Transformation of the urban character of Arab Cities ...

Transformation of the urban character of Arab Cities since the late last century Proceedings of the International Conference held at German Jordanian University Amman- Jordan 22-24 April, 2015

Edited by: Mohsen Aboutorabi Bushra Zalloom

BCU publication, Birmingham, September 2015


Edited by: Mohsen Aboutorabi Bushra Zalloom


© M. Aboutorabi & B. Zalloom (2015) Published by: Birmingham City University (BCU), UK

ISBN 978-1-904839-83-5 Price: £30

Table of Contents I Introduction Aboutorabi, M Editorial...............................................................................................................................3 Madanipour, A Transformation of urban character..................................................................................10 Carter, R J Dubai: Past and Present Architecture in the Context of National Identity and Economic Development…………………………..........………...………14 II Part 1:

Conference Papers Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design; comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches , Jalouqa K. Amman, from Village to Metropolis........................................................................................23 Elmouelhi, H. & Sarnataro, A. Towards considering the culture of residents in urban development interventions: The case of Cairo Ashwa’eyat (Informal settlements)...................................32 Al Waily, T. Baghdad Historical City: How its Past can Revitalize its Future.........................................42 Sarsangi, M. Urban Spaces as a Setting for Performance: The Case Study of Iran..................................51 Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces Qudah, N. A. Urban Identity in the Age of Globalization: Assessing the Abdali Project in Amman, Jordan...................................................................................................................................63 Arar, M. Dubai Metro and the New Build Environment and Urban Life at Sheikh Zaid Road..............................................................................................................74 Tarawneh, D. Brownfield landscapes of Amman: defining typologies of unnamed terrains.....................90 Part 3: The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces Kably, A. Learning from Self-planned Communities...............................................................................101 Bronner, N. Sengewald, W. & Seremet, V. New Bremen; New Cairo...................................................110 Kamal, O & Najada, H. Socio-spatial Reader: Exploring the potential of narrative in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp.....................................................................122 Halaseh, Y. Amman, a Child Friendly City in the Making.....................................................................140 Qutieshat, R. Using Social Hub Media to Expand Public Participation in Municipal Urban Plans................................................................................................148 Is-haqat, H. Using Aerial Photography for the Study of Housing Projects in Jordan.............................162 Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city Ibrahim, A. The Impact of the Transformed Built Environment on the Identity of Arab Cities- “Doha city as a case study”.......................................................................175 Chabi, N. Bouhadjar, K. & Baba, R. The Issue of Architectural and Urban Identity of Contemporary Algerian Cities: Case of Constantine City.........................................................................187 Keleg, M. Salheen, A. & Abdellatif, M. Understanding people’s needs for a vivid public realm as a key step towards enhancing the modern Arab cities’ identity...........................201 Atout, M. The Arabian Engineer’s responsibility in renovating the Architectural identity for the Arabian city.....................................................................................................214

Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects Zalloom, B. Assessing the Social Sustainability of Urban Landscape: Case study of Abdali regeneration (The new downtown of Amman)..................................226 Kadhim, M. & Al-Akiely, F. Al-Abdali Mega Project: Assessment of Socio-economic and Cultural impacts on the peripheral edges....................................................................239 Bouhelouf, Y. The revitalization of historic centers: an attractive, sustainable urban project for the old center of Jijel............................................................................256 Blibli, M. Bouchair, A. & Mohdeb, R.The strategies of development in Algeria- The Case of Jiejel city.............................................................................................268 III

Editorial Committee...............................................................................................................281

I Introduction

Editorial Mohsen Aboutorabi Birmingham City University Introduction This publication presents a set of readings on the transformation of the urban character of Arab Cities since the late last century, which was the theme of the conference held in April 2015 at the German Jordan University in Amman, Jordan. The overall theme of the conference focused on the influence of the dichotomous views of western modern/capitalist and traditionalist on the urban development of Arab cities since the late Twentieth century. The influence of the traditionalists’ view seems is fading away since we are obviously living in a postmodern non-utopian time where capitalist ideal with an obsession for the mass imagery has become a dominant force in shaping cities. Dreams of ideal societies and utopias realised through modernism since the middle of the last century proposed reshaping the urban environment and its social structure. Berman refers to modernity as a body of experience in time and space and writes: “To be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that promises us […] growth and transformation of ourselves and the world- and at the same time [..] to destroy everything we have, everything we know, everything we are” (Berman, M 1982). The project of modernity was accepted globally without critically appraising its validity and relevance to local culture. The global status of these modern and later postmodern ideals has generated a set of dichotomous thinking: while there is a desire to keep the cultural identity which relates each society to its past and place it in the history, at the same time there is a craving to break with it and ignore it. The concept of globalisation promoted by the capitalism, over the past three decades, supported the latter desire encouraging reshaping of the urban environment and its social structure (Boddy et.al 1997) with no reference to its cultural identity. In its realization there is a fixed shopping list of form and function which includes high-rise glass towers, shopping malls and coping styles and symbols – generally overlooking locality and starring at global. Capitalist ideology currently is at the forefront of urban structuring and restructuring where cities are being developed around profit making exercises than human social needs. The methodologies employed are technology, media and branding to support a shift of focus from localised to global to form a hegemonic consumerism condition. These methodologies reinforced the power of global capital pursued by the top-down managerial approach forming barriers to localize resistance. The top down state planning approach fuelled by capitalism, has continually been restructuring urban spaces to maximize land use and exchange values. In this process of transformation, the city has become an economic hub in the global capitalist world where its image no longer reflects the identity of place. The reference point of urban identity that once was based on the correlation of man-made and natural environment, enabling the human creativity to produce the Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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art of urban form, what Lefebvre (1988) refers to as ‘oeuvre’, projecting the geneses of locality representing the particular culture and way of life of its inhabitants, is now replaced by urban global branding projecting images with no reference to the roots. Such a transformation raises the question of: what is the destiny of local characteristic of urban culture and place identity in the context of globalisation? Should it be left to be subsumed in the ambiguous global whatever it is, or should it be revitalised and finds its place in the global culture. Views supporting the transformation of the diverse urban landscape of cities around the world into a solitary imaginary setting for economic purpose support the plantation of architectural images. Those who are implementing these views are large international developers who are engaged in reshaping the city for profit making-‘the same process used for the production of consumer goods and business services with an increasing trend in the sense of standardization and consequently the loss of identity’ (Zukin 2003:47). Other views in support of revitalisation of cultural identity argue that the past is not a closed episode, but can always burst into the present and change the way we see the world. Lack of knowledge of the past may lead to the danger of repeating it (Santayana, 1953) rather than helping to visualise the future life in the context of progressive cultural and technological environment (Bell 2005). In this case the main objective of urban planning and design should be how to build upon the existing urban identity, and ‘translate cultural practices through the process of representation’ (Cuthbert 2006:102) to produce a new setting that demonstrates the progressive identity. The goal of this conference was to develop a new narrative to form a new utopian thinking that can change the global sameness paradigm to a colourful landscape of variety of cities through underscoring ‘the urgent political priority of constructing cities that correspond to human social needs rather than to the capitalist imperative of profit making’ (Brenner et al 2009:176). Globalisation has been a key concept influencing the transformation of cities in most Arab countries in the past two decades. The papers selected for this publication address the influence of global force and its impact on cultural, social and urban identity. In publishing the edited papers, we thought that it was important to explain the editing principle and process we took for the publication. The first principle was to classify papers under the following five themes of the conference: 1- Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design; comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches. 2- Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces. 3- The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces. 4- Urban identity and social sustainability of the city. 5- The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects. The publication is structured in five parts based on the five themes of the conference. Although most of papers in each part taken different approaches to address each theme of the conference they however, share a common paradigm and present coherent argument supported by research and case studies.

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All the presented papers were kept under the authors’ proposed theme; however, we took the liberty to shift couple of submitted papers from the intended theme to a more relevant one. All papers were read by the editorial committee and their feedbacks were given to the authors to edit their papers accordingly. We also had the support of BCU students in proof reading of the papers with no permission in applying any change in the overall structure of texts. Part 1: Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design: comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches The papers in this part generally explore the impact of the modernist approach in transforming the urban landscape of traditional cities. The general argument in these papers focuses on the disjunction between social and physical environment of the city. Kamal Jalouqa relates the development of Amman to ‘regional and international trends.’ He traces the historical development of Amman since the Ottomans period through the colonial era starting at the end of WW1 and political problems the region faced since then and finally the influence of ‘the Neoliberal city movements’ and its impact on social-spatial fragmentation of the city. He presents a critical view on the role of the Ammani urban elites stating that while they played an active role in supporting large development projects, they however, ‘did not contribute to the development’ of the social and economic sustainability of the city – ‘large portions of Amman’s population still suffer from cultural exclusion and limited access to a fair share in the development pie.’ Elmouelhi and Sarnataro argue the growth of informal settlements in Cairo over the past few decades ‘represent one dominant form of Cairo’s growth’. These informal settlements are formed by multiple social groups with a variety of socio-cultural behaviour and power relationship which dominate their daily life. The research also argues that the product of informal settlement is the outcome of ‘the interrelation between the urban physical characteristics and the cultural factors’. The paper concludes that these cultural factors should be considered in planning for upgrading project. Taghlib Al Waily’s paper focuses on the loss of urban identity of the Bagdad city since the early Twentieth century. It describes that such a loss was due to three factors of modernity, changes in socio-political environment and destructive events- ‘wars, sanctions and terrorism’. He articulates that all these factors contributed to the destruction of most of the historical part of the city that represented its identity. The paper then focuses on the remaining historical parts of the city centre proposing a solution in preserving them as part of the historical memory of the city and integrating it into the contemporary urban context. Majid Sarsangi remarks that the landscape of the city is not only a setting for the play of everyday life but also a stage for performance. He analyses urban setting of traditional Iranian cities and how urban places were used for performance, arguing that performing art was ‘an undeniable aspect of traditional Iranian city structure’. The paper presents a summary of the urban structure of Iranian traditional cities ‘formed by several neighbourhoods [each with its] distinct identity.’ Each neighbourhood ‘provided the entire social and cultural infrastructure for the daily lives of people; making long distance journeys unnecessary’ contributing to the social and environmental sustainability of the city. After presenting a detailed analysis of a variety of traditional performances in different urban spaces of traditional cities, he suggests there is a need for an alternative approach to urban design for reintroducing this artistic aspect of urban life in the landscape of contemporary cities. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces The influence of modern technology in promoting the globalisation of ideas, capitalism and consumerism and their impact on transforming the urban landscape and daily life of people has been explored in this section. Qudah discusses the influence of globalisation and neoliberalism approach on social and cultural environment of the Arab cities over the past few decades. It argues, such an influence has promoted a new system of governance, promoting collaborating with large international organisations for development and transformation of the city. The paper takes ‘Abdali’, the current largest development project in Amman, as a case study discussing its political background and finally assessing its impact on socio-political environment of the city. Through a survey study of the selected areas along the metro line, Mohammad Arar investigates the important role of metro in Dubai city and its potentials and shortcomings. Through a survey study the paper assesses the impact of Metro on the daily life of people and makes recommendation on how to further enhance the quality of urban life in the city. The paper also forwards an argument that the architectural character of Metro stations derives ‘from the heritage of the city that reflects the historical and traditional legacy profile of Dubai in a style that matches its surroundings. Deyala Tarawneh introduce different ‘typologies of Brownfield sites emerging in Amman’ focusing and the potential of these emerging empty spaces to contribute in urban innovation. The paper indicates a need for new policies on taxation and support to encourage redevelopment of these sites. Part 3: The social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces The readings in this part mostly focus on the urban characteristics of the informal settlements. One important point that discussed in this part is the advantage of involving people in planning policy for upgrading these informal neighbourhoods. Al Amin Kably’s paper presents a historical background of the formation of informal areas in two cities of Amman and Cairo to set a context for two interesting questions: ‘what can we learn from self-planned communities’ and ‘how these communities sustain grew outside of formal urban control and management mechanisms?’. He argues that these informal settlements which formed and grew over time along the Arab cities and managed to ‘integrate with existing institutions and municipal regulatory frameworks’ represent the best example of sustainable development. Brönner, Sengewald and Seremet recount ‘interdisciplinary research project, looking for ways to engage the public in urban issues emerging from top-down planning schemes.’ Their paper is based on an ongoing interdisciplinary research with engaging students from two universities from Germany and Cairo. The research involves two case studies, one new urban development in Cairo City and the other in Bremen in Germany. They argue that despite their differences in terms of location and size the two developments share a common top-down planning approach. The paper argues ‘for public engagement and the potential and possibilities of a collaborative access, particularly between European and Arab artists, architects and designers.’


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Kamal and Najada’s paper is based on the previous research on mapping ‘the tangible and intangible forces of Jabal Al Natheef informal camp’ with an aim ‘to explore the potential narrative as a reading tool in a socio-spatial context’. The paper takes the refugee camp as an ‘urban environment’, the dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the researcher as a transdisciplinary ‘reader’, to explore how the space is produced by ‘the patterns of our daily existence.’ Yara Halaseh interesting paper focuses on the children’s rights to the city since they are an integral part of the city inhabitants. The paper refers to the children’s rights in Amman exploring their participation in the city planning and policy making and finally proposes recommendations to further enhance the status of the Amman child friendly city. Rani Qutieshat’s paper considers participation in urban planning and decision making as a civic duty for all people. The paper then investigates the role of social media in facilitating such a participatory approach. Hind Is-haqat evaluates government low income housing projects in Amman during 2008-2013 by using aerial photograph taken during 1992-2013. It analyses the current situation of these implemented low income housing neighbourhood in the context of the urban fabric of the city and in relation to the initial goals of the schemes. Having analysed these projects in terms of their locations, infrastructure and their residents’ views on the lack of adequate social infrastructure, the paper proposes a series of recommendation for future social housing.

Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city Urban identity is the subject of discussion in this part. The papers share the view that urban identity is formed by a combination of spatial, social, cultural and historical characteristic of a society which is represented in the distinctive character of traditional part of the city. The papers then discuss how this identity could be applied in the context of contemporary cities. By examining the impact of modernization and late globalisation on the identity of the city, Aya Ibrahim argues that importing of ideas and lifestyle has transformed the identity of the Arab cities especially most of the cities in the Gulf countries. It further asserts that the impact of globalisation has also affected all social, economic and the urban fabric of the city. Having analysed the forces affecting the urban identity, the paper takes the concept of memory as a factor linking people with the city. The concept of memory is then examined in the context of the Gulf States, arguing that the loss of history and memory has removed ‘sense of place or memory that links people with the past and the history of the place’. Chabi, Bouhadjar and Baba present the same argument as above to explore the changing of urban identity of the Arab city under the influence of modernism and later on the concept of globalization. They argue that the rapid growth of cities in the Arab world under the influence of globalization has been based on ‘the universal principles of urbanism and architecture’ with no reference to the rich local traditional architecture and culture. As a result ‘the new urban character of the Arab world is anonymous, raising issues on the identity of the Arab city’. The paper presents a case study of the Constantine city in Algeria tracing its changing urban and architectural identity through the history.


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Keleg, Salheen and Abdellatif argue that the traditional cities were the social production reflecting the community’s needs, culture and traditions forming the unique identities of the city. The correlation between culture and place changed under the influence of modernism undermining ‘the social and cultural distinctiveness of each city.’ The paper takes Nasr city in Cairo as a case study analysing suitability of its urban spaces for cultural behaviour. The outcomes are a series of recommendations for improving the social aspect of urban spaces. Ma’amoon Atout’s paper, presented in Arabic, discusses the role of the Arabian architects in developing and renovating the architectural identity of the Arabian city. It proposes the necessity of further training courses, workshops and conferences on conservation to help them to develop the knowledge and skills they require for building conservation. Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects The readings in this part examine issues related to the three factors of environmental, sociocultural and economic dimension of urban regeneration. They consider the impact of urban regeneration projects on social polarization, and social sustainability of the city. Bushra Zalloom assesses the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the social sustainability of the city. Abdali urban regeneration, the first mega project in Amman city, is selected as a case study to assess its impact on social sustainability of Amman. The paper presents a detailed account of development phases of the project and conducts a survey/interview of people living in the surrounding areas as well as other part of the city. The aim of the survey has been to find out peoples' responses at local areas as well as at the city level. The conclusion presents the outcome of the survey, which indicates that ‘the real impact of Abdali on social sustainability and urban identity is still ambiguous for locals, architects, and experts’. Kadhim and Al-Akiely’s paper focuses on the impact of the foreign investment in the development of Amman since the past two decades. It takes Al-Abdali project, a new CBD development in the centre of Amman, as a case study assessing its social, economic and cultural impacts of the project on the surrounding neighbourhoods and the urban identity of the city. Yasmine Bouhelouf discusses the regeneration of the traditional part of the downtown area of the Jijel city in Algeria. It gives a detailed analysis of the current social and urban characteristic of the old part highlighting its potentials and weaknesses to become an attractive part of the city. It then proposes a strategy for the regeneration. Blibli, Abou Chair and Mohdeb’s paper, presented in Arabic, study planning strategies during the last three decades, and the problems it has been facing. It then discusses these in the case of the urban development of the Algerian City of Jijel. References: Bell, G., Blythe, M. and Sengers, P. (2005) “Making by Making Strange: Defamiliarization and the Design of Domestic Technology.” Transactions on Computer Human Interaction (TOCHI), Special issue on Social Issues and HCI, vol. 12, no: 2. Berman, M. (1982) All That is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity. London: Verso. Boddy M., Lambert C. and Snape D (1976) City for the 21st Century. The Policy Place, University of Bristol Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Lefebvre, H. (1996) Writing on Cities. London: Blackwell Publishing Norberg-Schulz, C. (1980) Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture. New York: Rizzoli. Brenner, N., Marcuse, P. and Mayer, M. (2009) Cities for People, Not for Profit. City, 13(2-3), pp. 176-184). Cuthbert, A. R. (2006) The form of City: Political, Economy and Urban Design. London: Blackwell publishing. Santayana, G. (1953) “Reason in Common Sense.” The Life of Reason, Rev. Ed. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Zukin, S. (2003) the Postmodern Debate over Urban Form. In Cuthbert A. R. (ed.) Designing Cities: Critical Reading in Urban Design. London: Blackwell Publishing.


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Transformation of urban character Ali Madanipour Newcastle University What do we mean when we talk about urban character? When we say a city has a distinctive character, or it lacks character, or its character has changed or has been lost, what do we have in mind? In all these expressions, we seem to talk about some features that make a city unique. If we have a personal experience of the city, the memories of those experiences shape our idea of its character. But for most people, the character of a city is often defined by some major events, or some icons that capture those events in the form of monuments, or its built environment, its architecture, its skyline. So in architecture and urban planning, as well as in popular discourse, the character of a city is associated with some prominent and unique features. But I’d like to go beyond this approach and make two arguments: first, that a city’s character and identity is not just about its uniqueness but also about its similarities with other places; and second, that an iconic character is only a fragment of the city’s complex reality and may even be completely detached from it. The city’s identity has some parallels to the classical philosophical problem of personal identity over time. How is it possible that, over a period of time, a person remains the same? The same question can be posed about cities. How do we say that a city is the same city as it was a century ago, despite all the changes? We know that very rapidly changing cities are in danger of losing that continuity, and therefore going through a change of identity, no longer being similar to their past. But what constituted this identity in the first place? When we think about a city’s identity, we are inherently comparing it with others. Here we can draw on social philosophy’s definition of identity, which sees social identity as the result of the relations of similarity and difference. Individuals define their identity by defining who they are similar to, and who they are different from; in a way identity is always established in this comparison. The same can be seen in cities. How can a city be similar to, and different from other cities? Now, the follow up question is this: what features of the city show its continuity and similarity, or disruption and difference? What characterizes a city? According to Paul Ricoeur, identity is a narrative we tell about something, so it is important to know the elements of this story, and know who is telling it. But beyond this story, we also need to know how this city actually lives, so the way we represent a city and the way it actually lives are both elements of this identity. A city, of course, is not a single thing, but an agglomeration of many objects and many people, so there is a cacophony of voices all telling different stories and doing different things. If a single narrative represents this multiplicity of voices and lives, the question is: how far is it related to or detached from these lives. So, in examining the identity of a group of cities, such as Arab cities or European cities or medieval cities, we are looking at the continuity and change, as well as similarity and Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 10

difference, in their representations and practices, their built environment and their social institutions over time. The similarity of their symbols and institutions to one another makes them members of a group and distinguishes them from the members of other groups. So, with this sketch of a theoretical framework, let’s consider the case of Arab cities, which is the theme of this conference. If we search for ‘Arab cities’ on Google, it shows 154 million pages about the subject. The first item on the top of the first page is the Wikipedia page for the list of the largest cities in the Arab world. I am interested in how this list is portraying them. As you see, for each city we are given the rank, the name of the country, population size, date of foundation, and an image. It is this image that I am particularly interested in, to look for the symbols that distinguish an Arab city on this page. It is a snapshot that is meant to show the character of the city, providing an image that represents a city. If I show these images in larger sizes for the five largest Arab cities, we can get a sense of what they share. The cities of Cairo, Baghdad, Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam are each introduced by a single image. When we look at them together, it seems they are selected to show a modern image, in particular through a cluster of high rise buildings. This modernity is very clearly expressed in the wealthy cities on the northeastern edge of the Arabian Peninsua. Kuwait, Manama, Doha, Dubai, and Abu Dhabi all are portrayed by their hyper-modern skyline, lined with high rise buildings and extra-ordinary architectural expressions. New cities that are planned in the Arab countries are also following this model of high rise, high density, modern image. King Abdullah new city in Saudi Arabia and Egypt’s planned new capital city are the prime examples of this trend. When you compare these images of the modern Arab city with the images of classical Arab cities, there are very striking differences. The minarets and domes that dominated the skyline have been replaced by luxury hotels and apartments, office buildings and elevated motorways. So, how can we analyse the change, and how can we understand the modern urban landscape in Arab cities? The structural features of the classical Arabic and Islamic cities evolved over centuries of shared experience. These common features included institutional similarities such as the markets, mosques, baths and reservoirs, and architectural elements such as the courtyards, vaults, domes and minarets. Although they differed in many of their details, the common features of these cities made them all members of the same family of cities; any visitor could recognize that they belonged to the same cultural world. These commonalities were based on a set of common beliefs and practices, which spread through warfare and trade across a long distance, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean and beyond. They created a highly distinguishable identity, shared symbols and institutions that were similar to one another and different from the others. Today’s cities in these lands also share many symbolic and institutional features with each other, but if we judge by these panoramas, many of these features are no longer distinguishable from other cities elsewhere. These features are shared across the world in all continents. They Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 11

are all part of the process of globalization that increasingly links cities in different parts of the world to an overall global economy, and a converging vocabulary of architectural and urban expression. The harder the architects, planners and urban designers try to be distinctive from one another, the more integrated they are into a single spatial vocabulary, a similarity in symbols that characterize the general image of cities. Through emphasizing such differences, we seem to claim that we are a member of an elite group of cities in the world. There is also an institutional framework that is increasingly common across the world, at least among the investors and managers. In this global economy, ideas and financial resources move around the world with ease. Investors look for higher rewards, and urban managers look to compete in the global economy and attract resources that investors and visitors can bring with them. This is why we see the emergence of a new urban landscape across the world that is no longer defined by a specific culture. They may have roots in particular technologies, particular arrangements of the world market, but they seem to want to stress their membership of a club that is and inspired by particular images, such as New York, a strong image from the mid twentieth century that dominated the urban imagination and continues to be copied around the world. Symbols and institutions, therefore, are increasingly global, and so is the character of cities. So we see an increasing amount of similarity between Middle Eastern, Asian, American, and European cities, at least in the way they are being projected and imagined. They all seem to be global cities now, or at least this is how their managers and promoters wish to be seen to be. But this attempt by the cities to announce that they belong to a modern global club is not free from trouble. As they look outwards to the global scene, expressing the desire that they too are a member of this global league, a split is created between the outward looking image and how life is lived in the city. This is a disconnection between this vision of global modernity and the reality of the urban society. In the classical city, the primary buildings that shaped the skyline were more integrated with the rest of the city, both in symbolic expressions and in the way institutions worked. But now the growing inequality in cities means the image that we see of modernity may be presented to the outside world, and be more in line with the other global cities, but disconnected from the local population. The external image is made on the basis of a new urban panorama, creating the images that are used to characterize the city as a whole. If we zoom in and walk the streets of the city, and get to know the life of the city, we gain a new perspective, starting to recognize the features that would differentiate one city from another. Not the image that the city wishes to project, but the concreate reality of the city becomes a better guide to its distinctive features. So if we go back to our concepts of time and space, what are the implications? The implication for time and continuity is disruption. These cities have radically changed. In most cases, the historic core that shaped the character of the Middle Eastern cities is now no more than a tiny and decaying part of the city. The implication for space is that the architecture and planning of the city now resembles almost any other city anywhere else. This is not unique to any continent, Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 12

as now it is increasingly difficult to distinguish between the skyline of a European and an Asian city. In terms of the symbols that characterize the city, therefore, we are facing a process of globalization that uses the same approach to city everywhere, as a firm in competition with others, using advertising to promote a brand and to attract attention. But these symbols are targeting an external audience, and so a gap emerges with the local population who may or may not share these symbols. The same gap may also be seen in the new institutions. The new skyline is created to improve the city’s competitiveness, good for international investors and visitors, but not necessarily in line with the needs and capacities of the local population. The skyline is also made according to the dynamics of the real estate market, which may or may not be in line with the needs and demands of the local population, but functioning according to its own dynamics. ©This is evident in the crisis of overproduction, which has left many ghost towns around the world after the global economic crisis. The speed of change, and the feeling of being out of control, both by the local authorities and local populations, often widens these gaps. The challenge is how to reconcile these dynamics that pull the cities into different directions and generate large fractures in their social and spatial fabric.

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Dubai: Past and Present Architecture in the Context of National Identity and Economic Development Ruth Johnson Carter Dept.of Government and Sociology, Georgia College & State University, Milledgeville, GA 31061 USA [email protected] ABSTRACT In 1966 oil was discovered in the Persian Gulf off the coast of Dubai. The revenue was used by the then ruler Sheik Rashid to begin the creation of modern Dubai. From this point a small desert enclave has attempted to reflect the traditional Islamic culture in combination with a unique architecture, which purports to place modern urban planning in the context of a historical process. The remaining traditional architecture is largely confined to a small museum, the Old Persian quarter and the vicinity of Khor Dubai (Dubai Creek). In recent years much effort has been made to salvage and restore this area. Architecturally, modern Dubai is a reflection of the various groups, which dominate the economic expansion of the Emirate; the ruling family; the project developers who are mostly Middle Eastern in origin; and the representatives of numerous multi-national businesses. Dubai under the leadership of the Al Maktoum family has displayed wide vision. The construction of Jebel Ali and Port Rashid as a foundation for economic expansion indicated an understanding of the finite limits of oil as a basis for commerce. The subsequent enlargement of Dubai as an international entrepôt actively explores "new technology", in combination with traditional themes within this challenging urban landscape. This paper examines these issues within the context of traditional and modern architecture, in terms of how these physical constructs are part of the process of achieving desired outcomes. KEYWORDS: Dubai, architecture, traditional, contemporary

1. INTRODUCTION As was reported world wide on February 21 the ironically named Marina Torch residential building in Dubai caught fire on the fifty-second floor. Videos of the flames captured the attention of millions. The fire itself was not that unusual. The day before a similar structure was gutted in nearby Abu Dhabi resulting in several deaths and on February 22 the BBC reported a fire in a tower block in south east London which resulted in six deaths. What was remarkable about the fire in Dubai, was that every person in the 86-floor residence, the fifth highest apartment complex in the world, was successfully evacuated and the fire was rapidly extinguished with damage confined to the upper stories. A representative of Kingfield Owner Association Management Services, said, "All fire safety systems functioned effectively during the incident, thereby restricting fire damage to the exterior of the building," The survival of Marina Torch building with minor damage and no human casualties is a tribute to techniques characteristic of the structures which have been constructed and to the architectural expertise, contemporary design and advanced building practices used in Dubai since 1990. (Gulf News: Published: 10:17 February 21, 2015)


In Dubai the rapid historical encounter "between the politics of nation-building and architectural modernism's new materials, methods, and motives" could be described as being like the work of a Djinn which whirled a small desert enclave from the obscure position of a tiny pearl fishing anchorage to the status of an international site of marketing, tourism and media. (http://shop.affilimedia.com/detail/modernism-and-the-middle-east). 2. MAIN BODY The transforming force in the Emirates was oil, which was discovered in 1966 in the Persian Gulf off the coast of Dubai. The first field was named Fateh or good fortune. The revenue was used by the then ruler Sheik Rashid al-Maktoum to begin the creation of modern Dubai. City planning was initiated by the simplest means. Sheik Rashid had a pickup truck loaded with empty oil barrels, which were dumped onto the sand to mark locations where he had chosen to begin a building project. Initially there was an emphasis on rivalry between the Emirates themselves. Trade towers and international airports were constructed in Sharjah and Abu Dhabi as well as in Dubai. Some of this attitude continued throughout the end of the 20th century. As a result the UAE with a total 31,976 square miles (roughly the size of the state of Maine) has 7 international airports. Located only 15 km (roughly 10 miles) from Dubai, overspending in Sharjah led to financial dependency on Saudi Arabia and a temporary curtailment of modernization during the last decade of the 20th century. (Sharjah Economic Update) Sheik Rashid avoided this economic error and exhibited his usual wisdom with the construction of the Jebel Ali free zone followed after his death by the development Port Rashid, which quickly made Dubai an entrepôt for goods moving from Pakistan, India and the Far East to the UAE and from there into other nations in the Middle East. Shoring up the oil revenue with broadly based commerce added considerably to funds available for development and continued to attract international financial capital and multinational businesses to Dubai. By 1990 the chief architectural attractions in Dubai were the Jumeirah Mosque, the Emirates Golf Club and the Trade Tower. The Trade tower was an isolated, pedestrian structure seemingly stranded in the desert around which swirled on windy days a sad collection of discarded plastic bags and other trash. The Mosque, a beautiful traditional example of medieval Fatimid style Islamic architecture is now open as a museum. Only at the golf course, and some uninspired buildings constructed for businesses like the Holiday Inn, Apple Computer and other international corporations, was there a hint of what Dubai would become in the future. The golf course itself was constructed by Karl Litten Overseas and quickly became a venue for the European PGA. Architecturally significant was the construction of the clubhouse, which was designed to resemble a bedouin tent. This was a deliberate attempt to capture the area's historical roots and the development and extension of the 120 acre green space of the 32-hole course was the beginning of the ecological alteration of the Emirates. Taking advantage of its location as a refuelling site for international airlines, the Government of Dubai made a conscious decision to build a five star hotel, Jebel Ali resort to encourage travellers to use the Emirates as a stop- over destination. The amenities provided by The resort (which was enlarged to include its own golf course and spa) was enhanced by the existing Emirates Golf Club, the Marina area, luxury shopping malls and tours into the desert. The nascent tourist industry was quickly extended to create expanded trade links with the Far East and Europe, which led to greatly increased business travel, which brought additional strength to the tourism industry.


