets, and by defining the range of livelihood strategies that are available and attractive to the people (Lautze & Raven-Roberts, 2006). Bad PIPs hinder the achievement of desired livelihood outcomes. PIPs also determine people‘s access to various types of capitals and livelihood strategies, and access to decision- making bodies and source of influence, terms of exchange between different types of capitals, and returns to any given livelihood strategy (GLOPP, 2008). Policies, institutions as well as processes that has a bearing on the access to assets and drive - 45 -

decision making processes, would be crucial to the communities of Tsholotsho District whose livelihoods are at the risk of the flood hazards.

3.2.1.4 Livelihood Strategies Livelihood strategies denote a range of livelihoods, as well as a combination of activities and choices that people can adopt towards achieving livelihood outcomes (Livelihoods Connect, 2008; Roche, 2007). Livelihood strategies are also viewed as activities, including livelihoodrelated decisions that people take advantage of and adopt in order to attain their desired, positive livelihood outcomes. The emphasis on such livelihood strategies is that, they should be implementable and aimed at achieving predetermined outcomes. Depending on the availability of resources and an understanding of the available choices, different households can develop and pursue diverse livelihood strategies (Roche, 2007). However, the capacity to create a sustainable livelihood strategy relies, more importantly, on the individual skills, expertise, ability to work, and a good state of health (Crawley, Hemmings & Price, 2011). Livelihood strategies are therefore, directly reliant on the asset status, policies, institutions and processes.

3.2.1.5 Livelihood Outcomes Livelihood Outcomes denotes the achievements or results that are realised as a re sult of implementing livelihood strategies (Livelihoods Connect, 2008) and outcomes can result in the achievement of the following: increased income; improved well-being; reduction in vulnerability; improved situation of food security; sustainable use of the available natural resources; improved social relations and status; as well as, improved dignity and respect. When taking the livelihood outcomes into consideration, the desires of particular groups, in this case, of the flood prone communities in Tsholo tsho, and the extent to which these desires are currently being fulfilled, have to be clearly understood. The assumption here is that projected outcomes would feedback to improve livelihood capitals, resulting in them being more resilient (Morse, McNamara & Acholo, 2009).

3.2.2

Unde rstanding Core Principles of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach

According to DFID (2010), the SLA is an approach that helps to understand poverty and its complexities in societies, and is used in the identification of the main threats and opportunities faced by the poor, and expressed by the poor themselves. This approach gives some implication that progress in reducing poverty levels is sustainable, and not fleeting - 46 -

(Bohle, 2008). It means that programmes undertaken towards enhancing preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters in Ts holotsho District, should provide a lasting solution to the problem affecting the communities.

However, the SLA is not a universal solution and therefore, needs to be modified to suit each given local circumstances. According to Bohle (2009) and Serrat (2010), the core principles of the SLA mean that development whose focus is poverty reduction should be people centred, be responsive and participatory, function at multiple levels, conducted in partnership, have sustainability, and should also be dynamic in nature.

3.2.2.1 People centredness The SLA is a comprehensive approach that has people as its main focus in a direct sense (Glavovic, 2006; Chang & Tipple, 2009; Hogh-Jensen et al., 2010). Mercer and Kelman (2010) posit that the SLA relies upon the participation of the intended beneficiaries since these have considerable capacities and local knowledge. Poverty elimination on a sustainable basis would be realised only if external support is focused on what is important to people, understands their groups dynamics and involves them in a way that is suitable to their present livelihood strategies, their operating environment and their capacity to adapt.

The SLA puts the needs of people at the forefront of all development programmes, and this justifies the inclusion of the communities in Tsholotsho in all development initiatives. This is in congruency with participatory approaches, and offers opportunities learning that is community based, in which participants can share knowledge and ideas, as well as learn from outsiders (Butler & Mazur, 2007). According to this framework, people, and not the resources that they employ or the government that serves them, are the main priority. As such, disaster victims have capacities upon which to build their livelihoods well and should be recognised as dignified humans, not as hopeless objects (Sphere Project Handbook, 2011). Instead, disaster victims have valuable knowledge, experience and capacities which development and disaster practitioners should build upon when helping them to cope with disasters.

3.2.2.2 Responsive and Participatory Losses that are usually experienced in the aftermath of disasters are not distributed evenly across affected populations. Morse et al., (2009) argue that the SLA is built upon the history - 47 -

of the participatory movement in development programmes, and that some techniques and methods developed over years of application in the participation of stakeholders are relevant within the SLA. The poor are usually the most affected by flood disasters and should be key players when identifying and addressing priorities to their livelihoods. Christensen and Pozarny (2008) assert that the poor should play a key role in addressing their livelihood priorities. They should therefore, be involved throughout the planning phases of development programmes, up to their implementation. Outsiders should rely on the processes that would enable them to take advice from the poor and respond to their needs (Bohle, 2007; Christensen & Pozarny, 2008). For instance, absence of community participation and disregard of people‘s needs are seen as major reasons for housing recovery failures (Arslan & Unlu, 2006; Barenstein, 2008; Salazar & Jigyasu, 2010).

Participation by the local poor communities may provide significant opportunities for community-based learning, where community members share skills as well as learn from outsiders (Butler & Mazur, 2007). Participatory processes supporting poor people‘s involvement in decision- making on managing flood disasters can also foster political empowerment and create opportunities for marginalised voices so that they are heard and recognised (Oberndorf et al., 2007).

3.2.2.3 Multi-level Approach Elimination of poverty is a big challenge that can be realised through multiple level interactions, making sure that development policy is influenced by local- level activities and an enabling environment (Bohle, 2007). Policies and institutions at higher level should assist people so that they take advantage of their strengths and capacities. There is need for development institutions to work with local citizens so as to achieve the desired programme objectives. Involvement of relevant local organisations, alongside key government ministries and donor organisations is of paramount importance. The SLA therefore, is an acceptance that multiple stakeholders should be considered, and that this holistic approach should be built- in from the beginning, and not as an add-on (Morse et al., 2009).

3.2.2.4 Conducted in Partners hip The SLA recognises and accepts that multiple stakeholders should be considered when addressing livelihoods of the poor communities (Tao & Wall, 2009). For it to be a success, the SLA should be conducted in partnership with other players in the development sector. It - 48 -

is important to create synergies between members of the public and the private sector, as broad partnerships are important at all levels. In disaster risk management, a partnership between public and private sector that has been created and maintained before to a disaster event would likely lead to the sharing of resources resulting from mutual aid. Such a situation would ensure a capability to give emergency public information through previously identified channels (Sutton & Tierney, 2006). When forging partnerships, the DFID emphasises that partnerships can work effectively with partners who have similar objectives and approaches to development (DFID, 2010) . Partnering and collaborating with other stakeholders, especially the partnership and collaboration between the public and the private sector, has its own advantages. One advantage is that it encourages the sharing of resources by stakeholders, thereby benefitting those stakeholders who are less equipped. For instance, in the 1990s, saving lives and reducing property losses, as well as customer satisfaction, were the results that FEMA pursued and achieved. This success was hinged on FEMA‘s authority to coordinate, guide, and support, and that collaboration is an essential element of FEMA‘s efforts (USGAO, 2009; FEMA, 2010). Therefore, strong partnerships and broad collaborations between different players, and that of the public and the private sector, need to be encouraged in dealing with flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District.

3.2.2.5 Sustainability in SLA The SLA emanated from the desire to make sure that development in human well-being was sustainable (Morse & McNamara, 2013). It highlights that to achieve sustainability, stocks of the various capitals should be maintained (Adams, 2009). Since the focus of the SLA is to reduce poverty in poor societies, sustainability means that poverty reduction should be lasting. Sustainability is driven by four key dimensions, and it includes the analysis of economic, institutional, social and environmental sustainability (Christensen & Pozarny, 2008). An analysis and understanding of these key dimensions in relation to the communities affected by the floods in Tsholotsho District, might help in reducing their vulnerability and contribute to the improvement of the community‘s livelihoods.

3.2.2.6 Dynamics in SLA The SLA acknowledges that livelihood strategies of the poor can change rapidly and, therefore the approach should offer a better understanding of the livelihoods, their dynamic - 49 -

nature and what influences those livelihoods. According to Bohle (2009) people, as well as their livelihoods are never static, but are continuously changing with time. The approach tries to understand and learn from change so that it can support positive patterns of change and help mitigate those patterns that are negative. The SLA clearly observes and predicts the effects of external shocks on livelihoods, but does not necessarily recognise less damaging trends. Therefore, as observed by Christensen and Pozarny (2008), external support should recognise the changing nature of livelihood strategies, react in a flexible way to changes in people‘s situation, and then develop long term commitments. Attempting to capture and depend upon such dynamism of livelihoods, significantly improves the scope of analysing livelihoods (DFID, 2010) and therefore, warrants ongoing analysis and an effort to reveal the nature of complex, two-way cause and effect relationships and iterative chains of events. However, the true changing nature of livelihoods would not be presented enough in a two dimensional framework, but may be reflected in process and modes of analysis.

3.2.3

Strengths and Weaknesses of the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach

The SLA has its strengths and weaknesses. One of its strengths is that its design is flexible and open to changes, making it to be adaptable to different local contexts, hence, its versatility in relevance and application. The approach might also function as a tool of analysis leading to the identification of development priorities and new activities before any development activity is undertaken. It may also be used as a checklist or way of structuring ideas or it can be applied in the form of a livelihood analysis for assessing how development activities address the livelihoods of poor people (Serrat, 2010). Above all, the SLA puts it main focus on the poor people by making then take part in the planning processes, as well as respecting their views and participation. Chang and Tipple (2009) assert that amongst the strengths of the SLA, has been its people-centeredness and poverty orientation. This participation by the poor people themselves allows them a chance to define their strengths, potentials and goals.

Alverez (2006) has the opinion that participation of indigenous citizens is important when designing and planning the processes of flood management, especially with regards to policy issues. This can be done through adopting a holistic view that encompasses all aspects of livelihoods of the poor, and by considering that the livelihoods are changing. The SLA does not oppose other existing approaches to development, instead, it attempts to combine with them and utilise their major strengths. This approach also depends on involvement of people - 50 -

and therefore, recognises gender related or ecological issues. An analysis for livelihoods therefore, involves a wide range of formal methods and instruments, such as Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA), Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Good Go vernance Assessment techniques (GLOPP, 2008). Hence, this approach offers a clear and practical perspective on the ways of reducing poverty and has created a favourable way of combining the four pillars of development, which are, social, economic, institutional and environmental.

Olajide (2013) sums up the advantages of the SLA by quoting John Farrington, who wrote: SL approaches put the poor at the centre of analysis and aim to identify interventions to meet their needs and opportunities in ways not dominated by individual sectors or disciplines. Part of the value of a SL approach therefore lies in providing an inclusive and non-threatening process by which the capacity of development specialists to think beyond conventional sectoral or disciplinary boundaries can be enhanced. This is in addition to whatever improved products it achieves in terms of, for example, better design of the interventions themselves.

However, there are some limitations associated with the SLA. Just like evidence-based approaches in general, the SLA has been criticised and those advocating for its use are often very careful to reveal that the approach is not a panacea (Toner & Franks, 2006; Small, 2007; Kelman & Mather 2008). This is so because a differentiated livelihood analysis requires time, finances, as well as enough human resources. Many development projects often fail to raise these resources, leading to their failure. The claim of being holistic unavoidably delivers a lot of information which is difficult to cope with. The SLA also cannot efficiently deal with traditional, cultural and religious norms of communities, even within the social capital category, and may at times regard these as an impediment (Daskon & Binns, 2010; Tao, Wall & Wismer, 2010). As such, the paradox of being ‗people centred‘ almost entirely ignores some of the important elements of human existence. Communities have their cultures and also want to enjoy them in their lives (Brinson et al., 2009). Added to that, by developing the livelihoods of a particular specific social group, a negative result may arise on livelihoods of other groups (Serrat, 2010). Such may result in a normative dilemma on when deciding what should be considered as priorities. By reducing the livelihoods perspective to just a methodological tool brings the risks of looking at the two issues interchangeably. The livelihoods approach gives only a picture of the present situation, resulting in dynamics beyond short term or immediate coping strategies being poorly studied, and components of - 51 -

knowledge, politics and scale have also not been properly recognised (Scoones, 2009). The approach still is just a way of trying to simplify the multidimensional realities of livelihoods. The SLA also does not really address the issue of how the poor can be identified from their communities.

3.2.4

Sustainable Livelihoods Frame work: Summary of its Challenges and Lessons

Although the SLF is a good analytical tool, it has certain challenges and lessons that can be derived from its use. These challenges and lessons that emanate from using the SLF as an analysis tool and improving the livelihoods of the poor in societies, are summarised as follows (Table 3.1):

TABLE 3.1: Implementation Challenges and Lessons of the SLF CHALLENGES Livelihood analysis is too big and complex

It reveals many possible points of entry

LESSONS Remain focused, SLF to be used in a simplified manner. Detailed analysis to be carried out where data is of relevant importance Possible entry points need to be prioritised starting with just a few, and later expand if possible

Partners to be involved throughout all stages of The approach is usually, not properly analysis. Start by encouraging use of the SLF in a understood by implementers simplified manner Government systems, which are sector Carefully choose stakeholders to form the SL analysis based, and their professions work against team holistic analysis SLF analysis can be extractive, and not empowering The framework overlooks within the same households

differences

Its analysis may not consider that the poor are different in status The SLF analysis is very apolitically and technocratic

Ideally, analysis should be carried out in the context of participatory development programmes Gathering of data and its analysis should be done on without gender basis SL analysis needs to consider inter and intra household differences Consider power dynamics in the analysis of livelihood situations and ways of improving them

Source: Author‘s construction from secondary data

3.3

Social Constructionist Theory

The Social constructionist theory is the theory chosen to guide and inform this study. The social constructionists‘ view of disasters is that human beings have been interacting with their - 52 -

environments since time immemorial. According to Tabler (2008), an important component of social constructionism is the context of the social problem and the premise that reality and the phenomena of daily life are socially constructed. The study chose this theory in order to show and prove that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are socially constructed as a result of people‘s interaction with the environment. This theory is one of the social sciences‘ theories formulated and adopted, to explain and predict human behaviour as it is relevant to many disciplines (Henry, 2009).

The Social Constructionist Theory examines how people in a community develop an attitude about a topic as a result of their experiences and social interactions, knowledge, perceptions and behaviours (Tabler, 2008). From the researcher‘s point of view, it is through this interaction that people‘s vulnerabilities have increased, and therefore social problems such as flood disasters. Aragón-Durand (2009) argues that to understand disaster, it is relevant to consider social processes such as vulnerabilities, rather than exclusively on the natural hazards. Disasters, including floods are therefore viewed as being socially constructed and not as purely natural. Ribot (2010) shares the same view and asserts that ‗vulnerability does not just fall from the sky‘, since human action has to be considered as well. The attention of those who view disasters as natural tends to ignore human action and behaviour. By naturalising disasters, focus is usually placed on the natural factors; and discourses of disaster causality tend to ignore or conceal the socio-economic processes that place vulnerable populations at risk (Aragon-Durand, 2009).

Hazards and disasters are taken as not just external occurrences interfering with human life, but also as outcomes resulting from an interaction between humans and their environments (Amaratunga & Haigh, 2010). According to the social constructionist perception of hazards and disasters, hazards do not in their own lead to disaster occurrence: rather, the nature of interaction between hazards and human activity is what causes disasters (Kromm & Sturgis, 2008). McCurley-Stafford (2012) concurs that from a social constructionist perspective, disaster events on their own do not create the devastating social impacts that occur. Instead, people and environments in which they leave are almost infinitely variable and are subject to many interpretations of their associations.

The focus of this study was on the communities in Tsholotsho District that have been severely experiencing the impact of the flood phenomenon over the years. There is a strong - 53 -

belief and feeling that social constructions, resulting from human actions are perpetuating this social problem in the district. This sounds justifiable, because social constructionist interprets hazards and disasters as social constructs that are manufactured by societies (Fordham, 2007). Human processes such as creation of unplanned settlements, cutting down of trees, overlapping into the forests for land cultivation, and building processes influence disasters (Pokhrel, Bhandari & Viraraghavan, 2009).

3.3.1

Advantages and criticism of the Social Constructionist Theory

The social constructionist theory has certain advantages. This theory has helped scholars in coming up with their research questions relevant to their disciplines, and also offered important and helpful insights to disaster practitioners about human behaviour in an emergency or disaster situation (Tierney, 2007). When warnings for disasters are raised, social factors hinder some people to react, whilst other people behave in some different way because according to Henry (2009), people interpret the world and give summary judgements which they think are a reflection of the hidden realities of the world. However, shifting the blame entirely to people‘s behaviours as contributing to their vulnerabilities, and then disasters sounds a bit unfair. It is unfair because hazards are natural and not created by human beings. There are also factors such as poverty, which may force people to settle in flood prone areas in an attempt to improve the quality of their life. It is also highly acceptable that poor people often live on risky lands and in inferior dwellings, and they often lack access to water and proper sanitation (Lal, Singh & Holland, 2009). For thorough analysis, the social constructionist theory may also be blended together with other social theories in order to offer a comprehensive insight of people‘s responses to hazards and disasters.

3.4

Chaos Theory in Disaster Risk Management

Chaos theory pertains to the study of nonlinear dynamic systems; it is the study of unstable behaviour because the nonlinear dynamic system is ‗hypersensitive‘ to the initial conditions (Filipe et al., 2010; Oluwatuyi & Ileri, 2014; Samoilenko & Osei-Bryson, 2007). Samoilenko and Osei- Bryson (2007) further define chaos theory as the qualitative study of unstable and periodic behaviour in deterministic dynamical systems that are nonlinear. The theory is taken from the main assumption that although everything is known, some things may remain - 54 -

unknown. It is part of the new theories in the field of disaster-risk reduction or disaster risk management. Morris (2007) further asserts that c haos theory has been applied in the management of disasters and crises.

Chaos theory has its background in the 1960s and was first introduced by Edward Lorenz in his fluid mechanics in 1963, resulting in it being applied in classical mechanics, physics, ecology, biology, medicine, astronomy and mathematics as well as in social sciences such as economics, business and political science (Crandall, Crandall & Parnell, 2013; Li, 2013). Guastello (2008), notes that during the 1990s social scientists also developed an interest in the chaos theory. Although the term ―chaos‖ ha s negative connotations involving its mythological reference to disorder and randomness, chaos is not a state of randomness or disorder, but one whereby phenomena that appear to be unrelated actually follow an unknown or hidden pattern (Crandall et al., 2013). Many disciplines, including disaster risk management are now exploring the theory as a means for understanding and building systems that utilise the good aspects of this new approach. Researchers are now developing a new intellectual paradigm, which offers a new vision for understanding various aspects of an organisation (Sloan, 2011).

Chaos theory suggests that the world should not necessarily be viewed as functioning under a linear cause and effect relationships in disasters, but in that many variables exist that interact in convoluted ways resulting in a disaster (Filipe, Ferreira & Coelho, 2008). Such variables need to be addressed so that a community‘s vulnerability to disasters is reduced. Sloan (2011) argues that the principles of chaos theory offer a rich platform for researchers to examine and analyse the conditions and environment under which an organisation operates. The theory offers a new insight to analyse unpredictability in the outside environment and enables organisations to forecast and strategically plan for challenges to come (Gleick, 2008; Meek, 2010; Mitchell, 2009). Rensicow and Page (2008) add that the theory emphasises the examination of events that seem unpredictable, random, and sensitive to initial conditions in order to come up with potential predictors of future needs and capabilities. It is centred on three important principles, that of: extreme sensitivity to initial conditions, proportionality of the cause and effect, and nonlinearity (Nguyen & Kock, 2011). This theory therefore, reveals the functional aspects of instability as a means for adapting to new situations and also presents the nonlinearity of the world in which people live. Nonlinearity stands for a behaviour in which the interactions between variables of a system are changing and - 55 -

disproportionate. A minor change in initial conditions caused by one part of the system may result in major changes and negative consequences in the system (Filipe et al., 2009).

Since chaos theory provides a method for describing and explaining the behaviour of nonlinear systems, it focuses on interrelationships, rather than individual elements (Crandall et al., 2013; Samoilenko & Osei-Bryson, 2007). Basing on this approach, we could say that chaos theory is utilised to interpret nonlinear, dynamic systems and is concerned with nonrandom behaviour that is difficult or impossible to predict (Morcol & Wachhaus, 2009). As a result, the theory proposes and adopts a flexible organisational structure, which grounds on alteration and enables continuous flow of information instead of a linear approach, and accordingly an organisational structure which is simply based on command and control, and structural approaches (Harrald, 2006). The theory emphasises the role of military organisations and their involvement as a supportive mechanism in dealing with a chaotic environment. Therefore, the theory looks at the management of chaos in disasters mainly from a military standpoint.

3.4.1

Role of Military forces in Managing Disasters

Development and disaster risk management practitioners, including academics have varied perceptions as to whether military involvement is a panacea for dealing with disasters. Those in the affirmative, state that involvement of the military in the management of disasters is justified and relevant. Their argument is based on the confusion that emanates from disasters, a kind of chaotic condition experienced, especially within the first 72 hours of a disaster (Pine, 2006). During major disasters and emergencies military forces, alongside civilian government organisations, performs disaster management activities focused on preserving lives, preventing unnecessary suffering, protecting property, as well as minimising damages (HPG/OCHA, 2013). Accordingly, chaos theory becomes highly important as it proposes a flexible organisational structure, which grounds on alteration and enables continuous flow of information instead of a linear approach. As such, chaos theory is based on a flexible organisational structure which is simply based on command and control. The command and control structure makes the military very effective in their operations as it facilitates quicker decision making and action. Agnihotri (2012) and Hoyer (2009) observe that during the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in China, the government quickly arranged soldiers within 14 minutes of disaster occurrence. Past disaster risk management experiences have also shown that authorised people might not be disposed to take leading roles. Under these conditions dealing - 56 -

with crisis would become inefficient and therefore, military forces are charged with an important responsibility as an assistive mechanism through their command and control approach. Taking this into consideration, the role of military organisations in managing disasters cannot be overlooked.

Military involvement in managing disasters has been a common practice across the world, especially when local and civilian capacities have been exceeded. According to the Australian Government (2012), the role of the military in the early stages of disaster occurrence is generally widely accepted. Jamaica is presented as a good case study, in which the military has a clearly defined role in providing assistance to civilian administration mainly in the three phases of disaster risk management – preparedness, response and recovery (HPG/OCHA, 2013). Reimer (2010) also states that some known tasks that are carried out by the military in disasters situations include: search and rescue; evacuation; decontamination; fire- fighting; medical treatment; restoration of medical capabilities and public services; removal of debris, rubble, or hazards to permit rescue or movement; recovery, identification and registration; and disposal of the deceased persons. During ―Operation Hestia‖ the Canadian military sent more than 2 000 members from army, navy and air force to provide humanitarian aid in response to the catastrophic earthquake of January 2010, in Haiti (Caymaz, Akyon & Erenel, 2013).

This response team provided search and rescue, supplies in the form of medication, food and water, shelter, tarpaulins, water purification units, as well as mobile clinics to offer medical care in the country‘s remote areas (Caymaz et al., 2013). In addition, military police worked with civilian police to safeguard humanitarian workers while distributing food and water, at the same time military engineers removed debris, reopened roads and other transportation links to enable military transportation units to provide aid to the stricken communities (Etkin, McBey & Trollope, 2011; Harvey, 2010; National Defence and the Canadian Forces, 2010). This scenario ensured the strengthening of civil- military relations. Such relations can also be strengthened through civilian police and military personnel planning together prior to the occurrence of a disaster (Walker, Rasmussen & Molano, 2011) in order to increase preparedness, cooperation and understanding amongst the various members involved.

Certain factors have made the military to be more effective in dealing with disasters of various magnitudes than other actors. There are six majors factors, which have influenced the - 57 -

effectiveness of military response in previous disasters: Timeliness; Appropriateness (of the assets deployed); Efficiency; Absorptive capacity (how easily the host country can accommodate a large influx of assets and people, and the ability of the country‘s own disaster risk management institutions to co-ordinate and effectively use external assistance); Coordination (between military and other organisations); and, Developing effective funding mechanisms (for using military assets) (Wiharta et al., 2008). These factors have ensured that there is smooth running of military operations when managing disasters. Cheng (2013) stresses the role of the military, by pointing out that the military has the necessary training designed to deal with all kinds of emergencies when it comes to providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief on a larger scale. Therefore he encourages that the military should without delay, be sent to the affected places during disasters.

Even in most developed countries, their governments have heavily relied on the military in the management of chaos brought by disaster events. Military commanders replaced civilian disaster risk management teams and other players after these had struggled to effectively perform their mandates during the disaster of Hurricane Katrina (Lester & Krejci, 2007; White House, 2006). Following the Hurricane Katrina disaster, President Bush also emphasised the role of the military in managing chaos brought by disaster situations when he mentioned that, ‗It is now clear that a challenge on this scale requires greater federal authority and a broader role for the armed forces ...‘ (Reimer, 2010). Hoffman and Hudson (2009) emphasise the importance of military involvement in disaster situations by quoting a senior UN humanitarian agency, who stated that: You can‘t hold the military back. The battle to keep the military out of disaster response was lost long ago. And the fact is that in natural disasters you need the military. Rather than trying to keep the military out of disaster response—which is a non-starter—you need to figure out ways to work with the military so that their assets are used effectively and they don‘t complicate matters for civilian responders. To also emphasise the role of the military in managing disasters, the Government of Australia (2012) made five observations on the importance of military involvement in disaster response. The observations are as follows:  The military may be summoned to deal with rapid-onset natural disasters, both on local and foreign land.

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 Political tensions in civilian and military relations are fewer in times of natural disasters, as compared with times of conflict.  International actors, be they military or civilian, cannot act fast enough to give quick response to disasters than local military units.  Looking at the three phases of prevention, response and recovery in disaster risk management, military involvement is needed and accepted most in the response stage, and least required in the recovery stage.  The military brings a wealth of experience in preparedness activities. This inc ludes experience in contingency planning, creation of scenarios and training exercises.

Apart from improved efficiency in the management of disasters, involvement in disaster situations can improve the military‘s image in foreign land, provide training opportunities, and can be a way for the military to demonstrate new relevance and diversity of military roles (Hoffman & Hudson, 2009). Military involvement also strengthens bilateral and multilateral relationships amongst countries. According to Yates and Bergin (2011), military assistance to deal with disasters in foreign countries can improve bilateral and multilateral relations, enhance partnerships, advance a country‘s security interests, and improve knowledge of military operations. When called on a mission in another country, the military has the capacity to bring their own resources and this avoids their dependence on scarce resources of receiving nations (Thompson, 2010). This study therefore, advocates the role of the military in dealing with all types disasters, including the flood phenomenon.

3.4.2 Critiquing Chaos Theory and role of military forces in disasters Disasters are complex events and it is necessary for this complexity to be reduced so that their impacts become less severe, less disruptive and less traumatic. It is this complexity and chaos that seems to justify the involvement of military organisations in managing disasters. However, some practitioners and scholars have argued that increasing the role and use of the military in disasters may not be something simple. As observed by Mitchell (2003), increased military involvement in disaster situations may be perceived as a threat to civil liberties by civilians. In addition, at international level military operations may infringe or conflict with local cultural values and norms. The Oslo Guidelines (2006) is in support of this view, and states that international response by the military, may also lead to specific problems related to cultural differences.

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Military involvement in disasters may also affect the principles for humanitarian action such as the principle of neutrality, principle of independence and principle of impartiality. Although these principles are important in humanitarian aid, and also in identifying humanitarian actors, the military often view humanitarian assistance as a way of advancing their military mission, and therefore, the military are not independent or neutral participants in disaster situations (Wilder, 2009). The challenge that the military brings in the management of disasters, is best summarised by Roberts (2010), who states that while the military sees humanitarian organisations as force multipliers, humanitarian organisations see the military as trying to politicise humanitarianism.

Effective management of disasters may be possible when all those involved, including government sectors and citizens, can support and contribute their energies to deal with hazard and disaster vulnerability (Kapucu, Arslan & Demiroz, 2010; Waugh & Streib, 2006), and this requires moving away from the command and control approach, to a more interactive approach that encourages communication, partnership, collaboration and cooperation amongst all players. Military-led approaches may be also counterproductive to effective relationships, impede overall unity of effort, and compromise mission accomplishment (Deployable Training Division [DTD], 2013). One can therefore conclude that, although military organisations bring certain challengers in the management of disasters, they are indispensable since they play a pivotal role through their efficiency and effectiveness.

3.4.3

Using the Circular Model to manage chaos in disasters

Caymaz et al., (2013) [citing Kelly, 1998], bring forward a model for disaster risk management, which assists to manage the complexity created by disasters, as well as deal with the non- linear nature of disasters. This model focuses more on the practical nature of disaster risk management needs. Its main strength is its ability to help define and elaborate the relationship between inputs and impacts, instead of just classifying stages of a disaster. The major characteristic of this model is that it can learn from real disasters events. According to Caymaz, Akyon and Erenel (2013), if we want to manage chaos effectively in disasters, we should develop a holistic point of view to understand the disaster risk management process, including all phases of a disaster and emergency. These phases include warning, disaster preparedness, disaster prevention, development, reconstruction and response. They are portrayed in a Circular Model of disaster risk management (Figure 3.2).

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Source: Caymaz, E., Akyon, V. & Erenel, F. (2013). Chaos management in disasters: from a military point of view. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Retrieved 08 March 2014, from http://www.sipri.org/research/armaments/milex/

FIGURE 3.2: Circular Model of Disaster Risk Management

This model (Figure 3.2) indicates that in a disaster risk management system, incidents are categorised according to their levels as the following; incident command, emergency management and disaster risk management. While the pre-disaster works such as mitigation, preparedness, prevention, prediction, and early warning, disaster awareness are called as ―risk management‖, post-disaster activities such as impact analysis, response, rehabilitation, amendment, reconstruction are called as ―crisis management‖ (Khan, Vasilescu & Khan, 2008). According to the Circular Model, chaos is mostly experienced during the crisis management phase and calls for effective impact analysis, response, amendment and reconstruction. Complex systems therefore, require complex management systems which are adaptive, anticipatory, and responsive to all kind of harsh conditions. Adopting an anticipatory approach to deal with chaos in its early stages is an essential step to cope wit h the unfolding dynamics of chaos, whose outcomes in disasters are not predictable.

3.5

Complexity Theory

A good approach to managing disasters is that of taking local capacities seriously. However, most of the recent disasters the world over, have shown the complexity of responding to disaster events which overlap jurisdictional and organisational boundaries. This scenario has necessitated the emergence of the Complexity theory, which is a relatively new theoretical - 61 -

perspective that scholars are using in an attempt to explain disaster and emergency response (Boo, 2008). The theory may be adopted to offer insights regarding the ways in which the behaviour of complex systems, such as disasters can be dea lt with (Samoilenko, 2008).

Complexity is characteristic of disaster occurrences of high magnitudes, but it can also be a characteristic of often occurring disasters, like floods in Tsholotsho District and other events that happen more frequently. Such events offer high levels of uncertainty and call for collaborative action amongst multiple sectors, which make up the complex adaptive systems (Ansell, Boin & Keller, 2010; Okros, Verdun & Chouinard, 2011; Wyche, Pfefferbaum, Pfefferbaum & Norris, 2011). It is the changing nature of disasters that has forced organisations from different sectors, with jurisdictions to collaborate with the single purpose of overcoming overwhelming problems that may not be solved by a single organisation alone (Kapucu & Garayev, 2011). The archaic hierarchical structure and methods can no longer provide solutions for effective disaster risk management (Bier, 2006; Klijn & Koppenjan, 2007), as such, a collaborative approach has received much needed attention from scholars and from disaster management experts (Kapucu & Garayev, 2011).

Therefore, complexity theory demands a divergence of skills, experiences in managing complex disaster events and enough resources, both human and material. Poorly understood complexities in the outside environment may result in poor choice of decisions, followed by bad choice of strategies during periods of change in organisations (Butler & Allen, 2008; Guastello, 2008; Williams & Lewis, 2008). In managing complex disaster events, local capacities should have been overwhelmed, such that help was required from outside the jurisdictional or organisational boundaries. Complexity theory calls for collaboration amongst different actors in disaster risk management. Mason (2009) argues that complex systems organise themselves into complex adaptive systems, in which the behaviour of the system has many uncontrollable surprises, yet the system is orderly. An observation by Renaud (2010) is that, complexity theory has been useful in complex adaptive systems, suc h as the fields involving natural sciences, social sciences, economics, political science, science of psychology, human groups and social interactions, and all places where human beings live and work, and most essentially, in the fundamental building blocks that make up our physical bodies, and hence the human condition itself.

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Systems characteristics that are changing, particularly those that go beyond jurisdictional boundaries, may not be analysed with disregard of the changing context that influences operations (Ansell et al., 2010). Therefore, complexity recognises the relationships among the components of the system, and interrelations between a system and its broader environment (Coiera, 2011). This theory is presently recognised to portray an essent ial reflection for disaster risk management and development that is resilience focused (Kahan et al., 2009).

The complexity theory recognises the four major stages characterising the Disaster Management Cycle (DMC), that is, preparedness, mitigation respo nse and recovery. Each phase or stage has clear objectives as well as its own degree of complexity, including time demands, organisational participation, and functional needs to aid collaboration (Kahan et al., 2009; Wyche et al., 2011). The stage of response is usually the most visible phase, yet this phase can be very short, whereas the recovery phase can extend for weeks, months and even years (Norris et al., 2008). For example, rebuilding houses, bridges and restoring critical facilities destroyed by floods may take long to accomplish during the recovery phase. The Sphere Project Handbook (2011) states that disasters are typically managed locally, building on local capacities and using locally established structures. However, disasters become more complex when their negative effects go beyond jurisdictional boundaries and overwhelm resources of the community (McConnell & Drennan, 2006). This means that there would be need for external support in terms of resources in order to compliment the overwhelmed local resources.

3.5.1

Limitations of the Complexity Theory

Just like any other academic theory, the Complexity theory has its own challenges. In this theory, discourses of systems involving critical infrastructure usually focus on protecting hard capital resources, supplies like vaccines, technology and equipment. The theory has not valued much external capital, such as people and knowledge. As such, an understanding of the changing nature of critical social infrastructure and its influence on community capacity is necessary.

Some interventions related to complexity theory have shortcomings. Some measures to complement disaster risk management activities are already published, including checklists of important tasks to be carried out when responding to d isasters and information systems for - 63 -

complex collaboration, for example, awareness provision and development of communities of practice (Carroll et al., 2009). However, many of those measures dwell much on macro outcomes, without considering the complexity of inputs at the micro level and there is also no emphasis on upstream initiatives to deal with the complexity. The development of interventions focused towards resilience need unpacking of disaster complexity at the micro level, and such interventions should come from the existing complex structures, such as changing organisations, processes, technology and people (Carroll et al., 2009). Therefore, the first step should focus towards modelling the complexity found in the social infrastructure of a given community.

3.5.2

Using Kimberly’s Model to manage complex events

Kimberly also decomposes the disaster risk management cycle into four phases in his model (Figure 3.3) and these being mitigation, preparation, response and recovery (Albtoush, Dobrescu & Ionescou, 2011). Recovery

Response

Mitigation

Preparation

Source: Albtoush, R., Dobrescu, R. & Ionescou, F. (2011). ‗A hierarchical model for emergency management systems‘, U.P.B. Sci. Bull., Series C, Vol. 73 (2), pp. 53-62.

FIGURE 3.3: The Kimberly Model

As can be observed, the Kimberly model (Figure 3.3) locates the mitigation and the preparation (preparedness) phases at the same level, whilst the recovery phase is located at the top. It shows the response phase as the largest, longest and most visible stage of disaster risk management and this model is therefore, suitable for managing complexity in disasters. By placing mitigation and preparation (preparedness) on the same level, it suggests that these phases are the driving force influencing successful response. The phase of recovery is

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situated at the top to emphasise what remains after disaster response. In addition, recovery occupies the longest period and it is the costly phase of the disaster risk management cycle. However, Kimberly‘s model is characterised by certain limitations. The model can be utilised only in specific situations and it requires well trained employees in order to apply the phases of the disaster risk management cycle effectively. As such, the model is suitable for emergency management in health institutions and may not be essential in other contexts (Albtoush et al., 2011). Since the model is biased towards hospital emergency management, its scope is therefore limited. Moreover, high budget would be expected for the well tried and skilled employees.

3.6

Concluding Remarks

The main focus of the chapter was on the theoretical framework. The chapter provided a discussion, analysis and critique of the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, this being the framework used to inform and give direction to the study. The framework‘s strengths and weaknesses were highlighted in the chapter. Theories that are commonly used in areas relating to disaster risk management and development studies were also discussed, highlighting their advantages and shortcomings. The Social constructionist theory which was chosen to inform the study is also discussed in this chapter. Some classical approaches to disaster risk management, consisting of models which are common to the academia and professionals in the field were also identified and discussed. The chapter that follows is centred on the reviewing of related literature.

