Training Graduate Students to Teach Culture: A Case Study Katherine Arens
ADFL Bulletin Vol. 23, No. 1 (Fall 1991), pp. 35–41 ISSN: 0148-7639 CrossRef DOI: 10.1632/adfl.23.1.35
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Training Graduate Students to Teach Culture: A Case Study Katherine Arens
IN THE last several years, cultural studies or a culture major has been added to many undergraduate literature curricula in the United States. Culture and Society, Liter ature and Film, Literature and History, and Landscapes and People are some common titles outside the depart ments' traditional language and literature tracks. Such innovative courses attract new students into departments and can succeed to the point where the faculty must be increased. Too often, however, additions to the canonical curriculum are based only on the availability of material, or on a particular teacher's ideological biases (see Peck; and Schmidt). In supporting the expansion into cultural studies, scholars have addressed the cultural literacy of the emerging student population (Swaffar), the constitution of cultures, and the importance of learning to encode and decode the significances of nondominant cultures. Yet one question has not been posed overtly: if any new ped agogical approach is really going to be integrated into a curriculum, who is going to teach the courses? 1
This essay provides an answer to that question by sug gesting an innovative technique for the graduate curricu lum in literature and language that can help new faculty members develop not only culture courses for the broad ened curriculum but also competency in interdisciplinary scholarship. It describes a course on methods for teach ing culture that I developed and piloted in the Depart ment of Germanic Languages at the University of Texas, Austin, in the spring semester of 1986. Called Case Stud ies in Habsburg, it dealt with Austria between 1848 and the Second World War. The choice of Austria has sev eral advantages for a course in German studies stressing cultural pedagogy, since it lends itself to interdisciplinary treatment by scholars and teachers in many fields and since its history tends to be less familiar than Germany's. The relative unfamiliarity of its culture thus enhances students' sensitivity to the specific problems addressed in cultural studies; it forces average graduate students in German to rethink their assumptions about the organiza tion of culture and history and to understand the need for interdisciplinary studies and an overt pedagogy— rather like an American learning how to "think British" 2
in political and social terms: the language is more or less the same, but the details of how things work must be relearned or rethought. As I indicated, Case Studies in Habsburg fulfilled an additional purpose: it integrated cultural history with ped agogical concerns, and familiarized students with the role of scholarship in the classroom. To clarify how one course can serve such seemingly diverse purposes, I first address the students' situation in more detail and then provide an example of how such a course can be implemented.
Pragmatic Limitations and a Possible Solution While pedagogical theories and curricular recommen dations about interdisciplinary studies and teaching cul ture grow monthly, our graduate students are still generally not explicitly trained to teach culture or to do interdisciplinary research—they do not necessarily have the pedagogical skills required to translate an idea into either a research plan or an innovative course. This observation is not new: Valters Nollendorfs identified the problem with graduate training in German as early as 1982, for instance. Typical interdisciplinary or cultural studies instructors have sometimes learned to teach language as a graduate student (either a foreign language or English composi tion). In much rarer situations, they have been teaching assistants or graders for a professor in one of the culture and literature in translation courses (a more common experience for students in English, history, or the social sciences than for foreign language students). When such students are hired as assistant professors, the department assumes that the dissertation topic signifies competence in an area of culture that should allow the new professors to develop successful culture courses.
Tfie author is Associate Professor of German at the University of Texas, Austin.
36 • Training Graduate Students to Teach Culture: A Case Study Those new teachers may be in a much worse situation than the department assumes. Yes, the dissertations may have dealt with aspects of Victorian, Parisian, or Viennese culture. But since graduate funding has dropped, stu dents have generally considered out-of-department (e.g., "extra") courses a luxury. They may never have gotten around to taking that course on history or art history that would have provided the background (itself a vague word) to make their newly designed courses or their new interdisciplinary research more broadly based or method ologically solid. Moreover, these new teachers have prob ably not been systematically exposed to the diction and conceptual tools of another discipline—only literary crit icism and a little linguistics ate included in the typical graduate curriculum at the degree-granting institution.