Initially, in the rush to modernize Dubai, despite the advice of Sheikh Zayed who warned that " those who have no past can have no present or future," a major part of the Al Bastakiya district, which had been developed in the 1890's and settled by the wealthy merchant class, was destroyed in 1970 to make way for an office building. The remaining sections located on Dubai Creek were abandoned or turned into warehouses. Only a few buildings such as the Majlis Gallery were conserved. By 1989 the entire area was scheduled to be destroyed. Fortunately, this decision was opposed by various influential residents and what remained of the area was allowed to survive, though it was 2005 before a restoration project was inaugurated and the area was renamed the Al Fahidi historical district (Sambridge, 2015). At the beginning of the 21st century the current ruler Sheikh Muhammad al Maktoum and other " decision-makers, and top government officials started to demonstrate a stronger and more attentive interest in architecture, urban development projects and real estate investment." This concentration resulted in the development of architecture and urbanism in Dubai unparalleled in the Arabian Peninsula. What ensued in Dubai was an exuberance of building projects in an accelerated time frame never seen in the history of civilization. If the idea of constructing the best, tallest and most futuristic buildings was seen by some nations in the world as an attempt to gain recognition, rather than prudent decision making based on infrastructure needs, the outcome was no less spectacular, and initially the economic gain was no less significant (Salama and Wiedmann, 2013). In a conscious desire to combine the past with the present the construction of the Burj Dubai as the tallest building in the world was described by Sheikh Muhammad as a challenge. "If I see something impossible, I want to make it possible. We have to approach the future, not wait for the future to come to us." This more thoughtful approach embedded within the desire to be the home of such a gigantic construction project was exemplified by the slogan of "History Rises" attached to this exceptional symbol of self-confidence in Dubai. The building was designed "to bridge the gap between Islamic tradition and ultra-modern Western architecture." (Hall, 2005). With a ground pattern shaped like an Arabian desert lily and an external spiral construction, paying tribute to the Islamic symbolism of ascending toward heaven, the Burj Dubai was described as an investment in hope and optimism for the future. The Burj Dubai is the best known of buildings which makes reference to decorative principles that are pan-Islamic and applicable to all types of building elements, including calligraphy, geometry, floral patterns, as well as allusions to natural phenomena such as "the wind-blown sand dunes of the desert or the sanctuary of an oasis. Other structures refer to a way of life, seemingly passing beyond recall "including the dhows used for trade and pearl diving, or the tents of the nomadic Bedouins" (Artemel, 2013).


Figure 1: Dubai 1990 – 2105 In 2008 Dubai was caught in the Global Economic crisis, which upended the international banking industry. Over-expansion and a chain of fiscally irresponsible and in some cases corrupt practices led to the collapse of the financial underpinning of gargantuan building schemes, which had created the Emirate's glittering image. The construction of the Burj Dubai was one of dozens of extravagant projects, including Palm Jumeirah, Dubai Medyan City and Mohammed bin Rashid City, which were either totally or partially completed before the end of the first decade of the 21st century. Other projects like the World Islands remain largely uninhabited and in some parts in a deteriorating condition. Dozens of proposed structures were never realized or paused in mid construction. Lenders had erroneously assumed that Dubai World and Nakheel, two of the most important entrepreneurial entities were backed by the Dubai government, which stated later that it had never sponsored the debts of these firms. With the world economic crisis, Dubai, with a skyline which had been filled with a forest of cranes and a mountain of building materials assembled for what seemed to be limitless expansion, became mired in debt. The estimated total debt of $59 billion or nearly a quarter of the entire United Arab Emirates' federal Gross Domestic Product came close to destroying the economy of Dubai. . (Abocar and Kasolowsky 2010). So shattering was the financial downturn that the roads near Dubai airport were blocked by abandoned cars left behind by expatriates who had been employed in the construction industry. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 17

More than 2,550 vehicles were impounded between December 31, 2008 and March 2009 (Sengupta, 2014). At that point no one knew the magnitude of what was owed or the complexity of it. Eventually, with financial help from Abu Dhabi and four British banks, debt restructuring, and tighter government control on borrowing by the state-linked companies plus a general revival of the world economy, Dubai's parlous situation began to rebound. In gratitude for help from the senior Emirate, Burj Dubai was renamed Burj Khalifa in honor of Abu Dhabi's ruler and UAE President, Sheik Khalifa bin Zayed al Nahayan. (Abocar and Kasolowsky 2010). In the wake of the financial crisis Dubai focused on its "core operations of logistics and trade." On June 27, 2010 the Emirate opened the first section of the Al Maktoum International airport, which is a part of the interestingly named "Aerotropolis" - a shipping, air and road centre. (Kasarda, 2010). The entire complex known as Dubai World Central is nearly twice the size of Hong Kong Island. The location is estimated to be the future home of 900,000 people. “National airlines are leading a new stage in the global aviation sector. The UAE’s target is to connect the world together and to become the new commercial hub in the centre of the world,” said Sheikh Mohammed in reference to the opening of the airport and the expansion of Emirates Airlines (Emirates 247, 2013). Emaar Properties, once owned entirely by the Government of Dubai and which is now partially a publicly owned stock company, signed an agreement in 2013 with Dubai World Central (DWC), to develop a central golf course community, shopping malls, hotels and other sports complexes which are now in planning or construction stages to support the selection of Dubai as the site of World Expo 2020. These projects focus on brining to reality the EXPO themes of "Mobility, Sustainability and Opportunity" (Lohade, 2014). Tourism and increasing the viability of the Emirate as a finance, media and information hub are now visualized as the ongoing and more stable sources of Dubai's wealth. As of 2015 Dubai has made a remarkable recovery. In one instance, Marina 101 on which work was halted in 2006 will be completed in late 2015 with the 21st tallest building in Dubai. In addition to rejuvenated complexes and, as previously mentioned, new groups of remarkable construction projects, Dubai has captured a large share of the world's tourist revenue though an ambitious program of continued contemporary construction and a new emphasis on preserving it's past (sheffieldholdings.com). The leadership in Dubai has tried "to take advantage of this raised level of attention, illustrating to the world the rapid development of the Emirate, as a high level of modernization, but at the same time it without shying away from its identity and heritage." The government of Dubai "promotes entrepreneurship, curtailment of bureaucracy and corruption, and modernization, but with respect for heritage, culture and roots." Though the marketing strategy in the region has been pragmatically based, the renewed global interest in Islam and Arabic culture, and the attention that Dubai gets as a rapidly modernizing global hub in the Middle East is understood as a means of maintaining and publicizing its identity and heritage. Working toward turning Khor Dubai into a World Heritage Site, the Dubai's Department of Tourism and Commerce Marketing (DTCM), in collaboration with Dubai Municipality and Dubai Culture, plans to improve and develop Dubai's Historical District, the oldest part of the city located around Dubai Creek. The project will transform the area into the leading culture and heritage centre in the region, focusing on trade, crafts and the pearling industry. The desire for preservation has been transformed from a desultory process to an understanding that the Historical District and Khor Dubai "are the soul of the city" and that these areas define the cultural legacy and heritage of the Emirate (Isenstadt and Rizvi, eds. 2008).


This focus on cultural tourism has become a major factor in attracting visitors to Dubai. The complex process will ultimately include more than 60 projects, including the Al Shindagha Museum and the continued development of the large open-air historic district including Al Fahidi For and Al Sabkha along the Creek. These improvements are designed to enhance the experience of the projected 25,000,000 visitors expected for the 2020 Expo. A chief aim is to complete the prolonged process involved in obtaining the permission of UNESCO to register the area as a World Heritage site (UNESCO, 2014). Dubai Aviation City Corporation (DACC) was established to build and manage Dubai World Central (DWC); a $33 billion airport-centred set of cities under development 25 miles south of downtown Dubai. Anchored by the new Al Maktoum International Airport, which is being completed in stages, DWC will include logistics office towers, aviation-related industry, hotels, a megamall, golf course, and housing for 40,000 on-site workers. Dubai’s aerotropolis is the world’s largest; situated perfectly between the East and West. As many new non-aeronautical activities are anchored around Al Makhtoum International, the airport city as a "postmodern transit-oriented development is rapidly taking shape." Along with other pioneers such as Shannon, Schiphol, Singapore, Pittsburgh, Frankfurt, Dallas/Fort Worth, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur and Seoul, Dubai "has blazed the path for this 21st century urban form" (Emirates 247, 2013). The 2020 EXPO theme is “Connecting Minds, Creating the Future”, which emphasizes the "powerful spirit of partnership and co-operation" which has led the UAE, and Dubai in particular, to remarkable and pioneering pathways in commerce, architecture and preservation (EXPO 2020, 2015). 3. CONCLUSION Dubai has been able to maintain its Islamic identity and heritage whilst at the time globalizing its economy. After an uncertain start, development in Dubai has not been "a matter of tourism dollars supporting the rest of the economy at the cost of losing the identity and authenticity of place, as in many developing nations." Instead the income from oil and increasingly income from trade and foreign investment, which "are reinvested in infrastructural projects in order to diversify the economy," have created the opportunity to preserve much of the local heritage. Thanks to a farsighted idea of urban development, oil revenues and a determined marketing plan, Dubai has expanded by 2015 into an architectural showplace, which reflects both modern design and a salute to its Arab heritage. Dubai exemplifies "how architectural and urban identities are constructed through allegorical representations that speak to the past and aspire to the future."(Salama and Wiedmann, 2013). Over time even the weather in Dubai has altered as a result of the ever-changing skyline of the Emirate. Not the dire predictions of Global warming but more subtle variations brought about by the greening of the landscape. In Dubai, making the desert bloom is not a metaphor but a reality. In 1990 where once the terrain was largely red sandy desert, the area is now scattered with numerous golf courses, parks, roadside plantings, gardens and leafy enclaves. Although there are still only a few rainy days, fog and even snow have come to Dubai. Species of birds once uncommon in the area are attracted to the lakes and fountains. As the Mumbai poet Sanober Khan writes, “moonlight disappears down the hills and mountains vanish into fog" and in the climate of change, both architectural and ecological, the towers of the new Dubai are sometimes shrouded in ethereal mist ( Zulfiqar, 2015).


Figure 2: Fog covered Dubai Skyline: Burj Khalifa in the background. References Abocar, A. and Kasolowsky, R. (2010). "How Dubai Got Serious" in Reuters. Artemel, A. J. (2013). “Enough with the Regional Architecture" in Design Boom Architecture. Botros, M. (2015). "Fire at Torch Tower in Dubai Marina" in Gulf News. Emaar Financials (2011). "2010 Annual Report". EXPO 2020 Dubai (2015). Offical Site. Available at http://expo2020dubai.ae/en/ Hall, I. (2005). "Dubai Reaches for the Sky" in BBC. Hefferman. J. (2015). "Sharjah Economic Update" in Sharjah Budget. Isenstadt, S. and Rizvi, K. eds. (2008). Modernism and the Middle East: Architecture and Politics in the Twentieth Century. USA: University of Washington Press. Kasarda, J. (2010)."The Way Forward" in Global Airport Cities. Lohade, N. (2014). "Emaar's Retail Unit IPO Plan Draws Cheers" in Wall Street Journal. Nursanty, E. (2012). Architecture and Tourism. Salama, A. and Wiedmann, F. (2013). Evolving urbanism of cities on the Arabian Peninsula. Open House International. Sambridge, A. (2015). "Revealed: Plans for Dubai Historical District" in Construction on line. Sengupta, A. (2014). "Cars Abandoned at Dubai Airport" in Gulf News. Issued in 25 June 2014 Emirates (2013). UAE's target to become world's commercial hub. UNESCO (2014). Documents WHC-14/38.COM/8B and WHC-14/38.COM/INF.8B1. Zulfiqur, A. (2015), Dubai Shrouded in Clouds. Dubai: Flashy.


II Conference Papers Part 1: Modernity and tradition: Approaches and practices in urban design; comparative analysis of contemporary and traditional approaches

Amman, from Village to Metropolis Kamal Jalouqa1, a 1 a

Industrial Professor of Spatial Planning, German Jordanian University [email protected]

ABSTRACT: Amman is a city with a long history dating back to the stone-age, Hellenistic-Roman, and Islamic periods. It was turned into ruins for almost five centuries, and resettled by Circassian immigrants in 1876. The city has been developing its story since then; first as a village of peasants and small crafts and some trade, then as a centre for administration and trade and as a capital of the Emirate of Transjordan (1923) and the capital of the Kingdom of Jordan (1946). Today, it is a metropolis of over two and half million inhabitants. This paper studies this development in terms of urban development, economic roles, social stratification and ethnic composition as well as its role in the international system of world and regional metropolis. The main hypothesis of this paper suggests that all development witnessed in Amman could mainly be attributed to regional and international trends. Starting from a decision by the Ottoman administration to inhabit the area between Damascus and Ma’an, en-route of the anticipated Hedjaz railway, to the establishment of Arab states under the rule of invading western powers, in the places vacated by the Ottomans at the end of WWI, to the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, and the expulsion of the Palestinian population who settled as refugees in neighbouring states, to the creation of the new Middle East with all the ambitions and agony it has brought together, to the Neoliberal city movement and its repercussions on local intelligentsia and urban stakeholders and dwellers of the city in general. The author uses his extensive experience as an urban planner for over forty years in explaining this journey of the city, with illustrative examples, maps and photographs, and research material implemented locally or throughout the region. KKEYWORDS: Urban, Social, Regional, Politics. INTRODUCTION: Economic and social change in urban areas has an impact on civil society and political expression, and on shaping the urban space altogether. Cities, as the core of development are increasingly dependent in their interaction with the global economy, but at the same time to survive, they must have a solid relationship with their local society and its inherent interests, and with the forces of change in their hinterland or the wider region in which they exist. Thus political mechanisms, democracy and participation are also key aspects of city management and urban life. Pressures on planning come from both the need to integrate city economies with global forces and from the need to integrate fragmented interests within the city. City competition and the penetration of international institutions add to the challenges facing city leaders and the local stakeholders. There are differing accounts of how governance is being reshaped. World cities are the sites at which the ‘post-national’ state is constructed, and places that generate distinctive politics, including neighbourhood versus world class culture, immigration and citizenship rights, and sustainability. Different political theories shed light on this new state of urban politics. From a regulation theory perspective, cities are seen as increasingly polarised and governments changed by fiscal crisis and entrepreneurialism. Differences between cities include the extent to which there is a broad mobilisation of local


actors in processes of government. Amman is a good example to demonstrate the role of regional factors and world trends in shaping the local urban scale and fabric.

Figure 1: Amman before the arrival of the Circassians, in 1865 the location had only a few ruins from Roman and Islamic times, and no sign of a settled population. The picture is taken by a missionary expedition from the Amman citadel looking south-east.

THE RE-BIRTH OF AMMAN: Amman, the capital city of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the land of Jordan in general has been a destination, for the last century and a half, to many of those who lost security and livelihood in their historical homelands. First Circassians, the historical people of the North Caucasus, lost their homeland in 1864 to the Russian Empire after a fierce struggle that lasted for a century and took more than a million lives from the defending side only. They were forced to leave their homeland to the lands of the Ottoman Empire, travelling overland and on the Black Sea and in numbers nearing half a million inhabitants. The Ottoman government was not prepared to serve and settle these human influxes that outnumbered its expectations. Survivors of this deadly journey reached Amman in the autumn of 1868, and settled in the caves across the valley and in enclaves of ruins, remnant of the Roman period. Upon arrival, they started to organise their lives and used stones collected from the ruins, mud and straw to build modest houses in the style they were used to in their homeland, with some refinements that suited their new habitat. They were the first to inhabit the valleys of Amman in five centuries. Life started developing in the small agricultural village, and social stratification was dependent on tribal strata. In some cases, feudal classes that the Circassians brought with them from their homeland. The first arrivals were from the Shapsough people who lived on the shores of the Black Sea, and had a kind of loose democratic social system. Following this, came the Qabardans, who had a feudal class based social system, then the Abzahs and few families of the Abazines, who were more in the middle between the two social structures. They all spoke Adigebze which is Circassian, but with different dialects, often not fully inter-conversable. Each family was given a piece of land of about ten hectares to grow wheat and barley and other crops, a smaller lot of about 500m2 in the village to build a house and orchards, and a further smaller lot of 30-50m2 by the stream to grow some vegetables for household needs. Some craftsmen such as blacksmiths, carpenters, gold and silver smiths and small shops were opened to serve the local populations, and these craft shops gradually grew in numbers to serve the surrounding areas, which were mainly inhabited by semi nomadic Arab tribes.


This was the situation in Amman till the turn of the twentieth century, and those who started to trade and interact with the Circassians and live in Amman, had to learn their language and adapt to their life style. In 1903 the construction works of the Hedjaz railroad en-route to Medina and Mecca reached Amman and many Circassians were employed in the construction work as labourers, craftsmen, transporters and in maintaining the security of the work sites. At this time (after 1915) craftsmen and tradesmen from other areas like Palestine and Lebanon and some Armenians started to come and settle in Amman. In general these new settlers were renting a room and a small yard from Circassian families, and only after they accumulated some wealth did they start building their own houses on small plots purchased from Circassian families within the village, as it was deemed unsafe to build on the outskirts or in separate secluded quarters. EARLY CITY LIFE 1916-1930: During the First World War, Amman was a little town of about 5,000 inhabitants. It had a municipality, an army post, a busy train station with lots of military haulage and movement of troops. It had a population which was a mix of Circassians and trading families from Salt, Nablus, and some Syrians, and a strategic location which had to be defended by the TurkishGerman alliance, and should have been taken by the British, Anzac side. In other words, a battle had to be fought at Amman, and the population caught in the cross-fire. The major battle for Amman took place in two stages: ‘The First Battle of Amman was fought from 27 to 31 March 1918 during the First Transjordan attack on Amman of the Sinai and Palestine Campaign of the First World War. The 60th (London) Division and the Anzac Mounted Division attacked the Ottoman garrison at Amman deep in enemy occupied territory, 30 miles (48 km) from their front line, after capturing Es Salt and Shunet Nimrin. The Egyptian Expeditionary Force (EEF) was successfully counterattacked by Ottoman Empire forces, forcing them to retreat back to the bridgeheads captured on the Jordan River’ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Battle_of_Amman). Although the people of Amman did not join the fighting for either side, some men with oxen wagons helped in the transportation, and some even worked as suppliers of food and other staff to the Turkish and German armies, such as elders from the author’s family who acted as contractors to supply food for the German army units allied to the Ottomans. Families were taken to the numerous caves for protection, and men were organised as civil defenses, such as maintaining security of the property, fire brigades and the like. When the city was finally captured in September after fierce fighting of both the attacking and defending armies over several campaigns, the civilians were relieved, and had to depend on the captured army’s supplies for their livelihood. After the war, the occupying powers did not interfere much in the life of the civilians, except in helping to organise some kind of governance which took care of security and furbishing necessary services. Municipalities remained the major institutions at this early stage, and the municipality of Amman got its first non-Circassian mayor who helped in mediating with other government bodies to establish a unified administration based on Pan-Arab ambitions, especially after the French had occupied Syria and put an end to the Arab state under King Faisal. Many nationalists and normal civilians had to flee Damascus and settle in Amman, making Amman the centre of Pan-Arabism, and the mayor of Amman at the time sent a plea on behalf of Jordanian nationalists calling Prince Abdullah, the younger brother of King Faisal to come to Amman and establish a Hashemite rule.


At this stage affluent tradesmen began to gain power in local politics and many purchased land from their former land lords at the hilltops to build fancy houses using stone facades and employing craftsmen and builders from Nablus, Safad and Lebanon. For about a decade these hilltop villas were not serviced with running water or paved roads, as the municipality lacked a plan for future expansion of the city. The rich and powerful tried to build on locations overlooking the city centre mainly at Jabal Amman, Jabal Lluweibdeh and a few built at Jabal Jofeh. Other new settlers like the Armenians and migrants from other parts of Jordan who were employed by the army or government or in crafts settled the in foothills of Al-Qal’a, Ashrafiyya, Nadief and into the wadis (valleys). The city centre where the Circassian village once took place started to develop as a commercial and administrative quarter, with residential plots turned into commercial buildings, schools and offices. At this stage government services started to develop and Amman had its first (so to say) plan in 1938, which was drafted by the British administrator of Lands and Surveys and accepted by the municipal council. According to this plan roads were widened to allow for the movement of motorcars, and zoning regulations were introduced for buildings of different land use categories. The politics of planning and the role of the urban elite also began to take shape at this stage, with wealthy merchants and senior civil servants taking the lead. As the government had little income and many mouths to feed, merchants started to take the role of the government in donating for building of private schools and health care facilities and even supplying cash to the government when needed. This trend and the role of the local elite was clearly influenced by what is argued to be a transformation of citizenship, and the urban elite trying to influence the directions of urban growth and establish themselves as a reference in local politics. Shami states her view on the formation of the Ammani elite as follows: "Who are Amman’s bourgeoisie? In which practices of inclusion and exclusion do they engage? The 1940s to 1950s is a good transitional period to explore, since in many ways it sets the stage and also shows what might have been. Amman of that day was a town of around 30,000 inhabitants and the capital of the British Mandate state of Transjordan ruled by the Hashemite Emir Abdullah...the complex relationships between the merchant class and the state/palace as one of mutual constitution. Emir Abdullah encouraged the influx of merchants and attempted to draw them away from the city of Salt, whose elites had rejected Hashemite rule. On their part, individual merchants financed the Emir through nonreturnable loans when the British subsidy fell short of his needs for distributing largesse. They also donated (“cheerfully” according to a British observer) to the building of hospitals and schools and other public works. The chamber of commerce was created as early as 1923, and merchants had also formed a social club called the “Tuesday Club” and met in each other’s homes to discuss affairs of the day. When Sharif Hussein (Emir Abdullah’s father) came to visit Amman, one of the merchants contributed to the welcome parade by building a metal, though somewhat skeletal, “triumphal arch” over one of the main streets of downtown." (Shami, S. 2004) The Circassians, who owned most property in and around the city, gradually withdrew from influencing the urban trends and public affairs, because of their reluctance to work in trade, and preferred to work in the army, the public service and in farming their extensive land property. Their representation in the municipality which they themselves have established back in 1909 was mainly symbolic, and only two of Amman’s mayors in this period were of Circassian origin. Their representation in the government and close ties with the Emir, though, gave them some influence in the regional politics, and some Circassians played a prominent role in establishing political movements and parties. (Saeed Al-Mufti-Habjouqa, was mayor and the


first prime minister of East Jordanian origin. Shamseddin Sami was a political leader and an anti-British activist, to give examples). AMMAN 1940-1970: World War II was good for the merchants of Amman, and their prosperity began to mark and structure the city in a new way. A study in the mid-1980’s documented 140 villas (3) of affluent merchants from that period that are still standing in Amman. This was while many of Amman’s 30,000 inhabitants were engaged in agriculture and living in simple one story courtyard style houses. The distinctive personality of the merchant class was clearly being inscribed in space through a new architecture and the creation of elite neighbourhoods, slowly drawing away from the core settlement in the valley and up the surrounding hills. Although the state marked space in its capital city, few of the plans and schemes that it embarked on, were accompanied by attempts at constructing a hegemonic narrative or story of Amman as a city or as a capital. State planning for Amman is generally marked by technocratic considerations and by global, rather than local or national narratives. State-driven attempts to reshape Amman and affect its outward appearance and use of space are attempts toward integrating it into meta-narratives that evoke different worlds from Western modernity. Shami concludes that “While the discourses about Amman have been and continue to be fragmentary, contradictory, and resistant to institutionalization, this does not mean that contestations over space are non-existent or unimportant”. Regardless of how they figure in discursive practices, the making of cities always takes place through struggles over space, struggles that manifest themselves in different locales and are undertaken by different segments of the population. As many have argued, one can read the landscape of power, as political struggles (whether class, ethnic, or national), that will manifest themselves as struggles over space. As Soja states, “spatial fragmentation as well as the appearance of spatial coherence and homogeneity are social products and often are [an] integral part of the instrumentality of political power.” In Amman, struggles among segments of the population over space have constantly been appropriated by or delegated to the state, which becomes the site of the dominant struggle in the urban process. One of the significant manifestations of this segregation of social and economic structures could be seen in the labelling of two separate Amman’s; West Amman, where those better offs live and interact; and East Amman, the underprivileged parts of the city with overcrowding, poor services and lesser incomes for individuals and families. Although many state policies deny the existence of such a division, Ammanis and even researchers like Ababsah (4) who have studied the phenomenon, can give you many examples that they do exist. As Ababsah state; “Cities like Amman are not among the prototypes which have for a long time provided and continue to provide the models for theories of urbanism. The particularities of Amman defy standard generalizations about the historical formation of cities, urban morphologies, population structures, political economy, or the social and cultural dynamics of class, community, and family. In all these topics, there is an uneasy fit between the data from Amman and governing paradigms. It is commonplace among both scholars and residents of Amman to attribute this “lack of fit” to a “missing” ingredient of Amman itself, to a crisis arising from some inherent lack of urbanity. The approach taken here shows the city as constantly changing, absorbing, and responding to spatial and social practices, state policies, and transnational linkages. How the city


is constituted in official and popular discourses and practices may not reproduce the scholarly obsessions of a different urban heyday, but undoubtedly illustrate the profound modernity of the city that is Amman.” (Ababsah, M. 2011) The Jordanian government and urban policy makers have realised that the division between the urban poor and well off urbanite, the formal and planned and the informal and illegal, cannot be overlooked, and may lead to social unrest and economic stagnation if left untreated. For that the government initiated an urban development scheme to be implemented in Amman and other cities, where the informal and the most severely poorly serviced sites were selected for intervention with the help from the World Bank. After thirty years of urban upgrading and renewal, Amman continues to be characterized by strong contrasts between poor, highly populated neighbourhoods where unemployment rates are high, and neighbourhoods primarily located in the west but also in the north-west and south west, where the active population is greater, the level of education better and buildings and infrastructure are more developed. Maps produced on the block level allow us to draw a dividing line between East and West neighbourhoods within the city of Amman. West Amman extends from Jabal Amman to Khalda and is bordered in the north by Wadi Hadadeh and in the South by Wadi Deir Ghbar. East Amman covers Amman’s historical centre, and more than half of the city with its North and South expansions. One can only regret that the new property developments underway only focus on limited areas within the city: Abdali and the Eastern development belt, leaving large overpopulated areas under-equipped, and lacking in social housing and centres of employment. The Community Development Fund created in 2008 from the taxing of additional floors of the tower blocks built within the development corridors is in fact very rarely used for social housing projects, due to a lack of coordination between GAM (Greater Amman Municipality) and the HUDC (Housing and Urban Development Corporation). It is therefore regrettable that the new social housing built by the HUDC under the Royal initiative of housing the poor, is located outside the urban centres, in the desert, thus depriving its inhabitants of part of their “rights to the city” and its amenities. 1990-2010 AND BEYOND, AMMAN A REGIONAL METROPOLIS: Amman was again a centre of attraction for many people in countries surrounding Jordan. Those displaced from Kuwait after its invasion by Iraq, who soon after were given great compensations for their loss of property and opportunity, and reinvested their savings and compensation money in Jordan, especially in real estate and small and large scale trade and manufacturing. Iraqi’s who had to flee their country after the US sanctions, and occupation in 2003, also came to Jordan with huge savings, which they invested in real estate, trade and manufacturing as Jordan became a hub for supplying Iraq with goods and services. So did the Syrians after the conflict in their country since 2011. The shape of urban development in Amman started to take a more global character, and modern urban facilities like shopping malls and exquisite cafés and restaurants started to spread, especially in the Western parts of the city. A lack of advanced health services in other parts of the region also led to the development of health tourism in Jordan, and many modern hospitals and clinics were created to serve this purpose. Amman with all this development started to demonstrate itself as a destination for investment, safe family residence and a centre for good westernised health and education, attracting many people from the region who lacked personal security and urban services in their home countries, as well as for rich investors from the Gulf States. It was natural that the city needed to change its urban shape and readiness for providing a good urban life and infrastructure, but limited financial resources available for the government and municipal administrations made these bodies stand below expectations. One example of this lack of


readiness in providing up-to-standard urban infrastructure could be seen in the “Rapid Bus Transit” project which was started a decade ago and has still not achieved an operational stage up to this date. The role of Amman's inhabitants in the making of the city, came not through formal representation and committees, nor through negotiations over public space and facades, but rather through strategizing to lay claims on privatized spaces. In the case of West Amman, this leads to inefficient municipal infrastructure, trying to keep a pace with ambitions of the emerging bourgeois and better off urbanites. In East Amman, the poorer parts of the city, state power plays itself out in a different way. Here the state is part of people's daily lives as they struggle to gain access to services as well as cope with the benefits and problems demonstrated by a variety of urban projects; from squatter upgrading to sites and services, to housing projects and income-generating schemes. Most of the urban projects in Amman are funded through foreign aid, channeled and implemented through governmental agencies and, increasingly, through NGOs. While these are important projects shaping Amman, they do not generate an Ammani narrative. Rather, in keeping with general urban practices aimed at the poor, they partake of global discourses on planning, rationality, and hygiene. The power of the Bourgeoisie could also be displayed by their ability to meet municipal officials, or even the mayor without taking a pre-set appointment. The author once made a statement which generated a lot of uploads from a mixed audience; That an influential figure, like a prominent merchant or a tribal chief could drop into the Mayor's office without any appointment and converse with him for more than an hour on various matters, squeeze his claim in between, and mostly gets what he wanted and came for. While, a population of a poor neighbourhood must work for a month to get an appointment to lay a rightful claim for much needed urban services, and if they succeed in getting an appointment, it will be with one of the Municipality principals, not the mayor himself.

Figure 2: An artist’s impression of the Abdali project showing the immense scale in comparison to the surrounding urban fabric.