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CHAP TER 4 LITERATURE REVIEW 4.0

Introduction

This Chapter reviewed the body of related literature through analysing, discussing and critiquing the works of other scholars. The chapter focused on the impacts of flood disasters on communities, with special focus on human settlements, infrastructure, marginalised and vulnerable groups and livelihoods assets. The chapter also examined factors which contribute to flood disasters, and explains why certain communities prefer to remain in flood-prone zones. Common disaster risk management intervention strategies that have been practised to deal with disasters in order to improve preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery by communities were also examined. The chapter is important as it adds value and broadens the understanding of communities and types of livelihoods impacted by floods. It also highlights common interventions that have been practised to deal with flood disasters. By highlighting how human actions in pursuit of better livelihood outcomes contribute to the occurrence of flood disasters, the chapter advances the Social constructionist theory which was chosen to guide the study. The chapter further confirms one of the theoretical assumptions of the study, that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are a social construct.

4.1 Impact of Flood Disasters on Communities Floods are the most common natural hazards which have resulted in devastating disasters because of their severe impact. Like any other disasters, floods have resulted in many negative effects on some communities, including loss of human life, property damage, and have also affected the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of countries. Worldwide, they are viewed as the most costly natural disaster (Miller, Muir-Wood & Boissonnade, 2008). Therefore, flood disasters should never be a welcome occurrence in any human society because of the losses involved. Borrows and De Bruin (2006) also assert that amongst natural disasters, flooding has affected and killed many people than any other single catastrophe. Floods have resulted in big losses in both developed and developing countries worldwide. According to Rahman (2014), between 1986 and 1995, flooding resulted in 31% of economic losses around the world and 55% of the victims from all natural disasters. Mwape (2009) assumes that direct losses due to flooding occur soon after the event, due to the physical

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contact of the flood waters with people and with property that is capable of being damaged or destroyed.

Flood disasters also have impacted negatively on development programmes and initiatives. They also have retarded steps towards the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals [MDGs] (UNISDR & UNOCHA, 2008; Water Aid, 2013). As such many less developed countries (LDCs) have found themselves lagging behind in terms of meeting their MDGs target as a result of the effects of flood disasters, and Zimbabwe is no exception. According to Noy (2009), developing and LDCs countries appear to be affected by disasters the most. As such, flood disasters should be regarded as a social problem that should be seriously considered in any society. The next sub-section looks at the impact of flood disasters on human beings (human and social capital), their property (physical capital) and the economy (financial and natural capital) on the global front.

4.1.1

Impact of Flood Disasters on the global front

In the aftermath of severe flooding events, massive losses to human life, damage to property and human displacements are usually experienced. Manandhar and McEntire (2014) state that disasters emanate from hazards and that these negatively affect people and built environments, thus suggesting a complicated interaction between people and nature, including buildings and infrastructure. It is therefore, meaningful that flood hazards are thoroughly managed so that disasters resulting from flooding are avoided. Seneviratne, Baldry and Pathirage (2010) concur and mention that disasters affect lives of humans, their property, employment, infrastructure, and the environment. According to FAO (2013), floods also damage agricultural infrastructure and assets, crops and inputs, and affect the capacity to produce. Available evidence reveals that the number of people killed and level of flood damage have increased sharply in recent years (IFRC, 2008; UNDP, 2004b). Such events have occurred at the global, regional, and local levels. This means that all the continents of the world have, at some point in time, experienced flood disasters. However, the resultant negative effects show that not much has been done, especially in les s developed countries, to limit the damage caused by flood disasters. The effects of flood disasters have largely depended on the state of disaster preparedness of the communities.

According to van Kien (2011), the year 2000 floods in Southeast Asia, part icularly in Viet Nam and Thailand, left a trail of destruction when they claimed the lives of approximately - 67 -

900 people and left around 4 million people homeless. The total loss of the flooding event in monetary terms was estimated to be at US$460 million, resulting in the countries‘ GDP being severely affected. These large figures, which reflect material, human and economic losses, are an indication that serious disaster risk management measures are needed in order to minimise losses due to floods. In 2005 floods displaced approximately 1.8 million people in the island of Mindanao, which is second largest and most ethnically diverse island in the Philippines, and suffering the highest number of internally displaced persons (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2012). This scenario shows that floods apart from destroying property and claiming human lives can also cause serious disruption to human populations by forcing large numbers of people to migrate from their locations. However, some lessons can be learnt from these situations - such patterns of affected human settlements might have been located in flood prone areas, hence living with flood risk. In 1999, China experienced its worst flood disaster in many years, when more than 300 million people were affected when t he Yangtze River Valley was flooded (Gao, Nickum & Pan, 2007). As a country with a long history of flood impacts, this suggests that China still has a long way to go in managing floods as evidenced by the continuing increase in losses.

Sayed and Gonzalez (2014) note that yearly floods often result in fatalities in Pakistan and that in 2009, dozens of people were killed; in 2008, 82,000 people were displaced; in 2007, 300 were killed and 2.5 million people were affected. WFP (2010) also observes that the monsoon floods disaster of 2010 in Pakistan was very severe and unprecedented, claiming lives of more than 1,700 people, overwhelming more than 20 percent of the land, and resulting in losses worth billions of dollars, destruction of infrastructure, houses and livestock, and other household livelihoods assets. These massive losses of human life and property through flooding should not be allowed to take place in human societies. Important infrastructure in the form of roads, bridges and markets were also massively destroyed and rendered unusable in Pakistan (WFP, 2010). The fact that flood damage in Pakistan encompassed essential infrastructure such as housing, roads and bridges, warrants scrutiny on the type of building materials used in the construction ind ustry. There is need for materials that are very strong and flood resistant for buildings in flood prone areas. During January 2009 flood damage was also experienced in Fiji. Many incidents were told of people being left with no food or water, and with no means to recover after 300 villagers in the Navosa district had their crops on the farms entirely destroyed by floods, resulting in children failing

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to go to school because of hunger (Lal, Singh & Holland, 2009). The effect of the floods on food and water raised poverty issues, since basic human needs were disrupted.

In the European continent, flood disasters have been severe too, killing people and leading to mass displacement of populations. Jongman et al. (2014) concur and mention that recent flooding disasters across Europe have ended in human deaths and disrupted homes, communities and business operations. The most severe flooding events happened in August 2002, which had the number of people killed reaching 232 and contributed to material damage of over USD 27 billion (Chory´nski et al., 2012). According to Surminski et al., (2014), the estimated average annual losses to floods in Europe for 2010 stood at €4.2 billion (approximately US$4, 7 billion). This indicates that even most the developed countries are affected by flood hazards and disasters, incurring severe losses that also include the human capital. These huge figures of people losing their lives to flood disasters, suggest that the disasters are out of control even in the developed countries. Therefore, more meaningful measures are needed to mitigate flood losses even in the most developed countries. Jongman et al., (2014) also provide estimates of future flood risk in Europe, which indicates that by 2050, the estimated yearly damage resulting from flood impact would be five fold, having increased to €23.5 billion (US$26,7 billion). The anticipated increase in the number of annual flood damage in Europe shows the difficulties most developed countries encounter in managing hazards. Such countries, although developed, also have no immediate solution to the phenomenon. Severe flooding occurred in May and June 2013, in Germany and Austria, resulting in severe damages and estimated losses in both countries over €6 billion (US$6,8 billion) and €2 billion (US$2,27 billion) respectively (Kundzewicz, 2015). The level of water overlapped the historical highest point at a reach of the River Elbe in Germany and dikes were subdued. These negative effects portray the impact of floods even to places beyond national boundaries. Strong bilateral relations between countries are therefore, important so that floods may be jointly managed between nations. In June 2013 Germany again experienced a flood with a severe impact in the cities of Passau and Deggendorf, with Pa ssau experiencing the worst floods ever recorded, after the Inn River crested at a record of an estimated 12.75 meters (CEDIM, 2013). In December 2013 to February 2014, Kundzewicz (2015) notes that a big area in the United Kingdom experienced huge volumes of water runoff and stream flow, resulting in transport movement being restricted. These most recent flooding events in Europe portray floods as a persistently occurring natural hazard on the continent. - 69 -

In the Americas, flood disasters have caused damage to the infrastructure, livelihoods and affected economies of countries. Kousky (2012) observes that in the United States of America, floods have been blamed for the most deaths and the most property losses over the twentieth century, compared to other natural disasters, and that from 1975 to 1998, floods resulted in approximately $106 billion in damages and more than 2,400 deaths in the country. Disasters such as the Hurricane Katrina in the United States of America, and the Queensland floods of 2011 and 2013, are a strong indication that even countries with disaster risk management systems considered to be effective may be exposed to the new extremes of climate change (Hannam, 2014; Jackson & Shields, 2008; Medew, 2014). Such countries suffer huge losses since they would have invested a lot in infrastructural development and new technology. On the 20th of June 2012, many communities in north eastern Minnesota were affected by flash floods which consisted of approximately 10- inches of rainfall within a period of 24 hours, resulting in losses over $100 million in damage to public infrastructure, destruction to over 1,700 dwellings and over 100 businesses affected (Arrowhead Regional Development Commission [ARDC], 2013). As a response, the affected communities worked tirelessly as a team to deal with the immediate impacts of the disaster, with aid coming from various humanitarian organisations and agencies at different levels - regional, state and federal levels (ARDC, 2013). From this case study, one would easily interpret how painful the immediate impacts of flood disasters were. This stage is usually characterised by high levels of confusion and haphazard approach from participating organisations. A wellcoordinated approach, with outlined specific tasks to be performed by each agency is required at this stage. The impact of the 1999 floods experienced in the northern coast of Venezuela, caused infrastructural damage estimated at above US$ 3 200 million, which is 3.3 per cent of Venezuela‘s GDP (World Bank, 2010a). Most affected was the state of Vargas, where more than 230 000 jobs were lost, whilst the state of Miranda was also heavily affected resulting in the El Guapo dam collapsing, leading to water shortages, and destroying 60 percent of the crops (MoPD Venezuela, 2000). IFRC (2010), estimates that this flood disaster also resulted in the death of 30 000 people, 30 000 households were displaced and more than 81 000 dwellings were damaged, making it one of the worst flood disasters to claim many lives in a given time in the continent.

Among the worst flood disasters to occur in the American continent are the 1996 floods in the city of Roseburg. According to the City of Roseburg (2012), the floods affected thousands of - 70 -

people, killing seven and injuring more than 50, whilst 23,000 were displaced from their homes. This resulted in more than 100 Red Cross a nd Salvation Army shelters being provided to the affected populations. A state-wide loss of $400 million in damages was also reported and an estimated 1,700 people lost their jobs due to flooding (City of Roseburg, 2012). This disaster was followed by the 1997 flood disaster, in which the Red River, which stretches from the United States into Canada, was affected by a worst flood in 150 years, resulting in costs estimated at US$5 billion (Simonovic, 2008; Hillier, 2009). Apart from human, material and economic losses, floods can also have significant consequences on the environment. For instance, following the Mississippi floods of 1993, environmental degradation, damage to land with rich soils and altered natural ecosystems of the region‘s rivers and their flood plains were experienced. Such events could have been well managed if measures towards enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response to and recovery from floods were in place to minimise the related losses.

However, statistics show that amongst the flooding events that have happened around the world, the Asian continent has been the most affected (Table 4.1). The countries that have been severely affected by flood disasters, in terms of losses to human life in the previous 100 years include China, Venezuela, Guatemala, Bangladesh and Myanmar (International Council for Science [ICSU], 2008).

TABLE 4.1: Countries severely impacted by flood disasters Country China China China China China Guatemala China China Bangladesh Venezuela Myanmar

Date killed 1911 July 1931 1935 July 1939 July 1949 Oct 1949 Aug 1954 July 1959 July 1974 Dec 1999 May 2008

Number killed 100,000 3,700,000 145, 000 500,000 57,000 40,000 30,000 2,000,000 28,700 30,000 100,000

Source: ICSU (2008). A Science Plan for Integrated Research on Disaster Risk: Addressing the Challenge of Natural and Human-Induced Environmental Hazards. ICSU: Paris.

As can be observed, flood disasters have mostly led to severe losses in the Asian and the American continents (Table 4.1). Topping the list is China, whose July 1931 floods killed - 71 -

about 3, 7 million people, while in July 1959 the same country experienced a nother flood that killed about 2 million people. Following China is Myanmar, in which 100 000 people were killed in the May 2008 floods. These statistics indicate the level of severity that floods have wrecked on communities, despite all the efforts by development and disaster practitioners to minimise their impacts. Such losses should never be allowed to happen in the modern world, which is characterised with technological advances. However, the number of people killed in China has been declining in recent years. This general decline may be attributed to increased awareness of flood hazards in China, leading to people moving away from dangerous areas. The seriousness by China in dealing with flooding in the country, qualifies the nation as one of the countries with the most progressive disaster risk management systems.

The African continent has not been spared by flood hazards and disasters. The majority of the documented flood disasters in African societies are a result of natural hazards, made worse by imperfect development processes in the affected areas (Adelekan, 2010; Olorunfemi, 2011). This is true, considering that most traditional structures in Africa are constructed from weak material for instance, pole and dagga houses. As noted by Etuonovbe (2011), the impacts and effects of 2010 flooding in Nigeria resulted in submerged roads, obstruction of traffic, heavy coastal erosion, disruption of economic activities, human displacements, damage to property, as well as deaths. Beginning in July 2012, heavy rains also struck the entire country of Nigeria, resulting in massive losses to floods in terms of livelihood assets and economy. The floods had a severe impact in terms of human, material, and production losses, resulting in 363 people being killed, 5,851 injured and 3,871,53 people displaced (Government of Nigeria, 2013). The loss of the livelihood assets resulting from the floods in Nigeria is one of the reasons why African countries have to bear with high levels of poverty.

In South Africa, flooding was experienced in the Limpopo, Mpumalanga and Gauteng provinces in February 2000, leading to an estimated structural damage of around R1 Billion (US$ 600M) and more than 50 people killed (South African Weather Service, 2011). Severe impact of floods was again experienced during the December 2004 and January 2005 flooding event along the garden route (Tempelhoff et al., 2009) and of late, the widespread December 2010 and January 2011 flood disasters, which ended in a national state of disaster being proclaimed in seven provinces and 28 districts (IFRC, 2011). These huge losses to flooding in South African may possibly, be emanating from high levels of the country‘s population, with some people compelled by circumstances to settle in flood risky places. This - 72 -

is a nation with the highest population in Southern Africa. Considering that its population is growing on a daily basis owing to the influx of illegal migrants and economic refugees, more flood impact should be anticipated in South Africa in the coming years. The 2000 and 2001 floods that affected Mozambique had a negative effect on that country‘s infrastructure, GDP and human life. The year 2000 cyclone-induced floods resulted in direct and indirect losses of some 6 percent of GDP, while the 2001 flooding of the Licungo River affected approximately 500 000 people (Ncube-Phiri, Mudavanhu & Mucherera, 2014). It seemed stakeholders in Mozambique were not well equipped to deal with flooding of that magnitude. There is therefore, a need for improved preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery strategies.

Gwimbi (2009) and Mazzeo (2011) note that flood disasters are also a common problem in Zimbabwe, and that these disasters have threatened the food security situation of the citize ns, particularly those living in a rural places. According to UNOCHA (2008), the total number of people impacted by floods in 2007 in Southern Africa was above 194 103, with 15 168 in Zimbabwe alone being affected. However, Siamachira (2011) is of the view that floods in Zimbabwe are not as severe as they are in South Asia and Latin America, although they have had severe impact on the communities. Nonetheless, flooding in Zimbabwe has resulted in deaths, destroyed livestock, damaged crops, and property, as well as in outbreak of various diseases, including cholera and malaria (Prevention Web, 2012). Flooding in Zimbabwe has occurred mainly in places like Muzarabani, Chadereka, Binga, Masvingo and Tsholotsho.

However, despite the numerous steps that have been undertaken to improve their resilience to flood hazards, communities have continued to experience the adverse effects. Floods have continued to claim human lives, destroy property and infrastructure, and have also resulted in massive economic losses of nations. It is for this reason that this study calls for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery measures to manage flood hazards and disasters.

4.1.2

Flood Disasters as a Development Concern

All disasters, including floods disasters are a major development concern in many countries the world over. As such, many countries have for many times found themselves lagging behind in terms of development as a result of floods. Floods are a development concern because they affect people‘s livelihoods and their assets. Floods also have a bearing on livelihoods and sectors of development. - 73 -

4.1.2.1 Flood impact on Sustainable Livelihoods and Livelihood Assets Floods hazards can lead to property damage and can also destroy assets such as crops, livestock. Infrastructure and livelihoods can also be affected by floods, whilst economic activity can be disrupted. As for poor communities, because of their great expos ure and vulnerability to flood hazards, losses in terms of income and assets can plunge communities into severe poverty and affect their human security as well (UNISDR, 2009a). Whilst people in richer communities have a potential to rebuild and recover fro m shocks quickly from sound financial reserves, social safety nets and insurance schemes (Hoeppe & Gurenko, 2006), people in poorer communities have a slower recovery rate and costs associated with rehabilitation tend to shift resources away from investments that are more productive (Hallegatte et al., 2007).

As this study is informed by the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach, it is imperative that it examines the impact of floods on communities‘ livelihoods. Livelihoods that have been severely impacted by floods would not contribute to the improvement of a community‘s standard of living. It is therefore, important that livelihoods are preserved and protected so that they become sustainable. Apart from causing destruction to lives and property, flooding also causes massive damage to livelihood systems of the impacted communities (Olorunfemi & Raheem, 2013). Big floods bring costs to rural people in the form of damage to crops and shelter, loss of livestock and human life, injuries, as well as water-borne diseases (Van Kien, 2014; Duong Van Nha, 2006). It is for this reason that, communities in Tsholotsho District need to be resilient and be able to adapt to external pressures in order to protect their livelihoods from floods. The resilience concept is crucial for understanding the communities‘ and households‘ capacities and their livelihoods for coping with and adapting to stresses or shocks (Armitage & Johnson, 2006; Marshall & Marshall, 2007).

Livelihoods consist of the assets such as natural, physical, human, financial and social capitals, the individuals‘ activities and their access to these activities, that when combined determine the survival or welfare of households and individuals ( Armah et al., 2010; Miehlbradt & McVay, 2006). Livelihoods are portrayed as a whole of dynamic associations between actors and five major assets, which constitute livelihood building blocks (Ashraf et al., 2013). According to Gwimbi (2009), livelihood assets entail the means of production that - 74 -

are at the disposal of a given community, and that the community can use to generate necessary material resources and enough for the survival of the community. Limited access to important livelihood assets may worsen the vulnerability situation and insecurity to communities in Tsholotsho District. Such situation resultantly worsens the external dimension of risks, shocks, and stress, for instance, income shocks, diseases, and natural hazards to which individuals or households are subjected (Ashraf et al., 2013).

Floods have a devastating effect on the various types of livelihoods. According to Sharma et al. (2013), floods cause significant physical damage to agricultural land and household property, with negative implications for people‘s livelihoods. Mercy Corps (2010) concurs and states that floods continue to negatively affect communities living along banks of rivers on yearly basis, limiting their access to roads, destroying their crops, and wiping away their assets and livestock. Floods have adverse impact on crops, livestock, houses and social networks and other non-agricultural livelihoods (AFPRO, 2014; Fredrick et al., 2010). As far as crops are concerned, flooding impacts on the produce such as rice paddy, fruit trees and vegetables thereby threatening the food security of those who depend on subsistence farming, and potential huge losses to those who undertake commercial farming (Kolawole, Olayemi & Ajayi, 2011). As for livestock, goats, sheep and cattle have been lost through floods, whilst villages have to be relocated from their ancestral homeland to neighbouring districts, as floods have rendered some homes uninhabitable (Savious, 2014).

However, in cases of more serious flooding, almost every household is likely to be impacted, in spite of its distance from the river (Sharma et al., 2013). Jamal (2011) states that persistent monsoonal rainfall in 2010 caused tragic floods in Pakistan resulting in people‘s livelihood, such as cotton crops, sugarcane, rice and vegetables being destroyed. The same floods also led to huge losses to agriculture, affecting stocks of seeds, disrupting irrigation, destroying livestock and farmland, resulting in increased levels of poverty and worsening the food insecurity situation of impacted small farmers (Ashraf et al., 2013). As observed by DAWN (2011), the types of crops destroyed by the marauding Pakistan floods included cotton, mango orchards, sugarcane and rice.

African societies have also experienced the impact of floods on their livelihoods in certain circumstances. Musah and Akai (2014) assert that in Ghana, floods are some of the most persistent and damaging natural disasters that impact people‘s livelihood. Musa and Akai - 75 -

(2014) further observe that the 2007 floods in Ghana resulted in people being killed, displaced vulnerable communities and destroyed key infrastructure, food storages and livestock. Apart from the death toll of 20 people and the destruction of important livelihoods, the 2007 floods in Ghana also affected other livelihoods assets, including farmlands, houses, bridges, schools and health facilities, as well as damage to the water supply, irrigation systems, food processing facilities (Armah et al., 2010). In South Africa livelihoods assets have not been spared by flooding. The flood disaster of January, 1981 in Laingsburg is regarded as the country‘s most devastating natural calamity as it affected a larger part of the town resulting in the death of 100 people, extensive damages largely on bridges and irrigation schemes (Efobi & Anierobi, 2013). It is because of their continued increase and negative effects on communities‘ livelihoods and assets that strong interventions are a prerequisite to flood hazards and disasters, especially for flooding in Tsholotsho District. Kind (2014) supports this view by stating that the projected raise in flood risk resulting from climate variability could justify higher safety standards or improved measures that mitigate potential flood damage in some places.

4.1.2.2 Flood impact on sectors of development Mitchell (2012) recognises that disaster resilience is an enabling factor in sector-oriented development goals, including goals focusing on water, food, education, infrastructure, as well as health issues. The Sphere Project Handbook (2011) narrows down the sectors of development (referring to them as technical chapters) into four: Water supply, sanitation and hygiene promotion (WASH); Food security and nutrition; Shelter, Settlement and non- food items; and, Health Action. These technical chapters, which are meant to alleviate human suffering, have also been affected by flood disasters in a number of ways in Tsholotsho District.

Less developed countries trying to achieve minimum standards set for water supply, sanitation and hygiene promotion sector usually struggle in the aftermath of flood disasters. An observation by the World Health Organization (WHO, 2008), is that an estimated 70 million people living in Bangladesh use drinking water which is not in conformity with the minimum standards set by the World Health Organisation. This huge population is largely located in the rural areas, which are characterised by persistent problems of flooding leading to high levels of poverty, and lack of clean and safe water (Shimi et al., 2010). During - 76 -

flooding in 1998 and 2004 in Bangladesh, water sanitation and hygiene promotion were compromised. Approximately 97 percent of the toilets were rendered unsuitable for use due to flood water inundation and only three percent of the households toilets were partially usable resulting in many people defecating directly into water (Shimi et al., 2010). The collapse of water supply and sanitation system in communities may easily lead to an outbreak of waterborne diseases. In most of the developed countries, communities shun to use contaminated water as it is blamed for a number of bacterial diseases (Aurangzeb et al., 2007; Rosemann, 2005). According to Ahmad et al. (2013), such condition of water is seriously dangerous for the health. Turnbull, Sterrett and Hilleboe (2013: 87) also concur and state that: If a population‘s drinking water supply is contaminated during flooding, and authorities do not provide access to an alternative source of safe water, they may be considered responsible for increasing people‘s vulnerability to waterborne disease and held accountable for failing to protect their citizens‘ right to basic services. Strong preparedness and mitigation measures against floods would therefore, ensure that the WASH sector is not severely affected.

According to IFRC (2006), water and sanitation programmes need to into take account potential hazards, so that they are not subsequently destroyed by floods. The same programmes can be undertaken in places like Tsholotsho District as a way of managing flood hazards and disasters. As their main objective, WASH programmes in disasters seek to minimise the spread of faeco-oral diseases and lessen exposure to disease-bearing vectors through (Sphere Project Handbook, 2011):

 practising good hygiene;  the provision of clean and safe drinking water;  the minimisation of environmental health risks; and,  Conditions that allow people to live with good health, dignity, comfort and security. The Food security and nutrition sector can also be severely affected by floods. Food becomes scarce amongst communities during flooding events, thereby jeopardising food security at community and households levels. Gaillard et al. (2008) argue that during flooding many households may experience lack of necessary food due to failing sources of income, and poor people in rural areas often suffer increased difficulty in food that cause relentless health and

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nutrition problems. Expenses for food also increase d uring floods because of low incomes and spending of households. This situation deteriorates food consumption levels of households, especially for the rural poor. The sector of shelter, settlement and non- food items can also easily be affected by floods if no proper interventions are put in place. The Vietnam floods of 2000 inundated above 800,000 dwellings, resulting in 50,000 households being moved, 500,000 households needing post-disaster relief, and more than 800,000 students at high schools had their studies suspended (Van Kien, 2011). During flooding the health sector can get affected too, especially when water supply and sanitation system are badly impacted, boosting the spreading of waterborne diseases and leading to severe health problems. According to Campbell- Lendrum and Woodruff (2007), flooding leads to an increase in cases of water and vector borne diseases. For instance, the flood impacted people of Bangladesh are heavily exposed to waterborne diseases during a period of flooding. Limited sanita tion facilities, compounded by polluted drinking water and lack of awareness about hygiene may result in diarrhoeal diseases and other water-borne diseases (Heierli, 2007). Strong interventions against flood hazards and disasters are therefore needed in all the sectors of development to ensure that livelihoods and livelihoods assets are protected.

4.1.3

The Nexus between Disasters and Development

Some scholars and practitioners are in agreement that there exists some close connection or relationships between disasters and development. Such relationship has been described differently and many scholars are in agreement that there exists a strong link between disasters and development (Collins, 2009; Manyena, 2012). Such a relationship has been described as being either negative or positive. In other words, on one hand, whilst disasters are understood to disrupt development efforts, on the other hand, they are understood to offer opportunities to correct past development failures. Whilst development may attempt to address the negative effects of disasters through lessons learnt, at the same time development processes also lead to the occurrence of disasters. However, this does not mean that disasters, flood disasters included, should be tolerated in human communities. There are more negatives than positives that societies can derive from disasters. Therefore, practitioners who disregard this relationship would be neglecting to provide a proper service to the communities whom they should serve diligently. The growing body of literature on the relationship between disasters and development categorises the relationship into four thematic areas (Fordham, 2007). This relationship is explained through the two realms – the

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Disaster Realm and the Development Realm (F igure 4.1), which shows the positive and negative aspects of the disaster and development relationship.

DEVELOPMENT REALM

+

Development can increase vulnerability

Development r educes vulnerability

-+

++ + Disasters can set back development

--

Disasters can provide opportunities for development

+-

Opportunities

_ DISASTER REALM Source: Fordham, M. (2007). ‗Disaster and development research and practice: A necessary eclecticism?‘ In: Handbook of disaster research, pp. 335–346. Springer New York: New York.

FIGURE 4.1: The Disaster/Development Relationship Realm

As can be observed (Figure 4.1) the right half of the diagram shows the positive or optimistic side of the relationship, whilst the left side shows the negative aspects of the relationship. The theme in each quarter of the circle clearly describes the relatio nship between disaster and development. Such relationship is explained in detail as follows:

4.1.3.1 Disasters can set back development Flood disasters in Tsholotsho District have heavily impacted on development programmes and projects. According to Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2012) and UNISDR (2009a), disasters can slow progress towards the attainment of development targets, and can also reverse development processes. Disasters have a negative effect on development processes (Fordham, 2007; Harding, 2007; Manyena, 2012), and development is undermined every time a disaster strikes (IFRC, 2006). For example, recovery may be difficult in the - 79 -

post-disaster period due to the fact that some materials required may be inadequate, resulting in more expensive substitutes being used or higher prices charged. This may drive the costs of reconstruction to be higher than what they would have been prior to the occurrence of a disaster (Olsen & Porter, 2008).

In setting back development, disasters affect development programming by destroying years of development initiatives (World Bank Independent Evaluation Group, 2006). In this case, disasters may reverse the development gains achieved over the years through damaging a country‘s infrastructure. For instance, infrastructure improvement or transport and utility systems may be destroyed by floods. Disasters in the form of complex emergencies have also impeded development activities in some countries. Harding (2007) gives as an example of complex emergencies such as, the effects of serious human rights violations, civil disturbances, and conflicts of political nature impacting Iraq‘s developmental agenda. The widespread social disruption in Iraq through complex emergencies has hindered development processes undertaken by the country.

Apart from destroying infrastructure, disasters also limit or wipe out gains of economic development. Damage and economic losses from Hurricane Mitch in 1999 is a case in point and of interest. Damage and economic losses from this disaster equalled 80 percent of GDP in Honduras and 49 percent in Nicaragua (O‘Brien, O‘Keefe, Rose & Wisner, 2006). Disasters also interrupt ongoing development programmes, through diverting resources towards the new emergencies (Van Niekerk, 2008; World Bank, 2010a). The Mozambique floods of year 2000 are a case in point. These floods resulted in over $165 million in costs to reconstruct and repair damage to water, sanitation, energy, telecommunication, roads and railway infrastructure (UNOCHA, 2008). Besides affecting economic development, d isasters can also limit social development. Populations severely weakened by natural disasters are less likely to possess the capacity to maintain critical social assets, such as irrigation systems and community wood. The loss of these social assets due to flood disasters may result in the loss of livelihoods. For instance, this is the prevailing scenario in Tsholotsho District.

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4.1.3.2 Disasters can provide opportunities for development Although disasters are perceived to retard development efforts, they can also offer a significant platform on which to undertake development processes. Some authors in both the development and disaster risk management fields suggest that disasters can provide positive economic effects, whilst others have argued that it may seem inappropriate to talk of disasters as providing windows of opportunity (Cariaga, 2012). However, the disaster risk management body of knowledge highlights the windows of opportunity that exist in the aftermaths of disasters, as drivers for social change, including change of governance regimes (Pelling & Dill, 2010; Pelling & Manuel-Navarrete, 2011) and turning obstacles into enab lers (Burch, 2010). Cariaga (2012) observes that meteorological disasters like floods and tornadoes can boost local property markets. For example, landlords of homes damaged by floods or tornadoes would have invested their money elsewhere, generating higher utility that they instead had to channel towards reconstruction (Cariaga, 2012; Kousky, 2012).

Disasters also improve communities through forcing people to analyse their current state of vulnerability and adjust their conditions to minimise future risk (Sudmeier-Rieux et al., 2006). The same view also applies to flood disasters, which despite their negative consequences can provide significant opportunities for development programmes during reconstruction stage. Manyena (2009) argues that reconstruction in the aftermath of a disaster presents ‗new things‘ in the form of new schools, improved health facilities, and new housing. This shows that each disaster experience brings with it new lessons and improved ways of doing things. For instance, a programme to rebuild houses and other types of infrastructure destroyed by floods in Tsholotsho District may teach new skills, enhance knowledge and strengthen community pride in the district. However, this does not mean that flood disasters are welcome in the district. Such disasters should be avoided at all cost as they retard development.

When a disaster occurs, it leaves a trail of destruction and the rebuilding period is usually long and costly. However, disasters can influence a quick turnover of capital, which could result in positive outcomes through the adoption of the latest modern technologies. This is known as the ―productivity effect‖ (Hallegatte & Dumas, 2008). The productivity effect is realised when disasters destroy productive capital, such as production plants, buildings and roads. Their replacement can be realised through adopting the most current and sophisticated - 81 -

technologies, which bring more benefits and productivities. This scenario points to the positive consequences of disasters. Hallegatte and Dumas (2008) observe that in 1993 Albala-Bertand studied the effects of 28 natural disasters in 26 countries from 1960 to 1979 and established that in most cases, GDP growth improved after the disasters and he associated this to the substitution of the damaged capital equipment with modern and advanced one. However, some scholars have divergent views on the causes of increase in GDP after a disaster.

As far as flooding is concerned, flood disasters can sometimes bring important sediments that fertilise the soil (Sharma et al., 2013). Van Kien (2014) and Phóng Trần et al., (2008) concur when stating that floods provide beneficial resources in the form of abundant fish, rich soils, and abundant water resources to support agricultural projects and activities. This scenario also obtains in Tsholotsho District, as rich soils suitable for farming are found at those settlements along Gwayi River. However, it is important to note that benefits or losses associated with flood disasters in any given year are not the same to all segments of a population (Van Kien, 2011). In spite of their positive effects in the communities, disasters should never be tolerated. The period of restoration and reconstruction is usually a long and painful one, characterised by huge trauma and stress to the affected communities. Unlike infrastructure that can be restored, human lives lost during a disaster cannot be restored during reconstruction. The Social constructionist theory informing this study, views the location of people at flood prone with opportunities for development, as social constructs that may lead to future disasters. According to the theory, such social constructs should be avoided so that flood disasters do not occur. Therefore, there is need for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response to and recovery from disasters, especially floods, if communities are to limit the negative consequences of disasters.

4.1.3.3

Developme nt programmes can contribute to disaster vulnerability

Development programmes can contribute to a community‘s vulnerability to disasters. The explanation of vulnerability has remained unclear; as such there has been no agreed conceptualisation of the word amongst academics and practitioners (McEntire, GilmoreCrocker & Peters, 2010). McEntire (2011: 298) defines the word as ‗a measure of proneness along with the ability to withstand or react to adverse consequences‘. He further states that vulnerability consists of two components, that is, it consists of liabilities which are factors that determine proneness, and capabilities which are factors associated with limited capacity - 82 -

(McEntire, 2011). Climatologists often associate vulnerability with the possibility of occurrence and negative effects of weather and climate related events, including floods (Heltberg & Bonch-Osmolovskiy, 2011; Hinkel, 2011; Malone & Engle, 2011; Midgley, Davies & Chesterman, 2011; Yusuf & Francisco, 2009).

Wisner and Gaillard (2009) argue that in the 1980s and 1990s disasters started to be regarded as a result of dysfunctional or failed development processes, as a sign of wrong development practices and a sign of many contradictions and tensions as a result of failed development. It is through ongoing development processes that disasters occur, as a result of development failures, leading to loss of life and property damage. For example, a poorly constructed dam wall may give in to water pressure, leading to the flooding of nearby settlements. In the context of this study, some communities in Tsholotsho District are settled on the banks of rivers because they want water for development processes, for instance, farming. Wrongly planned and implemented development interventions may create a hazard, which may further diminish the benefits of development investments (O‘Brien et al., 2006). Planning policies should focus on reducing disaster risks through avoiding development in areas of high risk and using the most suitable development control measures (Harman et al., 2015; Wamsler, 2014). Unwise, uncoordinated, or unsafe development can quickly and dramatically increase the disaster risk faced by the people of a country (United States Environmental Protection Agency [EPA], 2014). Development that also ignores the consequences on the environment is also bound to fail, resulting in the communities bearing its negative effects. As such, development activities undertaken with great disregard to its consequences on the environment may have negative effects and may expose humans systems to greater flood vulnerabilities.

4.1.3.4 Development can reduce future vulnerability Collins (2009) and Fordham (2007) observe that while development may on one hand indeed increase vulnerability, it may on the other hand contribute to decreasing it. Development that is carried out in the aftermath of a disaster is usually based on lessons learnt from that disaster. For instance, development programmes in the flood prone areas of Tsholotsho District should be based on lessons learnt from previous disasters. Such development is undertaken with a view to correcting the previous mistakes, thereby having a potential to reduce future flood disasters. Therefore, it would be expected for such development to help reduce future vulnerabilities if its programmes are tailor- made to reduce vulnerability to - 83 -

disasters and their adverse effects (Collins, 2009; Fordham, 2007). The most possible intervention to disaster problems is that of implementing successful developmental projects focused on reducing vulnerability and risk, management of the environment and sustainable livelihoods (Christian Aid, 2010; Daze, Ambrose & Ehrhart, 2009). For instance, development can reduce future vulnerabilities when the construction of houses within the recommended building codes, adopts designs to resist forces from strong winds, resulting in minimum damage from the next flooding event. Development has also contributed to the harnessing of technologies in order to improve the resilience of buildings and infrastructure to future flood hazards and disasters (Manandhar & McEntire, 2014).

However, Manyena (2012) notes that despite the increasing acceptance of the close connection between disasters and development, a number of limitations such as political conflicts, limited coordination, and lack of resources has made the integration mere rhetoric. There is therefore, a necessity to combine the two approaches of disaster and development into one framework. Such a framework capable of integrating the two approaches is not just needed, but it is a possibility towards effective disaster risk management and sound development practices (Collins, 2009; Manyena, 2012).

4.2

Elements most at risk to flood hazards

The types of elements that are most at risk and vulnerable to floods hazards, need to be identified and explained through literature in this study. Such elements include settlements, infrastructure, livelihoods assets and groups of people in some societies. According to Pelling (2007), risk accumulation results from human activities, and can often be traced to unplanned housing, housing densification, unregulated livelihood activities and a disregard of disaster risk accumulation in planning. In line with the purpose of this study, vulnerability refers to the possibility of people sustaining injuries, getting killed, or otherwise getting harmed by the severe impacts of flood disasters. No community is absolutely out of danger, and limited capacity to deal with the negative effects of hazards is still a concern for development and disaster practitioners. It is therefore, important to acknowledge that the study of disaster risk management focuses on the components of hazard, vulnerability and risk that are related in many different ways. According to Reddy (2010), the close interaction amongst these components can be presented as an expression:

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Risk = Hazard x Vulnerability

The equation explains the notion that the higher the possibility of a hazard occurrence and the more vulnerable the population is, the higher the risk faced by the population (Reddy, 2010). Risk is therefore, a combination of two variables that include the presence of a hazard and vulnerable conditions. A look at the preparedness programme in Bangladesh indicates that people who are vulnerable to flooding have little surplus income to use in interventions that can protect them from future flooding, despite the fact that they are aware of what procedures to follow (Alam et al., 2007). However, the extent of vulnerability to disasters varies between settlements, infrastructure, livelihoods assets and groups of people within societies.