the course were therefore dedicated to a short course in Austrian history, using three standard presentations: Oscar Jaszi's Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, John ston's Austrian Mind, and Kann's History of the Habsburg Empire 1526-1918. These reading assignments helped establish the political and social reflexes the graduate stu dents would need: the problems of ethnicity, policy, and governing authority or legitimacy associated with the Austro-Hungarian Empire. An additional aid was pro vided to acquaint students with the Austrian scene: a list of the names, concepts, and key titles in Austrian cul ture, the sort of list one would compile while thumbing through an encyclopedia article on an unfamiliar topic. Such a list identified people and terms in brief, serving as a reading gloss for the materials.
The new teacher who has been in woman's studies, international studies, film studies, or humanities as a graduate student may be in a marginally better position, since many such programs include sociology, philosophy, or psychology as part of formal degree training. But what if that new professor doesn't want to teach Women in Weimar or Western Traditions? Or what if that teacher doesn't want to be marginalized as "the film person" by the rest of the department? Said another way: how can this person include culture in traditional literature survey courses without making it seem like a random insertion and without destroying the coherence of a sequence of undergraduate courses that were conceived around ideas of literary history?
This general introduction to the problematics of Aus tro-Hungarian history was used to set up a proper "expec tation horizon" (Hans-Robert Jauss) for the students; it represented an outline of the distinguishing patterns and data of the culture. The course then turned to methods and strategies of historical-cultural explanation, particu larly to determine which ones could be used for course development or scholarly work.
The situation led to the creation of an experimental course in cultural pedagogy, designed to stress the relation ship between theories of culture and classroom and research practice. This course was intended, ideally, to equip students to use methods other than literary or lin guistic ones in their future research and teaching. In turn, the hope was that it would enhance students' professional development as scholars and teachers, by training them to set new goals for courses and choose alternate materials and teaching strategies. If students-turned-professors are aware of the correlation between theories of culture and cultural pedagogy, they need not fall into the trap of look ing only for new texts to teach. Instead, they may be able to enhance future cultural curricula by relying on true interdisciplinary approaches and the various senses of cul tural communication and interpretation that they imply. Case Studies in Habsburg is presented here itself as a case study: as an example of a course in methods of teaching culture that combined introduction of method ology, examples of text and assignment choices, and dis cussion of the validity and feasibility of the methods.
Introduction to the Course One cannot teach approaches to culture unless the stu dents know some cultural history. The first two weeks of
Course Organization The class was held twice a week: the first session was devoted to topics taken from Austrian cultural history (thus expanding the encyclopedia of data presented); the second session presented one possible method for cultural analysis appropriate to the materials (thus expanding students' pat terns of inferencing or interpreting cultural data). The first session of the week stressed cultural data and the recovery strategies to uncover the data of an unfamil iar culture. Each session focused on the range of data that might be significant for Austrian culture: types and func tions of social classes, political institutions, religious or other ideological goals, and the like. To introduce evergreater variety into the history component, the students were sent to primary source materials—often to the ency clopedia-style articles of a museum exhibition catalog— and to a reserve shelf where additional materials were provided (the class accommodated both English- and German-speaking students, and the primary texts were always keyed into context by references to the appropri ate section of a history book). So that they would learn to skim and cross-check materials, students were assigned too much to read in detail. They were to read general articles and then turn to the primary texts to find supplementary categories of information that might be crucial to a detailed analysis— a grab bag assignment stressing discovery and reinterpretation of culture instead of correct answers. Classroom discussions following these assignments sought to articulate the problems or research projects