Apartmentisation of Amman, as contrary to single family houses is the state of residential development since 15-20 years. Despite the law provision which allows for buildings to be built up to four stories, people in Jordan did not like the idea of sharing the same building with others. Instead families preferred to live in separate houses or buildings which house several families of the same kinship. When the government built the first multi-storey housing scheme in the late 1960's (Al-Hussein housing) and later in the 1970's (Abu Nusseir), people were


reluctant to move in. Their perception was that these houses penetrate privacy and force families to share space with foreigners, in this case families from other parts of Jordan. But wherever you go today, you see new apartment buildings erected and people buying them without asking who lives next door. The reason for this is purely economic and social. Families, even from the wealthy, or upper middle class could no longer afford to buy a plot and construct a single family house on it. This trend has been advocated for many years by planners as a necessity against urban sprawl and for the sake of densification of population which allows for the introduction of public transport and provision of effective infrastructure. But has the trend served these purposes of densification and efficiency? Not really! In former years municipalities including Amman considered the single storey villa with a car at the door to be the desired model for Jordanian families (a trend which may be attributed to the suburbanization period of the United States in the 1960’s), and the zoning plans prepared in the 1960-1970's were mostly intended to serve this dream. Todays, the zoned areas of Greater Amman can accommodate a population of 12 million if utilised by 50% of the carrying capacity for a population in the region of 2.25 million, as estimated by the Greater Amman comprehensive Plan of 1987. And, most lands in the western, northern and southern parts are zoned in housing category A and B intended to serve upper middle class and wealthy families. This contradicts the social and economic reality that families of this category only constitute 7-10 per cent of the total, a serious contradiction. Neoliberal trends in urban development and the new waves of creating an urban atmosphere suited for attracting foreign and regional investment has led to a change in defining urban priorities, and the latest Amman Metropolitan Development Plan of 2008 (GAM Metroplan) came out mainly as a document geared at attracting foreign investment rather than a plan of integrated urban development. The development of Abdali, a Dubai like business and high end residential quarter, and provisions of the Metroplan for similar development along selected corridors are only examples of this trend. CONCLUSION: Amman and Jordan have so far survived the violent outcomes of the so called Arab spring. Survivors from the surrounding countries fled to Jordan in large numbers and put tremendous pressure on government resources and urban infrastructure. This situation has formerly been repeated every 10-20 years and Amman is used to it, and habitually became quite adaptive to the situation by the nature that its foundation and growth has been through influxes of migrants, making it the “City of Migrants”, as scholars often called it. But Amman did not only receive migrants in sheer numbers, it also receives capital, knowledge and skills that come with the migrants. The development of the city depended on this flow of the combined forces of migration which had its origins in political and cultural conflicts in neighbouring countries. Conflicts that these countries failed to cope with, which paved the way to armed confrontation and destruction. Being a comparatively open society, Jordan was also receptive and welcoming to international trends and developments in science and technology, and exchange of goods and ideas needed by Globalisation. These developments were not possible without the active role played by the urban elite, mainly in Amman, as they have always been the driving force behind change in the right direction, for their own benefit and for the benefit of the society at large. The role of the Ammani urban elite unfortunately did not contribute to the development of urban society to the level that generates integrated and extensive urban development, and large portions of Amman’s population still suffer from cultural exclusion and limited access to a fair share in the development pie. It is the role of planners and institutions to work hard to ensure that under-privileged portions of the Amman society receive a fair share in quality housing,


cheap and accessible transportation, sanitation and green space, and over all respect as partners in the urban space.

References Shami, S. (2004). Amman is not a City, Middle eastern Cities in Question. Rifai, T. (1985). Old Houses of Amman, University of Jordan Works of Architectural Students. Ababsa, M. (2011). Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman", HAL Archives. GAM (1987). The Greater Amman comprehensive Development Plan, Joint Technical Team Amman Municipality and Dar Al-Handasah Consultants. GAM (2008). The Greater Amman Metropolitan Development Plan – Metroplan, Greater Amman Municipality. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Battle_of_Amman Various Contributions, lectures and observations presented by the author


Towards considering the culture of residents in urban development interventions: The case of Cairo Ashwa’eyat (Informal settlements) Dr. Hassan Elmouelhi1, a, Azzurra Sarnataro2, b 1

Research associate, Habitat Unit, Berlin Technical University PhD candidate, La Sapienza University, Rome a [email protected] b [email protected] 2

ABSTRACT Cairo’s informal settlements or “Ashwa’eyat” (in Arabic meaning random or haphazard) represent one dominant form of Cairo’s growth during the last few decades. Despite being illegal, and with informal and unplanned characteristics, ashwa’eyat still exists, grow and develop; built by the hands of their residents. Daily life in Cairo’s informal settlements denotes several connotations and representations of the residents’ social and cultural aspects. Such aspects could be considered the main catalyst for the local urban informal development of each of the areas. Physical urban Interventions led by urban planners, whether by the government or international development cooperation organizations, try to find methodologies for approaching communities targeted with development. In most cases, they get in contact with NGOs or CBOs who already exist in the targeted development zone, in order to get into the area. But NGOs do not represent the various groups of residents in an area, as the process of local governance takes place even without the existence of NGOs. On a daily basis local informal governance is represented in the use patterns of urban space, expressing power relations that define different roles in the development process. These power relations are an outcome of different cultural factors that form a constellation with a certain order of prominence (Elmouelhi 2014). The order of prominence among those factors change according to the time of intervention and the phase which the area has reached, whether it is in its initial, consolidation or commodification phase (Elmouelhi 2014). Following a number of authors who stress the importance of considering local specificities when applying planning categories and conceptualisations (Watson 2003, Robinson 2002, Elsayyad 1993) and what Roy has called “subaltern urbanism” (Roy 2011) this contribution tries to investigate how to understand different systems of local governance coexistence in contexts of urban informality and how to understand the way “informal” governance is performed in order to guide urban planners in their decisions. In addition, the way the local residents prioritize their needs regarding their built environment is also discussed in this contribution. Through a qualitative approach and fieldwork-based research that has taken place between 2009 and 2015, the paper attempts to cross the complexity of a territory, which is characterised by a multiform identity. Based on fieldwork in several case studies within Cairo’s Ashwa’eyat areas, this contribution proposes that understanding the socio-cultural factors behind the use patterns of space, the informal urban development of ashwa’eyat, and power relations in that context, would help the urban development intervention to act in a more appropriate way and would increase the possibilities for success. Keywords: Culture, urban informality, urban space, Cairo. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 32

1. INTRODUCTION: RE-FRAMING CAIRO’S ‘ASHWA’EYAT: Cairo’s informal settlements or “Ashwa’eyat” (in Arabic meaning random or haphazard) represents one dominant form of Cairo’s growth during the last few decades. Despite being illegal, and with informal and unplanned characteristics, ashwa’eyat still exists, grow and develop; built by the hands of their residents. Ashwa’eyat, represent the informal areas in Cairo, which are generally perceived as chaotic urban spaces outside the formal system, with no order or rules. Based on the findings of this research however, these areas should be reframed as a product of interaction between different actors – mainly the residents and their cultural factors and power relations among each other – as well as the urban physical characteristics. The research starts by aiming to understand the relation between ‘ashwa’eyat informal development and culture. Taking it another step, the research works at exploring how the interrelation between the urban physical characteristics and the cultural factors produce the informal urban development process. The research assumes that urban informality in the case of Cairo consists of two parts: the use of urban space and the process of informal urban development. Cultural factors are used to analyze both parts, and interrelations have been shown. However, the term ‘ashwa’eyat- meaning randomly built areasonly represents the final product form, and does not reflect the nature or complexity of the process. 2. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODOLOGY: Through a qualitative approach and fieldwork-based research that has taken place between 2009 and 2015, the paper attempts to cross the complexity of a territory, which is characterised by a multiform identity. This contribution tries to investigate how to understand different systems of local governance coexistence in contexts of urban informality and how to understand the way “informal” governance is performed in order to guide urban planners in their decisions. In addition, the way the local residents prioritize their needs regarding their built environment is also discussed in this contribution. Culture here is important for governance, as defined to be the controlling mechanisms that govern behaviors (Geertz 1973). According to certain urban physical characteristics as criteria, which are the location, type of land and ownership, and time of immergence, five case study areas are selected. The two main cases are: Ezbet El-Haggana and Ezbet EL-Nasr, while the additional reference cases are: Istabl Antar, Ezbet El-Nakhl and Ain El-Sira. Empirical research is presented and analysed using Grounded Theory. The qualitative methods for this investigation are: observation, photograph analysis, mapping and semi-structured interviews. Based on fieldwork research, it was possible to identify a set of cultural factors pertaining to Upper Egyptians that define their values and that – this research argues - shaped the informal urban development in Cairo. These factors are: 1- Origin; 2- Religion; 3- Relation to urban economy (e.g., profession and income); and 4- Relation to urban society (i.e., government, residents of formal Cairo districts, modern Cairo urban lifestyle, media, political transformation and revolution). The research uses the studied cultural factors to analyze; the residents’ use patterns of urban space; the informal urbanization process; and the power relations among ‘ashwa’eyat residents. According to the evidence found in Cairo’s case study areas, Urban Informality is the result of informal urban development processes of which the use of urban space is an intrinsic and crucial component. Both the development process and the use of space reflect residents’ culture (i.e., cultural factors) as a part of their daily life. Urban informality is a way by which the residents, as the main actors in the city, find a mechanism to exist in the city, and to provide Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 33

themselves with houses and means for earning money. It reflects the needs of the residents, based on their own culture, and fits in with the urban physical characteristics. For the Ashwa’eyat residents informality becomes the ordinary. It carries many dualities and sometimes contradictions, and contains a considerable amount of complexity. 3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT AS AN “ORDINARY” CULTURALLY ACCEPTED WAY OF LIFE: It is argued in this research that Cairo’s Informality, with a focus on ‘ashwa’eyat is expressed through urban space and explained through the residents’ cultural factors. Urban informality as a means for people to find ways to fulfill what they need – regardless of its position according to the official laws – is not the main motive itself, but rather an outcome that is more important to be accepted within their own values stemming from their culture (i.e., cultural factors). In this stream of thought, several points are revisited and reframed regarding Cairo’s informality. The notion of informality as a “new” way of life (AlSayyad, 2004) or considering it as a chosen option (Bayat, 2012) needs to be more explored and revised. In the case of Cairo, it is mostly perceived by the formal entities as activities that do not follow the formal system (mainstream) (Bayat 2012), which is partially equivalent to the legal and legitimate system. Referring to this notion of informality as being different from “mainstream”, informality could be perceived only in comparison to the formal way of doing actions – the normal way for the formal district’s residents. The research shows that informality within the ‘ashwa’eyat is the “ordinary” or the mainstream (Elmouelhi 2014). This points to the argument that Cairo’s informality in ‘ashwa’eyat has roots in “traditions”: it refers to the way things were done some decades ago in the rural areas, or in other older popular areas, which includes the conception of building houses. People make unintentional use of urban space, because it simply fulfills their needs and matches their values coming from their cultural factors. This is accompanied by the weakness of the formal system; the absence - or ineffectiveness- of laws that are supposed to regulate it. In some cases the laws are there, but they are not observed or enforced. The state is unable to control this due to its soft state. Informality could be, in the case of some cities – like Cairoequivalent to traditional, which is the way people used to do things before the modern state emerged taking the role of control and organization through laws and regulations. During modern history of Cairo (the 20th century), the so-called informal activities were the “norm”. In the case of the state’s absence and its missing role, local informal institutions, such as NGOs, mosques and churches, family connections, provide services to the residents that substitute the role of government. Persons who have acquired a certain amount of power based on the discussed cultural factors act as leaders to the residents, and regulate several daily issues, such as conflict resolution between groups or persons. Hence, life in the ‘ashwa’eyat is about creating a living for themselves through the synthesis of cultural factors that interact together to form their ordinary life; shown in the use of urban space, or the so-called informality. As a substitution to the formal regulations, cultural factors are the main source of the set of values and regulations. The two cultural factors, origin (Upper Egypt, and may be also rural delta) and religion, exist in the place of origin and are carried with the migrants to the place of destination in the city. They interact and sometimes struggle with their relation to urban economy and relation to urban society.


4. USE OF URBAN SPACE: SOCIAL COHESION - A EVERYDAY NECESSITY FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Use of urban space in Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat is normally described using the term “informal”. Cultural factors are expressed in the urban space by the residents through the use patterns, forming a part of the so-called urban informality. Most probably, when there is no law that bans or prohibits a certain activity in a space – as far as it is not against the collective values or beliefs – then those activities can occur. A clear example for this could be sitting in the street in front of one’s house. In the formal planned, higher standard districts some patterns do exist, and in others it would be rarely observed. In the rural context, use of space is considered by villagers to be a normal or ordinary activity. In Cairo’s popular formal districts, it is also easily observed in “hara” - the streets. Most ‘ashwa’eyat residents, first generation of settlers, came directly from rural areas some decades ago. Some residents have moved there from Cairo’s popular areas, whereas many of them also originate from the rural areas. Almost all the observed and analyzed patterns of use of urban space are related to social cohesion, which is partly driven by certain values based on origin and long-time neighboring relations, and partly by the fact that the use of space leads to better relations between residents and craftsmen-neighbors, shop and workshop owners, even if they do not belong to the same origin (e.g., not Upper Egyptians) or the same religion (i.e., Muslims and Christians). The discourse turns here to reflect on theories that try to explain informal governance through understanding power relations. Harders claims that poor and vulnerable segments of society – in this research segments of ‘ashwa’eyat residents - relate to the state and its institutions and vice versa (2003, p. 192). Local power relations and structures reflect and stabilize the national political system and constitute the most important space for the distribution of material and normative resources. Hofstede measured power distance and individualism in Egypt. This study shows that Egyptians have large power distance and low individualism (Hofstede, 1984, p. 390). In another discourse, the social cohesion is related to use of urban space: social capital and social networks (Bourdieu, 1983) and the social production of space concept (Bourdieu, 1989; Lefebvre, 1974; Gottdiener, Budd, 2009). These terms can be found active, valid together, and complementing each other in the case of ‘ashwa’eyat. Social capital has its roots in different cultural factors that are presented in the lives of residents. It is practiced partially in urban space in the form of everyday activities. With regards to the residents’ limited financial resources, the common shared space is produced physically through a self-help construction process (Turner, 1968; Harms, 1982, 1991) that takes place over a time spectrum and is based on the residents’ priorities. Then, based on the kind of use of urban space found therein, urban space helps social relations and networks to be established, and supports the social cohesion to be preserved, consolidated and enriched. Relation to urban economy is directly linked to use of urban space, as it is used as a working space, an asset for the residents’ businesses and earning money. The relation to urban society is another influential factor on the use of urban space within ‘ashwa’eyat areas, particularly in relation to richer residents of formal districts. Many services are provided to those neighbouring districts’ residents as they come to the area. Another dimension of the ‘ashwa’eyat’s relation to urban society is that most of the residents are deprived of their right to the urban space of the city in general, and stigmatized as informal. They practice this right in their local urban space (e.g., streets and plazas). It is the space where they express themselves, and reclaim their right to the city. It is a gain in itself for the residents, as long as the formal system has no control over it, and as long as the residents know this. They refer to their own rules and regulations grounded in Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 35

the values of their culture away from the formal legislations. Daily life in Cairo’s informal settlements represents several connotations and representations from the residents’ social and cultural aspects. Such aspects could be considered the main catalyst for the local urban informal development of each of the areas. 5. UNDERSTANDING ‘ASHWA’EYAT COMPLEXITY: ‘Ashwa’eyat gains its complexity due to many different reasons. It is grounded in the unclear processes of urban development that takes place; unplanned and undocumented. The complexity of informality is expressed through the interrelations between cultural factors, urban physical characteristics, and use of space and power relations that changes over time. This is discussed in the following part. 5.1. INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN CULTURAL FACTORS, URBAN PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, USE OF SPACE AND POWER RELATIONS

5.2. The researcher argues that within Cairo’s informality discourse, the relation between urban space in ‘ashwa’eyat and its residents is complex; it is the result of their needs, and controlled by their cultural factors. On a daily basis, the observed use patterns of urban space reflect a high level of social cohesion affected by the intimate scale of the area’s urban physical characteristics. The urban space is also subject to change in its physical characteristics in order to adapt to the resident’s needs. Although the way residents use their urban space might appear to be informal from an outsider’s perspective - meaning that it neither follows the laws, nor the formal regulations or norms that are thought to be the mainstream within Cairo’s formal society - there are certain reasons that, in fact, explain these use patterns. Some use patterns act as a stimulus for certain urban development paths. This is reflected on the area’s physical characteristics, urban morphology and land use distribution. A closer look at the relationship between use patterns and urban economy (i.e., income and profession) could provide a better explanation.

Figure 1: Proposed preliminary model to explain complexity within informal urban development (source: Elmouelhi 2014)


Without knowing the exact timing for each development step of each particular setting, it is rather difficult to recognize if the physical setting was the reason of the occurrence of certain use patterns of space, or whether the space has been prepared and adapted to contain such use patterns, although the research claims that that both ways exist. Informality here is seen as an outcome of a constellation of cultural factors, and an expression of power relations, when it comes to a decision related to the urban space (i.e., its formation as well as the way it is used). Cultural factors are represented in the different phases of informal urban development of ‘ashwa’eyat areas. Phases of informal urban development include not only the change in the urban physical characteristics, but also relations between those characteristics and; use of space; cultural factors; and power relations (Figure 1). Changes in the patterns of use of spaces in an area could be due to changes in the social status of long staying residents, or in the social structure due to the arrival of new comers; changes in the power relations or in the urban physical characteristics (e.g., sitting in the street in areas with multi-storied buildings). The use of urban space is a crucial component of the informal urban development process. The continuation of such use patterns of urban space plays a role in sustaining and conserving social networks and the social cohesion needed for the area to survive and develop.

Figure 2: Phases of informal urban development in relation to urban physical characteristics, urban use of space and power relations (Source: Elmouelhi 2014).

Based on the case study areas, it is argued that Power relations play a crucial role in informal urban development. After a certain interval of time, different power relations within the resident groups are shaped according to the order of prominence of cultural factors and in response to certain urban physical characteristics. Informality practiced in each of Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat areas is the outcome of negotiation processes that take place on different levels: the highest is the struggle between the “state” and the “residents” of ‘ashwa’eyat as citizens, or between them and the residents of formal districts. Another level would be between different groups of residents


within the same area (e.g., groups based on their different places of origin, different religions or different professions). Informality -in the form of urban development- is, to a great extent, related to the practice of power, mainly power relation between different residents’ groups, different individuals, and power of formal and informal systems. To explain this, the researcher argues that cultural factors play a role in the definition of power relations. It is argued also that informality and formality are two different interrelated systems; they meet and deal with each other on different levels and in different ways. Informality is indispensable from formality in the Egyptian scene, as each is based on the existence of the other; without the existence of a formal system, it would be impossible to define what is “informal” and vice versa. 5.3. ‘ASHWA’EYAT: A HYBRID OF CONTRADICTIONS Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat could be summarized as a special atmosphere of existence that carries many contradictions on different levels, which contribute to its current status of complexity: illegal ownership of squatted state-owned land and legal infrastructure; legal ownership of agricultural land and illegal construction; rich and poor; buildings in bad conditions with one story and newly built 12 story buildings of concrete. It is also not completely informal, as parts of its development processes are based on the efforts of the state – representing the formal system. Another contradiction appears through the residents being stigmatized as urban poor; despite their role in the city's development and the real estate fortune that exists in ‘ashwa’eyat. They fall in the area between being accused by the formal system for their conditions, and being victims of the state policies, between their existence and the denial of their existence. ‘Ashwa’eyat as a lifestyle could be seen somewhere between modern and traditional or urban and rural lifestyles. In the official media and the formal discourse, ‘ashwa’eyat are thought to be different from the “ordinary” urban city, and are also thought to be different from the “ordinary” rural village, but what is “ordinary”? The separation between the city as a place of modernity, and the village as a place for tradition as a concept, no longer exists in the Egyptian urban case. The rural traditional villages are slowly urbanizing, moving more towards modernity, particularly in terms of the physical built environment form. The difference between the modern/urban and the traditional/rural might be a bit confusing in the case of Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat. On the one hand, origin as a cultural factor carries rural lifestyle, and family kinship relations supported by religion, while on the other hand the relation to the city (i.e., relation to urban society and to urban economy) includes modern lifestyle. They all act together forming a functioning hybrid. The modern lifestyle is more related to the younger generation, as they are more related to the city through the educational system and work. This dilemma is shown in both the use of urban space and the way that areas have developed or are developing. Lifestyles are moving towards modernity, and although this research has not compared formal areas to informal, it is argued that the latter are still far from being like other formal planned urbanized parts of the city. With regard to services, some features that originally belong to a city appear at a later point in ‘ashwa'eyat than they normally do in formal areas of a city, and in different years in different ashwa’eyat. Conversely, other features that belong to the village have started to disappear (e.g., animal breeding). It is concluded that the existence of several different physical features (e.g., different heights and building materials), the extensive use of urban space for all kinds of activities, in addition to the hitherto mentioned dualities (e.g., rural/urban) in the same place gives the perception that life in ‘ashwa’eyat is chaotic. The media’s portrayal, in addition to the way the government Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 38

deals with ‘ashwa’eyat, leads to a negative stigmatized image which is popular among Cairo’s non-‘ashwa’eyat residents. This is consequently reflected in the self-perception of the residents. Informality, as seen by the urban formal Cairo society (i.e., government, residents of formal districts and media) is different to how it is seen by ‘ashwa’eyat residents. It is their lifestyle, based on definite rules and regulations, a mixture of certain cultural factors and their values, struggling together in different contexts to form the resultant attitude and a way of living. This differs from one situation to another, and includes interactions with rules coming from the formal side of the city, as well as the way residents deal with them in order to establish their place in the city. Cairo’s formal residents might not accept what is known to be ordinary for the residents of rural areas as appropriate behavior in the city. Some rural lifestyle use patterns of the residents in the village before migration (e.g., relation to animals) is barely accepted in the city. As shown in chapter two, informality is ubiquitous throughout Cairo, practiced by everybody at different levels, but still ‘ashwa’eyat residents are blamed for Cairo’s informality. However, as shown, informality has different faces. The findings of this research contradict Bayat (2012) in that they show that informality cannot always be considered as an option for its residents. Timing is an important factor in the ‘ashwa’eyat’s development equation. Considering informality as a way of life in the migrants’ destination during the initial phase of a settlement, it is the only way for the residents to exist in the city. The more the ‘ashwa’eyat area is related to the city (i.e., more integrated to urban economy and to the urban society) the less informal the area is considered. ‘Ashwa’eyat areas are argued to play a role in the other formal planned areas, either for their construction and development, or for providing services for the city residents. ‘Ashwa’eyat could not exist and develop in the city without the formal system. Although it deals with formality minimally, and in certain cases even avoids dealing with it, the connection is always established. Hence, it could be concluded that informality contains formality as one of the reasons of its existence, which confirms the Roy’s argument (2005). 5.4. CULTURAL FACTOR’S CONSTELLATION: CHANGES OF PROMINENCE OVER TIME The researchers argue that resident’s cultural factors could help in explaining urban informality. There is a certain logic that deduces their affecting of different life aspects in Cairo’s ‘ashwa’eyat. As discussed in this research, this logic is explained through the way those factors are linked to use of space, urban development process and power relations. Informal urban development of any area could easily be traced through observing the changes to its urban physical characteristics. Parallel to this, there is a change in the strength or prominence within the cultural factor’s constellation over time. 6. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT INTERVENTION Culture in relation to informal urban development needs more attention, especially when it comes to urban intervention. Resident’s cultural factors in the area intended for urban intervention should be studied by researchers in the planning phase, prior to implementation. Interrelation between urban space’s physical characteristics and the resident’s culture should be identified. Dealing with residents of ‘ashwa’eyat without understanding the cultural factors could lead to an unsuccessful development project, or a project with limited success, and potentially many obstacles. Due to the complexity of the matter, dealing with the different local groups of residents without knowing the power relations between them could negatively affect the credibility of the project. In the process of choosing contacts and establishing connections Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 39

with the community in the targeted ‘ashwa’eyat for intervention, the selection of the key persons, NGOs/CBOs should come after the investigation on the relation between those NGOs and the community. Analyzing power relations within ‘ashwa’eyat is important, though complicated. This leads to an understanding of power relations of different stakeholders engaged in the ongoing process of informal urban development of ‘ashwa’eyat. Also power relations basically depend on the qualities that already exist, such as social cohesion within the residents represented in tight family and neighbourly networks. Hence, intervention through projects might disturb the “naturally” existing power relations in an area, which is accepted in cases done consciously. In the research for preparation of an urban intervention, the 'who?' question should be asked first in order to identify and define all the different types of residents who manage and act within the daily life of the studied area. Following the first question, two further questions should be posed and answered: “why are they doing it that way”? And “what rules control the mechanism of daily life”? By answering those questions, it would be easier to direct the intervention decisions towards what the people really need in a way that they can implement and sustain. All the gathered qualitative data could be used to understand power relations within the studied area based on the cultural factors. Studying the existing cultural factors in relevance to urban space could lead to insight about what is “good” or “bad” from those patterns according to the residents. The criteria to judge the existing informal system should not only depend on external sources (e.g., regulations, laws or perceptions from the formal system or from the international development agendas). It is advised to refer first to the values on which residents depend to judge their life and priorities. This could lead to guidelines – as do’s and don’ts for the decision makers involved in the intervention. In development projects that target ‘ashwa’eyat, the developer that belongs to the formal system usually needs to deal with formal entities (e.g., NGOs), which do not necessarily represent the area’s residents. On the other hand, there are many examples that show that the residents could cooperate to develop their area without assistance from NGOs or government, based on their needs and their ability to organize themselves. Urban Planning Theories that have emerged in the 20th century based on the cities of the Global North are not always appropriate references while dealing with informality in the South. Urban planning is used to control people’s lives in cities (Roy, 2005), while within informality people tend to control their own lives more, based on their rules with minimal control from the government on the urban development process of the area (Turner, 1968). It is advised, that in order to intervene through development projects, not only that decisions must be taken based on the local informal resident’s rules, but also based on studying the informal process of ‘ashwa’eyat area urban development. In addition, several lessons are learnt from resident’s practices that can contribute to the urban planning discourse. References AlSayyad, N. (1993). Squatting and Culture: A comparative Analysis of Informal Developments in Latin America and the Middle East. Habitat International,17 (1),33-44. AlSayyad, N., Roy, A. (2004). Urban Informality as a “New" way of life, in Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, 7-30. USA: Lexington Books.


Bayat, A. (2012). Politics in the City -Inside-Out.City & Society, 24, 110-128. American Anthropological Association. doi: 10.1111/j.1548-744X.2012.01071.x. Bourdieu, P. (1983). The forms of capital.Originally published as "Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital." in Soziale Ungleichheiten (Soziale Welt, Sonderheft 2), Kreckel, R. (Eds.), (Richard Nice, Trans.), 183-98. Goettingen: Otto Schartz & Co. Bourdieu, P. (1989). Social Space and Symbolic Power. In Sociological Theory, Vol. 7, No. 1. American Sociological Association, 14-25. Retrieved from http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=07352751%28198921%297%3A1%3C14%3ASSASP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T Bourdieu, P. (1983). The forms of capital.Originally published as "Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital." in Soziale Ungleichheiten (Soziale Welt, Sonderheft 2), Kreckel, R. (Eds.), (Richard Nice, Trans.), 183-98. Goettingen: Otto Schartz & Co. Elmouelhi, H. 2014. Culture and informal urban development. The case of Cairo ‘Ashwa’eyat (Informal Settlements). Berlin: Dr. Koester Verlag. Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, NY: Basic Books, Inc. Gottdiener, M., Budd, L. (2009). Key concepts in urban studies. London: SAGE publications Ltd. Harders, C. (2003). The Informal Social Pact-the State and the Urban Poor in Cairo. In Kienle, E. (Ed.) Politics from Above, Politics from Below.The Middle East in the Age of Economic reform. London: Al-Saqi Publications, S. 191-213. Harms, H. (1982). Historical perspectives on the Practice and Purpose of Self-help Housing. In Ward, P. (Ed.) Self-Help Housing, A Critique. London/ NY: Mansell Publishing. Harms, H. (1991). Self-help housing in developed and Third World countries. In Mathey, K. (Ed.) Beyond Self-help Housing, 33-52. London/ NY: Mansell. Hofstede, G. (1984). The Cultural Relativity of the Quality of Life Concept Academy of Management, Review, 9(3), 389-395. Hoodfar, H. (1997). Between marriage and the market: Intimate politics and survival in Cairo. Los Angels: University of California Press. Lefebvre, H. (1974). Critique of Everyday Life. Everyday Life in the Modern World, 1, (Moore, J., 1991, Trans.). London: Verso. Lerner, D. (1958). The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East. Second Printing. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Piffero, E. (2008). Struggling for Participation. Experience of a 10-year Development Program, Boulaq el-Dakrour. Cairo: PDP. Rapoport, A. (1990). The Meaning of the Built Environment: A Nonverbal Communication Approach. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Robinson, J. (2004). Cities between modernity and development, in South African Geographical Journal, 86:1, 17-22. Turner, J. (1968). Housing Priorities, Settlement Patterns, and Urban Development in Modernizing Countries. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 34:6, 354-363, doi: 10.1080/ 01944366808977562. Retrieved from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01944366808977562 (accessed 06 Oct 2010) Watson, V. (2003). Conflicting rationalities: implications for planning theory and ethics, Planning Theory and Practice, 4, 395–408. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 41

Baghdad Historical City: How its Past can Revitalize its Future Taghlib Al Waily1,a 1

Architect/Planner, Montreal, Canada, [email protected]

a

ABSTRACT As we have witnessed the transformation of Arab cities over the past half-century, large parts of Baghdad’s historical city urban fabric, which is concurrently the urban city centre of Baghdad today, are still untouched by the spread of modernity. The reasons for this phenomenon will be covered by this paper, focused on the historical city of Baghdad, which is concurrently the urban city centre of Baghdad today. Due to the complex and destructive relationship between modernity and tradition that erupted just before the First World War, some sectors of Baghdad’s heritage were destroyed. However, this wave has since receded, and left the historic city centre shattered and decayed. The socio-political situation in Baghdad has also played a major role in the loss of heritage sites within the city and contributed to the gradual loss of historical and national identity since the 20th century until today. What the historical city of Baghdad has suffered is beyond imagination. The transformation of the traditional urban landscape was not a result of modernity itself, but due to wars, sanctions and terrorism that have contributed to the destruction of the city as a whole and this area in particular. Scattered regeneration projects executed during periods of the 20th century damaged the old city, and their socio-economic and cultural results were catastrophic. My position as a Baghdadi architect/planner gave me a unique vantage point regarding the political, economic and socio-cultural dimensions of the development of the historical city. In the last decade, I have worked directly in the alleys and streets within the amazing urban fabric of Baghdad’s historical city. I have been studying its history and examining the reasons behind its decay, trying to find remedies and solutions to revive it again. The destruction of the old city started in early 1917 when Al Rasheed Street was built, cutting and wounding major spines and sites of the dense historical urban pattern. Ironically, it is Al Rasheed Street itself that is considered today the major heritage site in the city centre. Today, the current situation of the historical city of Baghdad has deteriorated due to many factors. The wholesale markets are leading the urban decay process, imposing more changes to the land use and the character of the old city. Surveys conducted for my study through the area showed that more than 62% of the buildings classified as “Heritage Buildings” have vanished since the 1980’s. What does the future hold for Baghdad’s historical city, and how can we stop loss and revive this unfortunate, yet iconic, area? My vision for its future is based on a three dimensional plan that deals with Space, Function and History. The first axis deals with the morphological reformation to retrieve and integrate the decayed historical urban pattern, while the second axis concentrates on the revitalization of the old city through careful re-balancing of its disorganized activities. The recollection of city memory is the third axis, integrating the social, historical and cultural issues of the historical city into a sustainable environment. KEYWORDS: Baghdad, Heritage, History, City Centre Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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INTRODUCTION Baghdad, the Round City, the city of 1001 nights, Dar Al Salam, Al Zawra’a, the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate; those are some of the names that the city holds since it was built by Abu Ja’afar Al Mansour in 762AD on the western banks of the River Tigris. Since then, Baghdad has faced a lot of challenges that has forced it to lose some of its valuable architectural treasures. The Round City could not stand the forces of nature and was destroyed in a major flood in the 10th century. The new Baghdad at Rusafa on the East bank of the river has since flourished, but it has also been under the constant attack of floods, epidemics and foreign invasions that have constantly affected the city’s historical monuments and treasures.1 By the 20th century, the historical part of Baghdad city was half broken and half kept. The destruction of the old city started early in 1917 when Al Rasheed Street was built, cutting and wounding major spines and sites of the dense historical urban pattern. It was a political decision made for military purposes by the Ottoman regime. Al Rasheed Street was also a testament to the modernization movement after the car was introduced and the need arose for wider roads. Serving as both an archive of Baghdad’s history and a reminder of paradise lost, it is a reflection of the cultural and the architectural marvels of one of Arabia’s most reverent and cursed cities. Al Rasheed Street today is a ghost of itself; nearly destroyed and neglected by the modern urban fabric of a war-torn Iraq. Bridges, street network and modernization projects within the area have also contributed heavily in the destruction process of Baghdad’s Old City during periods of the last century. Ironically, after all the destruction that Al Rasheed Street initially made to the historical urban structure and pattern of the city, it is considered today the major heritage site in the city centre.