4.2.1. Imprope rly configured human settlements Settlements that are improperly configured through locating them along river banks, flood plains and other risky places are most vulnerable to flooding. Madhuri, Tewari, and Bhowmick (2014) argue that a disaster has far-reaching effects on both the tangible and intangible assets of households who live in its active zone. It is on record that in India and Bangladesh approximately 300 million people are settled in places with a history of flooding (Nott, 2006:57). This is dangerous human practice that should be avoided, especially in countries with such huge populations. This situation keeps people and their property vulnerable to the flood hazards and disasters by living in flood prone areas. Most of the settlements are informal and they are particularly vulnerable to flood events because of both their generally poor quality of construction and high population density (De Risi et al., 2013). These are some of the social constructs of flood disasters that support the Social constructionists‘ view, that disasters are created by people through some acts of malpractice. Measures therefore, need to be taken to regulate the location and pattern of human settlements in order to reduce flood vulnerabilities. Measures for managing disaster risks call for proactive approach from government and all agencies to effectively deal with the vulnerabilities of people living in settlements (Heazle et al., 2013; Serrao-Neumann, Harman & Low-Choy, 2013). Increase in populations along river banks, flood plains and sea coasts are therefore another major contributor to the increased occurrence of flood disasters. New and sound interventions are required to counter the negative effects of floods in such areas. Kron (2011:80) sums up this aspect of flood disaster causal human factor when he states that: The increase in flood losses is primarily due to the growing development of land close to rivers and lakes. People like to live near water. Many at first knowingly accept the - 85 -

risks associated with the river, and then gradually forget about them as time passes without incident.

4.2.2

Poorly designed infrastructure and insecure livelihoods assets

Poorly designed and nondurable infrastructure is most likely to be severely affected by floods. Therefore, people living in such structures are highly vulnerable to this hazard as it has been observed that many disasters are a result of failure to respect the available building or construction codes (Gaillard, Liamzon & Villanueva, 2007; Lewis, 2008). Some people live in structures that were poorly constructed to withstand the forces of natural hazards, whilst others are increasingly likely to use mobile homes which are weak and more prone to flood damage. Satterthwaite et al., (2007) observe that many residents in developing countries live in rented accommodation with little capacities to pay for accommodation, whilst the home owners have no incentives that encourage investment towards better-quality houses. By constructing inferior structures, communities are therefore increasing the intensity of flood hazards and socially constructing flood disasters. In the event that buildings are situated in a flood plain, careful design of buildings and flood protection structures have the potential to lessen the vulnerabilities, and minimise the risk of flooding (Jha, Bloch & Lamond, 2012). Since flood water can affect structures and buildings located in flood prone areas, proper care must be taken to choose building materials that are strong enough to resist flood waters. According to Pasteur (2011), legislation should provide construction rules that set minimum standards for the building of hazard resilient infrastructure.

Insecure livelihoods assets are also at risk to the effects of flood hazards in human societies. Crops and livestock are amongst the livelihoods in communities that are usually affected by devastating floods. Efobi and Anierobi (2013 ) observe that extreme events such as floods over southern Africa have resulted in loss of life, massive damage to property, crops, livestock and disrupted communications. For livelihoods to be sustainable, they need measures that would guard against the negative effects of floods.

4.2.3. Marginalised groups in societies Natural disaster losses, including flood losses are accentuated in poor households and communities and result in long-term consequences for food security, health, education and other critical sectors (Midgley et al., 2011). However, Van Kien (2011) argues that no study

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has demonstrated which social groups benefit from or are disadvantaged by the effects of flooding.

However, there is overwhelming evidence from literature that the poor often lack the required resources, and this makes them incapacitated to deal with flood hazards. The poor are the hardest hit by flood disasters because they have very little capacity to cope with the loss of property and income (Brouwer et al., 2007:314; Water Aid, 2013). They are usually the main victims of floods as they are already among the most vulnerable through living in marginal areas and with threatened livelihoods (Sharma et al., 2013). Typically, most poor households live in small and simple houses, which can easily be swept away by strong flood waves (Van Kien, 2011). The world‘s poor are disproportionately vulnerable to loss of livelihoods and assets, dislocation, hunger, and famine in the face of climate variability and change (Cannon, Twigg & Rowell, n.d). The poor often live in unsafe flood prone urban or rural environments, lack insurance to help them recover from losses, and can hardly influence their governments to provide protective infrastructure, temporary relief, or reconstruction support (International Council on Human Rights Policy [ICHRP], 2008:8). According to the Government of Nigeria (2013), the poor often live in areas that are more vulnerable to disasters of natural origin and thus face a higher disaster risk. These reasons may also help explain why poor communities settling in flood prone areas in Tsholotsho District, always incur severe losses from flood disasters. However, the poor should make efforts to always come up with the necessary interventions that would help them to get themselves out of trouble caused by flooding.

Hewitt (2007) and Mitchell et al., (2013) claim that amongst the most vulnerable groups in the societies are also women, the aged and children, whose share of the impacts of disasters is disproportionally more than that of men. Enarson (2012) posits that on average, disasters disproportionately affect women, children, the aged and people living with disabilities. A study of villages affected by floods resulting from the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami showed that the death rate was highest amongst women, young children and the elderly, and the death rate for women was 40% higher than for men (Guha-Sapir et al., 2006; Pelling et al., 2014). Of importance to note is that the vulnerable groups have limited mobility during flood disasters, which easily makes them to be victims. A study of the 2007 floods in Nepal revealed that in the aftermath, women were affected by anxiety, sleeplessness and feelings of helplessness as a result of their displacement and a loss of social networks they depended on (Turnbull et al., 2013). Women and other disadvantaged groups also are often excluded or - 87 -

not catered for in disaster response and recovery stages (IFRC, 2007). It is important that the vulnerable groups in human communities are capacitated so that they are able to prepare, mitigate, respond and recover from flood impact.

4.3

Factors contributing to flood disasters

There are many factors that have contributed to flood disasters around the world. According to Furedi (2007), there are three major shifts in disaster thought pertaining to their causes: disasters have been regarded as Acts of God; Acts of Nature; and Acts of Men and Women. Manyena et al. (2011) observes that from time immemorial, disasters were seen as Acts of God‘s anger towards his people, implying that nothing could be done about disasters. However, with the emergence of science, the causation of disasters shifted to Acts of Nature as many disasters were blamed on hazards, and hazards were disasters per se (Maniema et al., 2011). Nowadays the disaster causation has shifted from Acts of Nature, to Acts of Men and Women. However, scholars have maintained different views and opinions as to factors that contribute to the occurrence of disasters. Proponents of the Social constructionist theory have maintained that disasters are a human creation, their cause being the way people interact with hazards. A better understanding of the causes and effects of disasters can provide meaningful interventions to deal with them more effectively (McEntire, 2011).

Some of the main factors that induce flood disasters and their impacts include climate change, land sealing, changes in the catchment and flood plain, land use, population growth, urbanisation and increasing settlement, roads and railways and sometimes hydraulic engineering measures (ALNAP & PROVENTION, 2008; Altay & Green, 2006). Population growth has contributed to major flood disasters around the globe. A case in point is that of the 2007 floods in Bangladesh, where most of the people lived in Dhaka and the city‘s continued population growth forced low- income households to settle in flood prone areas (International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh [ICDDRB], 2007). These issues are related to development, thereby confirming the Social constructionist theory guiding the study that disasters are created by people in their social settings. There has been a widespread failure to recognise and address the ways in which changes in land use, settlement policies, population distribution, and the attendant degrading of habitats dramatically increase hazard exposure and vulnerability, and ultimately increase the risk of disasters (Pasteur, 2011; Turnbull et al., 2013). Increases in population density, population shifts, and increasing - 88 -

technology make it likely that communities will encounter disasters more frequently because of rapidly growing populations along coastal areas and flood plains (Crick et al., 2012; Hennessy et al., 2007. However, there are various reasons that make people to opt to settlement in dangerous flood prone areas. High levels of poverty are some of the reasons which force people to live in hazardous areas such as flood plains (ALNAP & PROVENTION, 2008). According to Benson and Twigg (2007:32), poverty and vulnerability to natural hazards are closely linked and mutually reinforcing. Poor communities have fewer resources, which make them more vulnerable to flood disasters.

Despite the causal factors having been identified, floods have continued to negatively affect communities. Factors contributing to vulnerability to floods and causing flood disasters can be summarised as follows (Government of Kenya, 2009):  Location of settlements in flood plains;  Cultivation of crops along slopes adjacent to flood plains, causing massive erosion and destruction of trees in the catchments;  Lack of awareness of flood hazards by local communities;  Reduced capacity of the soil to absorb water due to erosion or existence of concrete;  Poor building materials, leading to non-resistant structures and foundations that cannot withstand the running waters; and  High risk infrastructure.

However, some social scientists and development practitioners are of the view that human beings are also a major factor contributing to flood disasters. They argue that the real problem lies with the level of development of the communities affected by flood disasters. This view also confirms the Social constructionist theory because instead of satanising hazards for their impacts on communities, social constructionists state that it would probably be more correct to blame communities for their interaction with hazards. Action Aid International (2006) concurs with this view and asserts that flood hazards are natural phenomena, but damage and losses from floods are the consequence of human action. There is a dominant view within the academic circles, development and disaster risk management discourse that humanity has the capacity to subjugate nature and therefore, can summon all wisdom to provide for human safety. The argument here is that humans have the capacity to avoid all forms of hazards and can deal with them in such a way that the hazards do not escalate into disasters. People are creating their own vulnerabilities through settling in flood prone areas or through bad - 89 -

governance policies by governments that deliberately or negligently allow people to settle in high risk flood plains. Some scholars argue that by so doing, communities are increasing their vulnerabilities and should not blame nature for their problems, since vulnerability does not come from the sky (Ribot, 2010). Adger (2006: 270) concurs with this view and notes that vulnerability is driven by inadvertent or deliberate human action that reinforces self- interest and the distribution of power in addition to interacting with physical and ecological systems. These concerns are based on the notion that humans have a tendency to settle in flood-prone areas. Human behaviour is also influenced by a perception that risk has been lowered by protective structures such as dams and dykes. Dykes tend to create a false sense of security, attracting development in flood plains which otherwise would not have occurred and thus, increasing the risk to life and property should the dykes fail (Alberta Environment Water Management Operations, 2011). As such, humans have tended to be located where flood disasters are likely to occur and at the same time carrying out risk activities in pursuit of development.

Scholars and practitioners have noted also that culture, attitudes, values and negative behaviour are contributing to increased disaster losses and costs. For the purposes of this research, the word culture will be used to mean the customs, beliefs, entire way of life, activities of a people, group, or society (Smith & Riley, 2009). For instance, people who are animistic often believe that spirits of the dead or gods would protect them and therefore, deliberately locate their settlements in dangerous areas. Such behaviour has worsened the impacts of floods on communities. Gaston (2006) also observes that despite high losses from floods and the persistence of the hazard each year, people previously affected almost invariably move back into the same area after a flood, and sometimes in even greater numbers. Text Box 4.1 below is a case study of how people‘s behaviour contributes to their vulnerabilities through settling in areas with flood high risk.

TEXT BOX 4.1: Contribution of human behaviour to flood vulnerabilities Floods hit the city of Trinidad, Beni, Boliva in 2008. Though about 75 percent of the total surface of Beni was flooded, people were able to continue growing a variety of crops for consumption and income generation despite the severe flood situation; improve their household nutrition due to greater soil fertility and better harvests; and generate income from selling excess produce at local markets; reduce the impact on the environment from a reduction in slash-and-burn agricultural practices. This human behaviour resulted in the worst flood disaster Bolivia had experienced in 50 years as it - 90 affected 118,000 people, destroyed crops and also affected the environment.

Source: Turnbull, M., Sterrett, L.C. & Hilleboe, A. (2013). Toward Resilience: A Guide to Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation. Rugby: Practical Action Publishing Ltd: Warwickshire.

However unlike in Bolivia (Text Box 4.1), the situation in Canada is different. Settlement in flood prone areas has been discouraged in Canada, through mapping and the designation of more than 320 flood risk areas (EC, 2008). This practice by the policy makers is commendable since it helps to increase awareness and also to lessen the impacts of floods. People should be empowered with proper knowledge and awareness concerning their vulnerabilities to flood hazards, as communities without hazard knowledge would be caught unawares. Walden, O‘Reilly and Yetter (2007) assert that lack of knowledge about disaster risks, still affects many communities as they engage in risky behaviours unaware of the consequences of their actions. An example can be given of the poor and isolated people, who made their living on the coast of Gujarat producing salt. Some of them did get the cyclone warning in 1998, while others did not believe it, resulting in the death of 3,000 people, damage to 200,000 houses and the economy suffered losses estimated at US$700 million (Wisner, 2003). Therefore, the disastrous consequences of disasters are dependent on the degree of awareness, human activities and occupancy in vulnerable areas (POST, 2007; Ogba, 2008).

However, apart from human actions, natural variability also contributes to the losses caused by flood disasters. Based on the latest climate predictions for the coming decades (Dankers & Feyen, 2008), climate change may very likely result in an increase of flood losses in Europe. This therefore, calls for improvements in disaster preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from floods. Musah and Akai (2014) argue that flood disasters can trigger the intervention of government agencies and/or other non- governmental organisations, private institutions and livelihood coping strategies directly. The same authors also observe that if the intervention occurs early enough, it minimises the effects of flooding on the livelihood assets and can lead to better livelihood outcomes.

4.4

Some common interventions towards flood hazards and disasters

Communities would always envisage a situation where they are able to manage floods and other forms of disasters affecting them. Prevention is better than cure when it comes to disasters (Chafe, 2007; Ki- moon, 2009) and flooding as one of the more manageable of the - 91 -

natural hazards (Reddy, 2010). However, if the phase of prevention has failed, there would still be need to minimise the negative impacts of disasters in other phases. The main responsibility to deal with any form of hazards and disasters lies with the governments of the day. Alburo-Canete (2014) supports this view and states that in a world perceived as increasingly vulnerable to disasters due to climate change, managing disasters and risks has become a dominant response of governments and humanitarian aid industry the world over. As a result, a number of interventions have been employed by governments and stakeholders in the management of flood hazards and disasters. Some of these interventions have helped improve the well-being of communities, while others have met certain challenges.

There is therefore a need to mainstream flood disaster risk reduction so as to capacitate stakeholders and communities in dealing with the severe impacts of flood disasters on development. According to Hussain (2013), disaster risk reduction is: The conceptual framework of elements considered with the possibilities to minimise vulnerabilities and disaster risks throughout a society, to avoid (prevention) or to limit (mitigation and preparedness) the adverse impacts of hazards, within the broad context of sustainable development.

4.4.1

Global Frame works on Disaster Risk Management

As part of giant steps towards managing disasters at global level, nations have been adopting frameworks aimed at reducing disasters. The notable global disaster risk management initiatives that countries have employed include the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (IDNDR) declaration: 1990 – 2000, which was instrumental in raising the profile of deliberations around the social and economic causes of disaster risk, the Millennium Development Goals (Reddy, 2010; UNDP, 2004a), the Yokohama Strategy: 1990 - 2000; The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA): 2005-2015, whose theme was ‗Building the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters‘ (Twigg, 2007; UNISDR, 2005b); and of late, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction: 2015-2030 (UNISDR, 2015).

Blanke and McGrady (2012) argue that the resilience perspective looks into disasters as anticipated events, and that the perspective emphasises the act of planning to predict contingencies and reduce the initial shock. By signing the HFA at the World Conference on Disaster Reduction in 2005, 168 governments and leading development and humanitarian actors committed themselves to a 10 year multi-stakeholder and multi-sectoral plan to invest - 92 -

in disaster risk reduction as a means to building disaster-resilient communities (Maniema, O‘Brien, O‘Keefe & Rose, 2011; Reddy, 2010;). Dlamini (2011:37) argues that the significance of the HFA can be found in the realisation that in order for disaster risk reduction to be effective at an international and a national level, the input from a large variety of nongovernmental (i.e. communities, NGOs) and governmental role-players was required. This principle of the HFA is in line with the theoretical thinking that due to the complex nature of disasters, subsequent disaster risk can only be reduced through the combined efforts of multiple role-players (Abebe, 2010; Pelling & Holloway, 2006). The HFA has five priority areas for action, whose focus is on Governance; Risk Identification; Knowledge; reducing the underlying risk factors; and, strengthening disaster preparedness for effective re sponse (Twigg, 2007; WFP, 2011). Its priority areas complement some of the interventions that have been used by governments and stakeholders the world over to deal with various types of disasters. Since the HFA‘s tenure ended in 2015, there was need for a new framework with a renewed vision for disaster risk reduction, hence the adoption of the Sendai Framework for Disaster risk Reduction: 2015 – 2030. The Sendai Framework was adopted at the Third United Nations World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction, held from 14 to 18 March 2015 in Sendai, Miyagi, Japan (UNISDR, 2015). This framework is the successor to the HFA, and is meant to provide a unique opportunity for countries to (UNISDR, 2015):  Adopt a concise, focused, forward-looking and action-oriented post-2015 framework for disaster risk reduction;  Complete the assessment and review of the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015: Building Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters;  Consider

the

experience

gained

through

the

regional

and

national

strategies/institutions and plans for disaster risk reduction and their recommendations, as well as relevant regional agreements for the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for Action;  Identify modalities of cooperation based on commitments to implement a post-2015 framework for disaster risk reduction;  Determine modalities for the periodic review of the implementation of a post-2015 framework for disaster risk reduction.

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Just like the HFA, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk reduction also has its priority areas. Taking into account the experiences gained through the implementation of the HFA, and in pursuance of the expected outcomes and goals, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction‘s four priority areas are focused on action within and across sectors by States at local, national, regional and global levels (UNISDR, 2015): 1. Understanding disaster risk. 2. Strengthening disaster risk governance to manage disaster risk. 3. Investing in disaster risk reduction for resilience. 4. Enhancing disaster preparedness for effective response and to ‗Build Back Better‘ in recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction.

Taking the global frameworks into consideration in general and the Sendai Framework in particular, the management of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District would go a long way in alleviating social problems emanating from such events. However, the challenge with frameworks is in their implementation in rural communities, such as Tsholotsho District. The success of the reconstruction phase in the aftermath of a disaster is usually determined by availability of suitable resources, necessary experience and capacities (Barenstein, 2006; Russell, 2005; Zuo & Wilkinson, 2008). The frameworks may not be successfully implemented if the governance system does not provide an environment conducive for disaster risk management activities.

4.4.2

Promoting Community Participation

Increased community participation is one of the interventions that have been used. A comprehensive approach to disaster risk management or reduction recognises and requires the involvement of a diversity of stakeholders including the vulnerable communities. Community participation gives the poor more voice and choice in development and disaster programmes (Cornwall, 2006). According to Maniema (2009), the assumption is that community- initiated programmes build on the felt needs of the target groups and such programmes have a likelihood of succeeding. A group of researchers at Middlesex University examined participation in flood plain management in Bangladesh and England and concluded that there are significant merits to building up from local participation to catchment planning and linking flood plain-specific participatory institutions with existing local government, particularly as evidenced in the Bangladesh experience (Sultana et al., 2007). According to

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Perry (2007), local expertise should be used and the local communities should be included in planning and decision making.

The idea behind the involvement of communities is a brilliant one. Communities have firsthand information about the problems confronting them. Therefore their involvement e nsures a proper problem diagnosis and solution to their problems. Disaster response assistance should never be imposed upon the beneficiaries; and, effective relief and lasting rehabilitation can best be achieved where the intended beneficiaries are involved in the design, management and implementation of the assistance programme (Sphere Project Handbook, 2011: 371). Kulatunga (2010) concurs by stating that community based disaster risk management activities empower the communities and enhance their sense o f responsibility, and

that practitioners should

incorporate citizen

inputs during

formulation and

implementation of various disaster policies and be receptive to people‘s suggestions and feedback. Therefore, the understanding, support and dedication of the people themselves are equally required (Abebe, 2010:239; Pelling & Holloway, 2006:4). Dube (2015) emphasises that the notion of community based disaster risk management activities can be enhanced through the adoption of the community-based disaster risk reduction model (Figure 4.2). Preparedness Vulnerability assessment Planning Institutional Framework Information Systems Resource B ase Warning Systems Response Mechan isms Public Education Emergency dri lls

Mitigation

Prevention

Disaster

Response

Relief

Disaster Practitioners

Development

Vulnerable Community

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Rehabilita tio n

Source: Dube, E. (2015). ‗Improving disaster risk reduction capacity of District Civil Protection Units in managing veld fires: A case of Mangwe District in Matabeleland South Province, Zimbabwe‘, Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies 7(1), Art. #143, 13 pages. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v7i1.143

FIGURE 4.2: Community-based disaster risk reduction model The concept of the community-based disaster risk reduction model (Figure 4.2) is that, as disaster risk reduction activities focus on benefiting the communities, the local community should form part of the unit responsible for managing local disasters (Dube, 2015). Gwimbi (2009) has the same idea and states that the role of the public needs to be recognised in resilience building because, while the technical aspects of mitigation measures are important, their acceptance by the public should not be underestimated. In the community-based disaster risk reduction model, since preparedness occupies a larger part of disaster risk reduction activities, it is indicated by a larger box (Figure 4.2). Dube (2015) further argues that preparedness in this model follows all elements of the preparedness plan, and that arrows indicate direction flow of risk reduction activities. In the model, practitioners will consult the preparedness plan to see whether they still have enough resources during the response phase.

According to the community-based disaster risk reduction model, the vulnerable community is located at the base of the model, to emphasise that they are the anchor of all disaster risk reduction activities, whilst disaster practitioners, being the driving force of all activities, are located at the centre of the model (Figure 4.2). Practitioners closely work with communities, who have first-hand information concerning their vulnerabilities. Community involvement therefore, also ensures project sustainability through improved ownership. Communities also have their own capacities and indigenous knowledge to deal with disasters, which they can integrate with outsider, technical expertise.

4.4.3

Flood Embankment

This is a structural mitigation measure that is taken to minimise the impacts of floods and it is one of the best interventions for flood management. High flood discharges when in excess of the carrying capacity of river channels, spill over the banks and inundate large areas on either side (Government of Kenya, 2009). Flood embankments therefore, act as a barrier for preventing the spill over of water to areas where it is not wanted. These embankments are most likely to be appropriate for flood plains that are already intensely used. Flood embankment activities may entail enhancing implementation capacity through procurement - 96 -

of more equipment and strengthening embankment maintenance capacity (Government of Kenya, 2009).

However, despite their critical role as a structural measure for mitigating the impacts of floods, embankments end up being misused. As noted by Ghani (2001), embankments are now being recklessly used for transportation of materials by tractors and other heavy vehicles, and during floods, people tend to shift to the embankments for temporary shelter and often settle down there for good. This has resulted in the embankments becoming permanent settlements to flood victims and their livestock and therefore, failing to serve their major purpose. As a result of being misused, embankments may become weaker and prone to breaches during the next flood events.

4.4.4

Flood Forecasting and Warning

Flood forecasting and warning is one of the most effective methods, of reducing risk to life and property from flood hazards. As observed by Malene, Debnarayan and Ulla (2010), warning information in disaster risk management is a vital tool, because it can minimise the loss of lives and infrastructure, as well as environmental and economic damage to disasterprone communities. In Zimbabwe, such warnings are issued by the Department of Meteorological services. Flood aware communities can be expected to suffer less social and financial disruption than communities with a low level of flood awareness (Mwape, 2009). It is important that flood warnings are delivered to affected communities immediately, and that the communities understand them in order for them to take the necessary steps. An effective flood warning system is one that can release warning in advance, that is, 72 hours, 48 hours and 24 hours (Aziz et al., 2014) and, this kind of advance warning can help authorities for better flood preparedness and also effective flood mitigation. Flood warnings are also useful for both contingency planning and defining immediate actions in responding to a flood (WBIEG, 2006; ADB, 2006), bearing in mind that poor people need early warning the most.

Therefore, this needs proper awareness building and education of both the forecasters and the communities. Local knowledge and beliefs of the communities and their special social and cultural setting have to be kept in perspective while issuing flood warnings. Flood forecasting can be improved through updating the hydro-meteorological database in the country; updating flood monitoring network; and, setting up appropriate communication systems to

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provide advance flood warning to the village level communities (Government of Kenya, 2009).

4.4.5

Institutional Arrange ments

This entails having a specific organ in a country responsible for disaster or flood management. An institution is an organisation or a group of related organisations created to serve a specific purpose. Some practitioners and scholars argue that institutions may be created through adopting the existing ones or crea ting entirely new structures. As such the approach towards institutional mechanisms differs, ranging from setting up standalone new structures to utilising the existing structures. Countries like India, Pakistan and Indonesia have preferred setting up of new disaster risk management institutions (Cochrane, 2008; Price & Bhatt, 2009; Willitts-King, 2009), whilst El Salvador has relied more on existing structures for institutions (Fagen, 2008). The advantage with adopting existing institutions is that they are already established, with proper procedures, experienced personnel and may be knowledgeable of the problems and issues at hand. Olshansky et al., (2012: 177) also concur that adopting existing organisations and procedures and improving upon them is considered as a better option. Therefore, existing mechanisms for technical coordination should be protected and improved rather than weakened or substituted (UNICEF, 2006). The biggest undoing with new institutions is the delay in decision making due to lengthy bureaucratic norms, lack of flexibility, lack of expertise, multiplicity of organisations resulting in lack of coordination (Jha et al., 2010; Olshansky et al., 2012). It may therefore, be ideal to keep and improve the existing institutions if disaster risk management activities are to be carried out efficiently and effectively.

A critical feature of an effective disaster preparedness capability is the extent to which different actors and entities operate in a coordinated and timely manner by avoiding gaps, duplication of effort, and parallel structures (UNISDR & UNOCHA, 2008). In Zimbabwe the Department of Civil Protection has always and continues to be responsible for coordinating all national response efforts (UNISDR, 2005a). This department responds to any kind of disaster occurring in the country. A high standard of coordination and teamwork among organisations that make up the unit responsible for flood management is therefore called for, in order to avoid confusion. Uncoordinated organisations may operate with different missions, mandates, accountability criteria, and agendas (Bjorn & Olsen, 2012). Twigg (2007) asserts that skilful coordination among the wide range of potential stakeholders that - 98 -

may provide assistance during an emergency is critical to avoid confusion and to facilitate an effective response. Groups that have co-operated successfully are also in a position to assist other groups in times of disaster (Comfort & Haase, 2006), and this suggests that teamwork and communication are key elements of successful disaster and emergency management. Lack of co-ordination, inter-departmental rivalry and fractured politics may lead to failure of the institution (Kapucu et al., 2010; Phillips, Neal & Webb, 2012; Schencking, 2006; Waugh & Streib, 2006).

Coordination and good teamwork in working groups produces a common spirit, and such a scenario is encouraged when dealing with flood disasters. The greater the magnitude of a disaster, the more improvisations, accompanied by pluralistic decision- making in tasks ranging from evacuation and the provision of emergency medical services to interorganisational coordination and community priority-setting (Serrao-Neumann et al., 2015; Wamsler, 2009). Uncoordinated institutional arrangements may result in great confusion and a haphazard approach to disasters.

4.4.6

Flood Disaster Insurance

Flood insurance is one of the many interventions that have been put in place in some countries as a way of managing adverse flood effects. It is deemed most effective as part of a comprehensive Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) strategy that includes risk assessment and awareness, prevention policies and other damage compensation instruments among others (Warner et al., 2009). The European Union (EU) Green Paper on disaster insurance, published in summer 2013 (EC, 2013) builds upon existent evidence to produce insights that can guide potential actions at a European level, and these include mandatory insurance. One advantage of flood insurance is that it can send signals leading to more preventative or mitigative actions by those insured or the government (Botzen et al., 2009; Botzen & van den Bergh, 2008; Treby et al., 2006).

Ranger et al., (2011) argue that insurance can boost resilience to flood hazards more effectively than ex-post disaster aid. Businesses and households with flood insurance can be compensated for their property after having been damaged by ravaging floods. Therefore, insurance can reduce financial burdens and uncertainty (Ghesquiere & Mahul, 2007; Melecky & Raddatz, 2011) associated with flood disasters. Von Peter et al., (2012) add that insurance can assist economies in dealing with the negative long run impacts of flood hazards. - 99 -

However, businesses and households subscribing to flood insurance may meet some challenges in getting the excellent insurance service from providers. Surminski (2013) observes that poorly designed insurance products and ill-structured insurance markets can drive economic inefficiency and maladaptation to future risks. Therefore, instead of reducing disaster risk, some insurance schemes may precipitate it. The EU Green Paper reflects on the concerns about rising risk levels and how this can be accommodated through new and existing flood insurance schemes. However, disparity amongst incomes of households may result in low income households failing to have buildings insurance (Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs [DEFRA], 2013). According to Surminski et al., (2014), flood insurance may be viewed from two fronts: that of availability and affordability, and the potential to use flood insurance as a lever for flood prevention and flood damage mitigation. For it to be competitive, flood insurers should preferably be private companies. In most developed countries like Portugal and Ireland, flood insurance is voluntary and policies are issued and managed by private companies (Surminski et al., 2014). Such a scenario encourages competition and efficiency amongst the insurance service providers. Added to that, those seeking flood insurance would have a wide choice of insurance service providers. However, according to DEFRA (2013), in order for flood insurance to be effective and efficient, it needs to be guided by sound principles (Text Box 4.2).

TEXT BOX 4.2: Guiding Principles of Flood Insurance provision in the United Kingdom

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Source: DEFRA (2013). Water Bill—Flood Insurance (Flood Re): Finance and Accountability. Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs: London.

As can be observed (Text Box 4.2), the principles guiding flood risk management are meant to ensure that policy holders enjoy maximum benefits. Such policies should also be affordable even to the low income earners, who are some of the poor members of communities and most vulnerable to floods.

4.4.7

Buildings on elevated areas

The choice of location of human settlements has a bearing on the people‘s vulnerability to floods. Adelekan (2010) stresses that the construction of infrastructure, such as highways, roads and bridges in the flood risk places, frequently increases the impact of floods, resulting in increased damage to property and loss of life. This also applies to buildings constructed on flood plain zones. Settlements in areas prone to floods should be sited on a n elevated area or high ground where flood waters would not reach them. Communities should therefore, move away from flood hazards through building their houses on raised platforms in order to prevent or mitigate the impacts of flood hazards. Strong emphasis should be made on the significance of people's vulnerability to hazards, instead of narrowly focusing on the hazards alone. As such, locating settlements on elevated site is a panacea to flood mitigation. According to Kousky (2012), the town of Valmeyer in Illinois was severely adversely impacted by floods in the 1993, resulting in the whole population of approximately 900 people being relocated to higher ground and many people‘s lives were served. However, it should be noted that completely moving away from flood prone areas, has numerous benefits than settling there with the belief that floods would not reach the elevated areas. Floods usually differ in magnitude and heavy floods may reach even structures that are constructed on raised grounds. 4.4.8

Livelihoods Diversification

Since the focus of this study is on the sustainable livelihoods, livelihood diversification is another intervention strategy that is commonly used to mitigate against floods. A range of different livelihood activities offers essential assets for buffering the impacts of extreme hazards (Van Kien, 2011) such as floods. The more diverse the household income is, the more resilience of livelihoods to disruption from flood hazards or disasters. Results from studies in Bangladesh, show that families with more sources of income are less likely to be - 101 -

severely impacted by floods (Brouwer et al., 2007). According to Van Kien (2011), diversification of livelihoods is a risk spreading measure employed by farmers in Samoa as a way of coping with adverse effects of persistent cyclones. Therefore, livelihood diversification from on- farm to off- farm and non- farm activities, are crucial for realising resilient livelihoods (Paavola, 2008). Communities in Tsholotsho District may adopt this strategy as an intervention against floods in a bid to improve their livelihoods, thereby improving their standard of living.

To wrap up the section on floods interventions, a summary of strategies put forward by the DFID is provided. The DFID has provided a well understood categorisation of disaster risk management and risk reduction strategies (Palliyaguru, Amaratunga & Baldr, 2014):  Policy and planning measures: a national plan for protection against disasters, including preparedness and contingency planning; land-use planning; integrated management of flooding and the water supply; an integrated warning and response system; and improving networks/links with local governments.  Physical preventative measures: flood defences (such as a dam, multipurpose, seaborne) and sea walls; natural protection against floods (such as reforestation of watersheds); and installation of drainage pumps.  Physical coping and/or adaptive measures: resilient roads and infrastructure (such as raised roads); resilient water supply systems (such as boreholes, raised ha nd-pumps); and the design and building of contingency mechanisms for coping with disasters (such as escape roads).  Community

capacity-building

measures:

training

communities

in

disaster

preparedness; and public warning systems.

The strategies by DFID are also essential for managing floods in Tsholotsho as they may entail improving preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards. More importantly, the strategies encourage the involvement of local communities, which is a positive development when dealing with disaster issues.

4.5 Towards enhanced Disaster Risk Management A disaster risk management programme for floods analyses potential vulnerabilities and disasters by focusing on threats given by identified hazards. Such a programme should be - 102 -

aimed towards effectively reducing the impact of such events on communities. This, the programme can achieve through focusing on the four stages of disaster risk management. These four DRM stages were categorised by the Federal Emergency Management A gency (FEMA) as preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery (Canton, 2007; Warfield, 2008). Theses stages make up what is commonly known as the Disaster Management Cycle (DMC).

Different versions of the DMC have been identified or used by scholars and practitioners, with many preferring to use the cycle with four stages (Figure 4.2). Other scholars, practitioners and researchers were using the DMC with five, six, seven, and even eight stages, before the four stages came to be regarded as the common standard (Coetzee & Van Niekerk, 2012). The focus of this study is on the four common phases of preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery, which may play a significant role if followed religiously in planning for floods in Tsholotsho District. It is widely accepted that sound disaster planning and management entails all the four time phases of mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery (NEHRP, 2009; Warfield, 2008).

4.5.1

The Disaster Management Cycle

Figure 4.3 is an illustration of the disaster management cycle, showing the four stages of preparedness, mitigation and response and recovery. In practice mitigation and preparedness activities are undertaken before the occurrence of a disaster, while response and recovery are carried out after the occurrence of a disaster.

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Source: NEHRP. (2009). Introduction to emergency management, Retrieved 10 December 2014, from http://training.fema.gov/EMIWeb/EarthQuake/NEH0101220.htm

FIGURE 4.3: Four Phases of Emergency/Disaster Management Canton (2007) explains the four phases (Figure 4.3.) and the activities that each phase entails as follows:  Mitigation – efforts taken to eliminate or reduce the impact of hazards.  Preparedness – efforts to develop human capacity to respond to disasters.  Response – actions taken to deal with the impact of a disaster.  Recovery – actions taken to restore the community to normal. The DMC (Figure 4.3) has been presented by scholars and disaster practitioners in various versions. Figure 4.4 below is another version of the DMC, with additional phases to incorporate ‗prevention‘ and ‗development‘. It is commonly known as the Disaster Continuum Model (DCM).

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Source: Moscatelli, S., Viera, O. & Tansini, L. (2009). Disaster management and operation research in Uruguay. Montevideo.

FIGURE 4.4: Disaster Continuum Model According to Figure 4.4 above, the more traditional approach is to recognise disaster risk management as consisting of many phased sequences of action or a continuum. The assumption, on which this model is based, is that disasters are inevitable and the focus of the DMC is more on activities immediately before and after the disaster event (Moscatelli, Viera & Tansini, 2009). The notion that disasters are inevitable is supported by Sugarman (2006), who states that disasters are going to occur, even if we do not know which ones they will be, when or where they will happen, or how devastating they will be. This model also brings clarity on the activities which should be carried before, and after the occurrence of a disaster. However, it is not correct to always assume that disasters are better managed only in a phased sequence as suggested by the DMC and DCM. A new and efficient model, which overcomes the weaknesses of these two and other models through considering other elements, is therefore required.

4.5.2

Flood Disaster Mitigation

Sadowski and Sutter (2008) note that people have a propensity to employ proper mitigation strategies following the occurrence of a disaster. Disaster mitigation entails the use of structural and non-structural interventions carried out to lessen or reduce the negative effects

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of natural hazards on vulnerable areas, including communities and households (Van- Zyl, 2006). Structural measures include the restoration of protective ecosystems such as mangroves, reconstructing houses on pillars, creation of protective dikes, and relocation to safer ground; while non-structural measures involve improving disaster coordination, stock piling of resources, and improving communication channels (Sudmeier-Rieux et al., 2006). It is through sound and effective hazard mitigation strategies that development and disaster practitioners would be able to build safer, stronger, smarter and more resilient communities that are better prepared to withstand future hazards and related disasters. Zobel and Wang (2008) define mitigation as the process of designing and implementing procedures and measures that will prevent or reduce the risk associated with disasters. Measures for reducing vulnerability and risks should be long-term and permanent (Reimer, 2010). It seems this definition of mitigation suggests an element of sustainability, as it aims at achieving long term and permanent outcomes.