Katherine Arens • 37 that the materials suggested: to expand on the patterns of social class, philosophical intent, institutional or polit ical developments, and the like that students thought they had found in the primary material. The class did not try to exhaust topics or provide final interpretations of epochs in Austrian history. Instead, it opened and diver sified the range of questions, to distance students from their assumptions about cultures in general and AustriaHungary in particular. The first session of the week attempted, then, to develop a sense of the diversity and pluralism of the cultural materials under study. The second session of the week turned to methodologi cal questions: how to deal with primary cultural materials within the particular data choice, procedures, and goals of various approaches to cultural history. Here, tools taken from various humanistic disciplines to recover patterns of meaning encoded in cultures were applied to the primary texts' data. This class period was thus devoted to practic ing methodologically valid interpretation patterns and to determining the limitations on such pattern building as interpretive or teaching methodologies. Brief articles from theorists or major practitioners of cultural studies were the core for the first half hour of the class (details on various choices are included below). First, the premises of the method were discussed, with emphasis on the choices of data and validating conclu sions to be drawn. In the second half hour, the discussion turned to sample applications based on the data uncov ered in the first session of the week (backed up by written assignments the students had prepared, outlined below). The exploration was done through "what if" questions that sought to determine what types of information the scholar would search out, what avenues of proof would be followed, and, finally, what results would be achieved by the particular method. This procedure stressed the kinds of data the method required in order to be valid (statisti cal? archival? literary? political? sociological? personal history?) and the way the data would be combined and presented. The final quarter or half hour of the second weekly ses sion turned to pedagogical concerns to see how the method would be applicable in the classroom—whether it would be, and on what levels and with what restric tions. Here the most pragmatic constraints on presenting scholarly research in the classroom emerged: continuity, the availability of books and in which languages, the amount of preparation, background, or cognitive matu rity the prospective students would need. For example, with a focus on the history of ideas, introductory students could be expected to use a general history text (such as Schorske's) instead of a teacher's lecture to provide a context to discuss particular art works or literary works as representative of major themes of the period. In contrast, in a class built around economic history, the teacher would be constrained to lecture on trends in the econ omy: primary data for Austrian economics, for instance,
exist only in German and mainly in scattered sources, not in a popular-priced, readable history. A second example of pragmatic discussion about method is helpful: the history-of-ideas approach might use literary texts to supplement crucial notions of the age, but such resources would clearly not be suitable if the focus were on major economic developments. Literature could, at best, exemplify secondary economic issues, as Dreiser's Sister Carrie does, or Schnitzler's brief bankruptcy story, "Spiel im Morgengrauen" (two psychological exam ples correlating social types with economic destinies). Moreover, literature would not be treated stylistically, as it would be in a history-of-ideas presentation. At the same time, choosing economic history over literary analysis might also constrain appropriate teaching styles, testing, and classroom dynamics. Literary analysis usually requires students to practice essay writing; economics can be taught as problem solving and hence (at least in part) be evaluated through multiple-choice or other discrete-point tests—much easier to grade for large classes. The graduate students taking this seminar on cultural methods were expected to participate fully in these dis cussions: they were responsible for bringing a one-page precis, a sketch of the application of a method to a par ticular area of data read for the first session. The students stated what method they were going to apply and to which area of knowledge, how they would proceed, and what results might be predicted. Although the students initially protested that they didn't know enough to com plete this assignment, their production proved otherwise. They had an opportunity to learn, by hands-on practice, what research tools can and cannot do. Ultimately, such work led to students' greater assurance on unfamiliar ground and an enhanced sense of research design: they soon learned what areas of facts complement each other in the discipline, and how they could support proofs and communicate with various audiences.