Tigris River

Tigris River

Baghdad 1900 AD

Baghdad 1980 AD

Fig 1: The City Modernization Movement since the beginning of the 20th century led to the destruction of the Old City’s characteristics, main routes and its historical urban pattern 2

Baghdad Old City Centre still holds some of the most exciting heritage sites that lie within its urban structure. Unfortunately, these jewels are hiding under the ruins of war, neglect and poverty. 1

Jawad, M, Sousa A., Makiya, M. and Maarouf, N., 1969. Baghdad. Baghdad: Iraqi Engineers Union 2 AlWaily,T, 2014,. Baghdad City: Changes to the urban characteristics within the 20th century. JPEG, ArcGIS Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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The major historic sector of the city centre today lies between the Tigris River and Khulafa Street were most of Baghdad’s monuments and heritage sites lie within. This sector consists of three major urban components: Al Rasheed Street, the Tigris River and the souks & alleys.

Fig 2: A View of Al Rasheed Street from Hafudh Al Qathi Square 3

Al Rasheed Street Taken from gate to gate, Al Rasheed Street is about 3,120m long and 9 to14m in width. The arcaded buildings along both of its sides provide a colonnaded walkway and give a sense of unity and continuity creating its distinctive character. The street contains 379 buildings that vary quite considerably in age, style, and number of stories. The buildings are mostly in very poor to poor physical condition; while some are in a fair condition. The street is suffering from decay and other problems related to the wholesale market presence. The Tigris River The other major component is the Tigris River, the only element of nature that runs through the city. It was one of the most significant transportation nodes within old Baghdad, and is connected to the main historical spines. The Tigris River was not only a source of life in the city but is also related to its people as they feel connected to it, and to their sustenance. Today, the river is separated from the city, neglected and abandoned. This was due to the construction of a river wall during the 1980’s. Fig 3: The Tigris River is the main natural source of life for separated and polluted4 Souks & Alleys The souks occupies more than 70% of the area today. These segmented areas were ‘created’ through the building of several bridges over the Tigris River, throughout the 20th century, penetrating Al-Rasheed Street. The role of the souks is closely related to the daily life of the AlWaily,T, 2012,. Rasheed Street: A bird’s eye view, JPEG AlWaily,T, 2014,. Tigris River: A Time line comparison, collection of old & new photos, JPEG 3 4


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people, but is also a multi-faceted manifestation of social dynamics. The souks of The Old City Centre have peculiar specialties in terms of classification of commerce, commodities and crafts. Each one of the souks and souk groups are arranged at their particular positions, with mutual connections between them and through functions of commercial relationships.

Fig 4: the Development of the main Historical Souks in Baghdad through the 20th Century 5 The Khans are important parts of the souk system, but they are currently used as storage facilities and offices for wholesalers. However, in reality, there are very few cases of medieval Khans that still exist in their original form. The major urban alleyways, which had once run across the street network in old Baghdad, have been historically recognized. These alleyways can to be regarded as one of the most effective measures for conservation and revitalization of the historical environment within the Old City Centre. HERITAGE IN DANGE A recent survey regarding the structural condition of the buildings within the area indicated that 37% of those buildings are in either bad or very poor condition, or have collapsed. The surveys also have listed the existence of 242 heritage buildings within the Old City Centre, which means that 57% of those buildings have vanished since 1984.6 Fig 5: The Structural Condition of Buildings within the Historical Center 7 As Baghdad’s Historical City has suffered major catastrophes in the past decades, it is still facing serious danger that threatens its remaining architectural monuments and heritage sites. 5

AlWaily,T, 2014,. Souqs: A Time line comparison, collection of old & new photos, JPEG A comparative analysis of Rusafa Study, Amanat Baghdad, 1984 and a 2010 survey conducted by Amanat Baghdad and Al Mimari for the Al Rasheed Development Project 7 AlWaily,T, 2014,. Structural Condition of Buildings in the area. JPEG, ArcGIS 6


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Although its major urban fabric is still intact, wounds still exist alongside the new roads and the few sites that were developed within the last century. The domination and expansion of the wholesale markets are clearly noted, which is the main force leading the urban decay damaging the urban pattern through compulsory land use change. The Old City Centre today is in a great need for a strategy to develop it and save its heritage at the same time. The area holds a tremendous number of potentials that can be used to revitalize it and revive the area as the real heart of the capital city, Baghdad. 3. A VISION FOR THE FUTURE With corruption and political confusion ruling this city, there is a dire need to resurrect one of world history’s most important arteries. A THREE-DIMENTIONAL PLAN The philosophy behind my vision for the development of Baghdad’s old city centre is based on a three dimensional approach: the Morphology that holds the major urban elements, the Functionality that represents its’ urban activities, and the History which carries and creates the memory of the area. The approach is based on three pillars of re-planning and reorganizing the old city through Space, Function and History. .

3D Elements

Fig 6: A Three Dimensional Approach 8 3D Plan The revitalization concept is based on the reinforcement of urban activities at weak nodes and reducing the pressure on other nodes that contain heavy activities such as wholesale markets. Extreme attention is given to create and enhance nodes that are used by the public for social and commercial gathering. Such spaces were, used by vehicles within the area. The concept is based on basic principles that call for: Man vs. Car, Green vs. Pollution, Sustainability vs. Decay, Conservation vs. Modernization, and Memory vs. Neglect.

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AlWaily,T, 2014,. A Three Dimensional Approach, JPEG


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Morphological Recomposing This sector deals with recomposing the city’s major elements in order to re-join broken nodes, provide accessibility and connecting public spaces with each other after merging them within the urban pattern. This will allow the city to connect through the alleys, that will link Al Rasheed Street to the refurbished river bank and provide choices to the pedestrian whom will be dominantly using the public spaces instead of vehicles.

Market area River front Tigris River

Built-up area in Open Space

Heritage Bldg Religious Bldg

Transit Mall River Walk UP

Alley Ways River Walk DN

Secondary Access Major Access

Metro Station Public Space

Underground Parking Car Parking

Fig 7: RE Connecting the Public Spaces and joining the broken nodes 9 Urban Activities Rebalancing While recomposing provides a better environment, city spaces and circulation, the areas need to be balanced and sustainable. The economic sustainability can be achieved only by the real balance between the activities within the area. The busy and congested areas need to be eased while special consideration should be given to revitalize other shallow, weak and fragile areas and nodes.

River front

Built-up area in

Built-up area out

Revitalization area

Market area

Tigris River

Open Space

Congested Node

Congested Node

Week Node

Fig 8: Rebalancing Urban Activities 10

9 10

AlWaily,T, 2014,.The Plan: Reconnecting Urban Spaces. JPEG, ArcGIS AlWaily,T, 2014,. The Plan: Rebalancing urban activities. JPEG, ArcGIS


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The Recollection of City memories The use of city memory and historical architectural or culturally related symbols, whether physical or emotional, can be emphasized within the new morphological and functional pattern. Such powerful symbols have a huge impact on the national identity, pride and morale of the city’s population in particular and on the whole Iraqi society in general. As the present generation can enjoy remembering and experiencing such memories again, the future generations shall be aware of their history and heritage. Examples of such transformation are Jadid Hassan Pasha, Baghdad Gates, and Al Qala’a regeneration plans.

Fig 9: Recollecting the huge wealth of the City Memories 11

Jadid Hassan Pasha: A Green Village in the City. The regeneration of one of the most significant neighbourhoods in old Baghdad “Jadid Hassan Pasha” shall bring back life to one of the most destroyed and deserted parts within the heart of the city. Baghdad Gates: Challenging Existence Bab Al Sharji (The Eastern Gate) is a name of a destination in the city centre today. Although this gate was demolished in 1937, it still exists in the people’s minds and will be for generations to come. It represents an invisible landmark for the people of their heritage and history. Bab Al Mouadham (Al Muadham Gate) is the name of another area to the north of the city centre that shares the same phenomena. It is through re-instating such monuments and symbols that we shall realize what many citizens of the city have already thought, to revitalize the areas and attract them to such celebrated places that provide them with pride and unite them. The city is full of memories.

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AlWaily,T, 2012,. City Memories,: A collection of old photos, JPEG


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Al Qala’a (the City Fort) Al Qala’a was the city fort where the rulers had their palaces and military facilities for centuries. Unfortunately, this was demolished in the 1920’s. However, its location is used by the Ministry of Defence today. Rebuilding the city fort wall, which holds a great and long history, shall emphasize the historical urban character of the old city. A Comprehensive Approach Within this framework, relief would be provided to the area that will be reserved for buses, taxis and for service access through a strict traffic plan that reserves the street strictly for pedestrian and public transportation. In the renewal of the great city squares and the making of new public spaces, it must provide a social arena and a means to reconnect and unify the city population. As the River Banks are totally re-transformed and made accessible to pedestrians at many locations, Al Sharia’s (River transportation centres) must be reinstated as key nodes of accessibility to the area. The functional rehabilitation of the old city will imply the introduction of new social facilities, improvement of accessibility, and the replacement of collapsed residential clusters. In particular, the reorganization of commercial and industrial activities will see to the relocation of the wholesale markets outside the city centre. Operations may involve surgical interventions in the tissue of the old city and must therefore be precise and follow strict guidelines, if the specific character of the historic fabric is to be maintained. 4. CONCLUSION The City’s Past Regenerates and Revitalizes its Future The approach is ambitious. At stake is the rebirth of the decaying centre of a capital city. The pattern of development that it engenders must inform the future and cherish the past. Reforming the city to highlight its past and using it as a tool to create new urban spaces, and revitalizing its urban activities can generate a city alive with soul and character. In the renewal of the great city squares and the making of new public spaces, it must provide a social arena and a means to reconnect and unify the city population. The development plan is a testimony to Baghdad’s history, reproduced and rewritten for generations to cherish their past and confirm their identity. The people of Baghdad, after all they have endured, deserve a historical city centre that is green, sustainable and full of memories and heritage, where one can enjoy an urban living room, a place to shop, be entertained, relax and do business. In the quality and the example that it sets, and in the value placed on the city's heritage and its archaeological treasures, it shall also instil a renewed sense of national pride and identity.


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Fig 10: Above: A satellite photo of existing Old City Centre Below: A new sustainable City Centre based on a rich history 12

References: Makiya, M. and others (1969). Baghdad. Baghdad: Iraqi Engineering Union. Mimary (2009). Comprehensive architectural and planning report for the development of Al Rasheed Street. Al Mimary Consulting Bureau for Baghdad Mayoralty JPC (1984). Rusafa Study report. Baghdad: JPC for Baghdad Mayoralty Illustrations and maps: Based on personal studies conducted by the author

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AlWaily,T, 2014,. The Plan: A Sustainable Outcome. JPEG, ArcGIS


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Urban Spaces as a Setting for Performance: The Case Study of Iran Majid Sarsangi (PhD)1,a 1 a

Dep. of Dramatic Arts. Faculty of Fine Arts; University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran [email protected]

ABSTRACT A city may be defined merely by its function as a support for material life and daily work. But the reality of the city is a far more intricately structured one that contains within its landscape a multitude of activities (e.g. cultural and artistic activities). Public spaces in the city are attached to a sense of belonging, and evoke a collective memory. Based on this, public spaces provide the best context for artwork, and offer the necessary space for rituals and folklore art. Historically, artistic events have had an important place in Iran’s urban spaces. The art of theatre and performance, as one of the most collective and common-folk arts are an undeniable aspect of traditional Iranian city structures. In fact, urban spaces and ritual performances were connected to each other as intertwined elements, with each one complimenting the other. Before the Qajar era (1794-1925) theatrical performances were a regular urban event. The daily life of the Iranian people included watching performances that took place in urban places: story tellers or performing narrators would carry out their performances while strolling in the streets. Other story tellers were using coffee houses, caravanserais, city bazaars, squares and passageways as places for their performances. Taziyeh (as the supreme example of religious plays) would be performed in squares, caravanserais, cemeteries, Tekiyes (a place where people gather to mourn Imam Hosein’s martyrdom) and other religious venues. Non-religious performances and comedies were no exception to this rule. Theatrical performances such as Kheymeh-Shab-Bazi (traditional puppet show) and Siyah-Bazi (traditional comedy and minstrelsy) would usually take place in an urban environment. This paper aims to develop a clear understanding of the function of traditional urban places and spaces as a stage for performance, and to comment on the viability of reviving these traditional functions in the context of modern urban planning. KEYWORDS: Iran, urban spaces, performance, theatre.

1- INTRODUCTION This article explores the role of traditional urban spaces as a setting for theatrical performance. This paper also investigates the relationship between the city and theatre, and the types of plays that were performed in the traditional Iranian cities. Although many articles and books have been written about the city and its functions, only a small number of them refer to the theatrical function of the city. Among them are recent publications by scholars such as Cohen-Cruz, (1998); Jestrovic (2002), Proshansky (1976),


Benett (2010), Carlson (1989), written on the subject of street theatre and street performances that turn the city into a stage. Some books have also been written on street performance such as: Radical Street Performance: An International Anthology (Jan Cohen-Cruz), Performance, Space, Utopia (Silvija Jestrovic), People and their physical settings (Harold M. Proshansky), Street Performers (Massimo Benedett), The Theater is in the Street: Politics and Performance in Sixties America (Bradford D. Martin). Similar studies in relation to the Iranian city include Street Theater Performance in Iran with a Tradition or Global Approach (Milad Hasannia), The Design and Implementation of Street Theater (Karim Khavari), What to Know about Street Theater (Reza Ashofteh).1 The question asked in this study is: Can the patterns of contemporary urban spaces be used to provide a place for traditional theatrical performances? Re-establishing a relationship between the city and theatrical performances may prove to be difficult, but it is not an impossible task. The constructing of this relationship is dependent upon the revival of plays that Iranian people related to historically. In other words, urban spaces will acquire their function as a stage for performances once, both the morphology of the city is renegotiated, and the plays performed are connected to the Iranian identity. The research methodology of this paper is based on literature reviews and personal observations. 2-

TRADITIONAL IRANIAN CITIES AND THEIR CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC FEATURES

The urban structure of the traditional Iranian city was formed by several neighbourhoods with distinct identities. The city centre included state mansions and structures, Congregational Mosques (Masjid Jame), Grand Bazaars, cemeteries and other public buildings. Each neighbourhood could be considered as a small town that provided the entire social and cultural infrastructure for the daily lives of people; making long distance journeys unnecessary. As previously mentioned, Iran did not have any kind of theatre hall or official space for performances until the end of the Qajar era (1794-1925). Before this artists and performers used various urban spaces that also had other functions. They would convert these spaces into places for theatrical performances (Sarsangi, 2013: 119).

Figure1: An old map of Tehran showing that old Tehran was divided into different neighbourhoods. Each neighbourhood had its own social, economic, religious and cultural spaces. (Hakim zadeh, 2006: 55)

1

The reader can find more about these books in references


2.1- Sacred and Religious Places Historically, temples (in pre-Islamic times) and later, mosques, shrines, Tekiyehs, Hoseiniyes and caravanserais were all spaces for religious practices and mourning ceremonies. However, in addition to these functions, these places were also used for performing religious theatre. For example, during the pre-Islamic period when “Mithraism”2 was practiced, many of the theatrical performances including the religious dance/drama of Talabe-Baran3, were performed inside of Mithra4 or other temples. (Beizaie, 2000: 18) Although during the Islamic period, mosques, shrines, Tekiyehs and Hoseiniyehs, took the place of temples, there are still a number of Zoroastrian temples in some parts of Iran (especially central Iran. In traditional cities, mosques and Tekiyehs were used for religious plays. From the Safavid era (15011722) when the Shi’ite denomination was proclaimed as the official religion of Iran, most of the ritualistic and religious performances were related to important events of Shi’ite history (Ataie, 1987: 69). For example, Rozeh-khani, (Mourning Ceremony) and story-telling were usually performed in religious places such as mosques and Tekiyehs (Mostafavi, 1949). Figure 2: Yazd, the temple of Pir-e Sabz. (Taken by author)

Figure 4: Rozeh-khani in the contemporary period. Figure 3: Rozeh-khani in the Qajar era. (Najm, 2009: 46) (Taqian, 1996: 27)

2

An old Iranian religion Asking for Rain 4 An Iranian Goddess in pre- Islamic period 3


Tekiyehs are usually intended for religious theatrical performances that focus on the events of Karbalah on the day of Ashura. Some of the Tekiyehs in Iran are so spacious and renowned that every year thousands of people go there to be part of the religious theatrical performances – especially Taziyeh1- and other shows such as mourning ceremonies.

Figure 5: Shiraz, Tekiyeh Moshir. (Malekpour, 1988: 99-100)

Figure 6: Tehran in Qajar era, Tekiyeh Dowlat. (Shahidi, 2001: 800)

Figure 7: The performance of Taziyeh in Mirchakhmaq Tekiyeh, Yazd. (Taken by the author)

Shrines, which are places for the burial of Shi’ite saints, are other religious spaces that host religious and ritualistic performances. People usually attend shrines to perform religious practices and to appeal to God. During religious periods of the year theatrical performances related to Shi’ite historical events are performed. In addition to the mosques, Tekiyeh, and shrines, there are also religious places called “Hoseiniyeh”5. The main function of these places is for the mourning of holy characters of Shi’ite history and the performance of Rouzeh-khani. However, they were also used for acting out religious performances, especially Taziyeh, and due to being relatively less sacred than the mosques or shrines, there was a greater possibility for performing plays. 5

This name follows after the name of Imam Hosein; the third spiritual leader of Shi’ism.


Figure 8: performing Taziyeh in the Big Hoseiniyeh in Zawwareh. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 198)

Figure 9: The small hoseiniyeh of Zawwarehopen space. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 197-198)

2.2 Social places 2.2.1Tea-Houses In the past, Iranians paid great attention to social relationships; using every opportunity to gather together for dialogue. Problems would be discussed during these social gatherings with attendees being updated on news and information regarding their fellow neighbours, citydwellers as well as other general subjects concerning the city and the state. The tea-house, as a public space, was a suitable place for cultural and social activities of the Iranian society. TeaHouses were a place for gathering, entertainment and social relations. They were a place for rest after a day’s work, for meeting and conversing, for business deals, and for watching coffee house plays such as Naqqali (theatrical story-telling) as well as other forms of play (Nazerzade Kermani 1995; Bolokbashi, 1997). Since the Qajar era the number of tea-houses in cities has increased (Namjoo, 1978). From then on, Naqqali (theatrical story-telling) became a regular cultural activity with many people gathering in the tea-houses to watch the performance of the Naqqal (the story-teller) on a daily basis (Najimi, 1978).

Figure 10: A drawing belonging to the Qajar era that shows the performance of Naqqali (story-telling) in a tea-house. (Bolokbashi, 1996: 20) Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 55

The interior of the tea-house was divided into three sections; the kitchen to prepare food and tea; the area for customers that usually had wooden seats and tables; and a place where the storyteller (Naqqal) would stand for his performance. The latter space usually had a platform for the storyteller to sit or stand on.

Figure 11: Another view of performing storytelling in Tehran, (Bolokbashi, 1996: 95)

2.2.2 Caravanserais Caravanserais were places for trade caravans to stop, as well as places for travellers to take a rest - similar to wholesale bazaars and motels today. These spacious places could host hundreds of travellers or trades people at one time. However, this same commercial and residential spaces, during religious times, would be transformed into spaces for performance, especially Taziyeh. There are also documents that suggest other forms of plays such as Ma’rekeh-giri, Mar-giri, magic shows and even comedy plays were performed at caravanserais (Sarsangi, 2013: 176).

Figures 12: performing Taziyeh in Beihaq Caravanserai in Sabzevar. (Taken by the author) Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 56

2.2.3 PRIVATE HOUSES In the past, private houses were sometimes used as performance spaces. The architecture of these houses included a large courtyard with a pool in the middle of it, providing a suitable space for performing different plays. Performers would construct wooden platforms as a stage for their performance. Residents, especially females, could watch performances through windows, with others sitting around the pool or even sitting on the roof of the house. The types of performances in private houses were based on specific times and situations. For example, in the holy month of Moharram, they were used for Rozeh-khani or Taziyeh, and in wedding ceremonies or religious events comic plays like Ro-houzi (Siah-Bazi), Kheimeh-Shab-Bazi (puppet play) or folk dances were performed.

Figure 13: performing Taziyeh in a private house in the Qajar period. (Homayoni, 1990: 75)

Figure 14: Another figure of a Taziyeh performance at a private house in the Qajar period. (Shahidi, 2001: 795)

2.2.4 PALACES AND GOVERMENTAL BUILDING A long time ago, in Iran, palaces and buildings belonging to the government had spaces for theatrical performances, especially comic plays. According to historical evidence, some of the Iranian kings had hundreds of actors, musicians and dancers in their courts. These musicians, actors and dancers were tasked with entertaining the king, his family and his guests. For example, some of the Sassanid kings had more than 6000 artists who served them in different ways. During the Qajar period, there were also many comedic actors called “Moqalled” or “Dalqak” or “Talkhak” who performed funny plays.

Figures 15: This picture shows comedy performers in Golestan Palace during the Qajar period. (Saleh Por, 2009: 80)


3-

OPEN SPACES AND OUTDOORS

Along with the palaces and government buildings, open and outdoor spaces were the most popular and common spaces used for performances in the traditional cities. A wide variety of plays were performed in urban spaces such as streets, squares, bazaars, passageways, parks and public places. The most important plays performed in these spaces include Pardeh-khani (reciting a screen covered with narrated drawings), Manaqeb-khani, Fazael-khani, small Taziyes, puppet theatre, Ma’reke-giri, epic Naqqali, theatrical mourning and dozens of other forms of traditional and ritualistic plays.(Najm, 2009: 213) The importance of these spaces, especially during grand and comprehensive theatrical performances such as mourning ceremonies and processional Taiyeh performed throughout the city, was in creating a spiritual atmosphere throughout the whole city.

Figure 16: An image of a religious theatrical procession in a village near Qazvin. (Maleckpour, 1985: 46)

Figure 17: The performance of a ritual and festive celebration for the Iranian New Year. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 50-51)

Figure 18: A outdoor story-telling performance. (Naser Bakht, 2010: 63)

Figure 19: The performance of Taziyeh in the main square of Arbil village on the day of Ta’sua. (taken by the author)

Figure 20: The performance of Pardehkhaniin a public passageway during the Pahlavi era. (Najm, 2009: 167)


Figures 21-22: “Mash’had-e Ardehal” near the city of Kashan. Showing one of the biggest processional plays in Iran called “Qali-Shoyan”. (Mahmodi, 2000:98)

CONCLUSION This paper demonstrates how urban spaces in traditional Iranian cities have been staged for various traditional rituals and entertainment performances. This was due to the absence of official theatre venues which were gradually established after the Qajar era (1794-1925). Theatrical performance in urban spaces and social places has been an important part of Iranian life. These performances created an intimacy between the performer and the audience and produced a remarkable harmony between the types of plays and the spaces utilized in the city. It is also important to note that performances in urban places contributed to the growth and development of common culture. The arrival of Western modernism, with technologies such as radio and television as well as Western architecture and urban design resulted in the gradual decay of city performances as people increasingly lost interest. The number of performers has decreased so much, that today there is little sign of any street theatre. Theatre halls are now providing the only performance entertainment for the population, and the art of street performance can only be traced as part of the history of Iran. In the contemporary period, the functions of cities are mostly understood in terms of their materiality through a functionalist approach. Official spaces and theatre halls have now been established for performances. However, it is still possible to transform the city into a stage for performance by looking at ancient models. What is important is to ascribe a spiritual and cultural function to cities alongside their material functions. This would transform the social landscape of the city through responding to both the traditional and contemporary social needs of the people. Re-establishing a relationship between the city and performance, and revitalizing performances in public spaces throughout the city seems ambitious and arduous in modern times. But it is not impossible. To realize this goal, an alternative approach to the modern concept of urban design is required; one which relates it more to the traditional concept. It also requires the training of artists to develop the skills of delivering performances that relate to everyday life. However, the reviving of traditional theatrical performances should also be something that appeals to modern audiences, and so urban spaces will only acquire their function as a stage for performance once the materiality of the space and the content of the plays are revised. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 59

References Atai, A. (1987). The Origin of Drama in Iran. Tehran: Safi Ali Shah Publisher. Beizai, B. (2000). Theatre in Iran. Tehran: Rowshangaran Publisher. Breasted J. (1912). The Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Brockett, G. (1995). History of the Theatre. Seventh Edition. Allyn & Bacon. Bolokbashi, A. (1996). Iranian Teahouses. Tehran: The Centre of Cultural Researches. Idem (2000). The symbolic rite of Washing Rug in the Mashhad-e Ardehal. Tehran: The Office of Cultural Researches. Esfandeiari (1978). Iranian Bazaar. Tehran: Amir Kabir. Mahmoudi, S. (2000). Kashan: Pearl of the Great Kavir. Tehran: Yasavoli Publisher. Maleckpour, J. (1985). Dramatic Literature in Iran. Tehran: Tous Publisher. Idem (1988). The Process of Evolution of Contents in Taziyeh. Tehran: Jahad-e Daneshgahi Publisher. Mostafawi, M. (1962). The Scenes of Sassanid Dancers on the Silvery Vesselsˮ. Naghsh and Neghar Magazine, No. 3. Namjo, A. (2000). The Cultural Face of Iran. Tehran: Ilam Publisher. NazerzadeKermani, F. (1995). The Dramatic Storytelling and its Different Types in Iran. Neiestan Magazine, Year 2, No.19. Omidi, K. (2002). A Brief Look to the Zoroastrians Ceremonies in Yazd. Afarinesh, No. 1087. Ramezani, F. (2001). A Research in Iranian History and Culture in the Pre-Islamic Period (Thesis). School of Drama: University of Tehran. Shahidi, E. (2001). Taziyeh and TaziyehKhani in Tehran. Cultural Research Bureau & Iranian National Commission for UNESCO. Taqiyan, L. (1996). About Taziyeh and Theatre. Tehran: Markaz Publisher. Zaka, Y. (1957). Iranian Dance in Theatre Magazine; No. 2. Idem (1966). The Story of Dance in Iran in Naghsh and Neghar Magazine; No. 8. Carter, Ch. (2003). Gorilla Theatre: A Practical Guide to Performing the New Outdoor Theatre Anytime, Anywhere. Routledge. Du Tiot, H. (2009). Pageants and Processions. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Scott Jarrett, M. (2010). Street View. Nylon Magazine. Mason, B. (1992). Street Theatre and other Outdoor Performances. Taylor and Francis. Cohen- Cruz, J. (1998). Radical Street performance. Routledge. Madison, D. (2010). Acts of Activism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jestrovic Palqrave, S. (2012). Space, Performance, Utopia. MacMillan. Massimo, B. (2010). Street Performer. Hesprit Limited. D. Martin, B. (2004). The Theatre in Street. University of Massachusetts.


II Conference Papers Part 2: Capitalism and modernism: the changing character of urban spaces

Urban Identity in the Age of Globalization Assessing the Abdali Project in Amman, Jordan Nama'a Abdullah Qudah1, a 1 a

Dept. of Architecture and Built Environment, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom [email protected]

ABSTRACT Over the past few decades, “globalization” has become a trending term for describing the increasing exchange of world visions, cultural ideologies, and social lifestyles. On the urban scale, cities have also entered that age of globalization, and being transformed by mega neoliberal developments which resulted in new systems of governance, in the form of (1) increased public-private partnerships, and (2) new neoliberal organizations which have collectively transformed the formal process of city development. The aim of this research was to map out the influences of this neoliberal urban transformation in the Middle East, before moving to focus on Amman, the capital of Jordan, and taking the Abdali Project as a case study. . Promoted as the "New Downtown" of Amman, my aim was to assess the influence it had on the urban identity of the Ammani locals and their relationship with their city. This evaluation was based on a qualitative research method built on the discursive analysis of 6 structured interviews with project stakeholders and professionals with different areas of expertise. The result of this evaluation rendered the Abdali project as a major neoliberal project prominently steered by economic objectives seeking economic accumulation for the elite class of the society, resulting in islands of social segregation which cater to the elitists' needs and lifestyle, while excluding the majority of Ammani locals from its scope. The Ammani urban identity, consequently, was not represented through this project, and was rather marginalized and sidestepped, leaving the locals with a feeling of disappointment and mistrust, no longer feeling that they are welcomed in their city or that they belong. KEYWORDS: globalization, neoliberalism, urban identity, large scale project

1.