There exists an important interrelationship among all the phases of the DMC. For example, Baird (2010) observes that mitigating flood damage by restricting development in a flood plain will lessen the problems in responding to flooding. Structural measures of flood mitigation include dams, windbreaks, terracing, hazard resistant buildings, while nonstructural mitigation includes education programmes and policies, for example, land- use, zoning, crop diversification, building codes and forecasting (UNISDR, 2008). Mitigation encompasses improved building codes, consciousness-raising about risks and disasters, focused educational programmes, zoning and land-use regulations, insurance, adherence and enforcement of safety regulations (Perrow, 2008; Seneviratne et al., 2010). Building codes mean that buildings are constructed in compliance with certain laid down procedures. Such infrastructure is bound to resist forces created by floods and as such, unlikely to be easily damaged. As such, structures constructed in areas susceptible to extreme flooding need to adhere to recommended engineering standards (Sakijege et al., 2014). Non-structural mitigation includes creating awareness and disseminating information to communities about the dangers of floods. People should be provided with the history and timeline of disaster events that have occurred in their communities. Information is important and the need for information is a critical aspect of effective disaster response (Celik & Corbacioglu, 2010; Yang, 2010). While some people may be unconscious of their vulnerability to floods, some may be conscious but take little or no response because they - 106 -

have little knowledge on the pattern of disasters and no reliable predictions have been provided. Such laxity to take necessary steps to employ sound structural or non-structural mitigation measures may contribute to the occurrence of flood disasters.

Flood Mitigation can therefore, be improved through designing building structures that are resistant to water forces, implementing procedures and measures that prevent or reduce the risk associated with the occurrence of flood disasters. Mitigation activities should also focus on long-term or permanent measures for reducing risks posed by flood hazards and disasters. For instance, such measures may include land- use controls, flood embankment, risk analysis and insurance.

4.5.3

Flood Disaster Preparedness

Preparedness for flood disasters involves putting in place a range of activities that prepare the community to respond when flooding occurs (Rao, Eisenberg & Schmitt, 2007). Generally, it implies developing plans of action for adoption when a flood disaster strikes. Disaster preparedness guarantees that communities are well positioned to manage flood disasters and minimise their impact. Such practice entails putting plans and procedures in place, recruiting and training of staff, and acquiring facilities, equipment, and materials necessary to provide active protection in times of disaster response (NRC, 2006:86). Preparedness also involves planning for contingencies, acquisition of equipment and stocking supplies, emergency services and stand-by arrangements, communications, information management and coordination arrangements, personnel training, community drills and exercises, and public education (UNISDR, 2008). UNISDR further observes that disaster preparedness must also be supported by sound legal and budgetary capacities. All disasters, including floods should be guided by sound and implementable preparedness plans. Flood preparedness planning entails establishing a set of appropriate procedures well in advance, to effectively respond to floods. This calls for a sound Flood Preparedness Plan (FPP). By improving preparedness plans through periodical contingency planning, rehearsal and modification, the possible impact of disaster can be reduced (Dlamini, 2011:51). According to Perwaiz (2006), a flood preparedness plan, which is an important part of the multi- hazard disaster risk management plan, is an action focused blue print outlining specific actions to be done prior to floods, which lay the ground for effective implementation of emergency response and recovery programmes prior and in the aftermaths of floods. - 107 -

Planning before a disaster occurs may also guarantee that communities and stakeholders are sufficiently well prepared to negotiate the complexities and time compression challenges of post-disaster recovery (State of Florida, 2010). As part of flood preparedness planning, communities can initiate action well before, to improve their resilience to floods (United States Environmental Protection Agency [USEPA], 2014). According to the USEPA (2014), communities can:  Update and combine their community or comprehensive land use plans with hazard mitigation plans, ensuring that the comprehensive plan identifies potential growth places in safer zones, and that hazard mitigation activities are in line with the comprehensive plan priorities. If the plans are not coordinated, they might inadvertently act at cross-purposes.  Carry out an audit of policies, regulations, and budgets to make sure they are consistent with flood resilience goals detailed in their commun ity plans and hazard mitigation plans.  Alter current policies, regulations, and budgets or introduce new ones that help achieve the flood resilience goals outlined in their plans.

The plan has activities, which include: Raising public awareness on flood preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery; Stockpiling of emergency relief materials such as, food, fodder for livestock, emergency medicines, materials for temporary shelter; Installation of community-based early warning systems for issuance of timely and effective flood warnings; Management of safe areas for temporary removal of people and property from a threatened location; Transportation to evacuation centres; Ensuring access to health and sanitation facilities; and, Conducting drills and rehearsals (Adedeji, Odufuwa & Adebayo, 2012). The components of the FPP are derived from the nine elements of the general disaster preparedness plan, which are: Vulnerability assessment; Planning; Institutional framework; Information systems; Resource base; Warning systems; Response mechanisms; Public education and training; and, Rehearsals/Emergency drills (Dube, 2015).

The general disaster preparedness framework is as presented in Table 4.2. It is a summary of the nine components of the general disaster preparedness plan. The elements entail actions to be carried out in order for communities to adequately prepare for any type of a disaster. If effectively used for flood disasters as well, or in conjunction with components of the FPP, - 108 -

these activities can play a major part in managing flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District.

TABLE 4.2: Disaster Preparedness Framework

Ele ments of the Disaster Preparedness Frame work Vulnerability Assessment Planning Institutional Framework Information Systems

Resource Base

Warning Systems

Response Mechanisms

Public Education and Training

Rehearsals/Emergency drills

Source: Dube, E. (2015). ‗Improving disaster risk reduction capacity of District Civil Protection Units in managing veld fires: A case of Mangwe District in Matabeleland South Province, Zimbabwe‘, Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies 7(1), Art. #143, 13 pages, Retrieved 06 August 2015, from http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v7i1.143

As can be observed (Table 4.2), assessment of the potential flood victims‘ needs should be done in advance. Such needs should emanate from lessons gained from managing past flood disasters. Of important to note is that when a needs assessment is done, assessment of the community‘s degree of vulnerability should be done as well. Vulnerability assessment is meant to guide stakeholders as to when and how to respond to disasters through understanding the consequences of interventions on capacities and vulnerabilities of communities.

The FPP also shows the institutional framework of the States, District or Community level Committees for disaster risk management, its mandate and tasks before, during and after floods (United States Geological Survey [USGS], 2002). Staff at each level and potential disaster victims should be properly trained in flood disaster risk management. Potential flood victims therefore, should be taught what they can do to help themselves when a flood disaster strikes. As far as training is concerned, disaster preparedness also involves training of leadership, readiness and exercise support, including technical and financial assistance (Haddow & Bullock, 2006).

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Early Warning and Disaster Response Systems should be put in place. Warning of communities so that they take appropriate action in the event of a flood disaster is a crucial step of the flood preparedness plan. Aziz et al (2014) assume that a FPP should have procedures for alerting the whole community, basing on the forecast received from the national and regional agencies, and how the community should react in advance. Communities should not be caught unawares and succumb to floods, when such incidents can be avoided. Speranza (2010) argues that awareness and perceptions of a problem determine action or inaction on the problem in question. Awareness to flood disasters can be created in a number of ways, such as announcements in national media. Akukwe and Ogbodo (2015) observe that the higher the number of people that possesses flood awareness information, the lesser the vulnerability to flood hazards.

Responding to a flood requires resources, which these should be specifically detailed in the plan, with the resource inventory showing the resources already available and those required. Resources for flood disasters may constitute human, material and fina ncial resources. One important resource required for flood disasters is hazard insurance, which is meant to give financial protection from losses resulting from disaster impacts (NRC, 2006:19). According to Hyndman and Hyndman (2011), some houses in New Carolina in the USA, built in areas of high probability of flooding are not insured and the high insurance premiums charged in flood prone areas deter development in that area. As observed by Sutton and Tierney, (2006) resource acquisition is meant to ensure that emergency functions are performed smoothly.

The component of planning is also crucial to improving disaster preparedness. However, lack of proper implementation of disaster preparedness plans can plunge communities into confusion (UNISDR, 2007a; Reddy, 2010). A national coordinating agency for disaster risk management would be ideal, to ensure that a document for action and allocation of roles is effectively implemented. Planning at community level therefore, provides good opportunities to strengthen stakeholder and community participation as it is directed towards building the capacity of communities to manage risks posed by hazards (Zhang et al., 2013). Since hazards are unavoidable, one major aspect that should be accounted for when planning for disasters is the ‗notion that natural hazards are going to occur‘ (McBean & Rodgers, 2010: 878). However, to suggest that planning is complete because a blue print has been put in place is to court trouble. Plans need to be rehearsed and improved so that they become easily implementable. - 110 -

Communication is crucial for the success of any organisational or community activity prior and in the aftermath of flood disasters. Perry and Lindell (2006) note that information is crucial for policymakers, as it helps to determine the level of external assistance needed and its effectiveness; and, to identify specific groups of affected communities. For example, how low income households have been affected considering that households‘ capacity and their access to resources differ considerably (Berke, Chuenpagdee, Juntarashote, & Chang, 2007; Neumayer & Plumper, 2007). A flood disaster preparedness plan should specify how communication will take place and the type of media to be used. Early dissemination of information about hazards, relief, financial support and early warning to households under threat of flooding may play a significant role in reducing households‘ vulnerability. Chynoweth (2009) sums up the importance of the communication aspect, by stating that communication should be effective with those from other disciplines and, even with others from different traditions, and that there is a need to first create awareness of the epistemological, methodological and cultural assumptions that underpin our o wn scholarship, and of how these relate to those of others.

A FPP should also detail standardised operating procedures for specific interventions, such as search and rescue, emergency medical assistance, provision of water supply and sanitation, food and nutrition, logistics and transport, health, agriculture and environment management, temporary shelter, evacuation procedures; protection and security (The Hindu, 2007). These activities are usually carried out soon after the occurrence of a disaster as par t of a response mechanism. These operation procedures or responses are dependent upon the nature of the hazard and these can be perfected through emergency drills or rehearsals. Such procedures to be rehearsed include: evacuation procedure; search and resc ue; security of affected areas; assessment teams; activating special installations; activating distribution systems; preparing emergency reception centres and shelters. If effectively carried out, these procedures may play a crucial role in serving people‘s lives, livelihoods assets and property. However, some scholars have noted that some elements of the preparedness plan can be employed at the same time. Sutton and Tierney (2006) argue that some elements seem to contain both mitigation and preparedness stages. This means that at preparedness and mitigation activities may at times be implemented simultaneously.

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4.5.4

Flood Disaster Response

Response to disaster events is mainly centred on relief and recovery activities such as search and rescue, medical care and provision of basic needs in order to save life and livelihoods (Manyena, 2009). Response activities to floods therefore, take place during and immediately after a flood disaster event (Altay & Green, 2006). For example, in February 2012, evacuation camps totalling 47 were created in and around the cities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan, catering for 21,448 people displaced by the December 2011 floods in Philippines (IDMC-NRC, 2013). The response phase typically implies the employment of resources and flowing of procedures, and being guided by flood disaster risk plans. Phillips et al., (2012) note that historically, the response phase seemed to dominate disaster research and the agenda of practitioners. The same scholars therefore, encourage individual actors and agencies to recognise other phases of disaster risk management, whose focus is proactive, rather than reactive.

When a disaster can be predicted or is a slow onset one, evacuation is often the official recommended action to be taken. At times people may resist a warning due to their cultural beliefs or other reasons. Responding to flood disasters is a vital move that should not be taken lightly. Failure to do so might have negative consequences on the community, affecting both people and their property. For instance, in the 1991 cyclone in Bangladesh, a large number of households living in coastal villages, all of whom had received enough warnings about the threat, did not relocate to safer areas, resulting in 191 000 people dying in the storm.

Once a flood disaster strikes, search and rescue activities are undertaken by different agencies, including friends, relatives, and neighbours. In many countries, the military is often the key respondent to disasters during this phase (Australian Government, 2012; Cheng 2013; Hoye, 2009; HPG/UNOCHA, 2013), and ironically military organisations have not been systematically consulted for their analytical perspective on disaster response. Often times, it is difficult to predict how communities would respond to current hazards. Preparing communities to manage the hazards can improve disaster response.

4.5.5

Flood Disaster Recovery

Recovery is the last stage in the DMC and it entails bringing the disaster affected communities back to enjoy their normal patterns of life. Recovery entails the stage of minimising the long term impacts of a disaster event and facilitating restoration to conditions - 112 -

that are similar, or better, compared to those that existed before disaster occurrence (Rao, Eisenberg & Schmitt, 2007). Olshansky et al., (2006:357) add that while post-disaster reconstruction is often regarded as a platform to build better and provide more resilient structures under an improved approach, reconstruction can also add ‗value beyond what existed before the disaster‘. Since the impacts of disasters differ, the affected communities also differ on the ability to recover. It is through the recovery phase that the positive effects of disasters are either realised or not. For instance, one positive effect is that better houses may be constructed to replace weaker ones destroyed by floods. Since the recovery phase tends to focus on building back as quickly as possible to pre-disaster conditions (Birkmann & von Teichman, 2010), this period is either a used or misused development process. While some communities act accordingly to minimise future losses, other communities only return to status quo ante (National Research Council, 2006).

The recovery period is a continuation of the response phase and their differences are on focus. Recovery phase entails issues and decisions that come after immediate human needs for disaster afflicted communities have been addressed in the response phase. Recovery is generally, subdivided in the phases of Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. Rehabilitation entails some activity aimed at restoring normalcy to conditions caused by the disaster (short term measures), while reconstruction involves activities aimed at repairing and constructing structures damaged by disaster (long term measures). Once the rehabilitation process has normalised the community back to a safe and operational level of functioning, the reconstruction process can build on that. Reconstruction can take several months or years, because it is a complex process of revitalising things like shelter, infrastructure, the community‘s economy and quality of life. Reconstruction of habitat and livelihood structure of the affected communities is already government‘s foremost concern after floods, which is not only determined by flood intensity and its concomitant harms but, more importantly, by the ability of flood victims to recover from the disaster (Madhuri et al., 2014). However, in spite of the huge post-disaster reconstruction knowledge and experiences gained over years, the recovery stage remains an inefficient and poorly managed phase (Halvorson & Hamilton, 2010; Lloyd-Jones, 2006; Sawyer et al., 2010). There is need for improved recovery methods if the sufferings of communities in flood prone areas in Tsholotsho District are to be dealt with effectively. Some scholars feel that the reconstruction period poses a major challenge for governance is sues. - 113 -

‗Policy makers in representative democracies are pressured to respond quickly and effectively‘ (Smart, 2012: 3). Therefore, massive development and reconstruction need to be compressed in time and space (Olshansky et al., 2012). Such situation might compromise the concept of sustainable development, since poorly constructed structures may result from a hurried approach due to given short time- lines. There is a major challenge in striking a balance between speed and quality, and consultative process and quick decision- making in a compressed time frame (Olshansky et al., 2012). Another challenge posed by the reconstruction period is that of coordination. The period brings in a variety of stakeholders together, hence ensuring better cooperation and collaboration among various stakeholders (Agranoff, 2006; Asgary et al., 2006) is one of the major governance issues in the aftermath of a disaster. Kapucu (2008) notes that collaboration oriented communities are in a position to produce stronger and more effective strategies to cope with disaster events. However, despite the increasing number of post-disaster reconstruction experiences encountered, the recovery phase still remains inefficient and poorly managed (Halvorson & Hamilton, 2010; Lloyd-Jones, 2006, Sawyer et al., 2010).

For effective preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters to be realised, emphasis is made on the existence of permanent institutional and administrative structures for managing disasters. Short lived structures even t hough highly effective may not be ideal for sustainability in disaster risk management. For instance, in India, no permanent structure was created following the 1993 earthquake for long-term disaster risk management purposes, resulting in the Mumbai floods in 2005 exposing the weaknesses in response mechanisms in terms of infrastructure and institutions (D‘Souza, 2005; Revi, 2005). The existence of a permanent institutional framework which is nonfunctional also does not serve any purpose. There is need for improved management of flood hazards and disasters in all phases of the cycle, if communities were to be effectively served.

4.6

Concluding Remarks

The main focus of this chapter was the discussion, analysis and critique of other scholars‘ works on the management of disasters, with emphasis on disaster preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery in line with the objectives of the study. Since the study it is informed by the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework as its theoretical framework, the chap ter analysed the impacts of floods on communities and their livelihoods. It also discussed - 114 -

elements within the communities which are most at risk of flood hazards. Factors contributing to flood disasters were also identified and discussed. As a way to deal with the causal factors, some common interventions that are usually employed towards managing flood hazards and disasters were also discussed in detail. The next chapter focuses on the research design and methodology. The chapter describes in detail how t he study was conducted in a bid to fulfil its research question and objectives.

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CHAP TER 5 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 5.0

Introduction

The main objective of this study was to move towards enhancing preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe. The achievement of the main objective is largely expected to add to the body o f literature, thereby improving knowledge in the area of disaster risk management, as well as in the fields of development studies, sociology, anthropology and geography, amongst other related disciplines. The previous chapter dwelt on the review and analysis of literature relevant to the area of research, highlighting the magnitude of losses that communities experience in the aftermath of floods. This chapter is about the research design and methodology adopted for this study. It presents qualitative research as the main research approach for the study and phenomenology as the design chosen for the study. An interpretive paradigm was followed by the study in order to explain the subjective experiences of members of the community to the flood phenomenon. Methodological issues to do with population, sampling techniques, ethical issues, and study trustworthiness also form part of this chapter.

5.1 Design of the Study Both secondary research and primary research were used as sources of data for the study. Secondary research involved an in-depth review of related literature from other scholars. The literature provided a theoretical overview of the legal framework for disaster risk management, the study‘s theoretical framework and of the impact of floods on commun ities and how flood disasters have been managed through various interventions. Furthermore, desktop research provided data which helped to analyse how the floods have impacted certain groups of people in communities and communities‘ livelihoods amongst other vulnerable elements. Factors contributing to vulnerability to flood disasters and common interventions to the phenomenon were also investigated. Lastly, the literature review dealt with the stages of disaster risk management namely, preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery. Primary research entailed the researcher actually going out into the field to collect data from the research participants.

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5.1.1

Research Design - Phenome nology

This thesis is guided by the phenomenological research design, which is determined by some research questions and research objectives, and the kind of evidence that is required. A research design is therefore, what constitutes appropriate evidence in addressing the study‘s research questions and research objectives. The design entails the blue print guiding gathering, measurement, as well as data analysis (De Vaus, 2001; Trochim, 2006). As such, the design may guarantee that the evidence gathered would enable researchers to answer the initial question in a clear and unambiguous way. Mouton and Babbie (2012: 72) note the existence of two major aspects of research design. Firstly, one must specify as clearly as possible what they want to establish. Secondly, one must determine the appropriate methodology to be used.

Hancock (2002) notes the existence of four major types of research designs for qualitative research namely, phenomenological, ethnographic, grounded theory and case study research designs. This study focused on the study of the flood phenomenon, describing it as an event that exists as a component of people‘s everyday life and world that people reside. According to King (2014), this entails dealing with and analysing a small number of research participants thoroughly in order to create patterns and establish re lationships of meaning. As such,

phenomenology

research

design

was

found

appropriate

for

the

study.

Phenomenological research design has transformed into a study process that tries to find the true meaning from people‘s narratives emanating from their experiences of being affected by phenomena (Cilesiz, 2009). This research design starts and stops with lived experiences, and such experiences should have a meaning and importance as they emanate from the phenomenon itself (Creswell, 2007; Yuksel & Yildirim, 2015). Phenomenology holds that any attempt to understand social reality, has to be grounded in people‘s lived experiences of that social reality.

In this study, the phenomenological design examined human experiences of people in Tsholotsho District, through the descriptions of their lived experiences in relation to floods. The descriptions were provided by the people themselves involved with the phenomenon. Phenomenology recognises that each person has his or her own reality, and reality is subjective. This is a philosophy that ‗aims to focus on people‘s perceptions of the world in which they live in and what it means to them; a focus on people‘s lived experience‘ (Kafle,

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2011; Langdridge, 2007:4). Such phenomenon may be events, situations, experiences or concepts that surround people, which they are fully aware of but do not fully understand.

Smith, Flowers and Larkin (2009:11), view phenomenological design as an approach towards studying human experience that has a significant interest in thinking about what the experience of being human feels like, in its many aspects, but particularly in terms of the things that are important to us, and which make our lived world. However, Grbich (2007) gives a more simplistic definition of phenomenology, which he views as a way to get an understanding of the secret meanings and the importance of an experience together. In this study, phenomenological design focused on getting views, opinions and studying attitudes of individual members, which emanated from their lived experiences with the flood hazards and disasters. The phenomenon entails the flooding events and their effects, human experiences of these events and how they feel about them. Some scholars are of the view that the researchers‘ current understandings of the phenomenon have to be bracketed to the best of their ability to allow phenomena to speak for themselves, unadulterated by researchers‘ preconceptions. Yuksel and Yildirim (2015) stress that scholars should adopt the ‗epoche‘ concept when using phenomenology study in their research. It is during this process that researchers, bracket their known experiences and knowledge about the phenomena so that they understand the views of participants entirely by avoiding prejudgment results. Communities living with flood vulnerabilities in Tsholotsho district are living in the midst of this phenomenon, which they are conscious of, but they lack understanding of it. Their failure to fully understand the phenomenon may be present, due to the fact that this phenomenon has not been properly described and explained, or their understanding of its impact may not be clear.

Groenewald (2004) notes that phenomenology starts by ack nowledging the presence of a gap in people‘s understanding, and that there is need for explanation or clarification. However, phenomenological study does not necessarily give explanations that are definitive, but it creates awareness and heightens insight. Four qualities: description, reduction, essences and intentionality, summarise the major aims of phenomenology (Kafle, 2011) and these were followed to investigate the flood phenomenon in Tsholotsho District. This study described the phenomenon (description) through some process involving the suspension or bracketing of the phenomenon so as to limit bias (reduction). The result then became the exact meaning

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of individuals‘ experiences that made it a reality (essence), as people are always aware of things happening within them (intentionality).

5.1.1.1 Strengths and Limitations of Phenomenological Studies There are several strengths and limitations associated with phenomenological studies. As part of its strengths, phenomenology provided a very rich and de tailed description of the human experiences of the flood hazards and disasters. By examining the lived experiences of both the individual members of the community affected by floods in Tsholotsho District, and experiences of the duty-bearers (DCPU), the researcher got in a position to know what it is like to experience the impact of floods. The researcher also got a detailed view of how the duty-bearers, implementing partners and communities have dealt with the past flooding events. The other advantage with phenomenological studies is that, the results emerge from the data gathered and are not imposed by a structured statistical analysis. The results of this study emanated from data gathered from the research participants and from field observations.

However despite the advantages, phenomenology has certain limitations. Ziaka and Boukas (2014) argue that researchers who use phenomenology are reluctant to prescribe techniques. This is consistent with the thinking of Herrera (2015), who noted that there exists some deliberate reluctance on the side of phenomenological researchers to follow specific steps. One major limitation is that, since this research approach is rigorous, critical and systematic, it is not favourable to novice researchers as it requires the m to seek guidelines from mentors with vast experience in the field. Therefore, it could be difficult to understand, especially to those with a limited background in research. To overcome this limitation, this researcher relied on his research experience since he had earlier on conducted and published two articles based on phenomenology. The independent studies gave the researcher some bit of familiarity and experience of phenomenology research. The researcher also relied on the wisdom and guidance of his vastly experienced supervisors. 5.1.2 Research Paradigm for the Study The study embraced the single approach design (SAD) through adopting the qualitative research approach. In addition to this single approach, the study followed the paradigm of interpretivism since the researcher is more concerned with gathering rich insights into subjective meanings. With the SAD, only one analytic interest of the interpretive paradigm - 119 -

was pursued. Hence in this case, the analytic interest adopted was qualitative, interpretive and subjective.

5.1.2.1. Inte rpretivis m as the Research Paradigm for the Study Research paradigms reflect the researchers‘ basic set of beliefs about how they view the world we live in and how the truth is discovered. Creswell (2009) argues tha t different kinds of epistemological and theoretical approaches have influenced qualitative research, and that there exist good summaries of some of the key influences. The investigation of the experiences, views and opinions of the flood prone communities in Tsholotsho District is therefore, hinged on the common qualitative research paradigm of interpretivism. Interpretivists rely on subjective experiences of the phenomena by individuals or groups, while the positivists‘ viewpoint is that knowledge comes from observable and measurable scenarios of a stable and objective reality that is found out there (Wodak & Meyer, 2009). Since qualitative research presents a description of the meaning of the individuals‘ lived experiences in relation to the phenomenon, this makes it to be in congruency with the interpretive paradigm. This study is situated in the interpretive paradigm in order to deal with the research problem as it seeks to learn and understand a social phenomenon in Tsholotsho District in its natural setting. Interpretive research scholars are of the view that reality comes from people‘s subjective experiences of the external environment in the world in which they live. The researchers can establish reality through the views of participants, their own previous knowledge, as well as experiences (Yanow & Schwartz-Shea, 2011). Interpretivism affords researchers a chance to have an insight of the world via the points of view and experiences of research subjects (Thanh & Thanh, 2015). This paradigm is more subjective than objective and therefore, the goal of interpretivism is to value subjectivity. Willis (2007:110) assumes that ‗interpretivists eschew the idea that objective research on human behaviour is possible‘. As such, this study adopted an inter-subjective epistemology and the ontological belief that reality in the flood prone communities is a social construct. Myers (2009) adds that the understanding of interpretive research scholars is that the way to get reality is only possible via social constructions, for example, language, consciousness, and shared meanings.

As observed by Willis (2007), interpretivism paradigm is mainly concerned with understanding particular contexts, and its core belief is that reality is a social construct. - 120 -

Qualitative research includes an interpretive and naturalistic approach to its subject matter; and also endeavours to create meanings, and to interpret, phenomena in a way that portrays the meanings that people bring (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Saunders & Tosey, 2012). Domegan and Fleming (2007) add that: ―Qualitative research aims to explore and to discover issues about the problem on hand, because very little is known about the problem. There is usually uncertainty about dimensions and characteristics of a problem. It uses ‗soft‘ data and gets ‗rich‘ data‘. (p. 24). According to Willis (2007), interpretive researchers view is that an understanding of situation under which any type of research is carried out is cruc ial to the interpretation of data collected. In this case, it was also critical for the researcher to understand the context of disaster risk management in Tsholotsho District. The interpretive paradigm also views research subjects as experts and knowledgeable in their fields and focuses ‗on objectively verifiable facts [as well as] the many subjective meanings that people attach to them‘ (Burton et al., 2015; Unlin, Robinson, & Tolley, 2005). In this study, members of the Tsholotsho DCPU were viewed as experts in the area of civil protection or disaster-risk management. As such, they provided invaluable data relating to the subjective perceptions and understandings arising from their professional and personal experience. Members of the community living in from flood prone areas in the district also described their experiences of the flood phenomenon, and how they tried to cope with it. It is for this reason that interpretive researchers do not seek the answers for their studies in rigid ways, but instead approach the reality from people who own their experiences and are of a particular group or culture ( Thanh & Thanh, 2015; Willis, 2007). These many perspectives related to the paradigm of interpretivism enhance the credibility of the study and give a clearer understanding of the communities experiencing the flood impact in Tsholotsho District. Denzin (2010) observes that an interpretive perspective comes from the view that efforts towards qualitative research should focus on revealing many realities, in contrast to revealing only one objective reality.

To reduce the impact of the limitations of interpretivism, this researcher allowed different perspectives of the flood problem from the research participants so that the data obtained can be interpreted in a broader sense. This improved understanding of how the community and households were impacted by flood disasters. Morehouse (2011) concurs and notes that the allowing of different perspectives in interpretivism often results in a more improved - 121 -

understanding of the problem being investigated. This was one effective way of dealing with the limitations of the philosophy of interpretivism, as the study analysed the impact of the floods on the affected communities, the nature of livelihoods heavily impacted, the groups of people affected, and on the interventions used.

5.1.3 Research Approach - Qualitative Research This study sought to learn and understand how the flood hazards and disasters have affected the lives of communities in Tsholotsho District. It did this by exploring the feelings, opinions, experiences, attitudes and views of the people heavily impacted by the flood phenomenon in the District. The direction of the research was therefore, influenced by the following research questions: 1. What was the magnitude of the impact of the most recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District, and what factors contributed to the disasters? 2. Which rural settlements, groups of people and people‘s livelihoods were impacted by the floods most and what was the extent of the impact? 3. Why is it that some communities have preferred to live with flood risk in the flood prone areas, instead of moving to safer zones? 4. What interventions have been used to manage the past flooding events in the district, and what challenges have been faced in their implementation? The research questions sought to learn and understand from respondents‘ views, opinions and feelings through their experiences of the flood phenomenon. The research questions therefore, made qualitative research the most appropriate approach for the study. The research chose the qualitative approach because of its exploratory and interpretive nature. Qualitative research helps researchers to learn about people, and social and cultural environments within which the people live (Myers, 2009). In this case, the q ualitative research approach allowed for a thorough investigation of issues, giving answers to critical questions, finding out people who experienced the flood phenomenon, their reasons for being impacted, factors involved, and whether people in Tsholotsho District respond to each other differently. According to Creswell (2009: 4), ―qualitative research is a means for exploring and understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem‖. This type of approach was adopted in order to focus on beliefs, opinions, attitudes, or ideas about things; beliefs, opinions and attitudes (Merriam, 2009; Yanow & Schwartz-She, 2011). However, Worthington (n.d) observes that qualitative research approach does not focus solely - 122 -

on beliefs, opinions, attitudes, or ideas about things; beliefs, opinions, attitudes might e merge as part of one‘s findings, but should not be the purpose for conducting a basic qualitative research. Qualitative research approach is therefore, the overall strategy chosen to combine the various components of this study in some think coherent, to e nsure the research problem and objectives are effectively addressed.

Qualitative approach is naturalistic and tries to study the daily life of diverse groups of people and societies in their natural setting (Marguerite, Dean & Katherine, 2006). This characteristic of qualitative research made it suitable to study the settings of communities exposed to flood hazards as it revealed their experiences through being affected by the phenomenon. The research problem is situated in Tsholotsho District, in South-West of Zimbabwe. The district has a human population which is estimated at 115, 119 (ZIMSTAT, 2012). The qualitative approach therefore, sought to investigate and analyse the experiences, opinions, perceptions and attitudes of members of the community affected by the floods in the District, and how these floods have been managed by the local Civil Protection Unit. Such members were identified through key informants- these are people with some influence in the community. Research participants from the communities were identified through traditional leaders (chiefs, headmen and village heads), whilst members from government departments and organisations forming the DCPU were identified through the office of the Tsholotsho District Administrator (DA). This procedure was followed on the belief that traditional leaders possessed the much needed information about members of the community who had been affected and experienced the flood impact in the district. Since the office of DA chairs the DCPU, it was in a good position to identify those members and organisations that constitute the DCPU.

Since qualitative research is about seeking explanations about social phenomena, it focuses on the social aspects of the world and attempts to answer questions about (Hancock, Windridge & Ockleford, 2007):  Why people behave the way they do.  How opinions and attitudes are formed.  How people are affected by the events that go on around them.  How and why cultures and practices have developed in the way they have.

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These are some of the important aspects that the researcher sought to address, and the main reason why qualitative research was found suitable for the study. Since the study wanted to learn and understand a lot of issues from the communities in Tsholotsho District, the root epistemology that underpins the qualitative research approach emphasises the perspective of the insider. Qualitative research also emphasises the importance of studying human beings in natural settings, with little or no researcher control, and aiming for contextual interpretations. Proper contextual interpretations of the residents of Tsholotsho District therefore, came through studying them in their natural setting and at the same time bracketing the researcher‘s own views and feelings. However, Halling et al. (2006) state that researchers should be aware of their predetermined views, beliefs, and opinions, as this offers them a proper platform to examine and question respondents so that they obtain new evidence through proper responses. Therefore, researchers‘ subjectivity should be put aside in order to differentiate the researcher‘s ideas from ideas of the researched (Finlay, 2008; Finlay, 2009).

According to Hancock et al. (2007), qualitative research endeavours to deepen our view of the state of things, and how they came to be what they are in the social world. The social world in this study entails the flood prone communities in Tsholotsho District, which are occupied by humans who interact with their environments in some particular way. It is this interaction between members of the communities with their environments, in which the researcher was interested. The researcher studied the social world in which people live, why and how they were affected by the flood phenomenon. Merriam (2009) is of the opinion that proponents of qualitative research are interested in deducing some meaning that people have created, that is, how people create some meaning of their world and what experiences people have got from the world. Human behaviour is essentially characterised by the place under which the phenomenon has occurred, therefore the researcher was able to thoroughly study and interpret the social setting. Choy (2014) asserts that researchers of qualitative approach often depend on interpretive or critical social science, and that their emphasis is on carrying out detailed investigations of problems that affect the natural patterns of social life. Below is an outline of assumptions of qualitative research approach (Atieno, 2009; Denzin & Lincoln, 2005; Merriam, 2009):  Qualitative researchers concern themselves primarily more with processes, than with outcomes or products.  Qualitative researchers are concerned with finding meanings of how people make sense of their lives, experiences, and their structures o f the world. - 124 -

 The qualitative researchers are the primary instrume nts for gathering and analysing data, with data being mediated through the human instrument, instead of inventories, questionnaires, or machines.  Qualitative research entails fieldwork, whereby researchers physically visit the people, study settings, study sites, or institutions to study behaviour in its natural setting.  Qualitative research is descriptive in that researchers are interested in processes, meanings, and understandings gained through words or pictures.  The process of qualitative research is inductive, in that researchers build abstractions, concepts, hypotheses, and theories from details.

This study followed almost all of the above assumptions in its endeavour to answer the research question and fulfil the objectives. Other distinctive features of qualitative research that were followed included the emphasis on understanding phenomenon in its own right, rather than from some outside perspective; the use of open-ended, exploratory research questions; and, making use of unlimited, emergent description options, instead of predetermined choices; use of special strategies for enhancing the credibility of design and analyses. All these features point to the advantage of using qualitative research approach for studying communities such as those affected by floods in Tsholotsho District.

5.1.3.1 Strengths of Qualitative Research Just like any other research approach, qualitative research has certain strengths, which made it the more favourable approach for the study. One major reason is that data gathered through qualitative means are rich and deep, allowing investigators to usually collect data through the process of ‗deep attentiveness, of empathetic understanding‘ (Punch, 2009). This characteristic of qualitative research enhanced the researcher‘s understanding of the environment in which the flood prone communities in Tsholotsho District live. Qualitative research also allowed the researcher to study the views of similar, as well as different groups of people and helped unpack the diverse perspectives within the community under investigation. Since social capital is relational, qualitative research exists between people. Asking them to answer particular questions and hypothetical situations may produce data that is more rich and relevant compared to data gathered through surveys (Dudwick et al., 2006). This was achieved through individual interviews that were administered to members of the community. It is of utmost importance also, to note that the main strength of the qualitative - 125 -

approach to cultural assessment lies with its ability to investigate hidden and unseen values, beliefs and assumptions. The study made use of open-ended questions to achieve these through gathering sufficient data for the purpose. Open-ended questions in qualitative research allowed the participants – members of the community, and members of the DCPU in Tsholotsho District, to raise flood related issues affecting them. Since the purpose of qualitative research is to learn from the research participants in a particular setting, the researcher used methods that allowed for discovery and doing justice to the ir perceptions and the complexity of their interpretations.

5.1.3.2 Weaknesses of Qualitative Research While qualitative research has certain strengths and advantages, its weaknesses cannot be overlooked. One of its weaknesses is that it favours only a s mall number of subjects to be researched because methods for data collection associated with it are cumbersome and labour intensive. Qualitative research is also often under scrutiny for being subject to researchers‘ biases, for the difficulties in analysing data rigorously, for the lack of reproducibility and generalisability of the results since its findings may not be applicable to other areas of research or study settings (ACAPS, 2012; Manyena, 2009). While its findings may be transferrable to wider populations with the same level of certainty that quantitative analyses can, the findings of qualitative research also cannot be measured to check whether they are statistically significant or are a result of chance. However, its proponents would contest that there are measures for qualitative researchers to protect against the potential biases and to support the rigour of the findings. One such strategy is to deploy trained interviewers so that they successfully collect relevant primary data from the field ( ACAPS, 2012). One of the major drawbacks associated with qualitative research is that its data processing takes longer time, such that particular issues of importance may be omitted or go unnoticed. As positioned subjects, individual experiences and knowledge can influence the observations and conclusions (Choy, 2014). Since the investigation is generally open-ended, the research subjects in qualitative research may have more influence over the nature of the data gathered (Choy, 2014).