Varieties of Interdisciplinary Study During this course, the data and methodologies drawn on varied radically from week to week. In ah classes, however, the stress was on validity of procedures and on clear distinctions between the data involved and the codes or patterns that interpret cultural history. A wide variety of interdisciplinary methods were chosen, each of which will be discussed briefly to show their validity as potential interpretations. The first approach to culture chosen was the history of ideas; it drew directly from Dilthey's Geistesgeschichte. The focus was Viennese modernism—the artistic and scien tific innovations of the fin de siecle, designating postSecession Vienna as a "new age," a modernist turn into our new era (fin de siecle as an end and a beginning). The fundamental assumption of this method is that a historical
38 • Training Graduate Students to Teach Culture; A Case Study epoch has a central distinguishing idea that defines its identity; one "proves" the centrality of this cultural idea by uncovering parallel modern events in various fields: modern art (Gustav Klimt and Egon Schiele), the tech nology of heavy motors and shipbuilding, architecture (Otto Wagner and Adolf Loos), and music (Gustav Mahler and Arnold Schonberg). After classical Geistesgeschichte, we turned to more modern trends in cultural and intellectual history, draw ing on a characteristic text in the field, Alan Janik and Stephen Toulmin's Wittgenstein's Vienna. The class went back to the primary texts on which Wittgenstein's Vienna draws, works stemming from the Vienna Circle of logical positivism. In contrast to Dilthey's efforts to synthesize and distinguish the central ideas of eras, such recent intellectual history tries to demonstrate the typicality of thought. Instead of deciding on contrasts between eras, this intellectual history associates trends and movements as embodied in individuals' works. In the case of Wittgen stein's Vienna, for instance, the authors justify a reading of Wittgenstein's work on the basis of probability, offering as explanation that others at the time were thinking this way, too. From intellectual history, the class moved on to vari ants of social and economic history, outside political his tory in the narrow sense. Fernand Braudel's economic history (the history of the longue duree, of economic units described geographically or ethnographically instead of politically) was applied to the phenomenon of AustroMarxism and its attention to workers' welfare movements. Austro-Marxism may be explained as a political response to a changing class structure, but Braudel's theories sug gest other explanations: a response to migration and agri cultural prosperity within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to varying shifts in demography and health conditions, or to ethnic-religious conflicts. To these we added Marx's concept of the relations between economic and sociopo litical history, again with the goal of opening traditional notions of political history to sociology and economics. A history-of-science approach was then introduced, in this case focusing on the science of Ernst Mach, Freud, and the Vienna Medical School—visible elements of turn-of-the-century Viennese culture rarely represented in cultural history courses in the humanities, despite the wide discussions of Thomas Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions in literary theory. Our discussions treated the sciences as data to be described in terms of paradigm shifts—as sets of prescriptions about valid science, corre lated with institutional standards for the production and reception of knowledge. After these more conventional approaches to history, the course examined four more unusual and more specific approaches to culture. The first was the psychology of groups and mass culture, drawing on Freud's Group Psy chology and Carl Jung's definitions of the collective unconscious. Vienna offers ample data that questions psy
chological aberration and the relations between individu als and their cultural groups: Otto Weininger's theories, based on biological models for the scope and quality of thought, exacerbated the anti-Semitism of the twentieth century, while the Viennese physician Krafft-Ebing was perhaps the first sexologist, positing a tie between human cognition and somatic experience that affects develop ment. From a methodological standpoint, Jung's work suggests ways in which such systematic aberrations serve needs in human belief structures; Freud correlates these individual psychic needs with the structure and compen satory morality of society. As methods for cultural analy sis, each explains the interface between individuals and a cultural era—an interface not described by any cultural models emphasizing historical eras or institutions. Robert Darnton's Great Cat Massacre exemplifies a sec ond less familiar approach to history, an anthropological history accounting for the lower strata of society—the "lower classes" who participate in a protoindustrial society. Vienna had a well-developed folk culture of this sort, rep resented by an active theater, print, and music culture (the feuilleton, Nestroy's Volkskomodie or farces, and the indige nous Schrammelmusik. We examined this subculture as an adjunct to the high culture typically treated in intellectual history, to outline