INTRODUCTION

The area of the Middle East has gone through major political, economic and social changes in the past few decades in a manner that drastically affected the citizens of these countries. Jordan, with its very sensitive location at the heart of the political conflict, was one of the most affected by these political shifts. Like many of the other developing countries, Jordan was entering an age of globalization and responding to a neoliberal agenda guiding the major urban transformations in the region (Sadiq, 2005). On the scale of Amman, these changes were most notable through the new multinational investments the Jordanian market was now attracting, and the scale of the neoliberal megaprojects that were invading the skyline of Amman, consequently reshaping its urban identity and people's relation with their city. (Ababsa and Daher, 2011)


In this paper, Neoliberism will be discussed as a political economic practice that shapes and affects social policy. By reviewing some of the national and international literature on the topic, the aim is to understand the current socioeconomic situation in Amman, and question the forces guiding the city's urban development and the decision making processes behind them. As a case study, the recent yet the controversial Abdali Project will be discussed, based on the interviews and the opinions of a selected professional group, as one of the major neoliberal urban developments changing the map of Amman, socially, economically and politically and affecting the lives of its inhabitants, and their definition of their urban identity. (Daher, 2011)

2. AMMAN: A CHRONOLOGICAL REVIEW 2.1. AMMAN: THE EARLY START In his lecture Narrating Amman (Daher, 2009) sheds the light on the demographic growth of the city of Amman, and lists both the voluntary and compulsory flows of immigration and displacement that came to the city. A chronological listing of these immigrations begins in the early 1877-1878, starting with the Circassians, Lebanese and Syrian merchants coming to trade. The Kurdish immigrants at the beginning of the 20the century, the Armenians between 1918 and 1925, and later the Arab nationalists fleeting Damascus to escape the French mandate dominance after 1920. In 1948, huge numbers of Palestinian refugees fled to Amman after the Israeli Occupation of Palestine. More waves followed in 1967, after the occupation of the West Bank. In 1975, the Lebanese Civil War caused huge numbers of the Lebanese bourgeoisie to flee Lebanon and seek Amman as a shelter. Similarly, in 1990/1991 a large number of Palestinians and Jordanians returned to Jordan after the Gulf war crisis. To many of these immigrants, Amman was considered as a city of opportunities, an asylum and an escape from a rather hard life they were no longer able to tolerate. At that time, Amman resembled a great model of a harmonious coexistence between people from different backgrounds, resulting in a multiethnic and heterogeneous urban layering of the city which gave it a very distinctive character. 2.2AMMAN: A CITY STRUGGLING TO SHAPE ITS IDENTITY 2.2.1 The Marginalized Ammani Urban Heritage. According to (Daher, 2011) Amman's early urban stages were "marginalized" by the formal practices of the state, and unrecognized by the academic/orientalist definitions of Islamic Arab Cities. Over the past two centuries, major transformations have changed the face of the Middle East, as discussed by (Anderson, 1991). During the first half of the 21st century, the destruction of the Ottoman Empire was the most significant shift, followed by the establishment of the postmandate nation states in Jordan, and its neighboring countries such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, and Turkey, consequently redefining citizenship, nationhood and heritage. In defining their regional heritage, (Schriwer, 2002) argued that the newly established states only included ancient monuments in that definition, such as the Nabattean Petra in Jordan, and chose to exclude the heritage of the recent past and its urban traditions. In doing so, the state officials aimed to give legitimacy to their emerging systems and disassociate from both the recent Ottoman history and local present by building connections with distant roots. Similarly, the same strategy was adopted by the Hashemite Royal family during their regime, as explained by (Maffi, 2000), always defining the Jordanian heritage with respect to the Nabattean civilization. Amman's urban heritage as a city, with the exception of the Roman Amphitheatre, was excluded Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 64

from the formal definition of the national heritage, with more focus put instead on natural sites such as Wadi Rum or Aqaba (Daher, 2011). Moreover, (Kassay, 2006) described the national definition of the Jordanian Identity as being "antithetical" to Amman's urban reality, replacing it with a notion of "tribalization" which seemed to dominate that definition instead. 2.2.2 National Challenges facing the Amman today: Perhaps one of the major issues that faces Jordan today is its inability to keep responding to the radically growing population, fundamentally caused by the continues waves of immigrations that have fled to its lands throughout history leading to major configurations of its territory, due to its very limited natural resources and restricted sources of national income. . As a result, Jordan's economy has become very dependent on the economy of its neighbors, such as Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. This strong dependency has caused the Jordanian economy to become very vulnerable to any political conflicts arising in these countries. Consequently, international groups and state actors have together established a group of policy interventions that would guarantee a certain level of political stability in the country, and manage migrations to its lands, within these unsteady socioeconomic or sociopolitical national and regional settings (Migrationpolicy.org, 2014). . 2.3 AMMAN: JOINING THE NEOLIBERAL URBAN TRANSFORMATION. In his book (Harvey, 2005) defined Neoliberalism as " a theory of political economic practices that proposes that human wellbeing can be best advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade." Another definition by (Larner, 2003) puts more focus on the role of multinational corporations, defining Neoliberalism as "the process of opening up national economies to global actors such as multinational corporations and to global institutions such as the IMF and World Bank." In a more extreme notion, (Blomgren, 1997) argues that Neoliberalism is not a mere political philosophy as many might claim, but that it " rather ranges over a wide expanse in regard to ethical foundations as well as to normative conclusions.", and that in reality what it aims for is being "a complete laissez-faire, and the abolishment of all government.” " (Brenner and Theodore, 2005), on the other hand, worked on summarizing the significant insights in recent literature about Neoliberalism, for the purpose of using it in any future research on the topic of "political-economic restructuring at all spatial scales". According to their findings, Neoliberalism was not found to be a result or an outcome, but rather a market-driven socio-spatial transformation process, which does not have a fixed application, but on the contrary is expressed differently in each context, shaped by historical, geographical, and ideological strategies. The results it produces, whether economic, political, or spatial, are also respectively influenced by the existing landscape of power, and locationspecific models of institutional regulation. . On the scale of Amman, Neoliberization emerged with the economic collapse in 1988 and continued to accelerate during the 1990's (Schwedler, 2010). . According to (Hourani, 2014), The earliest socioeconomic shifts influenced the middle class, soon experiencing frustration due to the decreasing number of available jobs and lack of economic security. Over the past two decades, the problem aggravated, giving favour to the small elitist group. In 2011, social grievance was translated into actions as several protests Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 65

erupted in the street of many Jordanian cities, demanding better living conditions and better social equity, fueled by the Arab spring taking place in the neighboring countries (Jordan Labor Watch, 2012). . On the scale of the built environment, one of the earliest neoliberal projects in Amman , as discussed by (Abu Rumman, 2009) was launched in the late 1990's by JIC ’s Downtown Tourism Zone3, aiming to develop the Citadel Mountain (Jebel al-Qala’ as a major heritage tourism zone) . Another more recent project is the Abdali Project. Despite its huge scale and significant impact on both the skyline of the city and its urban fabric, the amount of information exposed about the Abdali project to the public was limited (Daher, 201). 3. THE ABDALI PROJECT 3.1 INTRODUCING THE PROJECT

Figure 1: Land Use Plan, Abdali the new downtown, n.d.

Located at the heart of Amman, with a total value that exceeds $5 billion, the Abdali project stands as a model for modernization and a destination for all those who seek a prestigious and elites lifestyle. With a total area that exceeds 384,000 sqm of land, and a built area that surpasses 1.8 million sqm, the Abdali Project is adopting new local mixed-use codes which have been specifically developed for the project. Through its collaboration with multinational developers, the project will create a new city center for Amman (Abdali The New Downtown, n.d.). 3.1.1 Location:

:

This parcel of land was originally owned and occupied by the Armed Forces and the Jordanian Intelligence Agency. Due to the continuous traffic congestion and the high level of activity in the surrounding areas, the Armed Forces and the Jordanian Intelligence Agency decided to evacuate their buildings and relocate to another less populated and quieter location that would Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 66

better respond to the nature of their activities that demand a high level of security. The result was a huge and almost empty plot of land with a total area of 340 000 sqm in the heart of the city. To be able to further invest in this land, The National Resources Investment and Development Corporation (Mawared) was established, whose main role was to develop such urban military sites, and turn them into real estate investment projects and turn them into real estate investment projects, with the revenues later used to support the national economy, and stand as a model of a pioneering public-private partnership. (Awamleh, 2014)

Figure 1: Abdali's construction phases in chronological order (Abdali, 2014).

3.1.2 The Abdali Investment and Development In 2004, the Abdali Investment and Development PSC was established as a corporation between the National Resources Investment & Development Cooperation 'MAWARED'1with a total of 49% of the shares, and Horizon International for Development Ltd. Co2 with a total of the 49% of the shares, and the United Real Estate Company – Jordan3 with a total of 2% of the shares, which together brought a quality of proven experience to the mega urban regeneration project. (Abdali Fact Sheet, n.d.) 3.1.3 The Project Phases: 1

"The National Resources Investment & Development Corporation ‘Mawared’ is a financially and administratively independent state-owned corporation leading Jordan's drive towards urban regeneration and inner city development. Mawared is the ideal partner for the private sector to engage in major real estate projects since it offers vacant, fully-serviced single-owned sites that are ready for development, and facilitates the smooth processing of official dealings with all the relevant authorities." 2

Aglobal construction company privately owned by Sheikh BahaaRafic Al-Hariri, specialized in the financing and development of large scale real estate projects. 3

part of Kuwait Projects Company group (KIPCO)


The project was divided into two phases; phase 1 which was planned to be completed in 2010 but was only commenced operation in 2014, and phase 2 which was planned to be completed in 2013 but is still under construction, with its completion date still undetermined (Abdali The New Downtown, n.d.). 3.1.4 Land Use: Use

Total built-up area

Residential

Offices

Retail

Hotels

Area (sqm)

1,800,000

894,765

314,406

398,580

214,065

Percent age

100%

49%

17%

22%

12%

3.2Assessing the Abdali Project: 3.2.1The Research Methodology: The Abdali Project was assessed using a discursive analysis of 6 structured interviews which have been conducted with professionals who are either stakeholders in the project or have the knowledge and the expertise that allows them to give an objective opinion about its different aspects. The assessment was conducted on two levels, starting off with assessing the politics of the project and the decision making process that resulted in its commencement, before moving on to discuss the social impacts it will have on the city of Amman, and the way it will influence its social sustainability and the definition of the urban identity of its residents. In selecting the interviewees, the aim was to choose diverse and sometimes opposing points of views to arrive at a comprehensive and robust assessment of the project. The participants included representatives of the Abdali as the investors, Great Amman Municipality as the decision maker, and university professors as the evaluators. The questions asked in the interviews related to every person’s area of specialty and his level of involvement in the project, and focused on assessing the process of planning and designing this project rather than assessing it as an end product. They also aimed to question the political agenda behind developing such a project in Amman today.


3.2.2The Politics of the Project According to (Almaani, 2014) 4the Abdali Project was nothing but a direct imitation of the Solidere project in Beirut, reflecting the needs and the architecture of that society onto the society of Amman, without much consideration and sensitivity to the context. Therefore it would be naïve of any researcher to attempt to assess the decision making process behind it, because there wasn’t any process to begin with.

Figure 2: Comparision between the Solidere project in Beirut (left) (Solidere, 2014) and the Abdali Project (Abdali, 2014).

(Awamleh, 2014)5didn't oppose that opinion, and stated that in accepting this project, the Municipality was fully aware of how unresponsive and insensitive it was to the surrounding context, but welcomed nevertheless based on its economic benefits, at a time when Amman was struggling financially, and was in need of such an investment to revive its economy. (Ratrout, 2014)6seemed to agree with Awamleh, arguing that such an attractive and relatively safe environment for investment, liberated from municipal bureaucracy, allowed GAM to attract a very important investor that helped the Jordanian market recover from a period of recession. In terms of the decision making process and the level of public participation in this project, (Almaani, 2014) argued that public participation has always been kept limited in the city of Amman, or had been superficially deployed through public figures and organizations that never served their purpose. In his opinion, the Abdali Project wasn't an exception to that norm. (Ratrout, 2014) seemed to agree with Almaani, but on the other hand, argued that Jordan is still a developing nation who does not yet possesses the enough level of awareness that would enable it to independently make decisions on its behalf. The solution would be in proposing a transitional approach that would gradually introduce public participation into the community supported by local NGO's who would act as mediators between the public and the government. In terms of selecting the location, (Ratrout, 2014)argued that this parcel of land was mostly empty and was not used for any significant purposes which had to be substituted. Moreover, 4

Mohammad S. S. Almaani is a Professor of Urban Design and City & Regional Planning who taught at a number of universities in Jordan such as the Jordan University, German Jordanian University. 5 MuradAwamleh is the head of the Special Projects Unit in Greater Amman Municipality. 6 Samer Al-Ratrout is an Assistant Professor of Architecture, holding the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Architecture.


Ratrout criticized the revitalization projects in the old downtown, whose level of intervention was always kept to the minimum in order to “preserve” that important part of the city. Altogether, this caused many shop owners and residents to move out due to the declining quality of services and the deteriorating state of the building. (Qattan, 2014), a senior architect at the 2K7office in Amman further stressed on the suitability of the location due to its centrality, stating that alternatively locating it at the edges of Amman wouldn’t have been a better solution. Looking at(Canary Warf)in London as an example, the problem of locating such mega projects atremote locations is in the way they turn into ghost towns after working hours. 3.2.3. Social Sustainability: (Daher, 2014) 8criticized the way the project will increase the existing segregation and spatial polarization between west and east Amman; by creating a new level of segregation between this new elitist island known as the Abdali and the rest of Amman. The project is also tapping into people’s perception of their social status by promoting the Abdali project as an alternative downtown for the posh, liberal and sophisticated people of the society, replace the older downtown which is designated for the conservative and less educated class. (Ratrout,2014), opposed that opinion, affirming that the Abdali project's current program, which targets the elitists with its level and quality of services, will broaden its scope to include a wider range of activities that will be suitable to all the social classes, once the investor meets his economic objectives and generates the desired investment revenues. (Alhasan, 2014) 9 defended the project and its title as the "New Downtown" by comparing it to the other high end districts, such as Manhattan in New York, which exist at the heart of all the important cities around the world. The Abdali project, in his opinion, is not there to replace the old downtown, but to complement it, by targeting high end developers whose investments will give Amman a prestigious and top quality stratum within the region. Situated within an already active and vibrant trade sector in the city, the Abdali project is a model of a well-designed urban redevelopment that aims to raise the quality of business exchange in the city. . Another point raised by (Almaani,2014) was the way this project altered people's perception of the city. Seen from almost any spot in Amman, the project's investors made a strong statement about their power and dominance, stressing on the fact that "whoever has the money has the power to do anything." Additionally, the project's huge scale turned it into a landmark that sucked them into "the new centre" before suddenly causing them to drop into the "old center". Altogether this created a sense of confusion for people, and destroyed their mental images and sense of cognition of their city, demolishing people's memories of their old downtown, which was the city's centre of activities and thepublic arena where people practiced their social life.

7

2K office is a Jordanian architecture and urban planning office in Amman. It is one of the Abdali Project developers, working of the design and the supervision of 5 buildings in phase l. 8

Rami Daher is an associate professor of Architecture, Heritage Conservation and Urban Regeneration at the German Jordanian University in Jordan and a practicing architect at TURATH Consultants 9

ArchiectLoai Al Hasan fills the position of a project manager at the Abdali Boulevard.


Figure 3: The Abdali Project dominating the skyline (Source: author)

(Awamleh, 2014) on the other hand, argued that: "We can't claim that this project hasn't been built for the people of Amman or with respect to their collective memories, since these people themselves have always changed and so have their memories and their relationship with the city." 4. CONCLUSION: Before attempting to assess the influence of the neoliberal sociopolitical policy its resulting urban restructuring transformations, in a way that has collectively affected the urban identity of these cities and produced placeless architecture that no longer reflects its context or the needs of its people, a bigger question has to be asked, and that is, what is the real function of cities today? Through the scope of this research, different functions have been discussed and analyzed. Neoliberalism, on one hand, utilizes cities in a way that turns cities into a tool that encourages capital accumulation for an exclusive class of the society. . Furthermore, the very nature of the decision-making processes which controlled the development of a number of cities, including Amman, was to a large extent politically induced, which has resulted in turning Amman into an open-stage for political agendas to play out. Respectively, Jordan's position within the politically unstable region has and will continue to turn it into one big refugee camp for all the waves of immigrations that have fled to its lands seeking safety. From a social point of view, this project will be creating extreme levels of social segregation, in a city which is already struggling to reshape itself and accommodate the different social groups and nationalities into its fabric. If anything, this project seemed to highlight that existing tension between the different classes, and constructed a physical container to house it and allow it to grow. On another level, the scope of these new megaprojects, such as the Abdali Project, pay little consideration to the needs, believes, objectives, and traditions of the Ammani locals, obstructing their urban identity as citizens of that city. Despite the investors' attempts to promote the project


as being the "New Downtown", using "local" materials and building language, their intentions were clearly paramount, masked by shallow solutions that naively attempted to prove otherwise. By totally overlooking the old downtown, this project is obstructing people's collective memories and sense of place attachment to a part of the city which played a very important role in forming their urban identity and earliest definition of themselves as one nation. As Jane Jacobs once said, "Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.” (Jacobs, 1993) 5. CHALLENGES AND FURTHER RESEARCH: Due to the limited time frame, this research is presented as a report on initial findings, conducted on a narrow sample of interviewees, and will be further developed to include to a broader audience of opinions and expertise. Having been officially commenced operation in 2014, the influence of the Abdali Project on the city of Amman still can't be properly measured or researched, with its second Phase still in construction. Therefore, the analysis and assessment demonstrated in this paper have depended on the interviewees' earlier knowledge of Amman and such mega projects, and have sometimes attempted to forecast its influence on the urban fabric of Amman rather than empirically measure it. Theoretical aspects of the work, such as neoliberalism, will be further researched and developed by deriving from existing bodies of knowledge both internationally and nationally.

References: Ababsa, M. and Daher, R. (2011).Cities, urban practices and nation building in Jordan. 1st ed. Beyrouth: Presses de l'ifpo. Abdali Fact Sheet.(n.d.). 1st ed. [ebook] Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/pdf/FactsheetEnglish.pdf [Accessed 29 Jul. 2014]. Abdali The New Downtown. (n.d.).1st ed. [ebook] ABOUT ABDALI INVESTMENT & DEVELOPMENT PSC. Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/index.php?r=site/page&id=26 [Accessed 27 Jul. 2014]. Abdali, (2014).Abdali Overview. [image] Available at: http://i257.photobucket.com/albums/hh216/yaz-maj/ABDALI-Sunrise.jpg [Accessed 21 Aug. 2014]. Abdali, (2014).Abdali Construction Phases. [image] Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/images/albums/construction/construction_134848505940.jpg [Accessed 17 Aug. 2014]. Abu Rumman, M. (2009). Amman 2015: the Character and spirit of the city. Al Ghad. [online] Available at: http://www.alghad.com/f.php/afkar_wamawaqef/article/13466.html. [Accessed 31 Aug. 2014]. Alhasan, L. (2014). Assesing the Abdali Project. Almaani, M. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project. Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities. 1st ed. London: Verso. Awamleh, M. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project. Blomgren, A. (1997). Nyliberalpolitiskfilosofi. 1st ed. Nora: Nya doxa. Brenner, N. and Theodore, N. (2005).Neoliberalism and the urban condition.City, 9(1), pp.101-107. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 72

Daher, R. (2007). Tourism: heritage and urban transformations in Jordan and Lebanon: emerging actors and global-local juxtapositions,. In: R. Daher, ed., Tourism in the Middle East: Continuity, Change and Transformation, 1st ed. pp.263–307. Daher, R. (2009). Narrating Amman. Daher, R. (2011).Amman: Disguised Genealogy and Recent Urban Restructuring and Neoliberal Threats. In: Y. Elsheshtawy, ed., THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY Tradition, Modernity and Urban Development, 1st ed. Daher, R. (2013).NEOLIBERAL URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE ARAB ENVIRONNEMENT URBAIN / URBAN ENVIRONMENT, 7, pp.3, p. a-99 à a-115. Daher, R. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project. Elsheshtawy, Y. (2004). Planning Middle Eastern cities. 1st ed. London: Routledge. HOURANI, N. (2014). NEOLIBERAL URBANISM AND THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A VIEW FROM AMMAN. Journal of Urban Affairs, 36(s2), pp.650--662. Harvey, D. (2005). A brief history of neoliberalism. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. HOURANI, N. (2014). NEOLIBERAL URBANISM AND THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A VIEW FROM AMMAN. Journal of Urban Affairs, 36(s2), pp.650--662. Jacobs, J. (1993). The death and life of great American cities. 1st ed. New York: Modern Library. Jordan Labor Watch, (2012). Labor Protests in 2011: Analytical Report. Jordan Labor Watch Report Series. Amman. Kassay, A. (2006). The Absence of an Ammani Identity. Paper presented to the Cities and National Identity in Jordan Conference,. In: Cities and National Identity in Jordan Conference. Amman. Larner, W. (2003).Neolibrealism?.Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, [online] 21(5), pp.509-512. Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d2105ed [Accessed 22 Jul. 2014]. Maffi, I. (2000). Le statut des objects dans la miseen scène muséographique du passé enJordanie: le discourshistorique, la narration mythiqueet la tradition. No 10: Patrimony and Heritage Conservation in Jordan. Center for Studies and Researchers on the Contemporary Middle East, pp.pp.3–16. Migrationpolicy.org, (2014).Jordan: A Refugee Haven. [online] Available at: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/jordan-refugee-haven [Accessed 29 Aug. 2014]. Qattan, Z. (2014). Assessing the Abdali Project. Ratrout, S. (2014).Assessing the Abdali Project. Sadiq, R. 2005 .Dazzlin D bai: The ‘Invisible’ Hand of Global Competitiveness. In: Social Science Fourteenth Annual Symposium ‘The Transformation of Middle Eastern Urban Landscapes: From Modernism to Neoliberalism’, 1st ed. Cairo. Schriwer, C. (2002). Cultural and ethnic identity in the Ottoman period architecture of Cyprus, Jordan and Lebanon.Levant, 34(1), pp.197--218. 119 Schwedler, J. (2010). Jordan's Risky Business As Usual | Middle East Research and Information Project. [online] Merip.org. Available at: http://www.merip.org/mero/mero063010 [Accessed 31 Aug. 2014]. Solidere, (2014).Solidere Overview. [image] Available at: http://www.beirutnightlife.com/wpcontent/uploads/2010/10/Solidere-Master-Plan-by-TVS-11.jpg [Accessed 17 Aug. 2014].


Dubai Metro and the New Build Environment and Urban Life at Sheikh Zaid Road Dr. Mohammad S. Arar , Associate Professor Architectural Engineering Department, Ajman University of Science and Technology, Ajman, UAE, [email protected]; [email protected];

Abstract Dubai city is considered as one of the most popular city in the last ten years worldwide. The reasons behind this special magic feature that makes Dubai to have such appreciation can be seen in many factors; however, this paper will focus on one major factor in this city which is Dubai Metro. The Metro is an important public transportation function that meant to serve the general population and to make the flow of public movement much more efficient. Dubai has a rapidly growing population and severe traffic congestion problems. The population forecast to increase by 6.4% annually, rising to three million by the year 2017. Through this public transportation lines there are 49 stations as nodes. The function of these nodes is to allow the public to use the metro in an efficient way and to be accessible to pedestrian in the street, and to link strategic locations including Dubai Airport terminals, Shopping centers, and other important functions in the city. Through the survey conducted in the selected nodes, the paper highlights the positive and negative impact of Dubai Metro and suggests alternatives to enhance the quality of urban life in this part of the city. The paper provides statistical analysis of people reaction in using the metro as public transportation to reduce the traffic congestion. It also evaluates the impact on the architectural aesthetic as a result of this major project especially in the selected nodes or stations, which creates a severe visual influence in the surrounding build environment, and causing a major change in the pattern language of the architectural product among buildings. Keywords: Public Transportation, Population growth, traffic congestion, build environment.


Introduction The increase of urban population is considered a big challenge worldwide, causing many challenges in the city. One major factor of the growth is the layout of infrastructure and in particular the handling of public transportation. It is part of the city vision to plan and forecast its future, however the dominant issue concerning this vision is how to deal with public transportation and what important choices to select in order to serve the public. The City of Dubai has worked so hard to achieve something considered to be impossible few years ago. The vision was a dream but with strong ambition and commitment to excellent, Dubai City has achieved this long waited vision. It was the opening of Metro Dubai in September 2009. This major project has opened the door for new era in the city. The Metro have a great impact on urban development of the city, and its surroundings. It is one of the most effective and important way of public and mass transportation, see (Image 1-4). Although some people in the city are still hesitating to use it, but it is not deniable the importance of the Metro, and it becomes one of the landmarks of Dubai city. The impact of the Metro will take time for people to use it and to consider it for their main transportation service. However, as the city of Dubai progress and develop, the Metro will solve many problems in the city such as traffic congestion, reducing environmental pollution that comes from vehicles’ gasoline consumption, and public transportation alternative. Metro is not just an automotive system for moving people but it’s a life style which represents different transportation approach in the society. Dubai Metro has two lines; the Red Line which runs from Rashidiya Station to Jebel Ali Station which runs 52Km, and Green Line which moves from Creek Station to Etisalat Station which runs 22.5km as shown in (Figure 1). The Red Line runs elevated from Rashidiya to Al Garhoud through Dubai International Airport terminals. After serving Deira City Center shopping mall and adjoining development areas in Port Saeed, the Red Line runs along Al Rigga Street to reach the transfer station at Union Square. From Al Garhoud to Union Square, the Red Line runs underground crossing the creek close to Dubai Municipality building and the Radisson Hotel, serving the second underground transfer station at Burjuman before going elevated at Al Karama station. Then the Red Line runs elevated along the east of Sheikh Zayed Road, south of the World Trade Center Interchange and as far as Jebel Ali limitless Station. The Red Line includes an elevated section of around 47.4km with 24 elevated stations and an underground section of around 4.7km with 4 stations, including the 2 transfer stations connecting the two lines. The main depot, housing depot and rolling stock parking facilities for the Red Line is located at the northern end of the Red Line, after the Rashidiya station see (Table 1).


Metro Dubai at Sheikh Zaid Road (Image 1)

BENO SARADZIC f//Benosaradzicphotography1 The Green Line starts elevated from Jaddaf zone to Dubai Health Care City, runs in the middle of Oud Metha Road and joins the Red Line at the transfer station Burjuman. Then runs underground to Al Ghubaiba, crosses the creek close to Al Ras and serves the Deira Central Business District (CBD) before intersecting the Red Line again, at the transfer station Union Square. The Green Line curves along Salahuddin Road, runs elevated along Salahuddin Road and Al Ittihad Road, turns east along Al Nahda Road and terminates at the intersection with Damascus Road, close to Al Qusais where the Green line Depot and parking facilities are located as the end of the line see (Table 2). There are three large car parking garages to facilitate the using of Metro in three stations where drivers can leave their cars to ride the Metro. As shown in (Table 3). Most 49 of the stations are built elevated and one is at grade for the line end at JAFZA limitless station. Underground stations are mainly located in the CBD area, including the two transfer stations (Union Square and Burjuman). All station platforms are 85m long, are equipped with platform screen doors and are fully air-conditioned. All the stations are accessible for disabled passengers from street to platform level. All the stations are designed to contribute to the image of Dubai, representing the activities of diversity and multicultural society. 1

2013 BENO SARADZIC f//Benosaradzicphotography


Figure 1: Metro Dubai Stations: Red Line and Green Line

Metro Dubai Stations Red Line Green Line

Parking Area

Parking Area

Parking Area

2

Image 2

www.dubai.online.com

Image 3

Image 4

Metro Dubai along Sheikh Zaid Road

2

www.dubai.online.com Metro Dubai Stations Map for Red Line and Green Line


Table 1: Red Line Stations

Rashidiya

Rashidiya

Z o n e 5

Emirates

Garhoud

5

Airport Terminal 3

5

GGICO

Garhoud Dubai Airport Free Zone Garhoud Dubai Airport Free Zone Garhoud

Deira City Center

Deira

5

Deira City Center

Al Rigga

Deira

5

Hamarain Centre

Union

Deira Transfer Station

5

Al Ghurair Centre

Burjuman

Bur Dubai Transfer Station

6

Burjuman

Al Karama

Al Karama

6

Al Jafiliya

Al Jafiliya

6

World Trade Centre

Trade Centre

6

Emirates Towers

Trade Centre Emirates Towers

6

Financial Centre

6

Burj Khalifa/ Dubai Mall

Dubai International Financial Cent. Downtown Dubai Dubai Mall

Business Bay

Business Bay Oasis Centre

6

Noor Islamic Bank

Al Quoz Oasis Centre

2

First Gulf Bank

Al Quoz

2

Mall of the Emirates

2

Sharaf DG

Al Barsha Mall of the Emirates Al Barsha

Dubai Internet City

Al Sufouh

2

Nakheel

Al Sufouh

2

S. N . 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 2 0 2 1 2 2 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 9 3 1 3 2 3 3 3 4 3 5

Metro Station

Airport Terminal 1

Area

Malls

5 5

6

Dubai Fountain and Mall Safa Park

Ski Dubai Wild Wadi

2


3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 4 0 4 1 4 2

Damac or Dubai Marina

Dubai Marina Dubai Marina Mall Jumeirah Lakes Towers

2

Nakheel Harbour and Tower Ibn Battuta

Jumeirah Islands

2

Jebel Ali Ibn Battuta Mall

2

Energy

Jebel Ali

2

Danube

Jebel Ali

1

Jebel Ali

Jebel Ali

1

Jumeirah Lakes Towers

2

Table 2: Green Line Stations

S. N. 11 12 13

Metro Station

Area

19 20

Etisalat Al Qusais Dubai Airport Free Zone Al Nahda Stadium Al Qiyadah Abu Hail Abu Baker Al Siddique Salah Al Din Union

21 22

Baniyas Square Palm Deira

23 24 25 26

Al Ras Al Ghubaiba Al Fahidi Burjuman

27 28

Oud Metha Dubai Healthcare

Deira Bur Dubai Bur Dubai Bur Dubai Transfer Station with Red Line Oud Metha Umm Hurair

29 30

Al Jadaf Creek

Al Jadaf Al Jadaf

14 15 16 17 18

Zo ne

Malls

Al Qusais Al Qusais Al Qusais

5 5 5

Al Qusais Al Qusais Al Twar Deira Deira

5 5 5 5 5

Al Bustan Centre

Deira Deira Transfer Station with Red Line Deira Deira

5 5

Al Ghurair Centre Al Ghurair Centre

5 6 6 6

6 6

5 5

6 6

Hamarain Centre

Fish Market , Gold Souk Perfume, Spice Souk Old Souk Al Ain Centre Burjuman Lamcy Plaza Khan Murjan, Wafi Mall


Table 3: Stations with Parking Storage Building

Station Name

Line

Number of parking spaces

Rashidiya Nakheel Harbour and Tower Eitsalat

Red Red Green

2700 3000 2300

The Study The study investigates several variables as factor for analyses. These variables are divided into five categories: Usage, cost, problem, facility and workability. These are part of survey questionnaire that has been applied in nine stations see (table 4) in Metro Dubai to analyze the followings:

No.

Variable

1

Usage

2

Cost

3

Facility

Survey The use of the Metro The reason for using the metro The cost of using the metro The rate of entertainment and shopping facilities in the station The main problem in using the metro

4

Problem

Why you like to use the metro ? If you drive a car what was the main problem in using the metro? How do you rate the stations from outside in relation to the surrounding?