To sum up the weaknesses of qualitative approach, Bryman (2001 cited in Manyena, 2009), identifies four major criticisms to show the limitations of the qualitative research approach:  Being too subjective – a qualitative researcher is too impressionistic and subjective. Evaluation of the findings tend to depend a lot on the evaluator‘s often unsystematic - 126 -

conclusions about important issues, which also depends on the personal interaction developed between the evaluator and the one being evaluated.  Difficult to replicate – Its dependence upon the evaluator‘s ingenuity, lack of standardised procedures to use, being reliant on subjective observations and judgements and biases are part of the limitations that make qualitative research a challenge to replicate.  Problems of generalisation – participants in qualitative studies are usually not representative of a population, like research participants involved in quantitative studies. By studying a small sample, it can be difficult to generalise the findings to other settings.  Lack of transparency – It is sometimes a challenge to establish how the study was carried out. For instance, it is sometimes not clear how respondents were chosen, how and what method of analysis was used to reach the conclusions. Despite all the challenges, Donalek (2004: 517) argues that doing qualitative research is ―a challenging, exciting, and at times, exhaustive process‖, and that the end product of the research may be very satisfying for the researcher. Therefore, if qualitative research is to achieve its purpose and produce accurate findings, it is desirable that its processes involve more experienced and skilled researchers.

5.2

Population, Sample selection and Data collection

5.2.1

Population

The research was conducted in the district of Tsholotsho, which is located in the SouthWestern region of Zimbabwe. The researcher was interested in analysing the impact of the flood phenomenon in Tsholotsho District, identifying the community livelihoods endangered by floods, identifying the groups of people mostly affected by the floods, examining the interventions that have been adopted and exploring the reasons why some communities have preferred to live with the flood risk. The entire population of the district is estimated at 115 119 people (ZIMSTAT, 2012). However, the study focused on members of the community that have experienced the flood phenomenon and members of the DCPU who have dealt with the floods in the district as its targeted population. It is from this target population, that a sample of 30 participants was drawn. Study participants who are members of the community who suffered the flood impact, were selected in consultation with the local leaders in the - 127 -

community, whilst members of the DCPU were selected through the office of the DA. A population is defined by Neuman (2006), as an aggregate or totality of all units, subjects or members that conform to a set of specifications. Since it was difficult and cumbersome to get data from every member of the targeted population in the District, the researcher employed two strategies. Firstly, a purposive sample was drawn from the population, instead of dealing with the whole elements of the population under study. Secondly, a research assistant was employed to aid the researcher in the collection of data through interviews conducted with the respondents since the process was long, thorough and labour intensive.

5.2.2

Sampling and Sample selection

A sample is a subset of a population used to study the population as a whole. Sa mples are preferred in research because it is sometimes difficult, and at times impossible to deal with every element of the population being studied. Every sample selected should therefore, be able to draw inferences from the studied population. However, statistical representativeness is not the aim for samples in qualitative research, which are usually purposive (Dudwicket al., 2006). In this qualitative study, sample representativeness is therefore not the aim and out of context since the study adopted a small sample, whose results are highly contextualised.

This study was based on two units of analysis. The units of analysis in this study are households affected by floods in the flood prone areas of Tsholotsho District and the organisation responsible for managing disasters in the district, the DCPU. The DCPU supplied information on how they have been managing the previous flooding events. However, the impact of flooding events and the type of livelihoods affected in the community was further analysed through on-site participant observation in order to get first hand information and generate more data. Bernard and Ryan (2010) argue that events can also be used as a unit of analysis through a participant observation designed to generate data about events, hence the use of the participant observation method to gather data about impact of the floods and type of livelihoods impacted in the district. Participants were chosen on the belief that they are likely to generate useful data for the project. This is supported by Marguerite et al. (2006), who observed that participants in qualitative research are chosen following non random procedures, based on whether the participants possess information relevant to the questions being put forward.

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5.2.2.1 Conve nience Sampling Qualitative methodologies are consistent with non-probability sampling techniques. As such, they usually adopt sampling methods that are non-random. Convenience sampling was employed to choose research participants to be involved in the study. Because the sampling was purposive, participants in convenience sampling were chosen on the basis that they were information rich and appropriate for the purpose. Research participants in Convenience sampling are not randomly selected. Instead, they have to meet a number of requirements and characteristics in order to respond to the research question and fulfil the objectives of the research.

In this study two groups of participants were selected from the district, one for members of the community living in the flood prone areas, and another for members of the DCPU. From each group a sample was purposively chosen in order to make up the required sample. This method was ideal as it improved the representation of particular groups within the population being studied, as well as ensuring that the groups were not over-represented. The study was based on a small sample of 30 participants. The 30 participants consisted of 20 members of the community and 10 members of the DCPU. The sampling investigation was supplemented with participant observation. Qualitative data co llection and analysis use in-depth investigations based on small samples (Bryman, 2008; Saunders & Tosey, 2012). Moriarty (2011) adds that qualitative methods use small samples that are purposively chosen on the grounds of specific and important criteria. This characteristic of qualitative research sampling justifies the selection of the 30 participants for the study, since studies for qualitative research are normally not reliant upon standardised instruments, but often utilise small samples which are non random in nature. Both men and women from members of the community were purposively chosen on the basis that they were information rich since they all experienced the flood impact. The selection of the disaster risk management practitioners who are members of the DCPU was also purposive and based on their positions of authority, disaster risk management experience and their level of expertise.

5.2.3

Data Collection Techniques

It was also important for the study to select appropriate data collection methods that would capture the required data. Since the study chose convenience sampling, it was also crucial to adopt proper data collection methods. The data collection methods used included semistructured interviews in which an interview guide was used and pa rticipant observation. The - 129 -

researcher used an observation checklist to observe the damage caused by floods on livelihoods, to observe the type of construction material used for building shelter and infrastructure, and to observe the type of structural interventions put in place to manage floods. Qualitative methods normally involve various techniques for data collection and analysis that adopt purposive sampling, semi-structured or open-ended interviews and participant observation (Dudwick, Kuehnast, Jones & Woolcock, 2006; Parkinson & Drislane, 2011). Saunders and Tosey (2012) add that obtaining qualitative data can involve one or a number of data collection techniques such as interviews and observation, as well as making use of secondary data. The use of these instruments created a close contact with the research participants in Tsholotsho District. According to Moriarty (2011), data collection methods for qualitative research encourage closeness between researchers and research participants, are also interactive, developmental and afford the exploration of emergent issues. Below is a detailed description and discussion of the data collection instruments that the study employed.

5.2.3.1 Semi-structured Intervie ws Face to face interviews, which are semi-structured, formed part of the methods of data gathering employed for the study. The interviews were conducted within or near the homesteads of the interviewees so that they were to be easily complemented with the observation method. Moriarty (2011) asserts that interviews remain the most known data collection methods in qualitative research and are a common and easy way of getting people‘s opinions and experiences. Creswell (2007) concurs that the major data gathering methods in phenomenological studies involves interviews with research participants. Since the research wanted to find out in-depth meaning of the flood phenomenon, the interviews were therefore suitable for this study. Marshall and Rossman (2006) add that the main purpose of a phenomenological interview is its description of the meaning of a phenomenon that many individuals share.

This study used semi-structured interviews with relevant questions. Such interviews include a list of open-ended questions on a number of issues the researcher perceived as important and relevant to the study (Moriarty, 2011). Qualitative research is popular with using face to face semi-structured interviews to collect data from study participants (Harris & Brown, 2010; Parkinson & Drislane, 2011). Semi-structured interviews aided the researcher in gathering large volumes of data from members of the community affected by flood hazards and - 130 -

disasters in Tsholotsho District. The Interview Guide, marked as Appendix A had the following questions which were directed to members o f the community in the district: 1. In which years did you experience the most severe flooding in the district? 2. In which months of the rainy season do you usually experience flooding in the district? 3. What was the impact of the flood disasters to the affected communities? 4. What do you think have been the main factors contributing to flood disasters in the district? 5. From the different social classes of people in the district, which groups do you think have been affected by floods the most? 6. Can you identify the types of community livelihoods that have been impacted by the recent flood disasters? 7. What do you think are the reasons why people have preferred to remain in flood prone areas, despite the dangers posed by floods? 8. What type of infrastructure was most affected by the floods and of what material was the infrastructure made of? 9. What indigenous knowledge systems have you used to manage flood hazards and disasters in District? 10. In your opinion, do you think the indigenous knowledge systems were effective or not? 11. What assistance do you think is required to build resilience of the communities and reduce future risks associated with flooding in the District?

Apart from interviewing members of the households affected by floods in the community, the study further interviewed disaster risk management practitioners who are members of the DCPU. The purpose of interviewing the practitioners was to gather data on how past flooding events had been managed in the district. The Interview Guide marked Appendix B for members of the DCPU contained the following questions: 1. Which organisations or departments constitute the institutional framework of the District Civil Protection Unit? 2. For how long have you been working in your organisation? 3. What role does your organisation play in the DCPU as far as disaster risk management activities are concerned? - 131 -

4. For how long have you been a member of the District Civil Protection Unit? 5. Which are some of the interventions that you have been using to manage flood hazards in Tsholotsho District? 6. Do you think that the current interventions used to manage floods in the district are effective enough to reduce flood impact? 7. Apart from the above named interventions, which other interventions do you think can help improve the management of flood disasters in the district? 8.

What challenges do you think have been militating against the smooth implementation of DRM operations by the DCPU in the District?

The two interview guides followed the predetermined order of the questions in data gathering as part of the interview protocol. Hancock al., (2007) posit that a semi-structured interview contains questions that are prepared and presented to interviewees in an identical manner following an order that is predetermined. Semi- structured interviews assist the researcher to uncover understandings, meanings, stories and experiences, as well as feelings and motivations surrounding the problem being studied (Díaz-Adrade, 2009). The interviews were conducted with the participants following an interview schedule or guide which was designed by the researcher for that purpose. According to Elliott and Timulak (2015), the good practice with the interview method is to develop an interview guide that helps the interviewer to focus the interview without imposing too much structure. The interview schedule used contained open-ended questions, questions that enabled the researcher to gather a lot of data. The open-endedness of the questions can define the topic being investigated, but also gives ample opportunity for both interviewer and interviewee to deal with the topic in detail (Hancock, Windridge & Ockleford, 2007). All responses to the interview questions were recorded down in the researcher‘s notebook in the form of notes.

The face-to- face semi- structured interview method was found to be an ideal instrument for the study since the interviews carried out were rich and lengthy. The interviews afforded the interviewer the chance to collect rich data and to clarify certain questions to the interviewees. If the respondents have not understood certain parts of the questions, they could ask for further elaboration of replies (Phellas, Bloch & Seale, 2011). Hancock et al. (2007) concur that should the interviewee have problems in responding to a question, the interviewer can also use either cues or prompts as a way of encouraging the interviewee to consider the question further. Mathers, Fox and Hunn (2007) argue that although personal interviews are - 132 -

viewed as being labour intensive, they are the most suitable way of obtaining data of high quality. Qualitative interview data usually gather very rich meanings on the attitudes of participants, their thoughts, and their actions (Kendall, 2008). A summary of the advantages of using interviews in data collection is given as follows (Phellas et al., 2011):  The availability of an interviewer offers a platform to explain complex questions to the interviewee.  Interviews can generally be longer, compared to self-completion methods as interviewees are less likely to be discouraged by interview length or surrender before interviews are completed.  There is a wide scope to put forward open questions, since participants do not have to write in their answers and the interviewer can discern non-verbal language that indicates what is relevant to the respondents and the way they are responding to different questions.  Interviews allow visual aids to be used in the face-to-face situations.  The interviewer can influence the context and the environment in which the interview is conducted.

There are however, some problems associated with the semi- structured face-to face interviews. Harris and Brown (2010) argue that while semi-structured interviews can provide platforms where respondents can demand clarification, elaboration on ideas, and explanation of perspectives in their own words, the interviewer may employ questioning to direct and manipulate responses from interviewees. The cost associated with one-on-one semistructured interviews can reduce the size and coverage of the survey area, while also introducing biases which may act against the reliability of the responses (Phellas et al., (2011).

To counter these biases, the researcher ensured that the interview participants were spread almost evenly to cover the whole study site. Any preconceived tho ughts and ideas about the phenomenon being studied were bracketed, so that they did not influence the study towards a biased outcome. Bracketing entailed the researcher putting aside any preconceived ideas, thinking, experiences and knowledge about the phe nomenon being studied (King, 2014). Putting aside of such issues helped the researcher to avoid prejudgments and allowed for the capture of only the views of the research participants, and not those of the researcher. The

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interview schedule used by the researcher was also designed in such a way that it did not contain any leading questions thereby reducing some bias.

5.2.3.2 Participant Observation It is necessary at this stage to mention that, not all data collection approaches associated with qualitative research need a direct interaction with study participants. But apart from interviews and other methods, observation method collects naturally occurring data about social processes as first-hand information (Silverman, 2006). Participant observation was used to complement the semi-structured interviews in data gathering. The observation took place in the district and at places that were affected by the floods. As observed by Myers (2009), participant observation is one method that may be used to gather qualitative data without direct interaction. Glendon, Clarke and McKenna (2006) define participant observation as a process whereby observers spend considerable periods of time within an organisation, either overtly or covertly, collecting data usually using a semi-structured approach. This study adopted the participant observation method to gather data on flood impact on the communities and their livelihoods through an observation checklist, in order to complement an interview schedule. Through the interpretive paradigm, researchers do not position themselves outside, but are participant observers involved in the activities and understand or read the meanings of actions as they are expressed within particular social settings (Bernard, 2006; DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). An observation technique can be employed when data cannot be obtained through other methods, or when data gathered through other methods are of limited significance or difficult to validate (Bernard, 2006; Hancock, Windridge & Ockleford, 2007).

It this study, data were gathered through religiously following a participant observation checklist. The observation checklist was designed in such a way that it contained a range of observation issues the researcher was specifically investigating. The details of the checklist which form part of the research protocol are detailed below. The Observation checklist marked as Appendix C, sought to collect data on: 

The nature or type of human settlements affected by the floods



Flood impact on the environment



Community livelihoods and flood impact on livelihoods and assets



The types of material used for constructing human shelter and infrastructure - 134 -



Presence of structural measures used as interventions



The design of structural interventions



Status of households settled in flood prone areas

These observations were predetermined and prepared before- hand. As can be observed, these included amongst other things, the impact of floods on livelihoods, the type of construction material used for building structures, and the type of structural measures put in place as flood intervention. The checklist was mainly concerned with the observation of the environment in which the communities in the flood prone areas of Tsholotsho lived. Details of the observations made were written down in the researcher‘s diary as field notes. According to Tetley (2013), proponents of participatory qualitative inquiries suggest that the best way of recording notes from observations in study settings is through the use of reflective diaries. Apart from recording notes, the researcher also took pictures of objects of interest to the study. Such pictures included huts which were damaged by floods, damaged infrastructure and shelter which was provided as an intervention in the relief phase of the disaster. For the participant observation to produce quality data, the researcher stayed with and became part of the population being studied. This facilitated the development of an accurate understanding of the environment, as well as beliefs that people liv ing with flood vulnerabilities hold.

Numerous advantages are associated with participant observation. One advantage is that it enables inquirers to observe people and the environment in their natural settings (Tetley, 2013; Timseena, 2009). It also interweaves processes of looking, listening and watching and asking questions; identifies stories and experiences that are of particular relevance to the research study; and gains a better understanding of sensitive social phenomena (Tetley, 2013; Watts, 2011). Moreover, because the researcher was part of the community where the study was conducted participant observation helped gain a deep understanding of the flood phenomenon through the meanings ascribed to it by the individuals who lived and experienced it in the flood prone zones. This gave the researcher first-hand information about the phenomenon. Pope and Mays (2006) agree and mention that observational techniques go some way towards addressing issues, that what an individual says is not necessarily what the individual does. This method of collecting data also offered the researcher the opportunity to analyse the observed non- verbal communication between members of the communities.

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Despite its numerous advantages, participant observation has disadvantages too. The main one being that participant observation is time-consuming, requiring researchers to spend a long time in the field collecting data. The researcher made for this limitation by visiting the field on a regular basis to make observations between January 2014 and March 2016. Participant observation is also associated with the difficulty of documenting the data, as it is hard to note down everything important which was observed, while you are participating and observing. Such scenario makes the researchers to rely on their memories to internalise, write down and expand their observations as soon as possible after the observation process is complete. In order to counter these limitations, the researcher designed the observation checklist in a way that it would capture only the important, detailed and relevant data. This helped to avoid writing down every detail observed. In some instances, a camera was also used to take photographs in order to serve time for writing down field notes.

5.3 Trustworthiness and Credibility Baxter and Jack (2008) observe that numerous frameworks have been developed to evaluate the rigour or assess the trustworthiness of qualitative data. Since qualitative research is normally not focused upon standardised instruments but often follows smaller samples that are non-random, its criteria for evaluation differ from that of quantitative research. The issues of reliability and validity relate to the quantitative territory, and therefore are not necessarily applicable to qualitative research studies. In this qualitative study, the researcher‘s main interest was to question and understand the meaning and interpretation of the phenomenon. Qualitative methodologies follow the construct of trustworthiness which is subjectivist and constructivist. Trustworthiness is therefore, the qualitative research value used to describe and explain the quality of research. The trustworthiness of this study is based on articulating issues of dependability, transferability, credibility and confirmability.

5.3.1 Dependability of the Study Dependability entails the consistency of observing the same findings under similar circumstances or the extent to which findings of the research can be repeated with similar subjects under similar circumstances. This is analogous to reliability, which is o ut of context in a qualitative research territory. In this study, dependability was achieved through using more than one technique of data collection and analysis, namely semi-structured interviews and participant observation. Data were collected though an interview guide from members of - 136 -

the community, whose households were affected and suffered some losses from the impact of the previous flooding events, as well as from members of the DCPU with experience in the management of flood disasters. To ensure trustworthiness of the data collected, the study started by obtaining information from influential members of the community in the District, since these are the gatekeepers of invaluable information. Such members also were information rich and suitable for the purpose since they had also been directly affected by the floods and experienced the adverse effects. The gatekeepers helped to identify the right people for the researcher to conduct interviews with. The research participants were identified through gatekeepers namely, traditional leaders and the District Administrator. Such participants provided first-hand information from their lived experiences, namely being affected by the flood phenomenon and how they have been dealing with the problem in order to solve it. Officials from the DCPU also provided data from their experiences in managing floods hazards and disasters.

After the interviews were over, the researcher shared the data collected with study participants and any irregularities in data were corrected through member-checking. The member checking strategy complemented the long-term participant observation by the researcher, which the researcher did between January 2014 and March 2016. The researcher‘s biases, assumptions, worldview were also guarded against at the outset of the interviews through bracketing. Dependability was again enhanced through the process of auditing. This consisted of the researcher documenting data, methods used and decisions made during a thesis as well as its end products. The researcher made sure that the data and descriptions of the study were elaborate and rich. Research trustworthiness can therefore, be improved through collecting and managing data systematically; and through analysing data correctly (Russell, Gregory, Ploeg, DiCenso, & Guyatt, 2005). As such, only relevant data was collected from the members of the community and the disaster risk management practitioners.

5.3.2 Transferability of the Study Findings of the study can be transferable if they fit into some new contexts other than the actual context of the research. Transferability is analogous or similar to external validity, that is, the extent to which results may be seen to be generalised. According to Maxwell (2000), generalisability of research findings is the extent to which the account of a given population can be extended to other situations, times or settings besides those directly researched. This is - 137 -

usually out of context in qualitative studies. As such, transferability has been regarded as a big challenge in qualitative studies, due to the subjectivity from the researcher as the primary research instrument. However, the detailed rich description of the setting studied in Tsholotsho District is provided to the reader, with sufficient information in order to judge the findings‘ applicability to other contexts with similar circumstances. Ritchie and Lewis (2003) argue that it is an element of judgement of contexts and phenomena found, which allow other people to analyse the transferability of the research findings to settings.

5.3.3

Credibility of the Study

Credibility in qualitative research refers to the extent to which the collected data and its analysis are considered to be believable and trustworthy. It is the confidence that one can place in the appropriateness and truthfulness of the research findings (Macnee & McCabe, 2008). Qualitative research is valid to the researcher who is also a research instrument, and not necessarily valid to people due to the possibility of many realities. Therefore, it lies with the readers to assess the extent of credibility of the study depending on how they understand it. Smith and Ragan (2005) argue that most rationalists would suggest that there is not a single reality to be established, but that each person constructs a reality that is personal.

This study adopted the process of member-checking as a crucial strategy for increasing credibility of the study. According to Russell et al., (2005), member-checking is where researchers share their interpretations of the data with the respondents, such that the respondents have the chance to discuss and clarify the interpretations, and add new insights about the issue under study. This study integrated the process of member-checking through the researcher sharing his interpretations of data with the research respondents. Field notes obtained through the in-depth interviews and the field participant observation were also maintained to establish credibility. The researcher therefore considered member-checking and the maintenance of field notes, as the two most critical techniques for establishing research credibility.

5.3.4 Confirmability of the Findings The trustworthiness of the study can also be enhanced through confirmability of the findings. Confirmability in qualitative research entails the extent to which the research findings can be confirmed or corroborated by others as being genuine. It is similar to objectivity, as it shows the degree to which researchers are conscious of individual subjectivity or individual biases. - 138 -

Some research scholars strongly argue that auditing can also be adopted to check on confirmability, whereby the researcher provides a methodological self-critical account of how the study was conducted (Anney, 2014; Carcary, 2009). This study can as well be audited by other researchers to check on accountability by the researcher. As a way of allowing auditing by other researchers, this researcher archived all data collected through the semi-structured interviews and participant observation in a proper storage, and retrievable manner so that the data can be availed in the event of the findings being questioned. Such data includes field notes and photographs amongst other available exhibits.

5.3.5

Piloting of Data Collection Instruments

Piloting of data collect instruments is a crucial stage to undertake in every research project. It is important that research instruments are tested before they are administered on the main stage of field work. The researcher carried out a pilot testing of the interview guide on a small number of people in order to check that the instrument collected the required data. The observation checklist was also tested so that it collected the required data. After piloting the instruments were adjusted accordingly so that they we re able to collect data that was only relevant to the study. There are some advantages that come with pilot testing of the research instruments. Pilot testing enabled the researcher to ensure amongst other things, that:  The instructions for answering the questions were clear and not ambiguous.  The order and wording of questions was clear so that respondents could easily understand them.  All the relevant issues were included and issues important to the respondents were not forgotten or omitted.

5.4 Capturing Data and Ethical Considerations Some scholars argue that no research methodology is ethically privileged. As such, e thical considerations have become a cornerstone for conducting effective and meaningful research in qualitative studies. Since qualitative study is highly interactive, its researchers are likely to enter the personal domains that include amongst others, values, private life, and weaknesses of the participants to gather data. Because of that, ethical behaviours of individual researchers are likely to be under unprecedented scrutiny (Best & Kahn, 2006; Trimble & Fisher, 2006). Necessary steps should therefore, be taken by all researchers to stick to strict ethical

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considerations so as to respect the privacy, confidentiality, dignity, rights, and anonymity of study participants.

This study religiously followed the dictates of the ethical guidelines in dealing with the research participants. The researcher made a great attempt to protect and preserve the image of the research participants, colleagues, and other people involved. The researcher was mindful of the fact that in conducting the study, it entailed entering the private spaces of the research participants. As such, that called for ethical considerations to be addressed before, during and after the research process in all aspects of the research, including in dealing with members of the community in Tsholotsho District. The following major ethical issues for conducting research were observed (Fouka & Mantzorou 2011):  Informed consent,  Beneficence - Do not harm  Respect for anonymity and confidentiality  Respect for privacy. 5.4.1 Participants’ Informe d Consent Having informed consent from study participants when conducting social research is a step in the right direction, and it means that individuals give their consent knowingly, voluntarily and intelligently in a way that is clear and manifest (Fouka & Mantzorou 2011). Such may involve the procedure whereby some participants may opt to be involved in the study or not to participate. Before collecting data in Tsholotsho District, the researcher made sure that all the participants had full and clear knowledge of what was involved in the research so that they could make informed decisions. Goodwin (2006) observes that ethical dilemmas may exist where some individuals, unaware that there is a research taking place, enter the environment in which the research is being conducted. The purpose and whole essence of the research was explained to the participants to ensure that they had a clear appreciation of the purpose and methods employed in the study, any risks involved, and the obligations placed upon them as participants (Best & Kahn, 2006; Jones & Kottler, 2006). It was also explained to the participants, that they had the right to withdraw from the study at any time without any conditions imposed. This study was therefore, based on the d irect consent since agreement was obtained directly from the participants themselves, instead of s ubstitute consent in which someone would have agreed on their behalf. - 140 -

5.4.2

No harm to Research Participants

Research ethics also demand that research studies should not involve any harm to anyone, including the research participants. It has been observed in the previous studies, that research study participants are often very keen to be identified and to participate in research (Wiles et al, 2007), but do not necessarily understand what the implications may be. This research did not bring any harm, be it physically, emotionally or psychologically to the study participants. This ethical consideration was explained to the participants before they made their informed decisions to get involved in the study. Researchers also should make sure that participants have clear knowledge concerning the broad areas of the investigation beforehand (Creswell, 2007; Sampson et al., 2008) so that the participants make correct and informed decisions. The purpose of the enquiry for the study was explained to the participants, who understood it and then volunteered to participate.

5.4.3

Anonymity and Confidentiality

Anonymity of the research participants and confidentiality of the data gathered formed part of the ethical issues that were observed by this researcher. Wiles et al. (2007) emphasise that anonymity and confidentiality are long-established principles in social research practice. Participants in this study were informed that their involvement would remain anonymous, and that the data they contribute would be treated with high levels of confidentiality. According to Wiles et al. (2008), researchers need to carefully consider and explain the various implications of the research to individuals.

5.4.4

Respect for Privacy

Apart from guaranteed anonymity and confidentiality, researchers also need to respect the privacy of the participants. During the field tour, the researcher clearly explained to the participants, that their identities were not to be divulged to anyone for some reasons. After all, the participants‘ names were never revealed to the researcher. Participants were again assured that information gathered would neither be for some other purposes, nor would information that reveals their identity in any way shared. Whilst visual data bring a huge impact, researchers should endeavour to publish and present unadulterated visual images (Sweetman, 2008). The visual images in this thesis are the clear, original and unadulterated images photographed during the onsite field observations.

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5.5 Data Analysis Procedure This section deals with how the data collected from the field was analysed. Since the study involved the collection of large volumes of raw data, it was necessary for such data to be analysed for it to have a meaning. The analysis involved reducing the large volumes data, sifting significance from trivia, identifying significant patterns and constructing a framework for communicating the essence of what the data revealed. Therefore, the whole essence of analysing the collected data was to obtain usable and useful information for this study. Patton (2002) asserts that the purpose of data analysis is to transform data into findings.

This study adopted qualitative research approach, and therefore data analysis procedures carried out supported the dictates of qualitative studies. An important purpose of research is to generate new knowledge (Watling, James & Briggs, 2012) from data collected. In this study, the researcher was hoping for a new model to emerge from the data obtained for the study. Semi-structured interviews and participant observation were the two methods employed to gather data. According to Henning et al. (2004), data analysis is a continuous, developing and repeating process during which transcribed data of interviews are investigated. The semi- structured interviews which were guided by a script, allowed interesting issues to be explored in more depth. As such, the semi-structured interviews provided a good balance between richness and replicability. Through the observation platform, the setting provided both length and depth of information (Gay & Airasain, 2003). Qualitative data analysis can be described as the process of making sense from research participants ‗views and opinions of situations, corresponding patterns, themes, categories and regular similarities‘ (Cohen et al., 2007:461). According to Gibbs (2007), qualitative data analysis is a process of transformation of collected qualitative data, done by means of analytic procedures, into a clear, understandable, insightful, trustworthy and even original analysis. Leedy and Ormrod (2010) further state that qualitative researchers construct interpretive narrative from their data and try to capture the complexity of the phenomenon under study. In this study, an interpretive narrative of the data collected was done.

5.5.1 Qualitative Content Analysis The qualitative content analysis process was adopted in this research to analyse data collected from the semi-structured interviews and participant observation. Qualitative content analysis was found appropriate by the researcher because the method emphasises an integrated view - 142 -

of speech or texts and their specific contexts. This method of qualitative data analysis was also found suitable since the study wanted to describe and interpret participants‘ views (Smith & Firth, 2011). Hsieh and Shannon (2005:1278) define qualitative content analysis as ‗a research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns‘. According to Zhang and Wildemuth (2005), this method of data analysis can be employed to ‗... to examine meanings, themes and patterns that may be manifest or latent in a particular text. It allows researchers to understand social reality in a subjective but scientific manner‘. In line with the qualitative content analysis, the researcher followed these procedures in analysing the data. 5.5.1.1 Transcribing the interviews The researcher collected data from the research participants through audio recording and field notes written in text on the researcher‘s note book. The field notes were meant to serve as backup, should anything go wrong with the audio device. In addition, field notes provided the context to the interviews carried out. All the data were then transformed into written text for easy analysis. In this study qualitative content analysis was used to analyse interview transcripts in order to model the flood impact people‘s information related behaviours and thoughts. This was done in line with Patton (2002)‘s view, who argues that if the data come from existing texts, the choice of the content must be justified by what you want to know. This study did a complete transcript because it is useful and gives additional value to the analysis. As such, all the questions from the interview guide were transcribed, whilst the verbalisations were transcribed literally.

5.5.1.2 Verbatim transcription Verbatim transcription of the responses from the interview participants was done. To make sure that the researcher was acquainted with the data for the purpose of analysis and interpretation, the original interview of the completed verbatim transcription was listened to repeatedly. In line with the guidelines of Henning et al., (2004), transcription notation symbols, comments and the taking of field notes were used by the researcher to capture nontranscribable text to gain as much of the complete picture as possible. To ensure the dependability and credibility of the data, the verbatim transcribed interviews were memberchecked with the respondents to verify authenticity.

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5.5.1.3 Thorough reading of transcribed text and field notes The researcher thoroughly read the entire transcribed text in order to obtain an overall and comprehensive impression of the content and context. Immersing oneself within the data was meant to gain detailed insights of the flood phenomena being explored (Smith & Firth, 2011). This procedure was followed by the abstraction process of coding, in which units of meaning were identified.

5.5.1.4 Developing a data coding system The researcher engaged this process to assign names to specific segments of related meaning. The segments were identified within the field notes and transcripts (Henning et al., 2004; Neuman, 2011). This resulted in the transcribed text being arranged in meaningful themes and categories. As the analysis progressed, subthemes and subcategories were included to identify meaning, connections, relationships and trends. Three steps namely, open coding, axial coding and selective coding guided the entire coding process for the field notes and transcripts (Thietart, 2007; Neuman, 2011). The manner in which these steps were followed is explained below:  Open coding was used to identify and name segments of meaning from the field notes and transcripts in relation to the research topic for the study, which is ‗Towards enhanced disaster risk management interventions for flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe‘. The focus of open coding was on wording, phrasing, context, consistency, frequency, extensiveness and specificity of comments. Resultantly, the segments of meaning from the field notes and transcripts were clearly identified and labelled in a descriptive manner.  Axial coding entailed reviewing and examining the previous codes that were identified during open coding. This step led to the identification of categories and patterns, which were then organised in terms of causality, context and coherence.  Selective coding which is the final coding step, involved selective scanning of all the codes that were identified for comparison, contrast and linkage to the research topic.

5.5.1.5 Linking codes to form themes This procedure involved the evaluation of the codes for relevance to the research aims and objectives. All the related codes were identified and listed in themes according to the research aims and objectives.

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5.5.1.6 Description of thematic relations hips To conclude the qualitative analysis process for this study, the researcher provided a description of thematic relationships and patterns of relevance to the research. After the data analysis stage was done, the researcher was ready to present the research findings. The Action-Time based disaster model that this study offers emerged from the analysed data and the findings of the study.

5.6

Concluding Remarks

The Research Methodology that guided the study was the gist of this chapter. The chapter focused on the Design of the study that encompasses secondary data, the Research design, the Research paradigm, the Research approach, Population, Sample selection and Data collection, and, Data capturing and Ethical considerations. It covered amongst other things, Qualitative research as the approach for dealing with the problem of the flood phenomenon. The study adopted phenomenology as the research design and interpretivism as the main research paradigm. The chapter also discussed the population and sampling method for the study – with convenience sampling chosen for the stud y. Methods of data collection in the form of the semi-structured face-to-face interviews, and participant observation were discussed in the chapter as well. Ethical considerations that informed the study and issues to do with the trustworthiness of the study, with the focus on dependability, transferability, confirmability and credibility were also discussed in the chapter. Lastly, the chapter presented the data analysis procedure. Qualitative data content analysis was adopted as the analytical framework for the analysis of data collected from the field. Since this chapter explains and describes a trail of events as they unfolded in the field, the chapter that follows is centred on data presentation, interpretation and analysis. It reflects what the researcher brought from the study site.

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CHAP TER 6 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION OF THE EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION 6.0

Introduction

This thesis is about enhancing disaster risk management interventions for flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, south-west Zimbabwe, with a focus on preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery. It is concerned with contributing to improved ways, methods and interventions for dealing with the flood phenomenon in the District. The focus of this chapter is to present the research findings, as well as to discuss the empirical investigation. The findings presented emanate from a rigorous fieldwork, from which data were collected from the study participants and through observations in Tsholotsho District from January 2014 to March 2016. The findings in this research are derived from the data which was gathered through semi- structured interviews and participant observation. The findings are presented in the form of text, tables, figures, and photographs. All the tables and figures in this chapter are the author‘s construction, unless otherwise stated. The photographs are also part of the original data from the field, unless stated otherwise. The analysis and discussion of the findings of the empirical investigation, is supported with results from other scholars. The findings are compared and contrasted with results from previous studies.

6.1

Demographic Data of the Respondents

The following is the demographic data of those who participated in the study and gave their responses through the semi-structured interviews. The study dealt with a small sample of 30 participants (Table 6.1), in order to learn and understand in great detail the communities in Tsholotsho District in their natural settings. The demographic data describe the distribution of the gender, age and academic/professional qualifications of the respondents. Two categories of respondents were involved in the study. These were members of the communities in the district who had suffered or experienced the impact of floods, and members of the DCPU with previous experience in disaster risk management.

As can be observed in Table 6.1, the total number of respondents involved in the study is 30. Of these, 17 (57%) were males, whilst 13 (43%) were females.

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TABLE 6.1: Gender and Age distribution of all respondents (n=30) Age group (in years) 20-29 30-39 40+ Grand Total Percentage total

Male 02 03 12 17 57%

Female 02 04 07 13 43%

Total 04 07 19 30 100%

Four out of 30 (13%) respondents were in the age range of 20-29 years, seven respondents (23%) in the age range of 30-39 years, whilst the majority 19 (63%) respondents were in the age range of 40 years and above. From the total sample of 30 respondents, 10 were officials from DCPU whilst 20 were community members.

6.1.1

Demographic distribution of the DCPU Officials

Members of the Civil Protection Unit in Tsholotsho district were chosen mostly from government departments that include the DA‘s office, ZRP, RDC, Ministry of Health, Department of Social Welfare, Department of Veterinary Services, Agritex, and NGOs that included Plan International, ORAP and Save the Children. The DA leads the DCPU and chairs its planning committee in the District. A high response rate was realised from officials from the DCPU. The high response rate is indicative that the research participants had comprehended the essence of the research and were willing to be involved.

Seven out of 10 (70%) members were males. This variation in gender representation may be due to the fact that practitioners from the DCPU are drawn from central government departments and humanitarian organisations, whose workforces are largely dominated by male employees. It was also observed that the majority members of the DCPU (six out of 10 [60%]) were above 40 years old, implying that such members have the necessary expertise and experience in their work, and possibly in the management of disasters.

Members of the DCPU were further categorised according to their professional and/ or academic qualifications (Table 6.2).

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TABLE 6.2: Distribution of members of the DCPU according to professional qualifications Qualification Related to development/ disaster risk management Not related to development/ disaster risk management Total

GCE Level

O/A Certificate

Diploma

Degree

Total

01

01

03

05

02

00

02

01

05

02

01

03

04

10

As can be observed (Table 6.2.), five out of 10 (50%) members of the DCPU had qualifications related to development and/ or disaster risk management, whilst another five members (50%) had qualifications not related to development and/ or disaster risk management. However, the fact that eight out of 10 members (80%) either possess a certificate, a diploma or a degree is testimony that members of the DCPU have considerable knowledge related to development or disaster risk management.

6.1.2

Demographic distribution of Members of the Community

A total of 20 members of the community from selected households in Tsholotsho District who had experienced the flood impact participated in the study (Table 6.3). From the 20 members interviewed, five participants were community leaders who were interviewed as key informants. Since they possessed important information and knowledge about flood victims, the key informants identified other interview participants to the researcher.

Table 6.3 below shows the distribution of interview respondents according to their gender and age group. Ten 10 out of 20 (50%) interview respondents were women whilst another 10 (50%) respondents were men. This balance in gender distribution may imply that both women and men were affected and experienced the impact of floods.

TABLE 6.3: Gender and Age distribution of members of the community Age group (in years) 20-29 30-39 40+ Grand Total Percentage total

Male 01 03 06 10 50%

Female 01 02 07 10 50%

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Total 02 05 13 20 100%

The majority of the respondents (13 out of 20 [65%]) were 40 years and above. Two out of 20 (10%) respondents were in the age range of 20-29 years, whilst five out of 20 (25%) respondents were in the age range of 30-39 years (Table 6.3). The fact that 13 out of 20 respondents were in the age range of 40 years and above, might suggest that such respondents have been household- heads for a considerable long period. As such, they might have experienced and dealt with several events of flooding within the communities. The members of the community were further categorised according to their roles in the study participation.