the everyday life in the society: the desires, needs, and hopes of small groups not directly repre sented in considerations of official culture. Roland Barthes's Mythologies and Umberto Eco's Role of the Reader were used to introduce semiotics into cul tural history: how images are created and purveyed to reinforce the identity of a culture, to create norms of significance for the group. Viennese art at the turn of the century (ranging from the academic painter Hans Makart to the purported radicalism of the Secession) provided the data for a discussion of cultural prejudice. The themes treated by the radicals and conservatives of the Viennese art world did not vary a great deal; most convey an urgent sense of dissatisfaction with the social status quo. Barthes's model suggests why the conflict between old and new cultural values was played out in the arena of art (in other times and places, it could have been the theater, or technology, or other media). Eco's model explains the norms and deviances in art as public communication responding to an artist's intentions. Together, these semiotic approaches to culture posit matches and mismatches between individual, explicit intentions and the (often unspoken) assumptions of a cultural group. The final less conventional approach to history was Michel Foucault's poststructuralism, particularly as demonstrated in I, Pierre Riviere. Here, the methodolog ical problem was how to define an epoch: not in its main ideas, but in its dominant discourses—the assump tions and practices validated by a culture as patterns practiced by legal, moral, and institutional organiza tions (among others). We reexamined the notion of the
Kamerine Arens • 39 Vienna moderns in literature, the group around Arthur Schnitzler, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and Hermann Bahr known as Jung-Wien. Instead of looking at the values around which this group was constructed—aestheticism, formal beauty, innovation, and young genius—we used Foucault's model to see how abstract values become institutionally valid discourses—how class assumptions intersect with educational norms and career or economic situations, and how the discourse of aesthetic modernism was calculated to ease its creators' entrance into a specific sociocultural milieu.
A Professional Development Seminar What was achieved in exposing graduate students to this range of interdisciplinary methods? Most important, the notion of interdisciplinarity was introduced: the idea that different approaches to culture or history address dif ferent categories of cultural data and encode or decode cultural meaning according to different criteria for evalu ation. If one mixes data uncritically or draws conclusions not supported by a consistent strategy of evaluation of those data, one violates fundamentally the conceptual integrity of a field. In more practical terms: an instructor who draws conclusions erratically or on the basis of per sonal experience is reinforcing the notion that cultures consist of data rather than patterns and that students will never reach informed status until they visit the culture themselves. As asserted above, a true interdisciplinary analysis stresses not only data but also strategies for encoding and retrieving meaning, as procedural norms bolstering stu dents' mastery of the data. The course thus tried to con vince graduate students that meaning is uncovered in patterns drawn up with respect to specific intellectual goals, and that "expert competence" consists of two com petencies—one disciplinary and methodological, the other relating to cultural-historical data. An additional goal of the course lay in its subtext: it tried to be a seminar in professional development, stress ing what professional scholars actually do, not what they should or would ideally like to do if time were infinite. Clarity about methodological principles educates gradu ate students about the limits on research and proofs (what you do not need to find, even when you argue a successful case); flexibility in method allows the potential scholar to choose frameworks for various combinations of data that convey the broadest possible valid meaning of data addressed. Inappropriate choice of method can lead to nonconclusions. For example, it is difficult to do an anthropological analysis on cultures out of the distant past, because too many of the everyday practices are lost. Similarly, inappropriate choice of data can result in pseudoconclusions: if we assert that "everyone was doing" a certain thing in a period, does that mean that any partic