5

Workability

How do you rate the workability of the stations with the surrounding facilities?

The study indicates that 33% of the people of the survey have used the metro in a daily bases, however 19.6% in a weekly bases and 18.2% in a monthly bases. These results reflect the trend of people reaction to this automotive public transportation as shown in (Graph 1). On the other hand, the study shows that 37% of people surveyed have used the Metro to go to work, while 27% to go shopping and 25% to visit a place in Dubai as shown in (table 5). The study also examines the cost of using the metro and the affordability of this unique public transportation and the result was so interesting as shown in (Table 6). The result indicates that 51% of the people of the survey consider riding the Metro in Dubai is affordable and only 10% consider the cost expensive while 38% think it is cheap.


Table 4: Metro Dubai Station in the Survey No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Station Number 11 22 15 16 18 19 25 32 36

Station Name

Remark

Rashidiya World Trade Centre GGICO Deira City Center Union Burjuman Burj Khalifa Dubai Mall Mall of the Emirates Damac or Dubai Marina

Transfer Station Transfer Station

Graph 1

Table 5: What is the reason for using Metro

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

go to work

167

37.1

37.1

37.1

go shopping

123

27.3

27.3

64.4

visit a place in Dubai

114

25.3

25.3

89.8

take another transportation

42

9.3

9.3

99.1

none

4

.9

.9

100.0

Total

450

100.0

100.0


Table 6: What do you consider the cost of using the Metro

Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Expensive

47

10.4

10.4

10.4

Affordable

231

51.3

51.3

61.8

Cheap

172

38.2

38.2

100.0

Total

450

100.0

100.0

The entertainment and shopping facilities in the stations have been evaluated by the survey and it has shown that many users of the metro consider the facilities in stations are still in progress and does not provide the public with varieties of options for entertainment and shopping. The actual result of this variable shows that 36.7% consider the facilities in stations are good while 32% consider it very good and only 16% indicate that it is excellent as shown in ( Graph 2). Graph 2

There are several problems facing the user of Dubai Metro and it is important indications from the survey to find out that there are still some obstacles facing the public in using the Metro. Accessibility to the metro was one of these problems and it was shown in the result of the survey as 28.4% consider accessibility to the metro’s stations as a problem, However, the highest percentage regarding this variable is the location of parking to use metro as shown in (Table 7) indicates that 37.6% of the survey while there is 34% indicates that the availability of parking is the main problem in using the metro. Therefore along with these results the city of Dubai has constructed three major parking garages to provide the public with parking space for their vehicles and the location of these parking garages have been distributed in three location as shown in (figure 1) at the beginning of Red line and Green Line and at the end of Red Line, In addition the number of parking spaces are available to cover the public demand as needed. But in order to make the public more comfortable with using this major public transportation the city has to provide more parking garages to encourage people to use the metro and should be located as the public density of Dubai city users will be located. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 82

Table 7: What is the main problem in using the Metro Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Accessibility to the stations

128

28.4

28.4

28.4

The location of parking

169

37.6

37.6

66.0

The availability of parking space

153

34.0

34.0

100.0

Total

450

100.0

100.0

Metro Dubai is a new experience for the city with long history of using personal private vehicle as the mean of transportation. Public transportation in general is not accepted by certain proportion of Dubai society since it is a total change in life style. The study has shown that the main causes for using the metro is for convenient and accuracy reasons with 27.1% and 38.9% of the survey. The other two results of the analyses such as Safe and not to drive are 15.8% and 16% of the survey as shown in (Table 8 and Graph 3).

Table 8: The reason to use the Metro Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative Percent

Convenient

122

27.1

27.1

27.1

The accuracy

175

38.9

38.9

66.0

Safe

71

15.8

15.8

81.8

I do not have to drive

72

16.0

16.0

97.8

Other

10

2.2

2.2

100.0

Total

450

100.0

100.0

Graph 3


The Metro Station in Dubai has special design looks from outside which reflect an old UAE cultural practice. The design of these Metro Stations derived from the heritage of the city that reflects the historical and traditional legacy profile of Dubai in a style that matches its surroundings. The look of the station “The design of all elevated and at-grade Dubai Metro stations has been modelled on the shape of seashell, inspired from the diving and pearl-fishing heritage of the UAE”3 see (Images 5,6,7). This design approach has combined both heritage and contemporary design. The study has indicated that people reactions toward Dubai Metro station are varies from one station to another depending on the surrounding of each station and the outdoor area that left for pedestrian to use and also how close the station to the adjacent buildings which might create some negative impact in terms of proportion and aesthetics. The survey has shown the result as in (Graph 4): with 32% of the public users consider the station from outside in relation to the surrounding as very good while 25% consider it excellent and 30% indicate as good. The result in general has indicated the acceptance of the public users to the design and look of Metro Station from outside with exceptions in certain areas. Image 5

Image 6

Image 7 4

Dubai Metro Station from outside

Graph 4

3

Mattar Al Tayer, chairman of the board and executive director of the Roads and Transport Authority (RTA). Dubai City. 4 Dubai Metro Station in Bersha near Mall of the Emirates en.Wikipedia.org Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 84

The workability is also another important indicator to show how the stations are functioning inside and outside with the surrounding area. The inside of the station has different interior design depicts the four elements of nature – water, air, earth and fire see ( Images 8,9,10,11). The attention has been given to aesthetic and technical dimensions of those elements such that the stations will look like a natural extension of the old and traditional souks in the locality. They will also be viewed as extensions of the Heritage and Diving Village and the existing old control towers in the area. “Conceptual design of some stations focuses on the traditional architectural ingredients used in antique buildings such as wind towers (Brajeel), oriel (mashrabia), alleyways (sukaik), internal arches and others in an advanced setting.” 5 The study indicates that the majority of the public users are enthusiastic and excited about the metro. The survey shows that 32.9% of the users are satisfied with the function and workability of the stations while 30.4% consider it very good and 20.9% of the users believe it is excellent as shown in (Table 9) Table 9: The rate of workability of the stations with the surrounding facilities.

Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Excellent

94

20.9

20.9

20.9

Very good

137

30.4

30.4

51.3

Good

148

32.9

32.9

84.2

Fair

35

7.8

7.8

92.0

Poor

36

8.0

8.0

100.0

Total

450

100.0

100.0

Image 8 6

Cumulative Percent

Image 9 7

Metro Dubai Station from inside 5

Mattar Al Tayer, chairman of the board and executive director of the Roads and Transport Authority (RTA). Dubai City. 6 www.FlashyDubai.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station heritage – inspired Design of Dubai 7 www.FlashyDubai.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station heritage – inspired Design of Dubai Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 85

Image 10 8

Image 11 9

Metro Dubai Station from inside

Conclusion Today the Dubai Metro, the longest automated system in the world see (Map 1), is not just a dream. It is a reality and it takes an extra ordinary vision to create advance public transportation and to contribute to the future of Metro Systems in the Middle East. Whatever the Dubai Metro has achieved, it has definitely formed a milestone for future Metros in the UAE in specific and in the Gulf Region in general. Dubai Metro has set an example of excellence in modern metro and train public transportation technology. In real terms, the Dubai Metro has ignited a revolution for Metro railway system in the Middle East. The riders of Dubai Metro have increased between 2012 and 2013 by 26% , and the average daily ridership in 2012 and 2013 was about 380,000. On Feb. 2014, Dubai Metros highest ever ridership of 610,000 passengers. The statistics have shown that the users of the metro are increasing gradually see (Table 10, 11). The actual statistics has shown an increased in the population of metro’s users which indicate similar results in the study that have been done in this paper. However, the survey has clarified more details in terms of preferences and needs by the users of the metro. Although 33% of metro riders use it daily and around 37% of the riders use it to go to work, these result does reflect an important indicator that one third of Dubai population use the metro in a daily bases to go to work. In addition the cost of using the metro is encouraging the public even more to choose this new public transportation since half of the users consider the cost of riding the metro as affordable. The result has shown that the facilities inside the stations need more services with 36.7% as good even though most of the stations have the state of the art equipment. The interpretation of this result explain that some of these metro stations is huge in space and size and required long walking distance to get to the metro track, therefore it is not friendly to the users especially children and elderly. The study has indicated that the main problem facing using Dubai Metro are accessibility to the public and availability of parking, These indicators are realistic and required more strategy by 8

www.flickr.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station (Khalid Bin Al Waleed) Burjuman. www.designbuild-network.com for the inside space of Metro Dubai Station located beneath the Burjuman Mall (Khalid Bin Al Waleed). 9


the city of Dubai to provide more parking garages and to distribute them in location according to number of users. The statistic has shown the locations of these crowded metro stations, and it will be appropriate to support them by parking garage or bus station to ease the pressure of these crowds. The public is using the metro because it is convenient and accurate and the statistical analyses indicate that with almost 65% favoring these reasons. However, when it comes to workability from outside it has even more support by the public reaction in the survey, these result clarify that the people who are using the metro are only concern with using the metro for transportation even though it has negative impact on the surrounding developments around the stations. Finally, there are fact on the ground that are considered an obstacle for full public participation in using the metro due to social and cultural reasons. Therefore, the strategy in making public transportation such as the metro as an attractive alternative will take some time and will require change of perception by the general public in order to consider the ride of the metro a dream for all regardless of the social status.

Table 10: Red Line – Average Monthly Ridership (Source) 10

2011 2012 2013 2014

Deira City Centre 406,393 473,704 547,196 588,460

Union Station 503,538 405,718 471,359 551,435

Burj Khalifa 240,943 321,864 510,859 544,140

Al Rigga Station 314,873 382,992 471,512 538,479

Burguman Station 465,986 396,830 461,494 518,965

Mall of the Emirate 346,736 412,379 456,286 474,053

Green Line – Average Monthly Ridership

2011 2012 2013 2014

10

AL Fahidi Station

Baniyas Square

Al Ghubaiba Station

Salah Al Oud Metha Din Station

279,561 381,884 482,892 563,688

287,930 364,996 463,139 531,422

207,734 274,410 345,902 396,492

158,875 221,648 290,718 342,565

194,953 240,465 304,108 339,160

Abu Baker Station 135,357 189,582 256,634 321,026

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Dubai Metro


Table 11: Statistics for Metro Dubai The Increase of Metro’s Users from 2012 to 2013 (Source) 11

Lines Kilometers Trips (Red Line) Trips (Green Line) Trips (Total) Passengers (Red Line) Passengers (Green Line) Passengers (Total)

2012 2 74,6 104,961 93,795 198,756 71,914,000 37,576,000 109,490,000

2013 2 74,6 115,670 94,189 209,759 88,886,539 48,872,719 137,759,258

Map 1:Dubai Map and the Location of the Red Line and Green Line for Metro Dubai and future network 12

11 12

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Dubai Metro www.emirates247.com the map gives an idea of the potential Metro network in the future


References: Red Line (Dubai Metro) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Line_(Dubai_Metro) Green Line (Dubai Metro) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Line_(Dubai_Metro) www.railway-technology.com/projects/dubai-metro/ Dubai Metro Network, United Arab Emirates Dubai Metro creates new world record | GulfNews.com, Feb 21, 2012 - Its official The Dubai Metro is the longest driverless metro network in the world. Ahmed Kanna (Editor), The Superlative City: Dubai and the Urban Condition in the Early Twenty-First Century (Aga Khan Program of the Graduate School of Design) 2013. Yasser Elsheshtawy (Author), Dubai: Behind an Urban Spectacle (Planning, History and Environment Series) 2009. Bruce Katz (Author), Jennifer Bradley (Author), The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy, 2014. Jan Gehl , Cities for People, Island press, 2010. Hank Dittmar (Editor), Gloria Ohland (Editor)The New Transit Town: Best Practices In Transit-Oriented Development, 2003. Hiroaki Suzuki (Author), Robert Cervero (Author), Kanako Iuchi (Author), Transforming Cities with Transit: Transit and Land-Use Integration for Sustainable Urban Development, 2013. Matthew Carmona, Steve Tiesdell, Tim Heath and Taner Oc, Public Places Urban Spaces The Dimensions of Urban Design, Architectural Press, Second Edition 2010. Vukan R. Vuchic (Author), Urban Transit Systems and Technology, 2007. John L. Renne (Editor), Billy Fields III (Editor), Transport Beyond Oil: Policy Choices for a Multimodal Future, 2013.


Brownfield landscapes of Amman: Defining typologies of unnamed terrains Deyala Tarawneh School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences (GEES), University of Birmingham, UK [email protected]

ABSTRACT Whether it is evident or not Brownfield landscapes play a significant role in cities, urban planning and the production of space understood as the Lefebvrian reproduction of social relations (Lefebvre, 1991). They are a powerful instrument for emphasizing an array of informal cultural, social and economic activities and are part of the built environment, although construction or urban activity around them might define them as empty. This paper investigates the phenomenon of Brownfield landscapes widely spreading across Amman (Jordan) more specifically the challenges linked to the lack of formal definitions (in planning documents and policy) and therefore attention towards them which undermines their potential and excludes them from being part of the urban development process. Informed by a study of Brownfield landscapes in Amman this paper aims to firstly highlight the significance of identifying these sites in addition to introducing the already existing set of definitions associated with them. Secondly, it aims to introduce the different typologies of Brownfield sites emerging in Amman and where do they fall in that classification. Finally, the paper uses the findings to contribute to the debate around Brownfield landscapes and the many possibilities for this emerging luxury of emptiness, a phenomenon that has the capacity of attracting space pioneers to create cultural breeding grounds as platforms of urban innovation. Keywords: Brownfield, dereliction, urban redevelopment, Amman.

1. INTRODUCTION Alker at al. Argue that the definitions are interpretations of terminologies set to prevent misunderstandings and confusions in addition to enable clear communication between different groups with different views. A variety of stakeholders and professionals (planners, surveyors, lawyers, developers, investors, environmental consultants, local authorities, public agencies and local communities) are involved in the redevelopment of ‘Brownfields’. Therefore, it is important to achieve consistency between those localities and the definition of ‘Brownfields’ should comply with their different perspectives and convey an interpretation reflecting the emphasis of each stakeholder (Alker et al., 2000). In spite of the many derivations and interpretations from different origins (Gwilliam, 1997, Syms, 1999, Bardos, 1999, Simons, 1996, Meyer, 1995) ‘Brownfields’ have two primary definition, a UK and a US based ones. And while defined as the opposite of ‘Greenfield’ in the UK planning terms, Greenfield here meaning land that has not previously been developed, ‘Brownfields’ have been adopted to describe land that has previously been subjected to development (TSO, 1990). Development defined here as “the carrying out of building, Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 90

engineering, mining or other operations, in, on, over or under land, or the making of any material change in the use of any building or other land”. In this definition, development is interpreted as a simple change of use, however ‘Brownfields’ are generally related to a form of hard end use involving a physical construction or an industrial process-taking place. The second definition of ‘Brownfield’ introduced by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA, 2002) as “the abandoned, idled, or under-used industrial and commercial facilities where expansion or redevelopment is complicated by real or perceived environmental contamination”. Unlike the UK definition, this definition incorporates contamination of lands and therefore implies all Brownfields are contaminated which is not the case. Moreover, US definition generates stigmatization to Brownfield sites, but it should be noted that it also incorporates ‘idled’ and ‘abandoned’ as part of the definition interpreted in the UK definition as vacant lands. However, reflecting on the primary purpose with which this paper is associated with, it is a prerequisite for the classification of Amman’s emerging Brownfields to introduce the existing terminology matrix associated with ‘Brownfield’ definition. In this confusing area of terminology, three established terms associating the definition of a Brownfield are identified in practice and legislations; (1) contaminated land, (2) derelict land and (3) vacant land. Citing many governmental bodies (the Committee for Challenges to Modern Society (CCMS), Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (RCEP), Department of Environment (DoE), Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology (POST)). In their classification Alker, Joy, Roberts and smith (Alker et al., 2000) define contaminated land as referred by many practitioners as a “ wider category of land which as a result of previous or current activities contain contamination concentration high enough to be a hazard on health or environment”. However, to avoid confusion, it is important to know that statutory definition is referring to ‘land contamination’ instead of ‘contaminated land’ to indicate presence of contaminants and imply the need for treatment or, at least, further investigation. In addition, if land is not known for sure if contaminated, it is described as ‘potential land contamination’ and in case hazard is reflecting the natural or human-made site physical conditions rather than biological or chemical contamination then the term generally used is ‘damaged land’. The second associated term to Brownfield definition defined is ‘derelict land’ defined as “land which is derelict, neglected or unsightly” also as “land so damaged by the industrial or other development that is incapable of beneficial use without treatment”. While the third associated term is ‘vacant land’, which is defined as a consequence of the derelict land definition inadequacy, vacant land are defined as “land on which some previous productive use has ceased for a significant period of time”, further, categorized as including land which may be in addition contaminated, derelict or neglected (ibid), see Figure 1.


Contaminated land

Land contamination

Keywords: Biological or chemical hazard, harm, pollution.

Keywords: Treatment or investigation required.

Brownfield

Derelict land

Potential land contamination

Keywords: Previously developed, abandoned, idled, under-used, contaminated.

Keywords: Neglected, Unsightly, damaged by development

Keywords: Not known for sure if contaminated

Vacant land

Keywords: Natural or man-made physical problems.

Keywords: Neglected, Unsightly, damaged by development

Damaged land

Figure 1: Brownfield classification 2. MAIN BODY 2.1 Research Methodology In addition to visual methods of direct observation and photographic documentation, informal chats, later developed into semi-structured interviews, informed the investigation of brownfield sites established in Amman. Chats and interviews were conducted with three stakeholder groups; (1) institutional and governmental bodies represented by the Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) planning department, regulation department, private sector development department, building supervision department and geographic information system (GIS) department in addition to Ministry of Environment (MoEnv) and Natural Resources Authority (NRA). (2) Local authorities represented by municipalities and directorates. In addition to (3), local communities represented by NGO’s and the everyday user of local community whom provided cartographic data, documents and insight respectively. Recruiting methods were made through direct contact, delegation, referrals, connection and snowballing. Written and spoken consent was obtained from participant whom were guaranteed anonymity and confidentiality. 2.2 Brownfields of Amman. Reflecting on existing terminologies, a review of current interpretations and applications of Amman’s Brownfield typologies in relation to their usage is aimed to classify them into the current Brownfield definition system. It is essential to start from the basics in this frequently confused area of terminology in order to establish definitions even if they are restricted in scope and usage. Therefore, this paper will begin with the most familiar typologies and work its way through the rather not so obvious ones. The research identified six Brownfield typologies. The first being ‘quarries and mining sites’ which either get rehabilitated after materials excavation or in other cases, which is the problematic aspect here, is subjected to an agreed upon fine/bail condition leaving the site


untreated (NRA, 2014, MoEnv, 2014) 1 . The second typology, also related to quarries and mining sites, are ‘prohibited sites’ located in unplanned zones where the investor is to submit supporting documents and studies to the Planning and Studies Department to regulate the land in order to later register it at the Registration Department. Similar to the first typology, the land is either rehabilitated after use or the bail/fine condition is applied (ibid). The third typology the paper introduces is a consequence of the economic crisis, which led many investors and enterprises in the capital Amman to pause the construction of promised megaprojects, and skyscrapers either at site preparation phases of excavation and infrastructure installation or at early construction phases. ‘Unfinished megaprojects’ constitute a dilemma to the Private Investment sector as such enterprises were given many facilitations and special laws which made it easy to abandon those sites as soon as investors ran out on money (GAMPSDD, 2014, GAMCMPD, 2014, GAMRD, 2014, GAMPD, 2014). Unlike the first three introduced typologies which this paper argues, are human-made violations of either regulations or legislations, the fourth and fifth Brownfield typologies result from legitimate planning applications. ‘Bits’ and ‘leftovers’ are residual lands either resulting usually from the passage of unpaved service or agricultural roads passing through governmental or private owned land often neglected without treatment while the later results from opening streets also in governmental or private own land. The leftover piece in this case is either sold to the nearest owner to gain street access or left without treatment. The sixth typology introduced differs from the previous two groups by being naturally occurring but poorly handled. ‘Challenging topography sites’ are locations where no vehicular or pedestrian access is possible. In this case if private owned the municipality is forced to buy the lot or replace it with another at a better location, or if government owned is left to its nature or filled with forest trees to prevent soil erosion (ibid), see Table 1and Figure 1.

Typology Quarries and mining sites

Description Quarries and mining sites within mixeduse areas in Amman. Natural Resources Authority, GIS department.

Illustration

Prohibited sites

1

Ruins removal condition set by the Building Supervision Department as 0.5 JOD per every square meter. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 93

Unfinishe d megaproj ects

Unfinished Megaproject, The Living Wall. Photo taken by the author.

Bits

Bits of a cancelled 6 meter wide street added to the surrounding adjacent land, lots, GAM Regulation Department edited by the author.

Leftovers

Leftover space resulting from opening a 14 meter wide street, the GAM Regulation Department edited by the author.


Challengi ng topograph y sites

Challenging topography sites. Photo taken by the author.

Table 1: Amillustrationeld typology illustation.

Figure 1: Amman Brownfield originating causes diagram. Author.

2.3 Reflections This section illustrates how emerging Brownfield typologies of Amman correspond to the existing classification system using the aforementioned Alker et al. model (Alker et al., 2000). Since the identification of hazard does not only imply the presence of chemical or biological contamination rather also reflect on the physical nature of the site both natural and humanmade, sites that experience poor ground conditions whether due to undermining or poor consolidated fill, derelict building foundation structures in addition to topography and terrain might present hazards. Therefore, ‘quarries and mining sites’, ‘prohibited sites’, ‘unfinished megaprojects’ and ‘challenging topography sites’ are likely to be classified under ‘land Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 95

contamination’, ‘potential land contamination’ and ‘damaged land’ categories. As they require some form of investigation, treatment or investigation before they can be reused, which is the fundamental base of contaminated land term identification. At the same time, worked out quarries and mineral excavation sites, abandoned installations or premises sometimes include areas of neglected land or land that has retrieved to its natural surrounding no longer constituting a problem. Therefore, ‘quarries and mining sites’, ‘prohibited sites’ and ‘unfinished megaprojects’ can also fall under the ‘derelict land’ category alongside with ‘bits’ and ‘leftovers’ which fit the definition of both ‘derelict land’ and ‘vacant land’. Overlapping occurs in the Brownfield classification systems (Lauren Andres, 2011, Syms, 1999, Bardos, 1999, Meyer, 1995). And while one typology is likely to fit the description of more than one category, see Figure 2, we can agree that the six investigated typologies can be introduced to the planning system in a more formal context making them visual and claimable to the different stakeholder groups to unfold their underlying potential (Downing, 1967, Nathanail and Bardos, 2005).

Figure 2: Amman Brownfield typologies in the Alker classification

2.4 Challenges and potentials One of the biggest challenges this paper sheds the light on is the invisibility of Brownfield sites and their huge potential. The argument made here is the unavailability of proper terminology and definition within a clear classification system to such lands, which present difficulties in communication between involved stakeholders when these sites are considered for redevelopment. For instance, land and construction provisions do not include any Brownfield


typology in their classification or use, in fact, colloquial language is used to describe some, planning residuals to be specific. Another challenge, this paper touches upon is how people’s right to the city is jeopardized when stakeholder groups of local communities and non-profit organizations are denied access and the chance to take part in the decision making alongside the development processes of Brownfield sites (Mitchell, 2012) only because these typologies are not part of Amman’s urban planning dialogue. Furthermore, this paper argues that Brownfield sites have the potential of creating breading grounds of social production, especially to local community and entrepreneurial, youth through, for example, Do It Yourself (DIY) Urbanism in which community claims urban space, or temporary use in which short-term activities take place in currently undesirable urban spaces and its strategic role in urban development around the world (Bishop and Williams, 2012, COLOMB, 2012, Oswalt et al., 2013, Panu Lehtovuori, 2012) . 3. CONCLUSIONS This paper suggests that though not in itself sufficient, establishing a set of definitions for Amman’s Brownfields is necessary towards utilising them and recognizing their various potentials in addition to the full range of end uses. Without such definitions, communication and interpretation difficulties may generate misunderstandings between stakeholders eventually presenting obstacles to their redevelopment. To overcome one of the difficulties surrounding the redevelopment of Brownfield, which is the reflection of the term from a local authority perspective? This paper suggests that further research should be dedicated to producing an amount and location database for Brownfields of Amman involving local authorities by reporting details of location, market value, size, land ownership status and planning classification of Brownfield sites within their boundaries to planning and land statistics authorities. The paper also proposes Brownfield should acquire more political significance by introducing new policies to managing Brownfields, proposing taxes on underdeveloped Brownfields or providing grants and subsidies to encourage redevelopment for example. REFERENCES Alker, S. and others (2000). The Definition of Brownfield in Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 43, 49-69. Bardos, P. (1999). A Summary of the UK’s Participation in CLARINET and the NATO/CCMS Pilot Study during 1998 and 1999. Bristol: Environment agency. Bishop, P. & Williams, L. (2012). The temporary city, Abingdon, Oxon., Routledge. Colomb, C. (2012). PUSHING THE URBAN FRONTIER: TEMPORARY USES OF SPACE, CITY MARKETING, AND THE CREATIVE CITY DISCOURSE IN 2000s BERLIN. JOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, 34, 131-152. Downing, M. (1967). The reclamation of derelict landscape. Planning Outlook, 3, 38-52. Gamcmpd, D.(2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Gampd, H. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Gampsdd, H. (2014). RE: Brownfied Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Gamrd, D. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Gwilliam, M. (1997). Something old, something new. Planning, 22-23. Lauren, B. (2011). Cultural brownfields in European cities: a new mainstream object for cultural and urban policies. International Journal of Cultural Policy, 1. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 97

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space, Oxford, Blackwell. Meyer, P. B., WIilliams, H. & Yount, R. (1995). Contaminated Land, Aldershot, Edward Elgar. Mitchell, D. (2012). Right to the City, Guilford Publications. Monev, M. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Nathanail, P. & Bardos. P. (2005). Reclamation of Contaminated Land, Wiley. NRA, N. R. A. (2014). RE: Brownfield Typologies. Type to TARAWNEH, D. Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. & Misselwitz, P. (2013). Urban Catalyst: The Power of Temporary Use, DOM Publishers. Panu, R. (2012). Temporary uses as means of experimental urban planning. Serbian Architectural Journal, 4, 29-54. SIimons, R. (1996). Environment. Journal of the American Planning Association, 62, 402. Syms, P. (1999). Redeveloping brownfield land The decision-making process. Journal of Property Investment & Finance, 17, 481. TSO, T. S. O. (1990). Town and country planning Act 1990 London: The Stationary Office TSO. USEPA (2002). Brownfields Definition [Online]. Available: http://www.epa.gov/brownfields/overview/glossary.htm [Accessed 22/2/2015 2015].


II Conference Papers Part 3: The Social dimension of urban design: responsive and inclusive public spaces.

Learning from Self-planned Communities Al Amin Kably Urban Planner / Designer [email protected] ABSTRACT This research attempts to understand so called “informal areas” within Arab cities, how they are established, and what makes them an integral part of the city fabric. By inquiring into the limitations of current planning practices, which tend to provide generic approaches to control or manage these urban areas today, the paper asks - What can we learn from self-planned communities? The definition of what constitutes a self-planned community goes hand-in-hand with how these neighbourhoods were formed over time. Using examples from within Amman and Cairo, this paper introduces self-planned areas from each city, and their levels of informality or “self planning”, which is directly related to both Jordan and Egypt’s development history and socioeconomic context. The question then arises as to how these communities sustain growth outside of formal urban control and management mechanisms. If one were to investigate planning frameworks within each city, one can derive how these communities integrate with existing institutional and municipal regulatory frameworks. The second part of the paper discusses current global and regional planning practices and trends, specifically those focused on sustainability. By defining criteria for success in terms of social, environmental and economic sustainability, urban planners feel equipped to pursue courses of action based on clear goals, but the tools to implement these goals are often too rigid in structure to address all issues faced by residents in cities with rapid growth. This section further elaborates how globally practiced sustainability criteria are evident in these socially cohesive self-planned communities that have been established organically over time within Amman and Cairo. It highlights the contrast between their disregard due to informality (assumed to be areas that are in need of “repair” or regeneration), versus their ability to serve as models, which urban planners and municipal entities could learn from. Keywords: Amman, Cairo, self-planned, sustainability

INTRODUCTION: WHAT CONSTITUTES A SELF-PLANNED COMMUNITY? Within the last century, the population of a number of Arab cities have grown exponentially, as is the case with urban populations globally. These cities provide livelihoods to millions of people as industry and commerce expand. Such is the case of Cairo, which has had high rates of rural-urban migration, in addition to its soaring rates of natural population increase in recent decades (Sims, 2012). In other cases such as Amman, the influx of displaced individuals and families from neighbouring countries suffering from regional conflict and oppression have also attributed to drastic increases in populations (Husseini, 2013). These cities are unable to respond to the rapid needs of large numbers of migrants. In addition, land is costly and scarce close to urban centres, thereby unattainable to many. Therefore, people have had no choice but to come up with innovative, affordable and efficient alternatives for shelter outside of formal, top-down Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 101

planning mechanisms so that they are able to access central urban economic opportunities and amenities. These communities have developed in an organic or spontaneous manner, characterized by the needs of groups, rather than by a formal plan. The physical fabric of these “informal” or illegal settlements is therefore a result of an individual’s or small collective’s aim to shape one’s own environment, though always constrained by economical, legal or political forces (Rao, 2010). This paper will focus mainly on these types of settlements, using examples from within Amman and Cairo, which are groups of self-built or contractor-built housing that are often characterized by inadequate basic services and continue to have some form of illegality (often by ambiguous conditions) regarding land tenure (Al-Asad, 2011). In both Cairo and Amman, where communities have participated more directly in planning their own neighbourhoods over time, one cannot consider them as unplanned and chaotic, but rather informally organized by residents, and are therefore referred to as self-planned communities henceforth. AMMAN CONTEXT The creation of the Emirate of Transjordan under British administration in 1921 brought about various changes in previous Ottoman administrative frameworks, including the encouragement of private (as opposed to communal) ownership of land. During this period, all lands within Jordan were registered and surveyed along with the establishment of various privatization strategies in the form of the Land Demarcation and Valuation Law of 1927, and the Tax Law, as well as the Settlement Law of 1933 (Ababsa, 2013). These, among other regulatory policies were originally intended to increase yields for agriculture, but instead introduced neoliberal cultural elements that were the beginnings of accentuating inequalities among people. The valuation of land and consequent speculation through private ownership, limits access to many people who migrate without affordable options for housing in urban areas. In 1946, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan was established, and not long after was the Nakba in 1948 in Palestine. Hundreds of thousands of refugees and immigrants (mainly from Jerusalem, Jaffa, Bisan, Lydda and Ramleh) poured into Jordan and settled in urban areas (Ababsa, 2013). This influx continued for decades during which conflicts in the region escalated and people were forced to migrate from the West Bank and Gaza (from 1967 on) (Ababsa, 2010). UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East), had set up a number of refugee camps to accommodate displaced Palestinians in Jordan. These camps were set up with an operational objective of gathering Palestinian refugees, who could not afford alternative accommodation in one place (Achilli, 2015). Almost 2 million Palestinians were displaced to Jordan by 2009, and only 17% were registered in the 10 official camps (Husseini, 2013). In 1946 only 60,000 people lived in Amman. Within a decade, this increased to 250,000 people, mostly by absorbing a large number of people displaced from Palestine (GAM, 2008). In addition, rural-urban migration and birth rates increased as well. Amman had an average growth rate of 14.4% in the 1970s (Ababsa, 2013). With refugees returning to Jordan from the gulf, as well as immigration from Iraq in the 1990s, and 2000s, Amman had absorbed most of these surges of immigrants reaching 2.2 million inhabitants by 2008, putting additional pressure on resources, land, and housing (GAM, 2008). Jabal Natheef Since the Nakba (1948), many Palestinian refugees who migrated to Amman set up tents close to the city centre, on one of the four hills of Ras Al Ain district – Jabal Natheef. At that time, this area was close to the (then) river, and at the centre of the city of Amman. In 1955, Wahdat Camp was established, and refugees were asked to move there under UNRWA’s supervision. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 102

Residents from Jabal Natheef and other informally settled areas were reluctant to move, as it was away from basic resources (such as water), infrastructure and commerce available at the centre. In 1962, the original owner of the land in Jabal Natheef had won a decision to evacuate the illegal settlers residing there. But throughout 1963 there were petitions and protests by the settlers, and in 1964, a decision was made to cease forced evacuations, and provide electricity to Jabal Natheef (Arini, 2014). Even though there was intent on relocating residents to a newly acquired 87 acres of land with housing provided, this did not materialize, so residents started to self-build permanently as well as expand without conforming to existing building codes (which were irrelevant, due to density constraints etc.). By 1975, orders were given to provide sewage to this self-planned area as well, and the community was integrated more into the city (it had already established social and economic integration within the previous decades). Figure 1 illustrates the figure ground and zones of Jabal Natheef, central Amman (Arini, 2014). One can observe that there is a distinction between the higher density upper and lower informal areas, and the rest of the adjacent built fabric. The existence of streets and setbacks between buildings lying outside of informal areas are more pronounced, as the formal areas conform to existing setback and plot dimension standards, which are part of the municipal framework and zoning regulations. On the other hand, one can also observe from Figure 1, that the main commercial uses form a binding element, and stitch the urban fabric of the formal with the informal, making it a seamless part of the city (Arini, 2014).