Five (25%) of the 20 members of the community who participated in the study were key informants, whilst 15 (75%) of the respondents were household heads. All these were interviewed on the basis of their experience of the flood hazard. According to the respondents, their main source of livelihood in Tsholotsho District was farming with crop farming and livestock farming as the basis of their everyday living.

6.2

Impact of flooding events and factors contributing to flood disasters: Addressing Research Objective 1

The most recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District impacted severely on the communities in the district. This section discusses the trend of the recent flooding events in the district, the flood impact, as well as the factors contributing to the occurrence of the flood disasters.

6.2.1

The flood trend in Tsholotsho District

Flooding in Tsholotsho District has been intensifying since the year 2000. Although all the 22 wards of the district have been experiencing flooding, the respondents showed that the most severe flooding has been occurring in wards five, six and eight. Villages that have been affected most in ward five have been Tamuhla, Nkwalini, Gumede and Shakiwa villages. Addressing Observation checklist issue number 1, the researcher observed that these human settlements were situated on flood plains along Gwayi and Zombani rivers. Some of the villages in ward five were observed to be located on low lying areas. Gwayi and Zombani rivers also cut through ward six hence villages in the ward have been affected as well. According to the respondents, in ward six, flooding had mostly affected Mahlaba, Mapili, Mahlosi, Mbanyana, Mathuphula, Mbamba and Jimila villages. They further stated that in ward eight, areas that had experienced recent flooding included Butabubili, Gariya, Mtshina, Sandawana and Sasedza villages. Observatio ns from the field visit were that some of these - 149 -

villages were located in low lying areas, while other homesteads were built near Bhudani and Gariya dams. According to most of the respondents who are members of the community, they were born and grew up staying there in the flood prone areas.

This implies that communities in Tsholotsho District have been living with the flood hazards and disasters for a long time. According to the respondents, the most severe flooding in Tsholotsho District was experienced between year 2000 and year 2014. Of these years, the respondents felt that the most severe floods were experienced in the 2000, 2001, 2013 and 2014 rainy seasons, with the other years recording less flooding (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 1).

Flooding in this area has been severe between year 2000 and 2014. However, the most severe flooding that we experienced was in 2000, 2001, 2013 and 2014, these being the years in which we experienced water everywhere in the district (Village Head, Male aged 65 years of Mahlosi area)

From their narrations, the respondents indicated that the periods of flooding were usually between the months of November and March, though with degrees of varied magnitude (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 2). It therefore means that disaster risk management measures should be heightened during the indicated months so that losses for property and livelihoods are minimised. However, all the respondents agreed that the flood trend in the District was ever increasing. In line with the philosophy of interpretivism, the current situation can be interpreted to mean that the flood trend in Tsholotsho District is likely to continue, with severe flooding expected in the coming years. Communities are therefore, likely to experience more losses in the future compared to the losses that they incurred in the previous years. The location of human settlements close to rivers should be avoided if the communities are to live without the recurrent problem of flooding.

Since the flood trend is likely to continue resulting in the recurrence of flood disasters and their negative effects on the communities, more meaningful and sound intervention are needed. This resonates well with results from previous studies, which have projected a global increase in flooding events in the future because of climate change (DEFRA/EA, 2007; Hirabayashi et al. 2008). The magnitude of the impact of flood disasters on the communities in Tsholotsho is discussed below. - 150 -

6.2.2

Impact of the recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District

The recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District, according to the respondents, severely disrupted the communities through movements of human populations, destruction of crops in the fields, destruction of small livestock and poultry, damaged infrastructures, caused injury to human beings, caused land degradation, destroyed food storages and NFIs, and severely impacted children‘s education (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 3). The impact of the flood disasters is discussed in detail below in line with narrations made by the respondents and observations done by the researcher.

6.2.2.1 Human Population Movements Some respondents indicated that floods have resulted in the movements of human populations in the district, leading to high numbers of populations having been shifted. Some of the displaced communities moved out of their areas temporarily, whist others moved out permanently. From respondents‘ narrations, high numbers of population movements were experienced from Tamuhla village in ward five, Mahlosi, Mathuphula, Mapili and Mbamba villages in ward six and Butabubili village in ward eight. As pointed out by the respondents, some villagers from Tamuhla village have since permanently relocated to Forester and Suburb villages, areas which are outside Tsholotsho district as they fall under Lupane District. One female villager from Tamuhla village had this to say in her narration:

Due to persistent flooding in this area, some members of our population relocated to Forester and Suburb villages across the Gwayi River. The river is the boundary with Lupane District and the villages that they relocated to do not fall under Tsholotsho District, but they fall under Lupane District. (Villager,

Female

aged

46

years,

Tamuhla village)

As also observed by this researcher, the displaced villagers from Butabubili village permanently relocated to a safer area on a higher ground within the same village (Observation checklist issue number 5). As a result of permanent displacements, some of the affected populations have lost their sense of origin and identity as they now have to identify themselves with new villagers and a new district – Lupane. By moving populations, flooding is interpreted as disturbing social networks which are an important part of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework informing the study. The findings show that there is a relationship - 151 -

between flooding and population movements. High levels of flooding may result in large numbers of people moving from their original locations. It was further learnt that those who had been temporarily displaced returned to their areas after the floods had subsided. This move by the communities to go back to flood prone areas is condemned as it perpetuates their vulnerability. Such a move further confirms flood disasters as a social creation, thereby reinforcing the Social constructionist theory that this study is based on. By shifting the populations, the floods also impacted on the day to day activities of the communities and affected their livelihoods as well. These findings of floods leading to population movements compliment a study by Dixon and Schaffer (2010), whose results were that floods affected many people in the rural set up, leading to massive human population movements.

6.2.2.2 Destruction of Crops Communities in the district eke out a living mainly through agriculture, with the farming of crops for subsistence purposes being their livelihood mainstay. As stated by some respondents, during the periods of flooding, crops in the fields of most subsistence farmers that include maize, sorghum, millet and groundnuts suffered severely. According to some respondents, floods have resulted in the water logging of fields and at times crops being washed away. This has resulted in crops being affected. As such, respondents felt that this scenario has left the food security and livelihoods of many households under severe threat in the district. Because of the floods, respondents stated that they have been experiencing low harvests from their fields. They were also of the opinion that the persistent hunger in the district was related to the previous flood disasters. In describing the destructive effects of the severe flooding of the 2001 flood phenomenon on his crop in the fields, one villager from Tamuhla village had this to say: There was water everywhere in my field and my crop was water logged. Eventually, my entire crop was destroyed and I harvested nothing from the fields during that farming season (Villager, Male aged 55 years, Tamuhla village)

Since the destruction of the crops has resulted in low yields, it means that communities in the district are food insecure. There is therefore, a relationship between flooding and food securing, in that flood impact can worsen a community‘s food security situation. Flood disasters can therefore, be interpreted as being capable of worsening both food (in)security situation and increasing poverty levels of rural communities through destroying important - 152 -

livelihoods. Given the rising trend of flooding in the district, their situation is likely to get worse. These findings agree with results from Armah et al. (2010) and the Centre for Food Security and Public Health (2010) that the impact of flooding has resulted in severe damage to crops on farms, leading to the decline in food production. If no proper measures are taken to assist the communities in the flood prone areas in Tsholotsho District, people and their livelihoods would continue to suffer.

6.2.2.3 Damage to Shelter and Infrastructure Apart from destroying crops in the fields, the previous flood disasters also damaged shelter and infrastructure in the district. Respondents mentioned that the type of shelter severely affected included huts made of pole and mud, whilst the infrastructure included roads and dam walls. The researcher also observed that the type of shelter in the District was largely the pole and dagga huts with thatched type of roofs, whilst most roads were made of gravel (Observation checklist issue number 4). This type of material used to build human shelter is not suitable for building in flood prone areas. Houses constructed from pole, dagga and thatch are not able to resist flood forces. By using inferior material to build human shelter in flood prone places, the households contributed to flood disaster creation, which confirms the Social constructionist theory underpinning this study. Dam walls were observed to be constructed from concrete and stones. Respondents indicated that floods damaged the huts mostly during nights when they were asleep. This resulted in some huts collapsing.

I was asleep in my bedroom hut with my three children, when I was awoken by the flood waters that had filled the whole hut. When I got out of the bedroom hut, I noticed that the other hut I used as a kitchen had its walls collapsed. (Villager, Female, aged 39 years, Gariya village)

From the responses obtained from the research participants, some huts were either partially damaged or total destroyed by the floods. Since most of the huts in Tsholotsho District are made of pole, mud and thatch, the huts easily absorbed water, resulting in them easily collapsing. Better houses that can withstand flood forces would do better than the current huts and houses. The destruction of shelter meant that most of the affected families became homeless and most of them had to bear the agony of sleeping outside, enduring cold nights and the rain. Since data on the impact of floods and the type of shelter and infrastruct ure impacted were complemented with the researcher‘s observations, the researcher observed and - 153 -

took photographs of some of the huts affected by the floods in the communities. Figure 6.1 shows the impact of floods on people‘s shelter in the District.

FIGURE 6.1: A hut damaged by the 2014 floods at Butabubili village

The above photograph (Figure 6.1) indicates a hut completely damaged by the 2014 floods in Butabubili village. This type of shelter is not suitable for places that are prone to flooding. During the 2014 flood disasters in Tsholotsho District resulting from heavy rains respondents indicated that most villagers had their huts damaged, some completely, resulting in them having no shelter (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 8). The floods destroyed huts, severely affecting the communities in Gariya, Butabubili and Sasedza villages under ward eight. One villager from Butabubili village who also lost his hut (Figure 6.1), which was severely damaged and all the property inside was heavily soaked narrated his ordeal. According to the owner of the hut, the family members also lost some important personal documents, including identification documents and birth certificates:

Apart from losing my hut through flood damage, I also lost my National Identification card and my grandchildren‘s birth certificates. It is now difficult for me to replace these items because of the long distance from here to Tsholotsho Growth point. (Villager, Male aged 54 years, Butabubili village)

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Apart from damaging the shelter, the floods also affected infrastructure including roads, as narrated by the respondents. As for the roads, they were affected to an extent that flooding rendered them hardly usable. Results from observations showed that some roads were eroded by water, whilst others were completely flooded with rain water making them difficult to manoeuvre (Observation checklist issue number 4). One of the roads severely affected was the road from Tsholotsho leading to Gariya area (Figure 6.2).

FIGURE 6.2: The flooded Tsholotsho – Gariya road at Phaneni village

The road from Tsholotsho to Gariya (Figure 6.2) is one of the roads usually affected by flooding. Form observations made in the field, it was noted that water had encroached onto the road since the road is located in a low lying area at Phaneni village. This resulted in the road being difficult to use, especially for motorists since it had become muddy as well. Many roads were observed to be either made of gravel or with no gravel at all. These results confirm recent studies by Angula and Kaundjua (2016), and Musyoki, Thifhufhelwi and Murungweni (2016), which revealed that flood left roads and infrastructure severely damaged in Oshana region in Namibia and Thulamela municipality in the Limpopo province of South Africa respectively.

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Apart from affecting the road infrastructure, respondents stated that the other infrastructure that was affected by the floods included dam walls. Respondents indicated that recent flood disasters damaged dam walls in Tsholotsho District, including the dam walls of Gariya and Sipepa dams. Respondents explained that the damage to the dam walls led to the spillage of water, which then overflowed to their homesteads. The spillage also affected the dams‘ water holding capacities, since their water levels were reduced. This scenario affected the food situation in the communities and at household levels, since the subsistence farmers who relied on water from the dams for irrigation purposes were affected.

When the Sipepa dam got filled with rain water, its water level increased resulting in the dam wall giving in to water pressure and collapsing. Up to now, the dam wall has not been reconstructed and the dam no longer holds enough water for farming purposes. (Villager, Male aged 35 years, Sipepa Area)

The researcher also observed that the two dams had walls constructed as part of structural measures to prevent spillage of water and flooding (Observation checklist issue number 5). However the walls, which were made of cement concrete, were very low and thin resulting in them being subdued by flood waters. The destruction of the roads and dam walls by the floods means that the infrastructure was baldy constructed for flood prone areas. As such, this study‘s interpretation is that floods can manifest themselves into disasters when they interact with badly constructed infrastructure, as there is a relationship between flood damage and weak infrastructure. Infrastructure built in flood prone areas should be strong enough to resist flood forces. By destroying road and dam walls, the flood in Tsholotsho district also impacted heavily on the physical capital of the communities. The findings further concur with results from a study carried out by Chan (2012) in Malaysia, that flood damage in a rural set up is largely restricted to household property, damage to buildings structures and infrastructure.

6.2.2.4 Land and Environme ntal Degradation Land and environmental degradation has also been one of the effects of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District. Some respondents felt that floods had also negatively affected the environment in the district. They were of the view that floods affected the environment through land degradation, causing soil erosion and creating gullies. The erosion of soil and creation of gullies resulted in poor veld re-growth and recovery. According to some respondents, communities in the district also depended on the environment for resources, - 156 -

including veld for their livestock. Hence, once the environment is disturbed by floods it amounts to disturbing their livelihoods as well.

We are now living dangerously due to the effects of running waters resulting from floods. Floods caused serious soil erosion and created these dangerous gullies. As you can see, some of the gullies have encroached into our homesteads. (Villager, Female, aged 30 years, Tamuhla village). From the field observations made by the researcher in addressing Observation Checklist issue number 2, some of the gullies created by floods were widening towards homesteads. These were becoming a threat to the people, especially young children who could easily fall inside them. This problem of interaction with floods in some communities in Tsholotsho District could be avoided if communities and stakeholders put proper mechanisms to manage the hazard. The failure to take such action again connects these findings to the Social constructionist theory. This is so because flood disasters in this case are a social creation that can be avoided if the duty bearers take appropriate action. Affected communities should also move away from flood prone areas if flood disasters are to be minimised. Steinberg (2000) argues that natural disasters possess a strong human element, but those in positions of authority including political bodies and states, have a tendency to regard d isasters as purely natural events in order to justify their improper actions that have proved to be a dismal failure. These findings complement results from previous studies. A recent study by Sarkar (2011) in India, also found that floods had resulted in massive land erosion in several areas within the communities.

6.2.2.5 Destruction of Small Livestock Floods in Tsholotsho District have also affected the livestock population, a situation that has threatened the food situation and livelihoods. Some respondents indicated that floods affected and destroyed small livestock in the district. According to the respondents, some households lost their goats and poultry from the previous floods disasters. The loss of livestock is a threat to food security and income earnings of the communities in Tsholotsho District. Livestock are part of important livelihoods and natural capital. One village head from Butabubili area, whose small livestock was affected by the 2014 flooding event, described the severity of the floods and his experience:

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The 2014 floods were so severe to an extent that my three chickens and my dog were

washed away by water. I even failed to recover my chickens in the aftermath

of the floods. (Village Head, male, aged 45 years, Butabubili village)

The fact that only the small livestock were killed by flood disasters indicates that there is a relationship between flood damage and the size of an animal. As such, big livestock like cattle and donkeys were not killed although they were also heavily affected by flooding. These results on the impact of floods on the livestock are similar to those from previous research, which showed that floods had the propensity to cause huge losses of livestock with a heavy impact on community livelihoods (Chan, 2012; Cash et al., 2013: 2098; Lyly, 2013). If no measures are taken to preserve livestock in flood prone areas, communities would be made poorer through livestock losses. Strong disaster risk management or reduction measures with a bias towards the protection of livestock, especially small livestock are therefore required.

6.2.2.6 Injuries to Human Beings Injuries to human beings, resulting from flood disasters have also been experienced in the district. From information obtained from the respondents, children consisted of the majority of the injury victims because of their inability to perceive disaster risk. Respondents stated that some members of the community suffered some injuries resulting from flood disasters. Some respondents narrated how their children got injured as a result of the floods. From their narrations, five children got injured when two d ifferent huts they were sleeping in collapsed during the night and debris fell on top of them. One of the five children got drowned in the process since water had flooded the house, but was quickly saved by her mother.

Flooding also caused some injuries in my village. Five children got injured, two of them seriously when some huts collapsed during the night. Those with serious injuries were taken to Sikente clinic for medical attention. They were treated and discharged and they have since recovered. (Village Head, Male aged 45 years, Butabubili village)

The action taken by the injured victims of the flood disasters to seek medical attention from health institutions shows the severity of the impact of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District. - 158 -

This has implications on human capital, since a community whose personnel is characterised by poor health can hardly achieve its development goals. To avoid human injuries resulting from flood disasters, there is a need for communities to avoid interacting with flood hazards. This can be achieved through staying away from flood hazards, thereby preventing the hazards from becoming disasters. This is so because flood hazards would continue to exist and are not avoidable, whilst flood disasters are avoidable. These findings regarding the injuries to people resulting from floods concur with results from studies do ne by Fabiyi and Oloukoi (2013), who concluded that when flooding occurs especially at night, human casualties are recorded, the majority being children and old people. Disaster risk management interventions for floods should therefore, also focus on reducing children‘s vulnerabilities, as part of the considerations towards addressing floods hazards and disasters.

6.2.2.7 Affected food and Non-Food Items Floods have also affected food stocks and NFIs in the district. Apart from destroying crops in the fields, floods also affected food stored in the huts and NFIs in some communities. Respondents stated that flooding in their homes resulted in their food storage fac ilities and food items being affected, rendering their food unfit for human consumption. According to the respondents, the food items affected included mostly some grains and cereals, which were stored in the huts and granaries. Respondents further indicated that apart from losing their food stuffs, they also lost NFIs such as blankets, clothes and kitchen utensils. They said these were either soaked or washed away by the flooding waters.

Both my hut and granary got flooded to an extent that all our blankets, clothes and kitchen utensils in the hut were affected. The maize grain and other cereals that were stored in the granary also got soaked and spoiled. As a result, we had to throw them away since they were no longer suitable for human consumption. (Villager, Male aged 50 years, Gariya village)

The loss of food items further threatened the food security situation and compounded the livelihoods of the communities and households in the district. Food stuffs and NFIs in flood prone areas should be kept at places where flood waters would not reach them. These results complement findings from a study by Musah and Oloruntoba (2013), whose findings were that floods severely affected food storage and food processing facilities in Ghana.

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6.2.2.8 Disruption of Childre n’s Education The impact of the floods in Tsholotsho has been most severe on the education of school going children, than on anything else in the district as noted by some respondents. The respondents mentioned that during the periods of flooding, children spent many weeks at home without going to school, thereby missing some lessons. As narrated by the respondents, the most affected were children attending Regina Mundi primary and Regina Mundi secondary schools, Gwayi primary school, Sipepa primary and Sipepa secondary schools, Mathuphula primary school, Tshino primary school, Jimila primary school and Butabubili primary school. The school children, especially those at primary level could not manage to either cross flooded streams and rivers or find their way through large bodies of water in low lying areas. Some respondents thought that the effect of floods on the children‘s education, might have contributed to poor performance of the children attending schools in the district in the past in recent years. Apart from skipping lessons, respondents indicated that some children also lost their school uniforms, books and other forms of stationery which were washed away or soaked by the floods.

According to the respondents, some of the children could not manage to attend lessons at schools, because they were also victims of population movements. As such, some children had relocated with their parents from the flood afflicted villages to safer areas. The respondents further highlighted that due to population movements, some schools were also used as shelter to accommodate the flood disaster victims. This scenario resulted in the disruption of school lessons, as classrooms meant for learning purposes were occupied by the displaced persons. By disturbing the children‘s education, the flood disasters impacted on human capital which is depended on knowledge and skills obtainable through education. The future of the younger generation is therefore, compromised. Children are the future leaders who should acquire relevant skills at an early age. These findings echo results from a recent study, which showed that floods severely impacted on children‘s education when during the 2014 floods in Serbia, schools were used as temporary shelter for flood evacuees and classes were, suspended (United Nations, European Union & World Bank, 2014).

Due to severe flooding in the district, our children could not manage to properly attend lessons at Sipepa and Gwayi primary schools. The situation was worse for those attending Regina Mundi secondary school, since the school is located across

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Gwayi River which is usually flooded during the rainy season. (Village Head, Male aged 49 years, Tamuhla village) According to some respondents, the situation was the same at Butabubili primary school, which was used to accommodate some families. Lessons at the school were disrupted for some days due to the movement of some families who had nowhere to go into the school premises for temporary shelter.

When we realised that most of the homesteads had flooded, we moved some families and accommodated them at Butabubili primary school. The school had to suspend the lessons for more than one week, whilst the classrooms were being used as accommodation for the flood victims. Lessons then resumed after the families were moved to designated places identified for relocation. (Village Head, Male aged 45 years, Butabubili village)

6.3

Main factors contributing to flood disasters in Tsholotsho District: Addressing Research Objective 1, continued...

While it is very true that flooding is triggered by high levels of precipitation, the same cannot be said of the causes of flood disasters. The presence of flood hazards and the resultant flood disasters in Tsholotsho district has been the result of numerous factors involved. Flood disasters in Tsholotsho District, according to some respondents, have mainly been due to human inducement, with the communities embarking on activities that are likely to trigger flood hazards into disasters. Addressing Interview Guide Appendix A Question 4, this stud y found out from the respondents that the main factors contributing to flood disasters in the district included location of settlements close to rivers and dams, location of settlements on flat land or low lying areas, use of poor building materials, lack of training and awareness in communities, and bad farming practices by members of the communities. All these factors are a social construct that can be avoided and link well with the theory of Social constructionist that the study adopted. The factors are explained in detail below.

6.3.1 Settlements located close to Rivers and Dams Location of human settlements close to rivers and dam was found to be the highest factor contributing to flood disasters in the district, according to the respondents. This stud y therefore, argues that had some settlements been situated far away from the rivers and dams, - 161 -

flood disasters would rarely occur in the district. Addressing Observation checklist issue number 1, the researcher also observed that some villagers in wards five, six and eight were settled on flood plains very close to rivers and dams. In ward five, homesteads were observed to be located on the banks of Gwayi and Zombani rivers. The banks of the two rivers usually burst in the aftermath of heavy rains, resulting in water flooding the nearby villages.

Homesteads in ward eight were further observed to be built near Gariya and Bhudani dams. One villager explained that during the rainy season, the two dams usually get flooded resulting in water overflowing into the villages, thereby affecting homesteads. Due to poor drainage in most parts of the district, the residents would find their homesteads having been flooded.

Most of our homesteads are located near Gariya and Bhudani dams. This has resulted in flood waters overflowing into our homes when the dams are full. Since this area is characterised by poor drainage, our homes are usually filled with stagnant water during flooding periods. (Villager, Female aged 35 years, Bhudani village) The results also confirm the position of the social constructionists‘ theory, which views disasters as a result of people‘s interaction with their environments. According to the constructionists‘ perception, people have been interacting with their environments since time immemorial, and that the reality and the phenomena of daily life are socially constructed (Tabler, 2008). Pokhrel, Bhandari and Viraraghavan (2009) observe that people‘s activities, including unplanned human settlements, and improperly built dwellings situated close to rivers can lead to the occurrence of disasters. The theory can therefore, be used to explain and predict human behaviour in a social setting.

The settlement of many homesteads close to rivers and dams in the district was observed to be the major factor contributing to flood disasters. It therefore means that there is a relationship between flood disasters and location of human settlements. Human settlements located away from rivers would experience less flood impact. As such, there is a need for human settlements to be located at places that are away from rivers and dams. These results agree with studies by Parker et al. (2007), who concluded that the number of flood disasters was growing due to increasing number of people in areas perceived to be at high risk of

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flooding. As such, if communities in the district could avoid settling in areas close to rivers and dams, flood disasters would probably be reduced.

6.3.2

Settlements located in low lying areas

Apart from building their homesteads close to rivers and dams, some villagers were observed to have settled in low lying areas on a flat land (Observation checklist issue number 1). Some respondents were of the belief that those who had settled on low lying areas were contributing to the occurrence of flood disasters. True to the social constructionist theory, people settled in low lying areas in Tsholotsho District are creating flood disasters. Such practice should be avoided and people should move away from low lying areas. According to the respondents the low lying areas have poor rate of water drainage, making them to hold large volumes of water for longer periods. They said these areas can hold water for more than two weeks, rendering their homes inhabitable. As such, the whole settlement had at times been rendered unsuitable for human habitation.

I was born in 1983 and grew up in this place when my father was already staying here. Although we have been experiencing the flood problem for many years, we cannot just leave this place because we have no better places to go to. So we at times have to endure the agony of living with flood waters for more than two weeks or so. (Villager, Male aged 33 years, Mahlosi village)

Addressing Observation checklist issue number 1, the researcher also observed this poor site selection for human settlements, in which most of the homesteads at Mahlosi, Mathuphula, Mbamba and Sasedza villages were built in low lying areas. When flooding occurred at these villages, respondents reported that water remained stagnant for long periods, affecting their property, especially huts and houses made of mud. The location of settlements in low lying areas is an indication of the communities‘ poor perception of the flood hazards. They are failing to perceive that flood hazards may lead to disasters, with the communities being negatively affected. As such, poor perception of a hazard may lead to flood vulnerability and eventually, flood disaster. These findings support results of a study by Shah, Khan and Qazi (2013), who concluded that most of the mud houses that collapsed during the Pakistan floods in 2010 were located in flood prone low lying areas. Site selection is therefore, one of prime considerations when constructing structures that are made of inferior material, especially the construction of mud houses. The findings further agree with Likuwa (2016), whose study - 163 -

found that the fields of Nkondo residents in Namibia were situated in flood prone areas, resulting in the crops being destroyed by floods.

6.3.3

Use of poor Building Material

Some respondents were of the view that flood disasters have been occurring in the district due to poor building materials used in the construction of huts, houses and other types of infrastructure. Most dwelling structures in the communities in Tsholotsho District are made of pole, mud and thatch. Respondents viewed this as inferior building material, which can easily be damaged or washed away by water in the event of flooding. Huts with walls made of mud have a high water absorbent rate, resulting in walls getting heavier and collapsing. The use of poor materials for building purposes is a social construction of flood disasters. These results are similar to those of Sharma and Joshi (2008), who discovered that traditional mud structures had no capacity to resist water, as such the structures experienced severe damage resulting from the floods. The researcher observed some huts that were damaged by flood waters following the February 2014 flooding in Gariya area (Figure 6.3).

FIGURE 6.3: Poor building material that has contributed to flood disasters

Figure 6.3 is a hut that was completely damaged by the floods. As can be observed, the hut which collapsed after being hit by the floods was constructed using poor building material mud, poles and thatch (Observation checklist issue number 4). The type of building material - 164 -

used is not durable and not strong enough to resist the pressure exerted by floods hazards as it is another way of socially constructing flood disasters. Therefore, the extent of flood disaster impact on human shelter is determined by the type of building material used to construct the shelter. Huts and houses built in flood prone areas should be constructed of material strong enough to withstand forces from flood waters. The results also concur with findings of the UN-Habitat (2012), which found that although most of the houses damaged by the 2010 floods in Pakistan were mud and adobe brick houses, those built of concrete and burnt brick were thought to be more durable as they survived the flood impact. Apart from the poor choice of the building material, the homestead (Figure 6.3) was poorly sited through locating in on flat land. Flat areas are usually characterised by poor water runoff and low levels of water drainage. Such areas are therefore, also not recommended for siting of human settlements.

6.3.4

Lack of Training and Aware ness

Lack of training and awareness related to floods is another factor that contributes to the occurrence of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District. Some respondents had an opinion that lack of training and awareness on the part of the communities was also contributing to the occurrence of flood disasters. The respondents‘ argument was that communities that are well enlightened through proper education and regular flood awareness programmes, would not be caught off guard/unaware during flooding periods. Proper education and awareness programmes put communities in a better position to be able to identify hazards in their midst. Again, communities with enough training for flood management would be able to put relevant preparedness and mitigation programmes to defend themselves from hazards. The respondents indicated that although awareness was at times given by the DCPU, it was not as regular as it should be. According to the respondents, more education and awareness campaigns by the DCPU would improve the communities‘ disaster preparedness so that locals are able to effectively manage flood hazards. Education and awareness campaigns would entail the passing of important information to the communities so that they take necessary steps in order to protect their livelihoods from floods. This shows the important role played by information, the 6th Capital of the SLA in achieving livelihood outcomes. These findings are similar to those of the previous study, which discovered that to minimise the risk and lessen the impact of hazards, the state and civil society actors can foster community preparedness through outreach and awareness material and activities, trainings, and community-developed disaster risk management plans (Bhaduri, 2013). Therefore, the - 165 -

duty-bearers are encouraged to deliver community programmes that also provide training and awareness related to flood management.

6.3.5

Bad farming practices

Bad or poor farming practices are also contributing to flood disasters in Tsholotsho District. This was the opinion of some respondents, who felt that poor farming practices like ploughing on the banks of rivers, ploughing down slopes and overgrazing contributed to the siltation of rivers, dams and other water basins resulting in flooding. Once they are silted, rivers, dams and other water basins no longer have the capacity to hold water, resulting in water overflowing to homesteads, fields and other places. According to the respondents, people conduct ploughing near the river banks and near dams due to the availability of water for their crops.

Many people in the district undertake their farming activities through ploughing along the banks of the rivers and near the dams. This practice has resulted in the siltation of the rivers and dams. Once they get silted, these water basins do not hold water resulting in water flooding homes. (DCPU member, Male aged 43 years, Tsholotsho District)

The practice of ploughing along the river banks, down the slopes and overgrazing in flood prone areas is a bad practice by the communities. It contributes to flood disasters resulting in unnecessary losses. This practice is not pro development and should be abandoned in order to minimise flood losses. These findings on the bad farming practices as a factor contributing to floods disasters in Tsholotsho District agree with the results of studies by Musyoki et al. (2016), who showed that human activities such as cultivation on steep slopes contributed to flooding. Therefore, all the factors discussed in this part (section 6.3) as contributing to the flood disasters, are mainly triggered by human beings through their various activities. This also confirms one of the theoretical assumptions of the study, that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are socially constructed. It is the way humans conduct themselves, through their interaction with flood hazards that needs to be regulated so that hazards would not escalate into flood disasters.

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6.4

Groups of people and types of livelihoods mostly impacted by floods: Addressing Research Objective 2

Whilst floods in Tsholotsho District have impacted on almost everyone in the community and on many livelihoods in the flood prone areas, there are groups of people and livelihoods categories that have experienced the impact most. This section identifies such groups of people and livelihoods in the district, and analyses how these have been impacted by the floods.

6.4.1

Groups of people affected by floods the most in Tsholotsho District

Results from the study indicated that women and children, members from poor households in the communities, people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHIV), and older people formed the major classes of people to suffer most from the flood impact in the district (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 5). The four groups identified by the respondents, are discussed in detail below.

6.4.1.1 Women and Childre n Women and children constitute the bulk of the people mostly affected by the floods in Tsholotsho District. This was the view and feeling of most of the respondents, who indicated that this was the most vulnerable group in their societies. In the Zimbabwean context, a child is anyone who is below the age of 18 years (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013). The respondents revealed that most households in the flood prone areas were headed by women, since the majority of men were working outside the country, especially in neighbouring South African and Botswana.

Most of the households in this area are headed by women since their husbands are working outside the country in South Africa and Botswana. As such when floods strike, women are the ones who suffer the negative effects of floods the most. (Villager, Female aged 36 years, Sasedza area)

As such when the floods struck, women had to fulfil the gendered role of saving their children and protecting property from damage. During reconstruction of the damaged infrastructure, most women were also directly involved as they partook in the rebuilding of the damaged huts due to their husbands‘ absence. The impact of floods on women in the - 167 -

district further complicates the position of women in the society. Women are viewed as fragile and defenceless citizens, a situation which is further exacerbated by the flood impact. The findings concur with results from a study by Neumayer and Plumper (2007), who found that differences in the roles of men and women influence different sk ills, and these can contribute to women‘s high levels of vulnerability to disasters. The findings further agree with a study which found that women were most affected by flood disasters because they had no necessary skills to survive, because they could no t manage to swim, climb up trees, understand or respond to given warning signals, let alone participate in disaster management programmes (Castro Garcia & Reyes Zuniga, 2006; Neumayer & Plumper, 2007).

According to the respondents, some very young childre n in the district received injuries of varied degrees from the previous flood disasters. The children had no capacity to rescue themselves from the flooded areas, owing to large volumes of waters. It is important to save the lives of children from flood disasters as they are the future. Disaster risk management interventions for flood disasters would do well if they also focus on saving the lives of women and children.

The findings on women and children as members of the communities most vulnerable to flood disasters, also agree with the Fabiyi and Oloukoi (2013)‘s findings, that women and children are often constrained indoors during flooding, thus limiting their access to schools, medical care and economic activities. The findings further buttress res ults from the previous studies, which showed that children are highly exposed to the impacts of disasters (Mitchell & Borchard, 2014; Seballos et al., 2011).

6.4.1.2 Membe rs from Poor Households Members from poor households in the district were another c lass of people found to be most vulnerable and heavily impacted by the floods. They were the second rated group to suffer the flood impact most after women and children. Some respondents highlighted that the previous flood disasters in Tsholotsho District severely affected those from poor households. Because of poverty, the poor lacked proper resources to construct better houses, resulting in them building huts using pole and mud, which is inferior material. Again this researcher observed that the poor members of the communities had settled in flood prone areas because they have no resources to start a new life in safer areas (Observation checklist issue number 7). The impact of floods on members from poor households, portray flooding as a - 168 -

vulnerability amplifier through worsening their state of vulnerability. These findings agree with a study from Pakistan by Shah et al. (2013), that a large number of poor people in the developing countries are living in mud houses, mainly due to easy availability of raw material and local skills for their construction.

Because they lack access to better resources for reconstruction in the aftermath o f floods disasters, the poor households are forced to accept what should be temporary shelter as their permanent accommodation. This was an observation made by this researcher during the field visit (Figure 6.4).

FIGURE 6.4: Temporary shelter used as permanent accommodation

The above (Figure 6.4) is temporary shelter which has been converted into permanent accommodation. From the respondent‘s narration, the poor households in Butabubili village affected by the February 2014 floods disaster were provided with tents by NGOs for use as temporary shelter during the permanent relocation exercise (Figure 6.4). The tents were meant to be used on temporary basis, whilst the villagers reconstructed proper permanent shelter in the form of their huts and houses. However observations by this researcher on the March 2016 re- visit, two years after the tents were provided, were that the tents were still being used by some households, effectively turning them into permanent dwellings. This may be interpreted to mean that flooding forces the poor to accept anything for a living as their - 169 -

choices are limited. The respondents indicated lack of resources to build proper and permanent structures as the major reason for using the tents as permanent accommodation. They mentioned that they could not afford the costs of rebuilding since they cannot afford to purchase the required building material. The researcher‘s observations further revealed that weak structures in the form of huts made of mud, pole and thatch, were being used alongside the tents as shelter (Observation checklist issue number 4). Therefore, government support and that of stakeholders is needed for the villagers to build proper structures that withstand the effects of flooding. Anderson, Karar and Farolfi (2008) in their study found that without support from government, livelihoods for many households may be extremely jeopardised. Such situation perpetuates the poor‘s vulnerability through exposing them to future flood hazards. As such, this study interprets that there is a strong relationship between poverty and flood vulnerability. Poverty can force people to live in vulnerable conditions because they have limited options. One respondent, a widow from Butabubili village expressed her views on the inadequacy of t he building material given to them for reconstruction purposes: ‗We do not have enough resources to build proper housing structures and we have

resorted to using these tents as permanent accommodation. The five bags of cement and six asbestos sheets given to us are not enough to build a house‘, said the respondent. (Villager, Widow aged 58 years, Butabubili New village)

These findings that members from poor households are more prone to floods are in line with results from Sena and Michae (2006), who noted that during disaster occurrence, members from impoverished households often incur great losses in the form of their physical and social assets, consequently, their levels of poverty deepening. Therefore, this group of people in the society needs to be assisted through proper, capacity building so that they become more resilient to flood hazards.

6.4.1.3 Flood Impact on People Living With HIV/AIDS Floods also impacted heavily on people living with AIDS/HIV (PLWHIV), especially those undergoing antiretroviral therapy (ART). Lives of many PLWHIV are dependent on taking Anti-Retroviral (ARV) drugs in order to boost their immune system. Previous research

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studies discovered that ARVs boost the immune systems of those living with the AIDS virus, thereby making them live an almost normal life and prolonging their living.

Respondents mentioned that floods in the district impacted heavily on PLWHIV, thereby worsening their conditions. In their narrations, the respondents indicated that those living with the AIDS/HIV and undergoing ART failed to access hospitals and clinics in the district in order to replenish their stocks of ARV drugs due to flooding. According to the respondents, they usually get their supply of drugs from the nearest clinics that include Sipepa, Jimila and Sikente clinics, apart from travelling to Tsholotsho and Bulawayo. This resulted in some patients skipping their drugs, thereby jeopardising their health. However, it would be ideal for the nearby clinics to always have enough supply of drugs for PLWHIV, so that people would easily access the drugs during flooding periods. One village head, a key informant interviewee had this to say in connection with the plight of people in the community living on ART: We are no longer able to travel to Tsholotsho or Bulawayo because the buses are no longer able to reach us due to flooding. It is now difficult for those dependent on Anti-retroviral drugs to replenish their supply, since some usually get their drugs fro m either Tsholotsho hospital or hospitals in Bulawayo. (Village Head, Male aged 44 years, Bhudani area)

According to the respondents, the situation was worse for PLWHIV on home based care, since they could no longer be transported to the health centres for review. The lack of access to proper medical attention by the communities has a negative impact on community development. No meaningful development can take place in communities with a depleted human capital characterised by poor health. The PLWHIV in Tsholotsho are now faced with two potential risks linked to their health resulting from flooding events in the district. These are the risks of increased infection, and the risk of being attacked by diseases due to the inaccessibility of health services and antiretroviral treatment. The impact of flooding on PLWHIV may be interpreted to mean that the relevant authorities have failed to cater for their needs, since flooding is not a new phenomenon in the district. These findings concur with results from previous studies. According to Global Health Action (2015), floods can damage roads and vital infrastructure, leaving health facilities and health outreach points

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inaccessible. As such, disaster risk management planning in the district should also focus on the needs and welfare of PLWHIV, especially those on ART.