ular individual had to be doing it as well? (Can one declared interpretation support another one?) Method and data choices also prescribe different activ ities for the individual teacher or scholar within the academy. The introductory week of the course broached this topic in articles outlining the state of the art in the area of German studies by stressing where programs stand in their institutions. Such reading was intended to sensi tize students to their potential place in the academy, to the expectations that departments have about the place of cultural studies alongside the more traditional lan guage and literature curricula. This undercurrent was also emphasized in a restyling of the usual class presentation and final papet into a mock conference. Thus in the sixth week of class, students were required to submit two-hundred-word abstracts of the paper they were to give in the final two weeks of the semester, which were then included in a conference pro gram. After these submissions, one class session was devoted to a discussion of the abstract as professional tool: the craft of writing an abstract that is meaningful, even when you don't know exactly what results you'll have. This task was taken quite seriously: project devel opment was done in conference with the teacher, so that feasibility, methodological appropriateness, and validity were monitored. For the presentations in the last two weeks, other members of the department were invited, and a typical seminar room was reserved. Students were introduced formally, the papers were limited to twenty minutes, with a real question-and-answer session following each. After each, the paper's dynamics vis-a-vis the audience were discussed: what kind of responses did certain types of papers provoke from audiences, "what do you do if. . . ," and suggestions for altetnative presentations. A week after each presentation, the students submitted an expanded version of the paper for final grade. These activities formalized classroom etiquette into conference etiquette, and their goal was to break down the "threshold fear" of a conference. More practically, they exposed the limitations under which conference papers are developed and given, and made students aware of those corners that can be cut and those that must under no circumstances be cut. The reaction to this mock conference setup was somewhat less positive from beginning graduate students than from more advanced students: those at earlier stages of their studies wanted more protection from the teacher; advanced students knew they would have to take the leap soon anyway and were grateful for a semicontrolled situation with a famil iar audience. A third assignment accentuated the professional dimension of this course on interdisciplinary studies: stu dents were required to submit a description and prelimi nary reading list for a course they could develop and would like to teach eventually. Their knowledge of theory
40 • Training Graduate Students to Teach Culture: A Case Study was tested against the practicalities of textbook choice, student level, and types of class assignment. Again, these course proposals were discussed in the class as a group, with reference to student demographics, problems that may arise in the course structure, and the type and depth of knowledge the students would attain in the suggested course of study. This course was successful in the context of our depart ment because it fulfilled very specific needs. Work on Austria was requested by graduate students, for instance. Nonetheless, the strategy used to set up the course could profitably be employed in other settings, with alterna tive materials. This particular course was also clearly weighted toward methods applicable to research rather than to classroom use. If one wished to stress a broader spectrum of classroom applications for the undergradu ate curriculum, for example, greater focus might be placed on text linguistics or text-immanent approaches to literature. I did not include the latter in Case Stud ies in Habsburg because they are included in a required literary methods course. Similarly, a number of the theoretical texts were chosen specifically because they dovetailed with readings from that methods course. In our department, then, Case Studies in Habsburg answered a real need: it introduced graduate students to a broad spectrum of cultural studies and to the practical exigencies of the profession as it presently moves toward interdisciplinary cultural research. Each student found new, interdisciplinary areas of research, learned how to submit abstracts to conferences, and ended up with a course description to answer the question "what would you like to teach" that might arise in an inter view situation. Together, these activities constitute the practical training that usually takes place once one has an aca demic job, not before. Yet such on-the-job training is becoming less and less practical, in the light of existing pressure to publish for tenure. We better serve our grad uate students' needs by training them for the jobs and situations they will have to fill, by introducing them early to a notion of cultural literacy that includes inter disciplinary methodology as well as data.
Notes ' The situation in German departments is well documented, espe cially in the yearly Monatshefte surveys of German studies in Amer ica. See as examples Weiss, Holschuh, and Janes for suggestions on other resources and descriptions of innovative courses for the Ger man curriculum. Monatshe/te (78.3) and Benseler document the his tory of the developing German-studies concept, just as Gerald Graffs Professing Literature does for English professions. Similarly, a growing body of pragmatic essays present classroom tactics that can aid the teacher in bridging the gap between students' culture and a target culture. They stress how multicultural education needs to be built into the Eurocentric undergraduate curriculum in the United
States (Liitzeler); other approaches emphasize emerging ideologies (e.g., Berman; Peck). T h e complete syllabus, assignments, and list of materials can be obtained on request.