Figure 1: Jabal Natheef Urban Footprint (Source: Arini: Mapping Jabal Natheef, 2014)

Wahdat Official and Unofficial Camps Since its inception in 1955, Wahdat “official” camp (administered by UNRWA) overflowed beyond its formal boundaries due to the growing families of the camp residents. Therefore, extended families of refugees built structures nearby on land without tenure (Achilli, 2015). In addition, other marginalized populations also settled in encampments without land tenure in what is now considered part of stable, mature, and integrated neighbourhoods of east Amman today (GAM, 2008). East Wahdat was one of these “unofficial” camp expansion areas, which started out with tents and temporary buildings that later became more permanent. As part of a city-wide “upgrading” project in 1980, this area, including over 500 households, was upgraded by the Urban Development Department using a well thought out 10-year consultation, construction and monitoring process, which continued to be a model for addressing self-planned Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 103

areas of the city. This process provided its inhabitants with land tenure, water, sewage, roads and electricity connections, as well as educational and health facilities. Around 9 hectares (90 donums) considered to be East Wahdat, was upgraded using funds provided by various agencies and the Government of Jordan, and included cost recovery over the longer term. It is important to note that the outcome of the formalized layout did not vary drastically from its original selfplanned layout (Leslie, 1992). Most plots were retained with a permanent starter utility core and compound wall built as part of the program, which would in time allow for permanent buildings to replace the temporary shelters within the plot. Micro-loans for expansion of homes were provided, which people used to buy materials and build themselves. New relaxed regulations were specially designated to the area. For example a minimum of 12-metre wide streets by regulation, were allowed to be 5 metres in East Wahdat. Coverage sometimes exceeded 70%, and plots were permitted to be smaller than what was commonly prescribed (which accommodated the capacity of residents to repay loans). Similar to Jabal Natheef, the commercial streets in East Wahdat are shared between the self-planned and adjacent formal areas surrounding it, making it an essential part of the functioning city. People therefore improved their own pre-planned neighbourhood through community participation during or after upgrading, and it matured as an integrated part of the city further, accommodating their incremental needs over numerous years. Figure 2 presents a recent Google image, indicating the boundary of the upgrading project of the informal settlement, in proximity to the official UNRWA Wahdat Camp.

Figure 2: Recent aerial image indicating the boundary of the informal settlement upgrading project – East Wahdat, in proximity to the UNRWA “official” Wahdat Camp. (Source: Google Earth, 2015)

CAIRO CONTEXT Egypt’s population (currently at over 80 million) is set to increase steadily over the next few decades. Most of it’s inhabited and agricultural lands lie within areas that are close to the linear north-south path of the Nile, or have access to groundwater from the Nile valley. Cairo is strategically located at the point where the Delta fans out northward, which may explain why it was continuously settled upon for five thousand years (Sims, 2012). In order to determine specific spatial characteristics of Cairo’s growth, and roots of informal housing, it is important to note a few key related developments over the past 60 years or so, where its population multiplied over 6 times (GIZ, Piffero, 2009). After World War II, migration to Cairo from Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 104

Upper Egypt and the Delta, were a result of successful economic development in the city, coupled with a massive industrialization policy set in place by Gamal Abdul Nasser. Most migrants at that time settled in rented, shared flats or rooms, at the centre of Cairo, and later bought affordable land at the fringes of villages located at the (then) periphery of the city, such as Imbaba and KitKat in Giza Governorate. During the same period numerous people settled illegally on eastern state owned lands such as Manshiet Nasser and Kum Gharab within the Cairo Governorate. In the 1960s rural-urban migration to Greater Cairo increased further, along with informal urbanization on private agricultural lands. Despite efforts by the government to provide alternatives such as Nasr City, this pattern of growth increased in village peripheries close to central urban Cairo, on prime agricultural land within the Delta, where farmers found the sale of buildings more lucrative than farming.1 The government continued with efforts to reduce this, by passing laws (such as Law 59-1966 + amendments), forbidding informal construction on agricultural land, but it was ineffective. Housing demand increased, as did demographic growth. In the 1970’s, 84% of all new housing units that were constructed, were considered illegal (GIZ, Sejourne, 2009). In 1977, Sadat introduced a new towns policy, which was to absorb the growth, but it had no effect. It is estimated that over half of public housing projects in the 80’s and 90’s accommodated only resettlement of inner city dwellers. As growing families wanted to have their own homes, they found the formal market costly and rent controlled areas too scarce or dilapidated, leaving no other option but to turn to the informal housing market. Informal housing was not only affordable, but also close to the city and jobs, and vehicle ownership was not common. The result to date is that between 60-70% of approximately 18 million Cairenes live in dense informal settlements, which have grown spatially into a contiguous urban fabric as the city centre and surrounding villages merged.2 Figure 3 indicates the formal and informal areas within the Greater Cairo’s built footprint (Sims, 2012). There are various types of informal settlements in Cairo, the majority of which have developed around a non-official land market starting from private landowners. Areas that were previously cultivated, are subdivided into smaller plots of 60 to 100m2 by farmers or middlemen, or by companies that have larger agricultural fields, and sold to private owners and builders. Construction starts with employing local labour and remains in its state of typical red bricks and cement (Sims, 2012). Initially, buildings are around 5 stories high with the possibility of incremental extension. The owners or builders may decide to keep one unit for themselves or family, while the rest is sold or rented out. In these cases, the illegality does not stem from ownership rights, but from the illegal conversion of agricultural land to housing as well as the non-conformance to existing regulations with regard to building plot sizes and standards of construction (GIZ, Piffero, 2009). Informal areas also utilize former state owned lands in Cairo. They are mostly a self-planned extension of state provided housing initiatives, such as Manshiet Nasser, which started with a core of garbage collectors, relocated there by the government in the 1960s. This settlement received an informal influx from adjacent neighbourhoods, such as families from Darb al-Ahmar and Khalifa districts, wanting to be close to their relatives. In general, there is more risk of eviction in these areas and so the temporary quality of the built 1

In Egypt, villages often have populations of over 10,000 and are not considered urban. Distances between villages and major cities are not significant. 2

Greater Cairo spans 5 governorates, implying a population of over 13 million inhabitants. If one were to consider / include villages that have over 10,000 residents within this administrative boundary, the population would be 18.5 million (UN-Habitat, 2011).


fabric is more evident (GIZ, Piffero, 2009).

Figure 3: Greater Cairo’s Formal and Informal Cities, 2005 (Source: Sims, 2012: Sejourne & Sims, 2009)

GLOBAL SUSTAINABILITY CRITERIA IN RELATION TO SELF-PLANNED COMMUNITIES The UN-Habitat defines sustainable development as a multi-dimensional process that links environmental protection with economically, socially and culturally sound development (UNHabitat, 2012). Communities should therefore be planned to reduce energy consumption and utilization of scarce resources, support a diverse larger and local economy, as well as strive for an inclusive community that accommodates a full range of residents, providing them with adequate services and allowing participation in decision making. In recent trends globally, planning practitioners and decision makers have stated their commitment to plan for more sustainable cities. Several of the proposed physical planning controls adopted by cities (regulations and policies) intend on providing a way of achieving various aspects of sustainability, and include, but are not limited to the following:  Efficient Location: encourage development in proximity to urban centres, utilizing available land, services, facilities, and buildings. 

Compact Growth: utilize higher densities in clusters, as opposed to automobile based, dispersed, low-density development (resulting in using land and resources efficiently).



Mix of Land Uses: designate employment, shopping, health, education, recreation, and other services, within walking distance of residential areas.




Multi-Modal Transportation: provide an efficient multi-modal transportation network, connecting amenities for walking, bicycles, and public transit.

Meeting Sustainability Criteria Unintentionally Greater Cairo, under the NUCA’s (New Urban Communities Authority) mandate, has planned satellite cities (such as New Cairo and Sheikh Zayed City), which were meant to alleviate congestion at the centre of Cairo, and address their housing issue. But these communities are merely real estate investments as opposed to affordable housing solutions, utilizing large areas of vacant land that are too far from the established city centre. Barely 5% of Cairo’s current inhabitants reside in these sprawling suburbs in the desert, as none of the anonymous lowdensity housing units are affordable to the majority of starter families. The planned and built urban fabric will not allow for flexibility in the future, to absorb the more city-based functions such as a viable financial core etc. As public transportation is inadequate in these newly planned areas, the upper-income groups that can afford to live here, utilize private vehicles, which in turn causes increased traffic congestion and environmental issues, leading to health issues in the longer term. Overall, these planned cities, are definitely not economically, environmentally, or socially responsible in terms of sustainable planning. As for the self-planned (informal) areas close to the centre of Cairo, the figures show that it is the fastest growing alternative for the rising population3. These areas are governed by social and cultural norms that answer the needs of people under their specific local constraints. They are demand-driven, incremental in growth, compact, self-sufficient, high-density, low energy consuming, walk-able, with a mix of uses, allowing work-home proximity, thereby inadvertently conforming to all the sustainable development policies mentioned above, as part of global agendas (GIZ, Shehayeb, 2009). In Jordan’s case, many attempts have been made to try to address the issue of affordable housing around larger cities such as Amman. As an example, the HUDC’s (Housing and Urban Development Corporation) mandate has included the planning and design of “affordable” housing communities in the past. Many of these planned areas accommodate denser zoning, but are usually located in lands that are far from jobs and services needed by all residents of the city, and are not likely to become part of the city in the longer term as they are away from the direction of spatial growth. In addition, many housing schemes in the past only cater to special Jordanian groups, unions and public service employees, and did not accommodate the needs of impoverished migrants with fewer rights. Overall, in terms of meeting the needs and providing affordable choices for people to live in proximity to well served, multi-modal neighbourhoods, these clusters do not rank high within global sustainability criteria. In terms of what has sustained success, self-planned areas such as East-Wahdat and Jabal Natheef have by far proven to be a more sustainable model. Despite the regulatory constraints they face, they have managed to accommodate themselves in compact, high-density clusters, with access to self-planned and self-financed amenities, having a mix of uses within walk-able distances, and have walk-able access to public transit as well. Similar to Cairo, one of the main underlying features is that these areas were not planned for cars, as the people who self-planned the communities did not own private vehicles. Shared, main commercial streets knit the fabric of informal areas with the adjacent formal city seamlessly. The social fabric of self-planned areas in Amman, having close community ties that sustain success and growth over years and again, unintentionally meet the criteria that global practitioners have been lobbying for. 3

These areas have residents consisting of Government employees, workshop owners, artisans, doctors, lawyers, drivers, waiters, students, etc., serving the needs of diverse populations, not only the poor (GIZ, Shehayeb, 2009). Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 107

CONCLUSION In both Amman and Cairo, the contextual characteristics leading to the need for self-planning are unique to each country and city, but overall there are common lessons that we can learn from them. Firstly, it is important to recognize that people know their own needs better than we do, which is a valuable lesson that helped assist planners to recognize the need to consult with the residents of East Wahdat and identify their needs more accurately. Secondly, we need to recognize the rigidity of utilizing over-prescriptive neo-liberal regulations and institutional frameworks (private land ownership as opposed to communal ownership for instance). In order for families to locate close to their kin in both Amman and Cairo, they sustained themselves by efficiently utilizing and sharing the limited resources available to them communally. Amman’s approach to upgrading its self-planned city (25% in the 1980’s) was flexible enough to change in the 1990’s and provide only infrastructure and services without land tenure (also attributed to the populations who refused land tenure solutions and maintained their right to return to Palestine at that time) (Ababsa, 2010). Even though land tenure remained ambiguous, building ownership gave a sense of belonging and permanence to invest in their own neighbourhoods as a community. Thirdly, one can observe how close social ties within self-planned communities provide it with the necessary mechanisms to function as a safe, well-served, well-informed community that meets its own needs. Finally, these communities have proven to be flexible housing mechanisms that have absorbed vast amounts of migrants to both Cairo and Amman. This flexibility, (outside of formal regulatory frameworks) has made the community serve its own needs without enforcement of over-restrictive rules that do not apply. This has allowed for organic, incremental growth and gradual maturity into complete mixed-use neighbourhoods, with social coherence and unique identities – something institutions have failed to realize, judging by their attempts at providing quick generic solutions over recent decades. It is clear that decision-makers need to strive for more appropriate responses toward sustainable planning, which can be more inclusive, and serve the needs of urban residents in the long term more effectively. Self-planned communities are active economic hubs within cities, having distinct urban characteristics, and representing part of the diverse set of identities within their respective contexts. This paper, merely scratches the surface of highlighting what self-planned communities have to offer. More in-depth studies of such communities should be conducted to not only remove the stigma associated with these areas, but to learn from the value they have brought to us. Their contribution to cities or regions as a whole, and capacity to sustain themselves within these complex urban settings, forces us to inquire into whether we are able to critically re-examine our role as planners and re-think our approach to allow for formal intervention only when and where it is required. With current global environmental and socioeconomic conditions, especially the increasing scarcity of resources (water, energy etc.) as well as growing marginalized populations, the choice to settle informally may multiply on a larger scale, as the only feasible solution. – Will we then recognize the knowledge and needs of all of our urban population, or better yet, use our collective knowledge to plan our urban environment together?


REFERENCES Ababsa, M. et al (2013). Atlas of Jordan – ifpo, pp 236 – 245, 247 – 249. Ababsa. M. (2010). The Evolution of Upgrading Policies in Amman. Sustainable Architecture and Urban Development, Amman Jordanie, Jordan. . Achilli, L. (2015). Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp: Between Inclusion and Exclusion. Available at: http://interviews.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/20831/al-wihdat-refugee-camp_betweeninclusion-and-exclu. Arini (2014). Mapping Jabal Natheef, pp 14-21, 52-53. Al-Asad, M., Emtairah, T., et al (2011). Report of the Arab Forum for Environment and Development - Arab Environment 4 - Green Economy - Sustainable Transition in a Changing Arab World - Chapter 6 – Cities and Buildings - pp V, 33, 48, 51, 161-204. GAM (Greater Amman Municipality) (2008). The Amman Plan - Metropolitan Growth. Report Published in May 2008 by Greater Amman Municipality. GIZ (2009). Cairo’s Informal Areas: Between Urban Challenges and Hidden Potentials, The History of Informal Settlements – Marion Sejourne pp 16-19, Beyond Rules and Regulations: The Growth of Informal Cairo – Elena Piffero pp 20-27, Advantages of Living in Informal Areas – Dina K Shehayeb pp 35-43 Husseini, J. et al (2013). Atlas of Jordan – ifpo, pp 230 -235. Leslie, J., et al (1992). Client Report: The Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 0844 JOR, Technical Review Summary of East Wahdat Upgrading Program, Amman, Jordan. Rao, V., (2010). Slum As Theory. Lotus international 143, Favelas, Learning from, pp 14-17. Sims, D. (2012). Understanding Cairo - The Logic of a City Out of Control, pp 26-34. UN-Habitat (2011). Cairo - A City in Transition, pp 1-7 UN-Habitat (2012). Sustainable Housing for Sustainable Cities: A Policy Framework for Developing Countries, pp 4, 45-46


New Bremen; New Cairo Nele Brönner1, a, Willy Sengewald2, b, Vlatka Seremet 3, c 1

Visual Artist and Guest Lecturer at Digital Media, University of the Arts Bremen and Urban Studies, Bauhaus University Weimar, Germany 2 Visual Artist and Guest Lecturer at Digital Media, University of the Arts Bremen, Urban Studies, Bauhaus University Weimar, Germany and Visual Communication, China Academy of Arts Hangzhou, China 3 Architect, Associate Professor and Head of Visual Design and Presentation Department in Architecture and Urban Design Program, German University in Cairo, Egypt a [email protected], b [email protected], [email protected]

ABSTRACT NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO is part of an ongoing interdisciplinary research project, looking for ways to engage the public in urban issues emerging from top-down planning schemes. Involving Architects, Designers and Visual Artists from international backgrounds, we develop new positions and counter-poses on current urban developments. The focus is on particularities and deviations, on urban minorities and spatial uses, which are not favored by corporate planners, or political elites. We use methods of speculative design practice, notably critical design, and design for debate to create narratives for these spaces. These design provocations offer alternatives that challenge the status quo and provide a base for debate and public awareness. NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO engages with two development projects, that seem very far apart at first glance, but have a lot in common when looking closely. In a simultaneous seminar at the University of the Arts Bremen and German University Cairo, students of Architecture, Visual Design and Digital Media inspected the two master plans and started an open-ended search for access to the area and its developing plans. This paper describes the project in detail and suggests speculative design, phenomenological approaches and architectural narratives as an articulation of critique in the context of top-down urban development plans. The project proposes a platform for public engagement and the potential and possibilities of a collaborative access particularly between European and Arab artists, architects and designers. KEYWORDS: Speculative Design, Phenomenological Approaches, Critical Design, Public Engagement, Urbanization

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INTRODUCTION New Cairo City is a staggering master-plan for a segregated environment well away from the chaotic megapolis of Cairo, Egypt. It will provide homes for more than two million people. The city will cover an area of about 30,000 hectares with gated communities, Universities, malls and upper-class leisure facilities such as golf-courses and swimming-pools. The master plan was created in 2001 and as of 2015, the city is still under construction. In Bremen, a city in northern Germany, the local master plan has been named Überseestadt. It is one of the largest urban development projects in Europe and was passed by the city council of Bremen in 2003. Within an area of approximately 300 hectares, upper-class residential housing projects are being constructed alongside commercial services, such as restaurants, fitness centers and so called creative industries.

Figure 1. left: New Cairo master plan, right: Überseestadt Bremen master plan

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MAIN BODY NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO

Figure 2. Approaching New Cairo, residential compound at the Ring Road

The air is hot and dusty, as the car makes its way into the inhospitable desert landscape towards New Cairo City. The road cuts through the ruffled cliffs steadily winding upwards. The next moment, we notice a building overlooking the road to the left. It appears to be unfinished, but not under construction. There are large dark holes, where there may once have been walls and windows. There are poles and pillars suggesting partitions and possession. There are even portions of finished facade allowing us to imagine the final appearance of a luxurious residential compound. Yet the apartment will not be inhabited for a long time. Daughters and grand daughters are waiting to be married to pursue their designated pathways of an upper-class family dream. Meanwhile workers and watchmen occupy the territory deploying a temporary habitat for their families. The apartment-compound is part of a staggering master plan for an entire new city well away from the chaotic megapolis of Cairo. A ‘clean’ retreat, neatly planned and well organised. It shall house two million people —luxurious family homes surrounded by splendid parks, guarded apartment buildings and resorts. The developers call them Lake View, Hyde Park, Mirage City or Le Rêve.

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Figure 3: Überseestadt, Bremen Docklands

Arriving in Bremen Überseestadt, the dockland of a city in northern Germany, on a late afternoon end of October. It is already getting dark and cold rain taps our faces. The old harbor area is foggy and empty. Dull lamps illuminate the entrance of abandoned industrial compounds built of red brick stone. On our way to the campus of the University of Arts Bremen, through Überseestadt the only person we encounter is a woman in an orange rain jacket walking her dog. She briefly takes notice of us, turns around and disappears into the mist. From a distance we can hear the sound of cranes moving heavy loads. But it is not sound from containers, which are being moved here. Instead, blocks of concrete and glass grow into the sky. The local master plan has been named Überseestadt after the industrial dockland, which is rapidly vanishing. It is one of the largest urban development projects in Europe. Exclusive apartment buildings appear between old production halls and brick stone warehouses. Crystal riverbank-condos promise divine southwesterly views across the Weser River. They call them “Aqua Viva”, “Entrée”, “Panorama”and “Kristall”. The renderings reveal astonishing similarities to those of New Cairo City.

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Figure 4: German University Cairo

The German University Cairo is located in New Cairo, at the periphery of a suburban zone built in the desert which is called “Fifth Settlement”. The name is rather non-local and as prosaic as the place where we work every day; spending most of our everyday life. The adjacent residential compounds are citations of many architectural eras and refer more to European than to Arabic culture. The desert landscape, which can be seen as the most genuine place in New Cairo, is fringed by illegally discarded construction waste and is not accessible due to piles of rubble which block the view to the original identity of New Cairo. One can guess, that much is being built and radically changed here. Here, are the residential areas and compounds of the middle and upper classes of Cairo, three major universities, international schools, business districts and shopping malls offering all the iconic brands of globalisation. Internationalism as an identity? A future city? Dream or reality? Promises or progress?

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Figure 5: Überseestadt, Bremen Development

Spending the following days teaching at University of Arts Bremen in the dockland we often see dog owners walking in the distance. Late in the evening and early in the morning they cross construction sites and newly created wastelands. Dog owners are quite ill-reputed in Germany as petty bourgeois. Observing them brought us to an interesting discovery. These people of all age and social class, unexpected and silent, are the first to sneak into fenced areas, cut barbed wire and breech hoardings. Cold and windy weather cannot keep them from climbing walls of mud and ignoring property signs. They are the subversive pioneers of urban wasteland. In their essay “The Smooth and the Striated”, of their 1980 volume Mille Plateaux, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari distinguish between two kinds of spaces: smooth space and striated space. Smooth space is occupied by intensities and events. It is haptic rather than optic. It is characteristic of sea, steppe, ice and desert. Smooth space is nomad space. Striated space is sedentary space. It is organized by forms, measures and properties. In contrast to the desert or the sea, the city is the striated space par excellence. Deleuze and Guattari identify the town as a force of striation upon countryside. However, while they consider the two spaces to differ fundamentally in nature, they also believe them to exist concurrently. Smooth space is constantly being transformed, transversely into striated space; striated space is constantly being reversed, returned to smooth space. The endeavor to discipline space inevitably reveals its potential for insubordination. “The primary determination of nomads is to occupy and hold a smooth space,” say Deleuze and Guattari. The smooth spaces arising from the city are those of a counterattack turning back against the town: sprawling, temporary, shifting shantytowns of nomads. The smooth spaces of the city are imaginative places exploiting niches and unplanned openings. They are alternative narratives to the tale of urban construction. The effect of the grid is always to say that something is this, not that —that it belongs here, not there. Yet the grid is only an idea. It may define coordinates and structure an environment on a map. It will, however, never withstand the forces of appropriation. The master plan is at its best

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just before its realization. With its execution, it will gradually diverge from the ideal state. The factor of unpredictability increasingly intervenes into the perfect scheme, leaving unpleasant traces. Thus, one may ask the question: does the master plan have to fail to exist? NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO engages with two development projects, that seem very far apart at first glance, but have a lot in common, when looking closely. In a simultaneous seminar at the University of the Arts Bremen and the German University Cairo, students of Architecture, Visual Design and Digital Media created narratives of surprising spatial uses. The two seminars were held in parallel in the winter semester of 2014/15: "The Smooth and the Striated“, an architecture seminar on Spatial Theory and Aesthetics by Vlatka Seremet, Architecture and Urban Design Program at the German University Cairo; "Vast Regions and Confined Spaces“, by Nele Brönner and Willy Sengewald at the Department of Art and Design at the University of the Arts Bremen. The two courses were initiated in cooperation as part of an interdisciplinary and intercultural teaching experiment. To organize the simultaneous seminars we used a weblog as the main communication platform. The interdisciplinary and intercultural dialogue could therefore take place in a widely accessible forum offered through the internet. All research steps, talks and presentations were posted and commented on by students and teachers. Inspiring material and theoretical texts where stored here. Exchanges between the groups in New Cairo and Bremen as well as individual communication of students happened on this platform: http://cairo.thegreeneyl.com/. The development of New Cairo shows two sides of the same coin: a promising new city and the urban sprawl of our daily life, openness and disorientation, modernity and facelessness, good air and piles of rubble. In the seminars, we read about space as a theoretical model and reciprocally reflected on a specific, real space. Our objective was to acquire the text content in a phenomenological approach, and to transfer the reflections into visual models. A major challenge for the students was — in addition to the visual transcription — addressing the elusive area of New Cairo as a vast ‘open space’ metropolis in the desert. It was necessary to find a language other than that of the usual architectural representation. Consequently, this course was in many ways an extreme experience: the comprehension of theoretical and philosophical reflections; the understanding of spatial relations in a city that is growing so quickly, of which there are no current maps; finding an individual artistic/architectural approach as a response or contribution to the discourse. Students had to negotiate rigid spatial dichotomies and socio-cultural differences. The anarchic mindset of Deleuze and Guattari in "The Smooth and the Striated" opened up new concepts of transition, models of the “inbetween”, and facilitated the crossing of borders. “Critical Design uses speculative design proposals to challenge narrow assumptions, preconceptions” say Anthony Dunne & Fiona Raby of Royal College of Art London, who have been very influential in pushing a critical approach in design practice and education throughout the past decade. It is needed in order “to make us think. But also for raising awareness, exposing assumptions, provoking action, sparking debate, even entertaining in an intellectual sort of way, like literature or film.”There is not a particularly critical or even well informed public opinion concerning the master plan projects of Bremen and Cairo. The Students of NEW BREMEN; NEW CAIRO started researching into spaces that exist right now in the developing areas of the two cities. They revealed spatial as well as socio-cultural contradictions and incongruities, they searched for transitions, opportunities and alternatives. From their findings, students created speculative design proposals and visual narratives. They tell of in-between places, counter-sites of utopian and dystopian character. Above all, they question the rigid, in some ways gridlocked principles of master-planning processes.

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In her work THE LIVED CONCEIVED SPACE Christine Rafik conceives a New Cairo based on the stored memories, the mental images of that space. “These images describe the state of mind we are in, our distracted perceptions, personal preferences, and fears,” she writes and rethinks Henri Lefebvre’s triad of the “perceived, conceived and lived space”. Her montage of Polaroid photography combines details and unusual views of New Cairo. This portrait of a newly built cityscape creates the sensation of a dusty vastness, of being lost in between empty shopping malls and abandoned highways. A critical design approach may start with research, with asking and observing. Fieldwork is a wonderful first step to expose oneself to a situation, a point of divergence.

Figure 6: THE LIVED CONCEIVED SPACE — Christine Rafik, German University Cairo In A FALSE UTOPIA Yomna El Gendy deals with a sharp and simple observation. Most of the new upcoming residential compounds in New Cairo are a mere copy of western architecture, promising a wealthy and well organized way of life. Estate agents provide upper and middle class buyers with an accessible answer to prevailing social problems —a gated community. Portraying this lifestyle as heaven on earth, these companies fail to demonstrate the other side of the story, which shatters the illusion and distorts the dream. Yomna El Gendy created a tilted image by combining the ‘show side’ of advertisement campaigns- and the unfeigned view —the real state — of a New Cairo compound into a three-dimensional photo montage. She points out that these compounds end up being ghost towns, where one is either trapped inside or outside.

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Figure 7: A FALSE UTOPIA — Yomna El Gendy, German University Cairo

“Commercial places are closed ecosystems, that rarely interact with objects around them. Look at the typical mall or a street with a row of shops. Environments are separated from each other and consumers just reproduce behavior-patterns resulting in bland experiences”, states Evgeny Kiverin in his proposal for Überseestadt called WAREHOUSE. “But, what if we take each person by surprise, just by offering unexpected environments? Why not organize space by chance, with an interpretation of the “Wheel of Fortune”game? Old warehouses of Überseestadt, built as multifunctional industrial units, could be transformed into cultural and modern spaces. Chance and randomness will be used as a principle to organize modular pieces within. Would it not be interesting to speculate about people’s behavior in an environment, where borders and predictable social norms are blurred or even erased entirely?”

Figure 8: WAREHOUSE — Evgeny Kiverin, University of Arts Bremen

“Dreams are powerful,” says Stephen Duncombe in his text called Dreampolitik. “They are repositories of our desire. They animate the entertainment industry and drive consumption. They can blind people to reality and provide cover for political horror. But they also inspire us to imagine that things could be radically different to what they are today, and then believe we can progress toward that imaginary world. I too have a dream.”Annika Engelhardt turned Duncombe’s thought into a powerful proposal for a wasteland between two remaining walls in Überseestadt. Her project suggests a confrontational approach: the placement of surprising deviations provoke unexpected encounters and engagements.

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Figure 9: I HAVE A DREAM, TOO — Annika Engelhardt, University of Arts Bremen

“What is the most resilient parasite?” This question is raised by Karim Ezzat in his photo montage A QUEST TO DEFINE SPACES. “An idea,” he will reply. “Once an idea takes over our interior thoughts, it may grow to define us, to change everything about us.” Karim Ezzat designs a destructive, dystopic speculation that unfolds a tremendous power to draw attention. Shanty towns of underprivileged people who work in New Cairo, cleaners, housekeepers, drivers, and watchmen dwell in huge craters within the city. Settling below ground level, visible just from the sky, the excluded masses only seem out of sight.