6.4.1.4 The Elderly Members of the Societies The elderly members of the societies were another group of people deemed to have been impacted by floods the most in Tsholotsho District, as highlighted by respondents. However, they were the least affected group compared to other groups that have experienced t he flood disasters in the district. The Constitution of Zimbabwe identifies older people as those over the age of 75 years, and these have the following rights as listed in the Constitution (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013): (a) To receive reasonable care and assistance from their families and the State; (b) To receive health care and medical assistance from the State; and (c) To receive financial support by way of social security and welfare;

However, United Nations defines older people as those above 60 years of age (Hutton, 2008). It is logical thinking that because of their physical frailties and limited mobility, the elderly (60 years and above) might face difficulties to manoeuvre through large bodies of water. As such, they may be targets to succumb to flooding waters. From these findings it can be interpreted that one‘s survival from flood disasters is dependent on one‘s age, with younger people more likely to survive from flooding than adults. During periods of flooding, the elderly were relocated to camping sites as they could not cope with the inundation. Disaster risk management programmes should therefore, focus on reducing vulnerabilities of older people in the societies. These findings concur with results from previous research studies. According to Hutton (2008), of the large number of people totalling 1 330 killed during Hurricane Katrina, the majority were from the older persons‘ category, whilst 71% of those killed in Louisiana were aged above 60 years.

6.4.2

Types of Livelihoods and Livelihood Assets impacted by the floods

Different community livelihoods and livelihood assets were affected by floods in the district, thereby threatening to worsen the food insecurity situation of some households. Addressing Interview Guide Appendix A Question 6, it was revealed by respondents that the most affected livelihoods included crops, small livestock and dams amongst others. The impact of floods on livelihoods assets, directly impact the livelihoods themselves. This is so because

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livelihoods assets are a means to achieving positive livelihoods outcomes. The livelihoods assets in Tsholotsho District were affected in different ways (Table 6.4).

TABLE 6.4: Impact of floods on the Livelihood Assets Nature of Livelihood Asset Physical capital

Human capital

Social capital Financial capital Natural capital

Information capital

Flood impact on the Livelihood Assets  Destruction of huts  Damage and flooding to roads  Damage to dam walls  People failing to work in water logged fields  Injuries to children  School children missing lessons  ART patients skipping drugs  The elderly failing to cope with flood hazards  Disruption of social networks due to displacements  Restricted movements within the villages  Lack of access to financial institutions due to restricted movements  Land was made unsuitable for crop farming through water logging  Land degradation – floods caused erosion, impacting crops and grazing pastures  Livestock destroyed  Restricted movement to share informational resources

The table above is a summary of the negative effects of floods disasters on community livelihoods in Tsholotsho District (Table 6.4). Just like in any progressive communities, the people in Tsholotsho rely on their livelihoods assets to achieve sustainable livelihoods and improve their standard of living. During the previous periods of flood disasters in the district, some of their livelihoods and livelihoods assets were negatively affected, resulting in the livelihoods becoming unsustainable (Table 6.4). The livelihoods assets or capitals impacted on are the physical assets, human assets, social assets, financial assets, natural assets and information assets (Table 6.4).

The human capital in which people were directly affected through injuries, restricted movement, missing of school lessons, and skipping ARVs was the most impacted. It meant that people could not provide their labour where it was wanted. Again, a community consisting of many members with poor health cannot thrive in its endeavour to achieve sustainable livelihoods. Skipping of school lessons by school children due to floods was a threat to skills, knowledge, and expertise required to develop coping capacities in future. This agrees with results from Garbero and Muttarak (2013) who found that the level of education - 173 -

as a livelihood capital can improve people‘s coping during disasters since it increases access to the required resources.

The physical capital was also severely impacted by the floods (Table 6.4). The impact consisted of severe damage to shelter and infrastructure in the district including huts, roads, and dam walls. The damage to infrastructure meant that the communities were not in a good position to achieve sustainable livelihoods due to flooded roads which were unusable, and dams that had lost large volumes of water after the collapse of dam walls. However, communities in flood prone areas should learn to build stronger structures in order to mitigate flood losses.

People living in rural communities are united when it comes to helping each other. They consider social belonging, value social networks and family interactions as an important tool to achieve their livelihoods. On the social capital, the floods disrupted social networks in the district through causing population shifts, whilst some communities were restricted in their movements. As a result, people were no longer interacting well with their friends and relatives, resulting in the interaction and interdependence they used to enjoy being temporarily disrupted. These findings support results of the research on Hurricane Katrina which Patterson, Weil and Patel (2010) carried out and revealed the relevance of social networks in supporting and working with others for the survival of communities.

Since people could not freely move from one place to another, the financial capital was as well affected. People could no longer manage to access their funds at financial institutions in the district or beyond due to the flooded road networks. The natural capital was also heavily affected. The land was water logged and eroded, meaning that no farming activity could take place as the land was unsuitable for crop farming. Such a situation threatened food security and main livelihoods of the communities. Information, the sixth capital, was also impacted. According to respondents, during the periods of flooding, the sharing of information was on a limited scale owing to restricted movements of people.

To sum up on the impact of floods on livelihoods and livelihoods assets, these findings are similar to previous studies. It was found that flood damages have negative effects on the livelihoods of victims, especially in developing countries where a majority of households still depend on smallholder agriculture for survival (Balgah & Buchenrieder, 2011; Barrett, - 174 -

Sherlund & Adesina, 2008). The results are also in congruence with findings by Madhur et al. (2015), who discovered that flooding dismantles the livelihood structure of households, making their living conditions extremely challenging.

6.5

Why some communities prefer to live with the flood risk: Addressing Research Objective 3

This study investigated why some communities have chosen to live with the flood risk, instead of permanently relocating to safer areas. The study sought to obtain data from the interviews held with members of the community who were the victims of the floods in the district (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 7).

This study found that many communities in Tsholotsho District are aware of the flood risk, but have instead preferred to live with the risk. This is in line with the growing body of literature regarding flood disasters, that people who possess flood experience usually have a better awareness or perception of the flood problem (Fielding, 2012; Harries, 2012; Kellens, Terpstra & De Maeyer, 2013). However, it seems living with the flood risk in Tsholotsho District has been perceived by some members of the community as a normal way of their everyday life. This is despite the continued dangers posed by floods in the district, as well as lessons learnt from previous experiences of the negative effects of the phenomenon. In addition to this, EW has been given by the DCPU and partners for the communities to take necessary measures to minimise the impact of floods. It seems all these have not deterred the communities from occupying flood prone areas. This study understands that instead of blaming the presence of flood hazards in Tsholotsho District, the communities should be blamed for wrongly associating themselves with the hazards. This further confirms the Social constructionist theory pursued by the study, that disasters in Tsholotsho District are a social construct that can be avoided. Results from the flood victims‘ personal accounts, given by the victims of the flood disasters in the district showed that some members of the community were relocated on temporary basis whilst others were permanently moved to safer areas. The respondents pointed out that those who undertook permanent relocation did that on the advice of the government, through the DCPU in Tsholotsho.

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Those who were permanently relocated were assisted to move from a flat low lying land, to a higher ground where they started afresh to build new homes. The few flood victims who accepted to be relocated, against the many who turned down the offer indicates some reluctance on the part of members of the community to relocate. They do not view relocation as a panacea to the problems emanating from flood disasters. Some of the flood victims were asked through the interview, to state one major reason which they thought influenced them to remain in flood prone areas. This study therefore, discovered some of the reasons why some people in human societies are usually reluctant to move away from settlements that are under the threat of flood hazards. This also confirms the Social Constructionist theory which views environmental problems as being a social construct with human activities to blame. The findings also agree with Steinberg (2000), whose view is that disasters as victims capable of creating conditions that contribute to vulnerability to hazards. Therefore, the Social constructionist theory is searching for blame on the part of human actions.

The major reasons advanced by the respondents, through the narration of their experiences included culture and traditional beliefs, rich soils for farming, good pastures for grazing, costs associated with relocation, and, availability of natural food resources that contribute to their livelihoods. These findings on the communities‘ reluctance to relocate after major flooding events are consistent with results from previous research. Balgah, Buchenrieder and Mbue (2015) also found that an overwhelming majority of flood victims were reluctant either to self-relocate, or to do so as part of a government policy. The major reasons that came from the narrations of the respondents in Tsholotsho District are explained in detail below.

6.5.1

Culture and traditional beliefs

Since human life is full of complexities, at times people‘s culture and beliefs have a bearing on people‘s perception on how they rate the level of flood disaster risks that they come across. Issues associated with the people‘s culture and traditional beliefs, were cited as some of the reasons why some communities are living with flood risk in Tsholotsho District. Although people had received several warnings in the past, and experienced the flood impact on numerous occasions, they simply did not want to vacate their areas. Some victims interviewed, indicated that their culture and traditional beliefs were the major reasons they were living in the flood prone settlements, instead of relocating to safer areas. They indicated that they take pride in being associated with places where their forefathers once lived.

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According to the respondents, since their forefathers and fathers died there, it was taboo in their culture for them to relocate and leave their forefathers and fathers‘ graves behind.

Their culture is also strongly attached to animism, whereby they believe that objects like graves, rivers and the land where they live, have living souls or spirits. They further narrated that the spirits of their ancestors would be angry with them, resulting in bad luck befalling them should they move and stay away from their ancestors‘ graves.

We cannot move away from this place because this is where our forefathers were buried. Moving away from the place would amount to forsaking them and their spirits would be angry with us resulting in bad luck befalling on us. (Villager, Male aged 35 years, Mahlaba village)

The respondents were also of the opinion that their continued stay in the flood prone settlements, gives them a sense of ownership of the land and other resources. It is this ownership and social attachment that they also did not want to lose. This is another social construction of flood disasters in the district, which further confirms the study‘s theoretical assumption that disasters in the district are assumed to be a social construct. The findings that communities situate themselves in flood prone areas because of culture and traditional beliefs, further support the Social constructionist theory which views social problems as a human creation. The respondents further stated that there is a strong connection between them and the land on which they are residing, and that they can communicate with the land through spiritual means. These findings indicate that people living in the rural areas value their culture a lot, perhaps more than their life. However, people should learn to value their life and move away from flood risk. It does not make sense to lose life and property on the basis of preserving one‘s culture. By not wanting to leave their ancestors‘ grave, the behaviour of people in Tsholotsho District is typical of the behaviour of African communities, whose lives rely so much on cultural beliefs. However, this can be interpreted to mean that they put the lives of the living to the risk of flood hazards, at the expense of the dead. Balgah, Buchenrieder and Mbue (2015) also discovered that the social attachment of many victims to their current dwelling places was so strong that a large majority was not willing to relocate.

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6.5.2

Rich soils for crop farming

Most flood prone areas, especially those in flood plain areas are characterised by rich soils that are good for farming purposes. This was the most common reason advanced by the respondents as to why they were unwilling to relocate to other areas. Some respondents indicated that their settlements which are located on the flood plains have rich soils for growing crops. They mentioned that the nature of soils found in their settlements, are so rich and good for crops farming that they are guaranteed of a good harvest every farming season.

The place is characterised by rich soils which are good for farming crops. This is one of the major reasons why we do not want to move away from this place to other areas. We always have good harvests at this place (Villager, Female aged 33 years, Mahlaba area)

According to the respondents, the soils in their crop fields do not need some fertiliser to improve their quality, because they are already rich owing to dead matter deposited by the floods. Because of the good soils, they stated that it was not ideal for them to leave their current locations on the flood plains and settle elsewhere, as such a move would jeopardise their food security and also threaten their livelihoods. The fact that no fertiliser is added to their soils, means that crop production in the flood prone areas is cheaper. Farmers only need to buy crop seed as inputs, since no fertiliser or related chemicals are needed. However, the researcher noticed that some of their fields were also located close to the banks of Gwayi and Zombani rivers. Practising cultivation along the rivers is one of the factors contributing to the siltation of rivers. Although the communities in Tsholotsho District are benefiting from the rich soils, this should not justify their continued stay in places where there is flood risk. This may be interpreted to mean that they depend on the rich soils to an extent of failing to see the danger posed by flood hazards and disasters. The findings agree with the research by Musah and Oloruntoba (2013), and Viviroli et al. (2007), that flood plains attract human settlements and development since they are generally flat, located near water and usually fertile, and that if there are no alternative areas available, development would continue on flood plains.

6.5.3

Good pastures for grazing

Good pastures for cattle and goats grazing is one of the major reasons keeping communities to live with the risk in flood prone places in Tsholotsho District. It seems the rich soils for crop farming and the good pastures for grazing are the two major reasons holding people to - 178 -

continue staying in the flood prone places. The respondents further indicated that their pastures have good veld, making them suitable for grazing their livestock. In line wit h Observation checklist issue number 3, the researcher observed that many households had cattle and goats as part of their livelihoods assets. The respondents‘ feelings were that the good quality of their cattle and goats were as a result of the good grazing pastures found near their settlements. One respondent, whose homestead is situated close to Gwayi River, boasted that because of the good pastures, they have high quality livestock which is second to none. This place is very good for our livestock. If you look closely at the high quality of our goats, you would agree with me that this type of goats cannot be found anywhere in the district. (Villager, Male aged 56years, Tamuhla village) The emphasis on the quality of livestock found in the flood prone settlements in Tsholotsho District points to the benefits that communities can derive from such places. Therefore, moving away from the pastures would have a negative impact on their livestock, which is a major source of livelihood. However, communities should not pin themselves to dangerous flood prone areas because of good pastures for grazing. This is consistent to Betts (2010)‘s findings, that people most exposed to environmental stressors including farmers, herders and others who rely on natural resources abundance and the weather for survival, may be the least able to move away.

6.5.4

Costs associated with relocation

Relocation is an exercise that involves a lot of costs. Therefore, apart from economic costs for replacing property damaged by floods, communities have to bear the costs of relocation as well. Respondents indicated that costs associated with relocation were one reason for their unwillingness to relocate to safer areas. They were of the view that relocating from places affected by floods to safer areas involves some costs, which most households impacted by floods could not absorb. Some suggested that the government should assist them to relocate through providing them with the necessary resources like funds and building material. The researcher also learnt that those who were assisted to relocate by the CPU, were provided with insufficient building material in the form of five bags of cement and six roofing sheets per family household. The material was not sufficient, with some flood victims having kept it for a long time whilst trying to add on to it.

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It is difficult for us to relocate from this village to safer areas because such exercise involves a lot of costs, which most households are not able to handle. Right now, some flood impacted households were assisted with building materials in the form of five bags of cement, and six roofing sheets per household by the District Civil Protection Unit. We think this is insufficient since the households cannot manage to meet the costs of additional materials. (Villager, Male aged 45 years, Bhudani village)

Apart from the costs for resources needed for proper relocation, the respondents also feared losing investment previously made in building expensive structures at the flood prone areas. It was observed by the researcher that some members of the community had invested in building expensive, modern and strong houses made of cement and asbestos sheets (Observation checklist issue number 3). It is such structures, according to the respondents, which they regarded as a loss to the previous investment should they decide to relocate. Addressing Interview Guide Appendix A Question 11, one respondent suggested that the government should compensate them for loss of investment in such structures, if they were to be relocated. Without government compensation, the respondents said they were not prepared to be relocated. It seems the households who are unwilling to relocate, are aware that it is government responsibility to take care of its citizens in the aftermath of flood disasters. However, by refusing to move away from the dangerous places the households are perpetuating the vulnerability and constructing flood disasters. By failing to meet the costs of reconstructing in the aftermath of flood disasters, it shows that the poor in the rural areas are struggling to meet their basis needs, including shelter. The findings on the costs associated with relocation resonate well with findings by Ghatak, Kamal and Mishra (2012), who found that costs of rebuilding infrastructure are additional constraints that affected communities have to bear after the floods.

6.5.5

Natural food resources endowment

Availability of naturally occurring food resources in the flood risk areas in rural communities is something that communities cannot afford to ignore. Respondents mentioned that some people in the flood prone areas in Tsholotsho are living with the flood risk because their places were endowed with a lot of natural food resources. The respondents indicated that during rainy seasons, some communities harvest amakhowa (wild mushrooms) from the nearby bushes. The wild mushrooms, they said, are used to supplement their food stocks as - 180 -

they are a good relish to them. They further explained that harvesting wild mushrooms had improved their food security situation in the past, as they had harvested them without any associated costs involved.

Even if we are living with the risk associated with recurring floods, as a community we feel that this place is good for us and that is why we do not want to go to other places. This place is endowed with wild mushrooms which we get for free and use to supplement our food resources. (Villager, Male aged 56 years, Tamuhla)

Findings from a recent study by Dewan (2015) also demonstrated that many households live in places of high risk to floods because they are most reliant on naturally occurring resources in terms of livelihoods. In consonance to that, apart from harvesting wild mushrooms, respondents narrated that they also get naturally occurring traditional forms of relish from flood prone areas, such as idelele (okra) and ulude (traditional vegetables). These are naturally occurring food resources, which the communities have always harvested from their fields or from the bush. Added to these, is the benefit of harvesting different varieties of wild fruits from the nearby bushes, according to the respondents. According to the respondents, this also was a way of supplementing their food stocks at household levels. Therefore, they were of the opinion that moving away from their current locations would to some extent, be a disadvantage to them as they cannot afford to abandon their livelihoods. However, it seems the communities are failing to perceive the cost and benefit associated with living in a flood prone area. The cost of losing life and property to floods is more than the benefit of harvesting naturally occurring food resources. The communities can still access these naturally occurring food resources even if they move away from the flood risky areas. Again, it can be interpreted that the communities in Tsholotsho District are living with flood risk because of poor hazard and risk perception associated with flooding. So there is no strong justification to remain in dangerous places because of the availability of easily accessible and cheap food resources

6.6

Interventions to flooding in the district and related challenges: Addressing Research Objective 4

Musah and Akai (2014) observe that flood disasters may provoke the involvement of government sectors and other independent organisations or bodies. Disaster risk management - 181 -

interventions in Zimbabwe have been managed on a government oriented approach through the Civil Protection Unit (CPU) at different levels of management ranging from National level, Provincial level, down to District level.

According to the respondents, the CPU consists of members representing government departments, NGOs and other stakeholders, with each member department or organisation of the unit having a specific role to play when dealing with disasters (Interview Guide Appendix B, Question 1). This arrangement is linked to the Complexity Theory for managing disasters and is an ideal setup for managing disaster events. According to the Complexity theory, response to disaster events should overlap jurisdictional, organisational and other types of boundaries because of the overwhelming nature of the events. Therefore, such disaster events offer high levels of uncertainties and demand cooperation between many stakeholders, which make up the complex system (Ansell, Boin & Keller, 2010; Pfefferbaum, Pfefferbaum & Norris, 2011). In this case, the management of flood disasters in Tsholotsho District has forced the organisations from various sectors with different boundaries, to collaborate as one unit with the main objective to manage the flood that a single organisation (local communities) may not have the capacity to manage alone. This collaborative arrangement is commendable since one entity cannot effectively manage flood disasters. Addressing Interview Guide Appendix B Question 3, the researcher sought to find out the distinctive roles mandated to each organisation represented in the CPU at district level, with a focus on managing disasters in general and floods in particular (Table 6.5). Members of the DCPU were identified to the researcher by the District Administrator (DA)‘s office in Tsholotsho. Such members included the DA‘s o ffice, the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP), Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services (ZPCS), RDC which is the local authority, Department of Social Welfare, Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF), Ministry of Health, Environmental Management Agency (EMA), Forestry Commission (FC), Department of Agriculture Extension Services, the Department of Veterinary Services and NGOs (Table 6.5). The researcher then interviewed the selected members of the DCPU, bearing in mind that each member has a unique and different kind o f expertise in flood disaster risk management. The respondents stated their actual roles in the management of calamities, with more focus on flood disasters (Table 6.5).

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TABLE 6.5: Distinctive roles of members of DCPU in Disaster Risk Management MEMBER

District Administrator’s office Zimbabwe Republic Police

Zimbabwe Defence Forces

Role in disaster risk management Pre-disaster risk reduction phase Post-disaster recovery phase role role Chairs the DCPC meetings. Co-ordinates activities of the CPU on Leads and directs the CPU. the ground. Provide Public Education. Awareness campaigns. Deputise in the DCPC meetings. Attend DCPC meetings.

Attend DCPC meetings. Zimbabwe Prison and Correctional Services Local Authority Public Education. Awareness campaigns.

Search, rescue & evacuation of victims. Provide First Aid services. Protection and preservation of the scene. Search, rescue & evacuation of victims. Provide medical personnel. Participate in reconstruction. Search, rescue & evacuation of victims. Render First Aid to disaster victims.

Social Welfare

Registration of NGOs and humanitarian Agencies. Vulnerability assessment. Public Education.

Department of Veterinary Services Agriculture and Extension Services Environmental Management Agency Forestry Commission Ministry of Health Non Governmental Organisations

Public Education. Awareness campaigns.

Provides fire ambulances for search, rescue & evacuation. Lead teams in all disasters involving fire. Co-ordinates relief aid (provision of medication, water, temporary shelter, counselling). Co-ordinates long term recovery programmes. Gives advice and action on livestock affected by disasters.

Public Education. Awareness campaigns.

Gives expertise on crops affected by disasters.

Public Education. Awareness campaigns.

Gives guidance on issues affecting the environment.

Public Education. Awareness campaigns. Public Education.

Advise on disasters affecting the environment, especially vegetation. Provide basic and sophisticated medication. Come in with the necessary resources. Provide personnel with different expertise.

Public Education. Awareness campaigns.

However, the roles indicated are just the basic functions of each organisation in the DCPU, and are not exhaustive. There are also other departments and organisations identified by the respondents, which are part of the DCPU, but were left out because their roles are not directly linked to flood management. The government departments and organisations that make up - 183 -

the DCPU and their roles (Table 6.5) are justifiable to be members of the unit as each has specific important tasks to perform during disaster situations. However, the major weakness of the DCPU is that it is mainly composed of government departments, with a fe w representatives from NGOs. There structure has no representatives from members of the communities, meaning that communities‘ interests are not represented. These findings on the structure and roles of the Tsholotsho District CPU are linked to the previous studies. Previous studies found that effective disaster risk management entail the coordination amongst different actors such as individuals, organisations and jurisdictions (Comfort et al. 2001). Because of the roles outlined (in Table 6.5), the study assumed that the DCPU in Tsholotsho should have the capacity to manage flood hazards and disasters in the district.

Floods in the district, according to the respondents have been managed through a number of interventions by the CPU in order to prepare the communities against the aftermaths of flood disasters. This study discovered from the respondents that the GoZ through the DCPU and implementing partners has always been leading in all disaster risk management activities. The various disaster risk management interventions that include temporary relocation, permanent relocation, the provision of food and NFIs, the provision of Early Warning (EW) and public education, and the use of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) have been employed in the district, as indicated by the respondents (Interview Guide Appendix B, Question 5). However, the respondents felt that these interventions were not effective enough to address the flood phenomenon problem (Interview Guide Appendix B, Question 6). The interventions are discussed in the following sub-headings as narrated by the respondents. 6.6.1 Temporary Relocation Respondents indicated that temporary relocation of communities affected by the flood disasters has been the main strategy used in the district during the relief phase. Through government assistance, the affected households were relocated and housed at critical facilities, such as clinics and schools in the district on a temporary basis. According to the respondents, such facilities that were used to accommodate them during the previous flooding periods included Sipepa clinic, Regina Mundi mission, Jimila clinic and Butabubili primary school. An engine boat and AFZ helicopters were used to evacuate the flood victims from disaster areas in ward five. The victims further narrated that they were also transported by road to identified critical facilities.

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During the 2001 flooding period, we moved families to Sipepa clinic, Regina Mundi Mission, Jimila clinic and Butabubili primary school to accommodate them on temporary basis. Various government departments and NGOs assisted with road transport, whilst the Air Force and Police provided helicopters and an engine boat respectively to move the families. (DCPU member, Male aged 48 years, Tsholotsho District)

The involvement of the Air force of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Republic Police personnel, who provided an engine boat and helicopters to rescue those affected by flooding, is in line with Chaos theory for managing disasters. For effective management of disasters, Chaos theory recognises the involvement of the military in the early stages of disaster occurrence (Australian Government, 2012). This study also argues that temporary relocation is not a panacea to solving the problem of flood impact. Communities need to completely move away from flood prone areas instead of returning there when the situation has normalised. By moving back to the flood risky areas, communities are perpetuating their vulnerabilities. It was further learnt from the respondents that whilst on temporary relocation, the flood victims were provided with temporary shelter in the form of tents. They were also supplied with food stuffs and NFIs that included toiletries, medication and other related items. However, the respondents felt that the shelter provided was not adequate for those with large families, and also lacked privacy, as one shelter was provided for each family. They also indicated that the facilities provided also did not address some important gender considerations, as grown up boys and girls from the same families shared the same shelter as bedrooms.

Assistance in the form of tents meant to be used as shelter, food supplies and nonfood items that included toiletries, medical supplies and blankets was rendered to the flood victims during the 2014 flood disasters. However, these were not enough to cater for all the flood victims. There were also some challenges with issues of privacy and gender considerations, since large families shared one shelter for both men and women. (DCPU member, Male aged 39 years, Tsholotsho District)

Respondents further highlighted that at some temporary sites, there were no separate toilets designated for men and women. Men and women shared the same toilets. This researcher argues that gender considerations have to be integrated into shelter and site planning programming to ensure the dignity of the victims of flood disasters is maintained, and that the - 185 -

victims also benefit equally. According to the respondents, the levels of hygiene were also not up to the required standards, since the few ablution facilities available were not meant for large numbers of people. When the flooding situation had improved, the victims were assisted to return to their homes. This was not a wise decision by the authorities as it meant that the communities had to continue living with the risk, thereby constructing future flood disasters. Such a decision further confirms the Social constructionist theory that this study is based on, that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are human- induced. These results are consistent with findings from Gaston (2006), who found that despite high losses from floods and the persistence of the hazard each year, people affected relocated on temporary basis and then returned to the same dangerous place after the disaster, at times with increased populations. There is a need for the communities in flood prone areas to completely move away from the dangerous areas in order to minimise losses resulting from flood disasters.

6.6.2

Permanent Relocation

Apart from temporary relocation, respondents highlighted that permanent relocation has also been used as a strategy to deal with the adverse impact of floods. They further stated that not all victims of the disaster were relocated, as those against the move remained at their places in the flood prone areas. The victims who accepted relocation were moved to higher ground with the assistance of the DCPU and other agencies. Respondents revealed that the relocated victims were each assisted with 5 x 50kgs bags of cement and 6 asbestos roofing sheets to start the reconstruction process on new sites. However, the respondents expressed their views that the building material was not adequate. In additio n to the building material, and addressing Observation checklist issue number 5, the researcher observed that the flood victims were provided with tents to use as shelter whilst they reconstructed their huts and houses (Figure 6.5). This type of shelter is not suitable for use as permanent accommodation considering its short lifespan and its non-durability. It does not reduce households‘ future vulnerabilities.

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FIGURE 6.5: Post-disaster reconstruction that does not reduce future vulnerabilities

Figure 6.5 above is a homestead in Butabubili village, in Tsholotsho District. The shelter in the homestead was constructed after the family had relocated from a flood prone area near Gariya dam. Observations by the researcher were that the type of their shelter damaged by the floods was constructed using mud, pole and thatch. In the reconstruction phase (Figure 6.5), the victims still used the same material for their buildings due to the shortage of material to build stronger structures. A tent provided by one of the NGOs was also used to supplement the available scarce accommodation. Such type of shelter is not suitable for permanent accommodation as it does not address previous mistakes. The reconstruction stage should therefore, provide significant opportunities for addressing the inadequacies of the pre-disaster construction stage. This phase should be a platform to address the mistakes or errors of previous development. In the case of the permanently relocated communities in Tsholotsho District, it seems the reconstruction stage did not address future vulnerabilities as it did not improve the standard of living of the victims. However, permanent relocation was a right strategy to take as it disassociates communities from flood hazards. These findings are consistent with previous studies by the Word Bank (2010b), which found that relocation of communities in the aftermaths of disasters to safer zones is often a good step towards protecting them from future hazards and disasters.

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6.6.3

Food relief and NFIs

Food items and NFIs were also provided to the displaced disaster victims as a way of improving their food security situation since their food stocks were also destroyed. Respondents indicated that the victims were provided with mealie- meal, cooking oil and relish in addition to NFIs such as blankets, clothes and toiletries. These items were provided to both victims on temporary and permanent relocation. According to the respondents, whilst this was a good move the items were not enough to cater for their families on a sustainable basis. The aid was short term as it was only provided during the disaster period, and later on non-regular intervals. Due to the fact that food relief it is short term and not sustainable, it may not be the best of interventions to deal with flood disasters. Intervention programmes for flooding should focus on empowering local communities with skills and knowledge, to allow them to do things for themselves in the future because sustainability is the key in development. This finding on the provision of food and NFIs to the relocated communities agrees with results from previous studies. The World Bank (2010b) found that for successful relocation, communities require suitable measures for reducing risk, including financing programmes aimed at improving food security and increased availability of health services, amongst other things.

6.6.4

Early Warning and Public Education

Adequate warning is a vital part of any disaster management plan. If communities are to minimise the adverse effects of flood disasters, they should have accurate information about occurrence of disasters and their possible impact. The provision of EW is another intervention that has been implemented to alert communities in flood prone areas in the district. According to the respondents, EW about the impending floods in the district is usually provided in the form of public awareness campaigns by the DCPU and its stakeholders. Other forms of media used are the national radio and television stations, which according to respondents are not effective due to poor signal reception for both forms of media in the district. To make matters worse, the majority of households found in rural communities lack access to such media. As such, the respondents mentioned that in most cases when the floods occur, they would not have received enough warning. However, they indicated that they usually rely on previous flooding experiences in the district, as well as their indigenous knowledge. The interpretation about the warning for flood disasters is that it is not accurate and effective because of unreliable channels of communication used. Flood

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warnings provided to communities should be timely and accurate in order to serve their purpose.

These results confirm the findings of Convery, Carroll a nd Balogh (2014), who found that low awareness of flood risk in the communities may result in lack of preparedness. The results are also consistent with previous studies, in that residents with previous flood experience were seen to possess higher levels o f flood awareness and an increased perception to risk associated with flooding (Scolobig, De Marchi & Borga, 2012). Therefore, the DCPU in Tsholotsho needs to put in place proper, effective and timely warning mechanisms to alert the communities of the impending flood disasters.

6.6.5

Indigenous Knowledge Systems

Although the CPU and other agencies have taken measures for communities to cope with floods in Tsholotsho District, the traditional and indigenous practices are as important and vital as the modern approaches to flood management. These traditional and indigenous practices entail the use of local or indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) in solving local social problems.

This study sought also to identify past and current local coping strategies developed by traditional communities to adapt to and mitigate flood impact in the district based on their specific cultural background (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 9). Some respondents indicated that Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) were part of their interventions for managing floods in the district. They indicated that they studied the behaviours of certain birds and signs on some indigenous trees as a way of rain forecasting. Respondents said studying the behaviour of a bird known as inkanku, (an isiNdebele language name for a rainmaking bird), can help them to predict the intensity of imminent rains. The abnormal behaviour in the crying and flying of inkanku tells a lot about the rain situation in a particular season. Since IKS is based on cultural beliefs, communities in the district regarded it as taboo to kill the rain- making bird. They believe such action would result in causing anger in the spirits, and in turn resulting in less rains in the future.

As part of our indigenous knowledge, we study the behaviour of inkanku, a rain- making bird in order to discern the magnitude of rainfall in the district. From the

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bird‘s behaviour, we can predict whether there would be a lot of rain that may result in flooding, or not. (Village Head, Male aged 65 years, Mahlosi village)

According to the respondents, signs on some indigenous trees may also be interpreted to show whether there would be a lot of rains during the year or not. It is through the use of such IKS that communities would take proper measures to prepare for the possible flood impact. Some communities in the district also practice ‗lookouts‘, whereby they study the rising levels of water at spilling points as a way of flood forecasting. Lookouts also involve the use of trees to predict flooding. According to respondents, they calibrate trees along the river banks in order to monitor the level of water. When water has reached a certain level, they can tell that flooding would result. Then they would take proper preparedness and mitigation measures to ready themselves against the floods.

One practice that we use to predict flooding in our communities is the use of ‗lookouts‘, whereby we study the level of water at spilling points of rivers and dams. When water has reached certain levels, we can tell that the spillage is imminent and flooding would result. It is when water has reached spilling points that we take appropriate action to deal with flooding. (Villager, Female aged 34years, Gariya village) During the process of flooding, the respondents indicated that communities also implemented some traditional warning mechanisms to alert people in the villages. These included communicating through sounding a gong, popularly known as insimbi in isiNdebele language, to alert others when the villages are flooding. The sounding of the gong is a traditional, local initiative to communicate emergencies related to flooding within the communities. According to the respondents, when members of the community hear the sound of the gong, they quickly converge at designated points and wait for further instructions from community leaders.

During flooding, the respondents highlighted that they also climb on higher ground as part of their IKS, so that flooding water would not reach them. This IKS is valuable to the communities in Tsholotsho District and if religiously practised, can play an integral part of their life in complementing government efforts. The communities would do a lot to save their livelihoods through the continued and proper application of the IKS. However, the - 190 -

respondents felt that their IKS was not effective because the CPU was leaving them out in most stages of disaster risk management programmes (Interview Guide Appendix A, Question 10). One villager from Sasedza area had this to say:

The District Civil Protection Unit should involve us as communities and beneficiaries in all disaster risk management planning. We have a lot of local knowledge that we can share with them and use in dealing with the problem of flooding in this district. (Villager, Male aged 35 years, Sasedza)

The above views by the respondents are similar to those outlined in the Sphere Project Handbook (2011), which states that humanitarian aid for disaster victims should not be forced upon the intended beneficiaries, but that the intended beneficiaries should be part and parcel of the disaster relief programmes for purposes of sustainability.

In dealing with the flood phenomenon in Tsholotsho District, the communities indicated that they are rarely consulted in decisions to do with their welfare. However, indigenous local knowledge from communities should never be underrated by disaster and development practitioners as such knowledge is very important in dealing with flood hazards and disasters. According to the respondents, the IKS have been effective when adopted to deal with flooding. These results on IKS are similar to results from previous studies. Fabiyi and Oloukoi (2013) found that understanding indigenous knowledge can increase responsiveness to flood effects by communities, and that local early warning systems based on indigenous meteorology and observations of creatures and water tone, is a veritable opportunity for local participation in response strategies to climate variability and mechanisms to adapt.

Despite the realities and confirmed use of indigenous knowledge in the communities, IKS have their downward side. This kind of knowledge is not documented, making it difficult to be passed to the next generation. The IKS can also easily be forgotte n because there are no records to make reference to. Again the scientific efficiency of IK has not been proven. Transferability of this kind of knowledge to the younger generations in communities is difficult, as the new generation regards it as archaic and outdated. However, it is important to integrate indigenous knowledge with modern knowledge for it to be more effective. The failure to integrate the IKS with modern knowledge by the CPU and communities, resulting in flood disasters is linked to the Social constructionist theory. Flood disasters in Tsholotsho - 191 -

District are a social construct because the CPU and stakeholders can deal with hazards and conditions of vulnerability through the use of indigenous knowledge. The fact that the communities value their IKS means that indigenous knowledge has a potential to mitigate flood disaster losses. It seems that this knowledge has not worked out properly because disaster practitioners have not embraced it despite its potential. To understand disasters, it is necessary for practitioners and communities to focus on social processes such as vulnerability rather than exclusively on the hazards (Aragón-Durand, 2009).

Apart from relying on the unsuccessful interventions that have been used in the district to manage flooding events in the district, some respondents had other ideas. One respondent suggested that the government should introduce flood insurance (Interview Guide Appendix B, Question 7). They stated that the insurance would compensate any losses resulting from flood disasters. However, the majority of rural people are poor and not employed, with no means to generate income on a sustainable basis. This situation would make insurance contributions difficult for them because of lack of reliable income. Flood insurance is therefore, not an ideal disaster risk management intervention for rural households, like those in Tsholotsho District. The fact that flood disasters are still a development concern in Tsholotsho District means that the interventions employed by the DCPU and stakeholders have failed to deal with flood hazard stage of floods. In line with the interpretivist paradigm, this study can interpret that the interventions that have been used in the early stages of flooding in Tsholotsho District have involved slow and delayed action, a situation that has facilitated the ‗unwelcome growth‘ of hazards to become disasters. Therefore, an action and time oriented approach that would focus on floods at the hazard stage is needed.