Works Cited and Consulted German Studies Benseler, David, Walter F. W. Lohnes, and Valters Nollendorfs. Teaching German in America: Prolegomena to a History. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1988. Berman, Russell A. "The Concept of Culture in Cultural Studies Programs." Monatshe/te 74.3 (1982): 241-46. Forster, Jiirgen, Eva Neuland, and Gerhard Rupp, eds. Wozu noch Germanistik? Wissenschaft, Beruf, Kulturelle Praxis. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1989. "German Studies Programs in the United States and Canada: A Special Survey." Monatshe/te 78.3 (1986): 355-68. Holschuh, Albrecht. "A Year-Long Graduate Seminar in German Culture Studies at Indiana." Monatshefte 74.3 (1982): 247-53. Janes, Jackson. "The Study of Contemporary Germany: Problems, Programs, and Possibilities." Monatshe/te 78.3 (1986): 297-306. Jauss, Hans-Robert. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception. Trans. Timo thy Bahti. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1982. Lennox, Sara. "Feminist Scholarship and Germanistik." German Quarterly 62.2 (1989): 158-70. Liitzeler, Paul Michael. "German Studies in den USA: Zur Theorie und Praxis eines interdisziplinaren Studienganges." Perspe/ctwen und Ver/ahren interkultureller Germanistik. Ed. Alois Wierlacher. Munchen: Iudicium, 1987. 679-91. Nollendorfs, Valters. "German Studies as Graduate Studies." Monatshefte 74.3 (1982): 238-40. . "Toward Guidelines for German Studies: A Progress Report." Monatshe/te 78.3 (1986): 285-96. Nollendorfs, Valters, and W. F. W. Lohnes. German Studies in the United States: Assessment and Outlook. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1976. Peck, Jeffrey M. "The Institution of Germanistik and the Transmis sion of Culture: The Time and Place for an Anthropological Approach." Monatshe/te 79.3 (1987): 308-19. . "There's No Place like Home? Remapping the Topography of German Studies." German Quarterly 62.2 (1989): 178-87. Schmidt, Henry J. "What Is Oppositional Criticism? Politics and German Literary Criticism from Fascism to the Cold War." Monatshe/te 79.3 (1987): 292-307. Seeba, Hinrich C. "Critique of Identity Formation: Toward an Intercultural Model of German Studies." German Quarterly 62.2 (1989): 144-54. Stern, Guy, "German: In the Poorhouse with the Other Humani ties—and How to Get Out." Monatshe/te 69.3 (1977): 245-50. Swaffar, Janet K. "Reading and Cultural Literacy." Journal of General Education 38.2 (1986): 70-84. Weiss, Gerhard H. "Graduate Topics Courses in German Studies at Minnesota." Monatshefte 74.3 (1982): 254-59. Wierlacher, Alois, ed. Dos Fremde und das Eigene: Prolegomena zu einer interkulturelien Germanistik. Munchen: Iudicium, 1985.
Katherine Arens • 41 Freud, Sigmund. Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. Ed.
Course Materials Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. New York: Hill, 1972. Braudel, Femand. On History. Trans. Sarah Matthews. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1980. Darnton, Robert. The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History. New York: Vintage-Random, 1985. Dilthey, Wilhelm von. "The Hermeneutics of the Human Sci ences." The Hermeneutics Reader: Texts of the German Tradition from the Enlightenment to the Present. Ed. Kurt Mueller-Vollmer. New York: Continuum, 1988. 148-64. Eco, Umberto. The Role of the Reader: Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1979. Foucault, Michel, ed. I, Pierre Riviere, Having Slaughtered My Mother, My Sister, and My Brother . . . : A Case of Parricide in the Nineteenth Century. Trans. Frank Jellinek. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1982.
and trans. James Strachey. New York: Norton, 1959. Janik, Alan, and Stephen Toulmin. Wittgenstein's Vienna. New York: Simon, 1973. Jaszi, Oscar. Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1971. Johnston, William M. The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History, 1848-1938. Berkeley: U of California P, 1972. Jung, Carl G. Civilization in Transition. 1929. Trans. R. F. C. Hull. 2nd ed. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1970. Kann, Robert A. A History of the Habshurg Empire, 1526-1918. Berkeley: U of California P, 1974. Kuhn, Thomas S. Structure of Scientific Revolutions. 2nd ed. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1970. Schorske, Carl E. Fin-de-siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture. New York: Vintage-Random, 1981.
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