6.6.6

Factors militating against smooth imple mentation of DRM Operations

Many respondents felt that the government and its stakeholders were not doing enough to assist the communities during flooding periods in the district. Although the CPU and its implementing partners have been managing flood disasters in the district in the previous years, this study found that certain challenges have been impeding the smooth running of their disaster risk management operations. Addressing Interview Guide Appendix B Question 8, the main challenges as mentioned by the participants included lack of important resources to enable the practitioners to run their operations smoothly, community resistance to adopt

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flood risk-reduction measures, and the failure by some local communities in the flood prone areas and practitioners to fully embrace IKS.

These challenges have impeded the smooth implementation of DRM operations for managing flood disasters in Tsholotsho District. The respondents gave their views why the conditions identified as challenges are impeding disaster risk management tasks. They felt that lack of important resources affected disaster risk management operations by the CPU and implementing partners in the district. According to respondents, important resources like adequate, reliable transport, food stuffs, medical supplies, equipment for temporary shelter, and clothing were needed for effective flood management in the district. Their view was that the DCPU, implementing partners and the communities were ill-resourced to adequately deal with flood impact. This study asserts that resources are needed for the smooth running of all disaster risk management operations. For instance, transport resources may come in handy for moving affected communities and their property to safer areas following heavy incidents of flooding. However, mere availability of resources without considering other factors for flood management may not be enough. Even if they have enough resources, communities that continue to settle in flood prone areas are endangering their lives. These findings support results from a study by Manyena (2012), who noted that disaster risk management efforts with resource inadequacy is just mere rhetoric.

Unwillingness on the part of the communities to cooperate with disaster practitioners was another challenge cited by the respondents. Respondents were of the opinion that lack of cooperation from members of the community to enforce flood risk reduction measures was a major challenge affecting disaster risk management activities. They indicated that the communities were reluctant to take government advice on flood risk reduction measures especially that of relocating them from flood prone areas to safer zones. The reluctance by the communities to take advice from the practitioners‘ further compound s disaster risk management activities in the district, thereby proving correct one of the assumptions of this study - that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are a social construct. This result further reinforces the Social constructionist theory that this study is based on – that flood disasters are created by humans through acts of commission or omission. The respondents‘ feelings were that there is usually little consultation between development players and the communities, with humanitarian aid decisions being imposed upon the communities. However, it seemed the communities would accept any form of flood intervention, provided - 193 -

it had nothing to do with relocating them. In order to increase community cooperation and participation, respondents felt that development programmes should involve affected communities on a continuous basis. They stated that they should be involved from planning to implementation phases of the project cycle. This therefore, according to respondents view, calls for the inclusion of members of the communities to be part of the CPU because of their valued knowledge as well. The lack of cooperation between members of the community and disaster practitioners is another way of constructing flood disasters, as the scenario impedes against effective flood disaster risk management. This status quo may be interpreted to mean that the two parties‘ expectations from each other as far as flood disaster risk management is concerned, have not been clearly spelt. It also means that humanitarian aid for disaster response in Tsholotsho District is being imposed on the flood impacted communities without their input. This is not good for sustainable development. These findings concur with results from Cosgrave (2014), who found that the reason behind the success in dealing with the 2010 Pakistan floods was the involvement of local community leaders in planning and provision of housing to the flood victims. Respondents also thought that the practitioners and communities‘ failure to embrace IKS was another major challenge in managing floods in the district. They felt that the practitioners and local communities living in the flood prone areas are not adequately taking advantage of IKS. They suggested that local communities should be part of all DRM plans, and that they should be at the fore front of managing floods in the district through using existing indigenous knowledge and resources. Capacity building to members of local communities through embracing IKS would help minimise flood damage before the arrival of the practitioners. This is consistent with Madhuri et al. (2015), who found that the active participation of communities, when compared with government involvement is more essential, since people from local communities are always readily availab le during periods of flooding.

If all these challenges that act against the successful DRM activities in the district are addressed, there would be an improvement in the management of flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District. Above all, improved cooperation between the local communities, disaster risk practitioners and stakeholders is of paramount importance. This study argues that the Action-Time based Disaster Model for DRM would help in improving preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood disasters.

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6.7

Concluding Remarks

This chapter was about the empirical investigation and the discussion of the main findings of the study. The study found that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District led to the movements of human populations, destroyed crops, destroyed small livestock and poultry, caused damaged to infrastructure, caused injury to human beings, resulted in land degradation, affected food storages and NFIs, and disrupted children‘s education. Human activities in their interaction with the environment have been found to be the main contributor to flood disasters. Such activities include the location of settlements close to rivers and dams, location of settlements on flat land or low lying areas, use of poor building materials, lack of training and awareness to communities, and bad farming practices. Flood disasters impact mostly on women and children, members from poor households, PLWHIV and the elderly. The most affected livelihoods are crops, small livestock and dams.

The chapter also discussed why some communities prefer to live with flood risk. Communities‘ cultural and traditional beliefs, availability of rich soils for crop farming, good pastures for grazing, costs associated with relocation, and availability of natural food resources are the reasons that keep people in flood risky places. The interventions that were employed to deal with flooding include temporary and permanent relocation of the victims, the provision of food and NFIs, Early Warning and public education, and the use of Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The next chapter discusses new knowledge, which is showcased in the form of the Action-Time based Disaster Model. It is hoped that the model would help simplify and improve disaster risk management activities through increased community and stakeholder participation, amongst other disaster issues.

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CHAP TER 7 TOWARDS AN ACTION-TIME BASED DISASTER MODEL 7.0 Introduction The previous chapter provided the research findings in line with the study‘s research questions and objectives. This chapter addresses Research Objective 5 of the study, which is to develop a new model for enhanced disaster risk management for flood hazards and disasters. The model‘s focus is to enhance preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood disasters. Building on the existing theory – the Social constructionist theory which views disasters as a social creation, this chapter aims to showcase new knowledge in the form of the new model. Drawing from the study‘s findings, it is clear that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are a result of high human involvement in pursuit of positive livelihood outcomes. As such, disaster risk management activities for flooding in the district should be heightened and should focus on dealing with social constructs through regulating human behaviour. This chapter therefore, discusses the new model for managing disasters – the Action-Time based Disaster Model. The model is the study‘s major contribution to new knowledge in the field of development and disaster management. Disaster managers, the government, land resettlement officers, development planners and other stakeholders are expected to benefit from the new model. Disaster managers might use the model to plan and manage future flood hazards and disasters, while land resettlement officers and development planners might use the model as a guide in human settlements and site planning. The government, as civil protection policy- makers may use the model to deal with all forms of disasters.

7.1

The Action-Time based Disaster Model

Basing on the findings of this study, it is clear that a new model for managing disasters is needed in order to guide the disaster and development practitioners, and stakeholders in dealing with floods. Part of the findings in this study is that flood disasters have impacted heavily on community livelihoods, gender considerations are not being addressed, the needs for PLWHIV have been disregarded, and the local communities‘ Indigenous Knowledge Systems are being undermined in the management of flood disasters. As such, communities - 196 -

are not part of DRM planners – the DCPU. The major finding is that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are a social construct, because the communities are contributing to disaster occurrence through wrongfully interacting with their environment. The Action-Time based Disaster Model therefore, seeks to address these flood disasters issues amongst other social problems. The Action-Time based Disaster Model (Figure 7.1) encourages disaster action and time through high stakeholder participation, including the high involvement of local communities in all DRM activities. The action and time encouraged by the model is centred on the four main stages of preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery.

7.1.1

Rationale of the Action-Time based Disaster Model

4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - --

3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - T i m e

Response

2 -

-

-

-

-

-

- -

Disaster

Recovery

Mitigation 1 - - -Preparedness 1

2

3

4

5

Action

FIGURE 7.1: The Action-Time based Disaster Model

The Action-Time based Disaster Model (Figure 7.1) is an approach to managing all forms of hazards and disasters with a strong emphasis on taking appropriate action at the appropriate time. In the context of this study, it is an approach towards improved preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from flood hazards and disasters. According to the ActionTime based Disaster Model, disasters are managed sequentially, through taking appropriate action and time at the four stages of Preparedness, Mitigation, Response and Recovery

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(Figure 7.1). The distance between the horizontal base line and the diagonal line, indicates the differing levels of activities (or action) that each stage entails. As one moves to the next stage of disaster risk management the distance grows bigger, indicative of an increase in the activities of communities and practitioners required for a particular stage. For instance, the preparedness stage requires less action or activities compared to other stages, whilst the recovery stage is the most demanding stage with a lot of activities.

The distance between the vertical line and the diagonal line indicates the duration per action (time taken) required to deal with each stage of disaster risk management. For instance, the Preparedness stage demands shorter time compared to the other stages, while the Recovery stage demands longer time. The numbers ranging from 1 to 4 along the vertical line (Figure 7.1), indicate the levels of time that disaster practitioners and stakeholders may take at each stage of managing flood hazards and disasters. The more one moves up to the next stage along the vertical line, the more time one would take in the next stage. The numbers along the horizontal line, suggest the levels of action required per each stage of disaster risk management. Moving to the next stage along the horizontal line, entails more action one would take compared to the previous stage. The star in-between the disaster risk management stages indicates a stage of disaster impact or disaster occurrence. Whilst on one hand preparedness and mitigation activities are undertaken before the occurrence of disaster, on the other hand, activities for response and recovery take place in the aftermath of disaster occurrence. It should be observed that there is no other stage after the ‗recovery‘ stage. This is so because recovery constitutes long term activities of periods with no fixed time, lasting several months or even years. At times recovery may not end, depending on the availability of proper resources for programme implementation. This is one reason, for instance, why some of the flood afflicted communities in Tsholotsho District still have no proper housing structures even today - some years after they experienced the flood impact. They have not yet recovered from the previous flood disaster impact. It can also be observed that the stages of preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery are separated by broken lines (Figure 7.1). The broken lines suggest that activities carried out at one stage are not limited only to that stage, but may overlap to the next stage. For example preparedness activities may overlap to form part of mitigation, whilst both preparedness and mitigation activities may continue - 198 -

during the response and recovery stages. The overlapping of the activities is one of the strengths of this model.

7.1.2 How the Model advances knowledge of Social constructionist and other theories The Action-Time based Disaster model that this study proposes also advances current knowledge of theories related to development. This model advances knowledge of the Social constructionist theory, Chaos theory and Complexity theory discussed in Chapter 3 of this thesis. This study was guided by the Social constructionist theory, a theory that understands social problems like floods in Tsholotsho District, as being constructed by people living in a particular social setting. The social constructionists argue that through interaction with their environment, people may undertake or omit to carry out certain manoeuvres resulting in social problems being created. This study‘s theoretical assumptions and findings are that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District are a social construct. It is therefore, important to note that the Action-Time based disaster model advances knowledge of the Social constructionist theory. Just like the Social constructionist theory which encourages regulating human behaviour as a way of dealing with social problems, the Action- Time based Disaster Model puts a lot of focus on human constructs at the preparedness and mitigation stages. Whilst on one hand the model discourages human or social constructs that may lead to flood disasters, on the other hand it encourages dealing with the human- induced problems of flooding at an early stage. Examples of social constructs that the model discourages, as found in this study include settling in flood prone areas, cultivating along rivers, failure to engage IKS as disaster risk interventions and lack of cooperation by communities amongst others. Therefore, by focusing on dealing with floods at the hazards stage, the Action- Time based Disaster model further advances the knowledge of the Social constructionist theory – that of dealing with problems such as flooding should be action and time oriented in order to avoid unnecessary delays. According to the Action-Time based disaster model, social problems like flooding should be dealt with at an early stage.

This model is also in line with Chaos Theory, which permits participation of the military to manage disasters. Just like Chaos Theory, the Action-Time based Disaster model encourages quick decision and action to deal with chaos events brought by flood disasters. This is also seen through the model‘s encouragement for a multi-stakeholder approach to disasters through involving various actors. The model‘s focus on taking appropriate action within the

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relevant time is also in line with the command and control type of approach, which is synonymous with Chaos Theory.

By encouraging the management of disasters through a multi-stakeholder approach, the Action-Time based Disaster model also advances knowledge about the Complexity theory. Complexity theory views disasters of high magnitude and frequently occurring events like floods as complex adaptive systems that should be managed through stakeholder collaborative efforts. Since complexity is characteristic of often occurring disasters like floods in Tsholotsho District, such events offer high levels of uncertainty and need collaborative action amongst multiple sectors (Ansell, Boin & Keller, 2010; Okros, Verdun & Chouinard, 2011; Wyche, Pfefferbaum, Pfefferbaum & Norris, 2011). The Action-Time based Disaster model‘s view that disasters should be managed through the invo lvement of multiple players including members of the communities, make the model advance current knowledge about the Complexity theory.

The Action- Time based disaster model that this study proposes falls under the category of Logical models, which provides a simple description of stages of disaster occurrence and management, and the relevant actions needed to be carried out at each stage of managing disasters. This is one advantage about the Action-Time based model, because Logical models of disaster risk management are easy to follow and simple to understand through following the stages. Through the actions carried out at each stage the model, time is of paramount importance. The Action-Time based disaster model therefore, puts more emphasis on appropriated action and time to be taken at each stage of disaster risk management.

This model also satisfies all the conditions for good models identified by Asghar et al. (2006), on the characteristics of useful disaster models. The Action-Time based disaster model can simplify complex disaster events since it makes them easy to understand through their stages and puts emphasis on actions and time to be taken at each stage - Preparedness, Mitigation, Response and Recovery. The model can also facilitate planning processes for disasters as it suggests increased action and time required for the next stage. Finally, the model affords a better combination of the response and recovery, through its inclusion of the Recovery Stage, which it portrays as requiring more action and time than other stages in the management of disasters.

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7.1.3 The Action-Time based Disaster Model compared with other models Numerous advantages are associated with the Action- Time based Disaster Model when compared to other models for managing disasters. This model is action and time oriented, emphasising the involvement and role of various stakeholders including affected communities in disaster issues. All action towards the management of disasters should be performed inside the corresponding time- frame. This is one advantage of this model compared with other models, for example, compared with the Circular Model and the Kimberly‘s Model, both of which are not action-time oriented. According to the Action-Time based Disaster model, disaster risk management action starts and ends with local communities, a characteristic which is not part of the Circular model or Kimberly model. Compared to other disaster risk management models, the Action-Time based Disaster Model also recognises the local indigenous knowledge systems of the disaster affected communities through their involvement. This is another of the strengths of the model since the IKS of local communities can be infused with modern knowledge from the practitioners for more efficiency and effectiveness. Again, there is no room for skipping the stages when managing disasters through the Action-Time based Disaster Model, as activities are done through religiously following all the stages. This enhances thoroughness in all the stages of disaster risk management. Another advantage of the model is that activities are not confined to a particular stage, but can overlap to the next stage if need be. For example in the case of flooding in Tsholotsho District the provision of flood public education, which is part of the preparedness stage, can also overlap and to the reconstruction stage. The main advantage of the model is that it encourages practitioners to use time proportionally, to the action taken. However, the minimum or maximum time taken at each stage of disaster risk management may be situational, depending on the magnitude of a hazard or disaster.

7.2

Concluding Remarks

This chapter provided a new model in the field of development and disaster management – the Action-Time based disaster Model. The model is the study‘ major contribution and offers a new and improved approach towards the management of disasters in general, and flood disasters in particular. This model has certain advantages when compared to other known models in the field. It is envisaged that the Action-Time based disaster model would help improve community and stakeholder participation in disaster issues. Disaster managers, the government, land resettlement officers, development planners and other stakeholders are - 201 -

expected to benefit from this new knowledge. The succeeding chapter provides the conclusions, as well as the implications of the whole study.

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CHAP TER 8 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS 8.0

Introduction

This study chose the research topic ‗Towards enhanced disaster risk management interventions for flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe‘, to inform the study. The rationale behind choosing the topic was to demonstrate the adverse impact of floods on the communities in the district and the resultant human, material, environmental and economic losses. As such, there was need for more effective interventions at all stages of DRM to deal with the flood phenomenon in order to make the community livelihoods in the district more sustainable.

The floods have severely impacted on the communities in the past, leading to massive destruction of property, environmental degradation, economic losses, and loss of important livelihoods. The research sought to prove that the floods indeed have had a negative effect on the communities, reversing development gains accumulated over years. The study further sought to prove that with the choice of proper and sound intervention strategies, the floods can be effectively managed in the district leading to minimal losses.

This research was based on a qualitative approach, phenomenological design and an interpretive research paradigm. An interview guide and a participant observation checklist were the instruments employed to gather data from the field. The research was carried out in the communities impacted by floods in Tsholotsho District. Research participants were members of the community from households affected by the flood disasters, as well as disaster risk management practitioners from the District Civil Protection Unit. Members of the community households were chosen as the study participants in order to express their attitudes, give their views, opinions, suggestions because they had lived experiences o f the flood phenomenon. The disaster risk practitioners were chosen for their experience in managing flood hazards and disasters in the district, and it was prudent for the study to analyse their interventions.

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8.1 Conclusions drawn from the findings 8.1.2 Factual and interpretive Conclusions and Implications As part of its conclusions, this study provides answers to the research questions in order to justify their relevance. Therefore, factual and interpretive conclusions and implications of the study are drawn from the following research questions: 1.

What was the magnitude of the impact of the most recent flooding events in Tsholotsho District, and what factors contributed to the disasters?

2.

Which rural settlements, groups of people and people‘s livelihoods were impacted by the floods most and what was the extent of the impact?

3.

Why is it that some communities have preferred to live with flood risk in the flood prone areas, instead of moving to safer zones?

4.

What interventions have been used to manage the past flooding events in the district, and what challenges have been faced in their implementation?

8.1.2.1 Ans wer to Research Question 1 This study concluded that flood disasters in Tsholotsho District have created mass movements of human populations, destroyed crops, damaged infrastructure, resulted in land and environmental degradation, destroyed small livestock, led to human injuries, affected food storages and non- food items, and severely disrupted education of the children. Added to this, people‘s movements in the affected areas were limited during flooding periods due to water inundation of the communities. The study also found that flood disasters in the district have mainly been due to human inducement, with the communities embarking on activities that are likely to trigger flood hazards into disasters. Some people in the district are settled close to rivers and dams, some are settled on low lying areas, and others use poor building materials to construct shelter. This is a social construct which should be avoided. These findings therefore, confirm the understanding of flooding disasters in line with the Social constructionist theory‘s of social problems. Social constructionists‘ view is that many social problems emanate from activities undertaken by people in pursuit of positive livelihood outcomes. Another finding related at Research questions 1, was that communities lack training and awareness to flood risk, while others undertake bad farming practices along the rivers. All these factors have contributed to the occurrence of flood disasters in the district.

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8.1.2.2 Ans wer to Research Question 2 The floods affected human settlements situated close to rivers and dams, and those in low lying areas. Women and children, members from poor households in the communities, PLWHIV, and the elderly were the major groups of people to suffer most from the flood impact in the district. The flood impact on these groups was severe, with many women taking care of children at camping sites, and also bearing the agony of rebuilding new shelter in the reconstruction phase. Children sustained injuries of varied degrees, whilst those going to school skipped lessons in the aftermath of flood disasters. Members from poor households had their structures severely damaged since they were made of mud and pole, material that cannot resist forces from floods. Those on ART could not replenish their supplies because of the restricted movements, whilst the elderly had to be relocated to temporary camping sites due to flood inundation.

In line with the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework analysis, the floods also negatively affected the community livelihoods and livelihood assets, thereby threatening to worsen the food insecurity situation of some households. The most affected livelihoods were crops, small livestock and dams amongst others. The impacted livelihoods assets comprised human, financial, natural, social and informational assets. The impact of floods on the livelihoods assets, directly translates to the impact on the livelihoods themselves since people affected by the floods could hardly achieve positive livelihood outcomes.

8.1.2.3 Ans wer to Research Question 3 Some people have preferred to live with the flood risk, thereby perpetuating their vulnerabilities in flood prone areas. This is also in line with the Social constructionist theory because such a move can be avoided. The major reasons for people to continue living in flood prone areas include people‘s culture and traditional beliefs, rich soils for crop farming, good pastures for grazing, costs associated with relocation, and, availability of natural food resources. People in the flood prone areas believe that it is taboo for them to relocate and leave graves of their ancestors behind, as this would anger the spirits of the dead resulting in bad luck befalling them. Rich soils in the flood prone areas are good for farming maize, sorghum and millet. No fertilisers are needed to improve the soil quality as the soils are made rich by organic deposits brought by floods. The pasture s in these areas are good for grazing livestock such as cattle and goats. The costs of relocation are tying the communities to remain in flood prone areas, as well as the costs of purchasing building material for new structures - 205 -

and the costs of leaving behind expensive structures. Natural food resources that communities get from the flood prone zones include wild mushrooms, wild fruits and wild traditional vegetables. However, if these social constructs are avoided by communities, flood disaster losses would be minimised.

8.1.2.4 Ans wer to Research Question 4 The study found that various interventions have been used to manage the past flooding events in Tsholotsho District. These included temporary relocation, permanent relocation, assistance with food and NFIs, the provision of Early Warning and public education, and the use of Indigenous Knowledge Systems. These interventions have been used by the DCPU and implementing partners. However, the interventions have not been effective enough. The DCPU and stakeholders have met some challenges in dealing with the flood phenomenon in the district. Lack of important resources, lack of cooperation from the communities and failure by the communities to effectively use the indigenous knowledge systems are the main challenges militating against smooth DRM operations. Important resources to assist the impacted households during reconstruction have not been forthcoming, whilst the communities have not been cooperating with the authorities in enforcing measures towards disaster risk management, including use of traditional local knowledge. 8.1.2

Conceptual Conclusions and Implications

This part discusses the conceptual conclusions and implications derived from the research findings. These are discussed with a focus on flooding and poverty; policies, institutions and processes; causes of flood disasters; and, flood disaster interventions. All figures used to explain the conclusions and implications of the study are the author‘s constructions, unless stated otherwise.

8.1.3.1 Flooding can pe rpetuate poverty This study followed the Sustainable Livelihoods concept as a guiding framework. Conclusions drawn from the findings are that floods in Tsholotsho District destroyed important community livelihoods in the form of crops, small livestock and poultry, infrastructure that included dams and roads. Livelihoods assets were also impacted by the floods. The most impacted included the women and children, PLWHIV, as well as the older people (human capital), population shifts (social capital), land degradation (natural capital), destruction of infrastructure (physical capital) and restricted access to financial houses - 206 -

(financial capital). The restriction in the movements of people in the flood impacted communities in Tsholotsho District, also affected the 6th capital of the SLA – the information capital. People in the district were not able to pass information to one another because of limited movements due to flooding.

The implications are that the destruction of the main livelihoods and livelihood assets would lead to high poverty levels and also worsen the food situation of the communities affected by the floods. Poverty in this case is multi-dimensional. According to Mtapuri (2008), poverty includes lack of farming implements, lack of livestock, scavenging for food, husband and wife enclavity, living in poor dwellings, a life of many struggles a nd lack of other necessities of life. The role of assets therefore, matters most in an African rural setting where a selfdefinition of poverty based on local norms and traditions, prevails (Mtapuri, 2009).

Because availability of food, access to food, utilisation of food and its distribution were affected by the floods, the implication is that the communities are likely to be more food insecure, characterised with increased poverty levels unless proper interventions are put in place. As a result of there are also potential risks for PLWHIV. These are the increased risk of infection and the risk of being attacked by diseases due to the inaccessibility to health services and antiretroviral treatment. The relationship between flooding and poverty can further be explained diagrammatically (Figure 8.1).

Capi tals

Vulnerability Fl ood Disaster

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Capi tals

Poverty

FIGURE 8.1: The relationship between Vulnerability, Flooding and Poverty

One other implication of the study‘s findings is that flood disasters can perpetuate poverty in human societies. This, the flood disasters can do through shrinking or eroding the SLA capitals, including the sixth capital – information. As can be observed, as the capitals shrink, flood vulnerabilities and poverty levels in communities grow (Figure 8.1).

8.1.3.2 Refined Policies, Institutions and Processes needed The other implication of the findings is that the policies, institutions and processes have negatively affected the sustainability of livelihoods in Tsholotsho District, hence the need for PIPs to be refined. This may be achieved through redefining the existing policies for managing disasters, the institutional framework or structure of the Civil Protection System in Zimbabwe and related processes so that the study can achieve its significance to inform policy and practice. This study refines the structure of the Civil Protection System in Zimbabwe through proposing a new framework (Figure 8.2) that includes some elements from the Afghanistan, Japan, and Philippines, countries with seemingly progress ive administrative structures. As such, policies and processes should be aligned to this proposed framework so that they can effectively address the problem of flooding and other types of disasters in Zimbabwe. President

Ministry of Disaster Management

Provincial Civil Protection Unit

Line departs, NGOs, pri vate sector

District Civil Protection Unit

Line departs, NGOs, pri vate sector

Village Developme nt Councils (VDCs)

Individuals and families

Members of the community

indi vi duals and members of families

FIGURE 8.2: Proposed structure of the Zimbabwe Civil Protection System - 208 -

As can be observed, the proposed structure of the Civil Protection System for Zimbabwe (Figure 8.2) retains the President who is also the Head of state, as the leader. This structure does away with the Parliament. The Ministry of Disaster Management, which replaces the Ministry of Local Government, comes after the president and is responsible for policy formulation, coordination and planning for all disaster activities in the country. At the provincial level, the Provincial Civil Protection Unit, which is made up of line government departments, NGOs and the private sector is responsible for coordinating all activities, whilst the District Civil Protection Unit does so at district level. The proposed structure (Figure 8.2) goes further to include the Village Development Councils (VDCs) at village level, as well as disaster risk activities at family or individual levels as its emphasis for the involvement of communities in activities towards managing disaster risk. The military still has an important role to offer its services under the proposed new structure, given that it has the necessary resources and expertise relevant to disaster risk management activities. This structure adopts a Top-down approach with information flowing from the top to the bottom, hence the importance of information as the sixth capital of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework.

8.1.3.3 Flood Disasters as Intersection of Society and Nature Communities in Tsholotsho District have been carrying out their activities close to rivers and dams, on flat land or low lying areas, through use of poor building materials, and bad farming practices on the river banks. The implication of these findings is that, human activities undertaken to achieve livelihoods outcomes through their interaction with the environment are the main cause for flood disasters. This Social constructionists‘ view of flood disasters as an intersection of society and nature puts the blame for constructing the disasters on human activities. Whilst flood hazards are natural, flood disasters are not as natural as most people may think because there is a human element in their creation. One of the conclusions of the study is that communities prefer to live with flood risk in dangerous areas for reasons associated with cultural and traditional beliefs, availability of rich soils for crop farming, availability of good pastures for grazing, and availability of natural food resources. The implication of this is that in pursuit of positive livelihood outcomes, communities tend to situate themselves at places where disasters are likely to occur. Again, it is the human interaction with the environment in pursuit of livelihoods that triggers some social problems in most communities. Such interaction needs to be regulated so that flood disasters may be minimised.

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8.1.3.4 The need for sound Flood Interventions On the disaster-risk management interventions used for managing floods in the district, the study concluded that temporary relocation, permanent relocation, food aid and NFIs, Early Warning and use of indigenous knowledge systems were some of the interventions employed. The study also concluded that these interventions were not effective enough to serve the communities‘ livelihoods. The implication on the interventions used is that they could not or do not reduce future vulnerabilities of the disaster victims since some of the interventions are short-term. Again, the same material used on building structures affected by the floods, were repeatedly used during the post disaster reconstruction. This further perpetuated the existing vulnerabilities of the flood victims, making them a social construct in line with the Social constructionist theory informing this study. One major implication is on the findings of the ineffectiveness of the interventions. The implication is that new interventions and a new model for enhanced preparedness, mitigation, response and recovery from floods are imperative. The interventions and model would help to save the communities‘ livelihoods from flood hazards and disasters.

8.1.2

The study’s contribution to the field of research

The contribution of the study to the area of development and that of disaster risk management is immense, and therefore relevant to mention. This study is significant as its findings are meant to inform policy and practice. This means that the suggested new interventions for dealing with flood disasters may guide the government in disaster risk management policy formulation. The interventions may also serve as guidelines to members of the Civil Protection Unit, its implementing partners and other development and disaster practitioners when planning for and dealing with flooding events.

This study also has a methodological contribution. Apart from being relevant to the policymakers and practitioners, the findings are also relevant to communities living with flood risk as it provides them with new methods of dealing with flooding events. The study highlighted the flood impact on the communities and their livelihoods. Furthermore, groups of people in the societies affected by the floods most were also identified and the reasons why peop le are settled on flood prone areas. These findings would create awareness in communities and help them to improve their state of disaster preparedness and response to flood hazards through new the methods or interventions if disseminated in communities. - 210 -

The major contribution of the study to the field of research is its theoretical contribution. The study contributed a new model that might help improve preparedness to disasters, enhance mitigation, heighten response, and improve recovery – the Action-Time based Disaster Model. It is hoped that the new model, would be adopted by the development practitioners and disaster managers, and apply it in the management of floods, and other related disasters. This model is significant as it is part of the study‘s addition to the already existing body of knowledge in the field of development, as well as that of disaster risk management. As such, the academia might also benefit from this theoretical contribution. The academia is expected to gain more knowledge and insight in the field, since the findings of this study can be used as a source of reference or compared to future findings in an academic enquiry. The other contribution of the study is that it adds to the existing research publications of the Midlands State University, thereby further enhancing the university‘s reputation as a research institution. The finished product also contributes to the university‘s reading material, both at the library and online. However, the study‘s main contribution is that its find ings would immensely benefit the policy- makers, disaster practitioners, agencies for reconstruction and communities in flood prone sites.

8.2 Recommendations and further research In order to come up with the appropriate recommendations and to consider the focus area for further research, the study took into consideration of its findings. Therefore, to move towards enhanced disaster management interventions for flood hazards and disasters, this study recommends that:  A stand alone Ministry responsible for Disaster Management is created in the country to deal with all forms of disasters and calamities. Such a move would ease the burden of managing disasters from the Ministry of Local government, which has other issues to deal with apart from civil protection issues.  The Civil Protection Unit is restructured in order to accommodate local members of the communities. Members of communities have disaster risk management capacities that should not be ignored. Instead of the CPU structure to end at district level, it should cascade downwards to villages for increased community participation.  The indigenous traditional knowledge systems of the communities, be integrated with modern knowledge and technology used by disaster risk management practitioners for

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effective management of flood events. IKS have long been overlooked by disaster risk management and development practitioners.  Communities living in flood prone and risky areas should be assisted with proper and permanent relocation by government and stakeholders. Most people living in flood prone rural areas are poor and cannot afford to purchase expensive building materials.  Communities settled in areas prone to flood hazards adopt strong, proper and flood resistant building materials for their structures, including shelter. Weaker materials that are inconsistent with building codes increase vulnerabilities to flood hazards.  Disaster risk management plans for flood interventions should incorporate gender considerations for women, the plight of school going children, that of people living with HIV/AIDS and that of older persons living in flood prone areas.  The diversification of livelihoods by communities, so that as one livelihood is affected by the flood phenomenon, communities would continue to eke a living from complementary livelihoods.  The adoption of the Action-Time based Disaster Model by the government, disaster risk practitioners, development planners, the academia and other concerned stakeholders. The model might help in the management of all types of disasters, including the flood phenomenon.

Since this study is highly qualitative, most of its findings are contextualised and lack generalisability. However, the Action-Time based Disaster Model is generalisable since it can be applied in other settings to manage disasters. Further research should be directed towards investigating the flood phenomenon impact on essential livelihoods for people living with the AIDS Virus in Tsholotsho District.

8.3 Summary of limitations of the Study This section summarises the major limitations of the study. The aim here is to discuss how these limitations can be addressed in further studies. The main limitation of this study was the lack of sponsorship or external funding to cover the costs involved in this high level study. The researcher addressed this limitation through the acquisition of bank loans. Time constraint was also one of the limitations, since the researcher had to embark on extensive travelling in order to cover the whole study area. To address this limitation, the researcher at times had to stay within the studied communities so that travelling was made easy. - 212 -

Communities impacted by floods do not often divulge important information to strangers. At first this researcher was mistaken from a government official with the mission to have the flood impacted communities resettled, resulting in the participants to initially refuse to participate in the study. This limitation was addressed through explaining the whole essence of the study to the research participants. The researcher also made available to the participants, the Release Letter and Identification Card issued by the university. In addition, confidentiality of the participants‘ responses was also guaranteed. The researcher also found it difficult to access some of the places, which were flooded owing to the recent rains. Some of the roads were flooded, rendering them difficult to manoeuvre by motor vehicle. This limitation was addressed through visiting some of the flooded places on foot. In some instances, the researcher had to arrange with the local community leadership to have the study participants converge for interviews at convenient places which were not flooded. Thereafter, the researcher visited the affected households and other areas on foot in order to make site observations.

8.4

Concluding Remarks

This chapter provided the conclusions and implications of the research findings of the study carried out in the Tsholotsho District, Matabeleland North Province south-west of Zimbabwe. It is the last chapter of the thesis and summarises the impact of floods disasters on the communities and factors contributing to flood disasters. It also gave conclusions on the nature of settlements, groups of people and livelihoods most impacted by the floods in the district. The chapter further considered the reasons why some communities prefer to live with flood risk, and also considered interventions that have been used to manage floods in the district and challenges encountered in the implementation of the interventions. Most of the study‘s findings confirm the view of the Social constructionist theory that guided the study. Most of findings show that flood disasters are human induced, emanating from people‘s interaction with their environments.

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MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY APPENDIX A INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY AFFECTED BY FLOODS IN TSHOLOTSHO DISTRICT My name is Ernest Dube. I am a Midlands State University (MSU) student doing a Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil) degree in Development Studies. I am carrying out a research titled: Towards enhanced disaster risk management interventions for flood hazards and di sasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe. Flooding has been occurring in Tsholotsho District on a regular basis in the last ten years. As such, some livelihoods have been affected by floods in the district resulting in the people‘s pattern of being disturbed. I am going to ask you questions in connection with this. All your responses will be kept secret, treated with utmost confidence and used solely for the purpose of this study. So feel free when answering questions.

Questions 01. In which years did you experience the most severe flooding in the district? 02. In which months of the rainy season do you usually experience flooding in the district? 03. What was the impact of the flood disasters to the affected communities? 04. What do you think have been the main factors co ntributing to flood disasters in the district? 05. From the different social classes of people in the district, which groups do you think have been affected by floods the most? 06. Can you identify the types of community livelihoods that have been impacted by the recent flood disasters?

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07. What do you think are the reasons why people have preferred to remain in flood prone areas, despite the dangers posed by floods? 08. What type of infrastructure was most affected by the floods and of what material was the infrastructure made of? 09. What indigenous knowledge systems have you used to manage flood hazards and disasters in District? 10. In your opinion, do you think the indigenous knowledge systems were effective or not? 11. What assistance do you think is required to build resilience of the communities and reduce future risks associated with flooding in the District?

Thank you for your time and responding to the questions.

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MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY APPENDIX B INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR MEMBERS OF THE TSHOLOTSHO DISTRICT CIVIL PROTECTION UNIT DISASTER PRACTITIONERS My name is Ernest Dube. I am a Midlands State University (MSU) student doing a Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil) degree in Development Studies. I am carrying out a research titled: Towards enhanced disaster risk management interventions for flood hazards and disasters in Tsholotsho District, Zimbabwe. Flooding has been occurring in Tsholotsho District on a regular basis in the last ten years. As such, some livelihoods have been affected by floods in the district resulting in the people‘s pattern of being disturbed. I am going to ask you questions in connection with this. All your responses will be kept secret, treated with utmost confidence and used solely for the purpose of this study. So feel free when answe ring questions. Participants’ personal Details Sex:

Male [ ]

Female [ ]

Age: .......................................................................................................................... Marital status: Single [ ] Married [ ] Separated [ ]

Divorced [ ]

Academic and/or professional qualifications: Grade 7

[ ]

ZJC

[ ]

‗O‘ Level

[ ]

‗A‘ Level

[ ]

Diploma

[ ]

Degree

[ ]

Other: ........................................................................................................................

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Inte rvie w Questions 1. Which organisations or departments constitute the institutional framework of the District Civil Protection Unit? 2. For how long have you been working in your organisation? 3. What role does your organisation play in the DCPU as far as disaster risk management activities are concerned? 4. For how long have you been a member of the District Civil Protection Unit? 5. Which are some of the interventions that you have been using to manage flood hazards in Tsholotsho District? 6. Do you think that the current interventions used to manage floods in the district are effective enough to reduce flood impact? 7. Apart from the above named interventions, which other interventions do you think can help improve the management of flood disasters in the district? 8.

What challenges do you think have been militating against the smooth implementation of DRM operations by the DCPU in the District?

Thank you for taking your time and responding to the questions

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MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY APPENDIX C PARTICIPANT OBERVATION CHECKLIST/GUIDE ON THE IMPACT OF FLOODS ON COMMUNITIES AND LIVELIHOODS IN TSHOLOTSHO DISTRICT What to observe

Comment on observations

1. The nature or type of human settlements affected by floods

2. Flood impact on the environment 3. Community livelihoods and flood impact on livelihoods and assets 4. Types of material used for constructing  Human shelter  Infrastructure 5. Presence of structural measures used as flood interventions

6. The design of structural interventions 7. Status of households settled in flood prone areas

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APPENDIX D

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APPENDIX E

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APPENDIX F

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