Figure 10: A QUEST TO DEFINE SPACES — Karim Ezzat, German University Cairo

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Drawing on the current processes of gentrification and transition in Überseestadt Bremen, Luiz Gustavo Zanotello designs future scenarios of newly emerged social relationships. Urban communities do not establish their habitat on stable ground, instead they dwell in formations that move flexibly on a water surface. The process is visualized through satellite imagery. It begins in a place called HAFENKANTE in the northwestern edge of Überseestadt with the hypothetical moment that ground cleavage caused by construction works has caused the ground to erode until it was flooded. The work is an attempt to articulate critique on neoliberal urban development plans without dismissing them. Instead it proposes new unplanned and unforeseen uses of space within the process of transformation.

Figure 11: HAFENKANTE — Luiz Gustavo Zanotello, University of Arts Bremen

Figure 12: HAFENKANTE — Luiz Gustavo Zanotello, University of Arts Bremen

“The world we live in today is incredibly complex, our social relations, desires, fantasies, hopes and fears are very different from those at the beginning of the 20th Century,” says Dunne and Raby. Visual expression has become indispensable in providing thoughts and arguments for debate. Speculating about possible outcomes of complex developments makes these topics accessible to a wider audience. A thought exposed in an image opens it up to be discussed in public. This is what happened during the exhibition period in Bremen. The works were exhibited in central gallery-spaces in Bremen and at the German University Cairo in January 2015. The broad and diverse approaches to the topic raised numerous questions among visitors and passers-by. In the city of Bremen, people are not aware of the scale and financial, social and

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economic impact of Überseestadt. Albeit, it is not by far as gigantic and outrageous as New Cairo City, the comparison and enticing proposals made people think. And thus we may again ask the question: will the master plan have to fail to exist? After all, the design of the building was also the design of its ruin.

References Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. (1980). The Smooth and the Striated in A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (French: “Mille plateaux”), University of Minnesota Press. Dunne, A. (1999). Hertzian Tales: Electronic Products, Aesthetic Experience, and Critical Design. London: Royal College of Art computer related design research studio, The MIT Press, 2007 Dunne, A. and Raby, F. (2009). Critical Design FAQ, London, available at: http://www.dunneandraby.co.uk/content/bydandr/13/0 Duncombe, S. (2007). Dream: Re-imagining Progressive Politics in an Age of Fantasy. New Press, New York pp. 182

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Nermin Essam, Teaching Assistant, German University in Cairo Salma Belal, Teaching Assistant, German University in Cairo Prof. Dennis Paul, Interaction and Space, Dep. Arts and Design, University of the Arts Bremen

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SOCIO-SPATIAL READER: Exploring the potential of narrative in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp Ohoud Kamal1,a and Heba Najada2,b 1

Department of Architecture and interior Architecture, German-Jordanian University, AmmanJordan 2 Department of Architecture and interior Architecture, German-Jordanian University, AmmanJordan a [email protected], [email protected]

ABSTRACT This paper is the extension of a publication called ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’. The publication was the result of an intensive workshop that mapped the tangible and intangible forces of Jabal Al Natheef informal camp. The aim of the paper is to explore the potential narrative as a reading tool in a socio-spatial context. This involves thinking of the refugee camp as an ‘urban environment’, the dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the urban researcher as a creatively trans-disciplinary ‘reader’. Our work in this area connects with our broader interest in opening paths for urban anthropological investigation: specifically the ways in which space is inevitably produced by the patterns of our daily existence. In order to explore such a topic in a manner that would produce findings instrumental for informal settlements and urban upgrading, the chosen methodology is narrative and structured on frameworks of mapping, qualitative and quantitative methodologies and most importantly on the findings of the workshop. The ‘urban environment’ the first sketch of this narrative; highlights the unique nature of the camp as a space of exception, on one hand, socially segregated and marginalized and on the other hand, integrated in its context through the growing presence of refugees, the daily mobility of the inhabitants, and the development of commercial activities that blur its boundaries— making it a part of Amman. This part examines the phenomenon of the organic morphology, which characterizes this settlement, and its fluctuating modes of inclusion and exclusion. The ‘spatial storyteller’ is discussed in parallel to the results of statistical studies performed on the findings from a structured questionnaire, an array of non-structured interviews, photo diaries and informal encounters. A sample of 80 inhabitants is examined through a set of objective instruments for mapping community relationships, housing typologies, patterns of movement, and infrastructure of the urban form. As residents have created their own homes, understanding the complex relationship between the socio-spatial dynamic of the camp is the starting point through which we seek to explore ‘the production of space’ in Lefebvre’s terms. This second sketch of the paper aims to highlight Jabal Al Natheef’s problems and potentials in the mind frame of not understanding a place devoid of its symbolic, conceived and lived space. The ‘reader’ emerges from a trans-disciplinary approach in an attempt to understand Jabal Al Natheef’s pluralism through different lenses. To reveal the numerous aspects, different disciplines are engaged in a dialogue with the aim of forming a new reading that unfolds the camp as a spatial intersection of society and economy. The aim of this part is to bring together participants as instruments that explore the “urban environment” and the “spatial storytellers”; looking at the potential of narrative - in its various forms – as a communicative tool in a spatial Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 122

context that physically appears similar but dissimilar from a social perspective.The three ‘sketches’ portray a multilayered narrative, which chimes with the ethics of recognition, the politics of human right and a built environment not set apart from its symbolic meaning or history. KEYWORDS: Refugee, Informal camps, Urban Anthropology, Community Mapping.

1. INTRODUCTION The legacy of the turbulent nature of politics in the Middle East can be seen in the continuous scores of refugee camps scattered around the area. Fifty million people are currently defined as ‘victims of forced displacement’ including three million Palestinians who took refuge between 1940 and 1960 in various Middle-Eastern countries. The emergence of Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan is the result of several factors: the role of the diaspora, and the inappropriate or absence of humanitarian and urban planning action from the post 1948 period. These refugee camps whether formalized or not are mostly marginalized in their host society. By taking the notion of city-camps into the realm of spatial activity, the initially empty spaces where the camps were constructed gradually became the sites of a socio-spatial system that constitutes a ‘relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals (Agier 2002).’ Most of the refugee camps in Jordan are now part of the urban environment. On one hand, these clusters appear to be socially segregated and marginalized. On the other hand, refugee camps are integrated in their context. This paper comes as an extension to a publication called ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’. It builds on findings that mapped the tangible and intangible forces of the camp. The aim of the paper is to present a new reading of the camp as a socio-spatial context and set a model with the overall objective of exploring the potential of narrative as a reading tool in Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp. The model encompasses a set of clear methods that include observation, random time/place sampling, behavioral maps, structured questionnaires that investigate socio-economic backgrounds to form an ethnographic understanding, an array of non-structured interviews, photo diaries that document inhabitants and their use of space, and informal encounters. Ultimately, this paper involves thinking of the refugee camp as an ‘urban environment’, the dwellers as ‘spatial storytellers’, and the urban researcher as a creatively trans-disciplinary ‘reader’. 2. Jabal Al Natheef Informal Refugee Camp Michel Foucault’s (1977-8) parallel between the processes and significance of space provides an opening through which we aim to examine the relationship between the idea of the space as a ‘work in progress’ and the concept of history as meaning. Jabal Al Natheef informal refugee camp has a similar set of notions regarding the interpenetration of past and present in both the lived experience and historic meaning. The true apprehension of this context involves an act of seeing the camp as a constant activity within the city as opposed to a glitch within its urban fabric. This gives rise to understanding Jabal Al Natheef juxtaposed to the city. Strategically located in one the oldest and most crowded neighbourhoods in Amman, it is the home of a debatable 50,000 Palestinian refugees. Identified as a physical output of a political crisis the camp is still regarded as a slum more than sixty years later. The understanding of history according to French philosopher Henri Bergson is as equivalent to the lived experience of it, as opposed to the abstract mathematical measuring Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 123

of conventional time –marked out by observing one object moving relative to another, such as in the movement of a hand around the face of a clock. In those terms the real meaning of ‘space’ involves the construction of a historical dimension uniting the endless succession of transient events (Hale 2005).Through the accumulation of the traces of change it is possible to create a sense of continuity in the transformation of Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp into an urban area. The first event in the construction of the historic meaning can be traced to the 1948 Palestinian exodus or the Nakba; the immigrants in Jabal Al Natheef illegally lived in tents and caves in a land owned by the Circassian - Mohammad Amin Habjoka -. In 1955, however, the role of humanitarian action led to the establishment of Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp and an attempt at relocating Jabal Al Natheef squatters under United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) supervision. A large number were relocated, but the other stayed due to Jabal Al Natheef central location, connectivity and proximity to services. The latter event led to the lease of the land by King Hussein of Jordan; however, it never came under UNRWA control. This issue is the reason why Al-Wihdat camp became a legal Palestinian camp while Jabal Al-Natheef remained without legal status. In 1977, services reached the camp - telephone lines, electricity, and water. This articulated the camp in a continual process of growing into a city camp, a means by which refugees build their houses and lived without UNRWA involvement (Arini 2014).

Figure 1: Amman Growth 1965-2014. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


2.1 The ‘urban environment’ The ‘urban environment’ the first sketch of this narrative; highlights the unique nature of the camp in terms of segregation and integration. Beginning with the former historical context, we will revisit the work of ‘Mapping Jabal Al Natheef’, and seek to examine the phenomenon of the organic morphology, which characterizes this settlement, and its fluctuating modes of inclusion and exclusion. On one hand, the camp is a space of exception, a by-product of the Palestinian exodus, where refugees are brought together solely due to their “status of victims” (Agamben 2005). This condition of enclave however, created opportunities for encounters, exchanges and the reworking of identity among all who live there (Agier 2002). Socially segregated and marginalized, necessity is the base on which this state of exception is founded. All levels of societal relations and everyday life permeate the built environment, and a multitude of interpersonal and spatial rules combine to produce this urban enclave. One can capture Jabal Al Natheef’s hidden dimensions through the following remark based on historical accounts, observation and everyday rituals and how they merge to build a living pattern: “'Living together’ is a familiar concept for Jabal Al Natheef. If we look at the traditional way of living, they spatially and socially co-live in a community, a network of small clusters of people comprising space for parents, grandparents, younger generations, and neighbours. This reflects in the spatial output of the houses, the community and the camp. The value of housing and the acknowledgment of community are manifested in this socio-spatial structure.”(Arini 2014) The dwellers experience a ‘profound sense of belonging’, largely attributed to ‘ethnic origin, kinship and affinity to the space’. Even more, in daily life, the dwellers understood the effectiveness of Foucauldian ‘micro-powers’ as agents of control expressed throughout all societal levels (Jessop 2006). A closer examination of the characteristics of the residents might yield further meaningful possibilities for their survival in the present situation. By considering the historical development and the societal relations, one can read that the socio-spatial framework in Jabal Al Natheef is dynamic, reinforced by a correlation between asset ownership, urban poverty and societal relations. The acts of building in the camp embody a self-built language seen in its narrow network of passageways and twisting alleys, and the construction of houses that respond to social ties and ownership laws that employ exception. Over the years, however, housing units have changed owners; they have been sold, bought and rented to other low-income immigrants (Achilli 2015). In this environment where people have retained the power and knowledge to self-build their own homes, the relationships between social and spatial structures are close-knit. In fact, this resulted in complex geometries and spatial relationships, and in symbolic borders that segregate the dwellers (Arini 2014). The poetics of Jabal Al Natheef’s spaces lies in its simplicity and the society that produced it; it represents ‘a massive effort to ensure a livable environment’ and ‘an unplanned product that visually dominates a hill of the city’.


Figure 2: Panoramic view of Jabal Al Natheef camp from Jabal Amman. (Arini, Mappin Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Figure 3: Rossi map, represents the continuous “urban ground floor plan” of the upper camp area, the spatial experiences encountered at ground level, the topographical level changes, delineation of public streets, paths and staircases, along with floor plans of buildings, of public and private interior spaces. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

On the other hand, the continuous influx of refugees and the lack of governmental apparatus sustained the rapid self-planned growth and paved the way for gradual integration into the urban fabric of the city. When Jabal Al Natheef is juxtaposed to the city, the uninterrupted urban expansion, the development of economic areas and the daily mobility of the inhabitants, foster the integration of the camp into the city - making it a part of Amman. But when it comes to the edges and boundaries within the city, Jabal Al Natheef’s boundaries raise the questions: to whom does it belong and what constitutes it? The buildings, the streets and the narrow stairs make the boundary that has a mediating role and not the character of Amman. So does the story that made it: “Refugees have sought to preserve this space by challenging its socio-economic marginality. This created integration as well as separation, more than that; they established a fractured border by pushing the economic life and social interaction to the edges. Yet they kept their ‘community life’ within the enclave of the camp, ultimately, preserving its political significance and symbolic meaning. In this story, the boundary functions as a third element; it is an interface where the community presents itself as a penetrable (Certeau 1984). Spatial continuities and discontinuities are conceptualized in terms of lived experience rather than physical boundaries alone(Agier 2002).Mediators like the narrow stairs play as transitions between the dichotomies.”


2.2 The ‘spatial storytellers’ Layered with the traces of previous generation’s struggles (Hayden 1994), Jabal Al-Natheef is the image of a complex urban social history that is the outcome of its symbolic and spatial symbiotic relation. This symbiotic representation of Jabal Al-Natheef’s cultural geography; embedded in its formal setting; cannot be understood devoid of its inhabitant’s social practices of navigation (Certeau 1984), which informs its urban landscape. In order to clarify this symbiotic relation, it is important to understand the contextualized processes that played a role in both the production and construction of space (Low 1996) in Jabal Al-Natheef. “… the term social production is useful in defining the historical emergence and political and economic formation of urban space. The term social construction may then be conveniently reserved for the phenomenological and symbolic experience of space as mediated by social processes such as exchange, conflict and control. Thus the social construction of space is the actual transformation of space-through peoples social exchanges, memories, images and daily use of the material setting-into scenes and actions that convey symbolic meaning” (Low 1996). To unfold these notions and explore the interdependency of urban narratives and spatial practices we utilize the social capital of Jabal Al-Natheef as a tool, a spatial storyteller, guided by their spatial practices to inform the appropriation of their spaces (Certeau 1984). This potential and notion of exploring the spatial analysis of Jabal Al-Natheef with ethnographic tools opens up opportunities to integrate the various localized discourses that the camp underwent with the larger political and economic processes (Low 1996). 2.2.1 Social Setting and its localized urban narratives Jabal Al-Natheef’s residents generally descend from rural Palestinian communities with agriculture related knowledge and skills, the inhabitant’s main concern was to provide their families with shelter and food; education for a long time not being a priority. This trend, which continues nowadays, led them to work primarily as unskilled labourers.


Figure 4: Statistical Survey on immigration details in Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Figure 5: Statistical Survey on education levels in Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


Ahmad is one of them; he is a retired father and husband who has been living in the camp since 1967. He left school in the 4th grade and later worked as a craftsman to provide for his family of eight. Now his son provides the main source of income working as a car mechanic. Ahmad explains his view on the new streets established by the municipality stating the area used to be safer, quieter and inhabitant were closer to each other.

Figure 6: Photograph of Ahmad. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

The working pattern of Ahmad and other inhabitants of the Jabal is distinctive to the camp and highlighted by gender appropriated jobs; men in construction, taxi driving, street vending and tailoring, women in hairdressing, secretarial work, nursing, sewing and embroidery. With abrupt changes due to economic pressures of the past years which made women work.


Figure 7: Statistical Survey on unemployment levels in Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Um Abed is one of many who clearly voice their dislike towards the area and wishes to relocate because of the trash. She explains that the municipality regularly empties the trash bins located on main streets, but they do not clean the alleyways. Her daughter left school because her husband and father in law felt that the neighbourhood was not safe for young girls. As for herself, she does not leave her home except to visit her brother who lives at the top of their staircase, or sister who lives at the bottom.

Figure 8: Photograph of Um Abed’s daughter and Map of interviewee house. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


Generally Jabal Al Natheef’s residents suffer from urban poverty, which prevents many from relocation. This has resulted in an environment where people have retained the power and knowledge to build their own houses; forming complex geometries and relationships between spaces with shared access, and a variety of social hierarchies in public spaces.

Figure 9: Statistical Survey on income levels details in Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

The neighborhood’s landscape is manifested by alleyways, stairways, private courtyards, rooftop spaces, and spatial and social narratives showcase the different patterns of inhabitation and social negotiation of the Jabal Al Natheef residents. Due to the small size of apartments and interior spaces, inhabitants intelligently make use of rooftop space, often in an unorthodox manner. The privacy offered by rooftops, accessibility to open space and the relative degree of safety that they provide, makes these areas ideal as shared spaces for women to socialize, and for children to play.

Figure 10: Photograph of the rooftops of Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


Figure 11: Illustration of the rooftops of Jabal Al Natheef, ( Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Whenever there is an opportunity, roof-top spaces connect to other roof-tops and, due to topography, sometimes even to adjacent ground floor spaces. An example of such a connection was a roof terrace opening onto a ground floor kitchen, which is owned by different families. We observed that this close proximity fosters closer relationships amongst the neighbours. Hence, the links between these spaces provide essential ways through which the community is able to sustain social relationships. These social spaces were created through the development of more residential units that were added to accommodate the growing number of families. Original courtyards and rooftops were built on, which created other outdoor spaces with layouts based on relationships with their neighbours.


Figure 12: Photograph of the courtyards in Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

External staircases are also tailored for social practices such as play areas for children, due to the lack of safe playgrounds and open spaces in the neighbourhood, whereas the internal staircases act as spaces of social interaction for women, which is characterized by total visual privacy.

Figure 13: Photograph of the stairways of Jabal Al Natheef. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

While the above accounts give an understanding of the “constructed spaces” of Jabal Al Natheef which can be seen in the gendered spaces, the dwellers interpretations of safety, the emergence of new typologies of social spaces and places of exchange, other inhabitants went back in time and gave a narrative of the historical context of the camp, its “space production” and its timely transformation.


Originally from Khalil, Palestine, when Nimeh first migrated to Jabal Al Natheef, it was an empty land. At that time she lived for three years in a tent. With the help of her husband, she then built a room using corrugated sheets. They later moved into a flat across the street and when things got better they moved into their current home, which is a converted bakery that belonged to her cousin. They initially lived on one floor, but added a second one at a later stage. Unlike other neighbours with children, they paid for builders do the work. Since Nimeh rarely leaves home, she spends her day on the rooftop and the small entrance/balcony facing the street.

Figure 14: Photograph of Hajjeh Nimeh. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Abu Mohammad, another resident, joins Nimeh in her story and recalls Jabal Al Natheef as farmlands: fig trees, vines and wheat fields and a handful of caves. This, he says, is what the area was like when the refugees came in 1948. Lots of families took shelter in the caves, and then started setting up tents. The ones that had money built a “barakeyyeh” (a temporary structure made out of metal sheets and wood), the materials used for the barrakeyyeh were sold for eight Dinars; they would build it and rent it for half a Dinar. The ones who couldn’t afford it set up a tent. Later on they started marking the land around their tent using rocks to claim it as theirs. 2.3 The ‘reader’ The ‘reader’ emerges from an attempt to understand Jabal Al Natheef’s pluralism through different lenses and to form a new reading that unfolds the camp as a spatial intersection of society and economy. The exploration of creating a non-linear narrative is a needed to foster dialogue and reflection among distinct disciplines. In this sketch we build upon this notion, Jabal Al Natheef is a multi layered urban setting with a network of diverse systems, which cannot be revealed but through the plurality of knowledge though effective trans-disciplinarity. This exploration model was based on an organizational framework and managed through a set of clear methods with the overall objective of mapping Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp. These included observation, random time/place sampling, behavioural maps, structured questionnaires, an array of non-structured interviews, photo diaries and informal encounters which were narrated in the first two sketches of the “urban environment” and “Spatial storytellers”. The synthesis of these methodologies manifests itself in the narratives of the trans-disciplinary readers of the workshop. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 134

“We can perceive Jabal Al Natheef refugee camp with our five senses. The situation here is special, it is a self-constructed one. This specificity allowed for the production of spaces that are flexible to the changing needs of the users. In the photographs of the camp, we can perceive extremely differentiated spaces, niches, and corners, resulting in a complex structure. Materiality is one element of space, but how you understand your space is another way. So when it comes to the conceived space, Jabal Al Natheef is a product of social rules that govern its spaces; people have their own rules on the constituents of their societal relationships, what defines shared and in between spaces. One should also not forget the long history of communal production and how people produced this lived space through their everyday experiences.”(Arini 2014) This can be seen in the following figures that map the behavioural patterns of movement of individuals and groups layered with the sound of conversations taking place in a major staircase within the camp.

Figure 15: Behavioural map of groups and individuals in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp staircase . (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


Figure 17: Behavioural map of groups and individuals in Jabal Al Natheef informal camp staircase . (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

Figure 18: Jabal Al Natheef perceived space. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)


By taking the notion of narrative into the realm of poetry, this poet, and other poets can see space through the eyes of literature. “One way of circumnavigating the multiplicity of narratives, some of which may seek to cancel each other out by describing for instance a worse experience, or a heightened sense of victimhood, is to adopt the idea of ‘disparate multiple narratives’. To ‘speak life narrative’; one is presented with a chance to sense the difficulties of displacement and find ways towards replacing feelings of insecurity with a notion that the temporary space has become a place of engagement with life’s processes. This is seen through the efforts that the inhabitants have made with regard to the environment. Life in the camp, however, is problematic because of the strong presence of drug and alcohol abuse among the youth. On a brighter note, other observations among the youth are around the games of hide and seek as played in the camp. The narrow intricate pathways and up-and-down nature of the stairs, platforms, are ideal for games which rest on the idea that just around any corner may be the ‘finder’ — or, in their imagination — ‘the enemy’. The players may at any stage be ‘found out’ or they may succeed in remaining hidden or lost for more time, which in this game is a successful outcome. These games directly emerge from the set of experiences which some of the older residents mention. Hopes and anxieties and the ideas of displacing and replacing seem particularly captured by the particularities of hide and seek in Jabal Al Natheef.”(Arini 2014)

Figure 19: The games of hide and seek. (Arini, Mapping Jabal Al Natheef, 2014)

With reference to the anthropological idea of self-representation and by overlapping with community work and taking it to the residents, this community worker uncovers how people interpret their world: Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 137

“One day I walked into our regular youth session, a safe space for open dialogue and debate. In this meeting, a bunch of architects and urbanists were meeting with some 70 of our youths. The atmosphere is tense, professionals and the community youth are akin to opposing teams. One architect, asks, “How do you define the identity of Jabal Al Natheef?” The youth feel provoked. “Who the hell are you to ask? And why do you want our answers?” The architects persist; gradually the divides begin to shift. Some of the youth begin to define their space in Jabal Al Natheef. “It’s like a big tribe... a big family.” A few add that “it’s like any other place; it has the problems of any other place.” The architects ask more questions: “What do you mean? How so?” Taboos quickly work their way into the discussion: “Drugs, pills, substance abuse, school drop outs... poverty...” One young rebel architect comments: “I don’t see anything different in this area. We get harassed in west Amman. We work very hard to earn a living and study. Life is tough everywhere.” Some reply: “We have to be part of a gang to walk at night... we have alcoholics and drug addicts and all types of criminals on our streets.” A girl says, “I can’t even walk down the streets without eyes stripping me and words thrown at me...” As the conversation evolves “the stranger” is framed: someone who comes from another place, someone who is asking questions about our place and us. Someone who lives by a different code of conduct and ethics... The discussion ends and we all leap into action. But acting needs dialogue, monologue and choruses to structure a journey of meaning and action. The shared experience between architects, urbanists and the inhabitants of the camp can become the precursor for an initiative that brings together the community and the professional to engage in mutual learning and to mobilize for change.”(Arini 2014)

References ACHILLI, L. (2015) Al-Wihdat Refugee Camp: Between Inclusion and Exclusion. [online]. Available from World Wide Web: http://interviews.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/20831/al-wihdat-refugeecamp_between-inclusion-and-exclusion > AGAMBEN, G. (2005) State of Exception. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. AGIER, M. (2002) Between war and city: Towards an urban anthropology of refugee camps. Ethnography., pp.317-341. AL-HUSSEINI, J. (2011) The Evolution of the Palestinian Refugee Camps in Jordan. Between Logics of Exclusion and Integration. In: Villes, pratiques urbaines et construction nationale en Jordanie, Beyrouth: Presses de l’Ifpo, pp.181-204. ARINI. (2014) Mapping Jabal Al Natheef. Amman. BOURDIEU, P. (2013) Outline of a theory of practise. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CERTEAU, M. (1984) The practise of everyday life. Berkeley: University if California Press. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 138

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Amman, a Child Friendly City in the Making Yara Halaseh Bartlett School of Planning, UCL [email protected]

ABSTRACT Children are an integral part of any city’s demographic; the improvement of children’s quality of life in line with the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) also reflects on the wellbeing and sustainability of cities as a whole. Amman is a city in the heart of the Arab region where children constitute 40.9% of its population today (DOS, 2014). In the early 1990s, Amman’s leadership launched a series of efforts to address children’s rights in the city, however, it was only in the 2000s when the then-Mayor encouraged children’s participation in shaping the city. This main objective of this research is to explore ways in which children are actively taking part in planning projects, decisions, and policies in Amman. The study utilized descriptive and analytical approaches to the literature found on this topic and to the focus group and semistructured interviews conducted. The two qualitative methods targeted practitioners working on children’s participation, including representatives of the Amman Child Friendly Cities Initiative (CFCI), as well as experts in the planning and engineering of Amman. At the time this research was conducted, the assessment of Amman as a child friendly city [CFC], particularly vis-à-vis children’s participation in the built environment remains weak. Findings indicate that many internal factors related to culture, political will, and awareness, exacerbated by external factors, such as social and political unrest in the surrounding countries; may all have a role in influencing children’s status as active citizens in Amman. The study evaluates the potential importance of integrating CRC in all aspects of life in the city. Based on this analysis, recommendations are proposed that may possibly assist in improving Amman as a CFC. KEYWORDS: Amman, Child Friendly Cities

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1. INTRODUCTION A child friendly city [CFC] is a “system of local governance, committed to fulfilling children’s rights” (UNICEF, 2004). Referring to the United Nations [UN] Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), “a child’s well-being and quality of life is the ultimate indicator of a healthy environment, good governance and sustainable development” (UNICEF, 1997; in Malone, 2001). The CRC was widely and officially acknowledged in 1989 (UN, 1989), recognizing five broad themes in regards to children’s rights “to childhood, to be educated, to be healthy, to be treated fairly, and to be heard”. As the Arab World undergoes serious development challenges, clearly observed in the political transition across the region, the translation of inclusive governance and citizen participation in community building could start at the city-level. This paper takes Amman as a focus capital city and explores ways in which it can be a Child Friendly City, and ways that different institutions have been encouraging and integrating the idea of children’s participation in Amman’s planning and growth. Therefore, this research aims to address the following question: in what ways is Amman a child friendly city? What contribution can children’s participation make to improve our understanding of Amman as a child friendly city? Thus, the main objectives are to explore the factors affecting children’s participation in regards to the built environment, to assess the means, and their effectiveness, through which children are consulted and engaged in city planning and decision-making towards Amman as a CFC, and to make recommendations for current and future CFC initiatives with emphasis on participation based on CRC’s principles and CFC indicators. Data collected for this study combines secondary data (online research, journals, and books) with primary data through interviews and a focus group. Within its limited scope, this research will deal with children’s participation in urbanizing Amman in light of CRC articles12, 13, 14, 15,17, and UNICEF’s three CFC indicators stating that children have the right to “influence decisions about their city, express their opinion on the city they want, and participate in family, community and social life” (UNICEF, 2014). 2. FACTORS INFLUENCING CHILDREN IN CITIES According to UNICEF (2012), around half of the world’s children live in cities. Given this fact, it may be suggested that children’s needs should be addressed when it comes to planning and designing cities. However, increasing crime, traffic, environmental decay, and loss of open spaces are issues limiting children from actively engaging within their cities. According to Freeman and Tranter (2011), “children have been removed from streets, rather than streets becoming safer for children”. Childhood has become more institutionalized and organized, and children’s activities are taking place in more formal settings rather than in public spaces, with increased adult supervision (Rasmussen and Smidt, 2003). Therefore, ignoring children’s legitimate desire to help in the building of their city creates exclusive decisions that lack buy-in and ownership of the local community at large. Hence, UN organizations, Conventions, children’s groups, civil societies, governments, and others have dedicated significant efforts to spread awareness on the importance of children’s participation in the creation of CFCs. Participation is “the process of sharing in decisions which affect one’s life and the life of the community in which one lives” (Lansdown, 1995; in Freeman and Tranter 2011). Many theorists have been observing and studying children’s participation in urban environments. According to Gallagher (2006), when children participate in the making of a place, there will always be the adults in charge who are more powerful and will implement what they see is right; sometimes taking into consideration children’s Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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participation and other times disregarding it. However, nation governments need to realize that even if a city has limited resources, when children’s rights are given priority in policies, budgeting, planning, and practices, positive and democratic change is then possible (Chawla and Malone, 2003). 3. BRIDGING BETWEEN LITERATURE AND REALITY- METHODOLOGY To portray the reality of the situation of children’s participation in Amman’s built environment, and considering the objectives of this research paper, it was essential to conduct semi-structured interviews and to form a focus group. Both qualitative methods were used to achieve different purposes. The interviews helped give a better understanding of what is happening on the ground vis-à-vis child-friendly initiatives in Amman, thus, avoiding potential bias of local media outlets and published reports. As for the focus group, it helped shape clear perspectives on local views of Amman and the way they perceive the spaces in the city. 4. AMMAN Amman’s built environment is based on the Jordanian planning law No. 79 that dates back in inception to 1966 and is based on the British planning approach (AECOM, 2010). The law does not tackle social, economic or environmental aspects of planning, and instead adopts a top-down approach to designing policies that affect the livelihoods of Amman’s residents. It is in this spirit of governance that little to no consideration was given to children’s needs and opinions regarding their living environment. Today, as the total population of Amman is estimated at 2,528,500 inhabitants (DoS, 2013), the Department of Statistics announced that children under the age of 19 constitute 40.9% of Amman’s inhabitants (DoS, 2014). Unless channeled towards becoming active change agents and community problem solvers, children might place more stress on the city, the environment and the economy. Amman has several spatial development challenges, exacerbated by an automobile-dominated transportation system that results in various types of environmental congestions and social segregation (GAM, 2008), in addition to an inflow of foreign aid and investment causing a building boom without consideration to the surroundings (AECOM, 2010). 4.1 Children’s Status in Amman Jordan signed the CRC in year1990, ratified it in 1991, and made it into law in 2006 (UNICEF, 2009). However, children living in Ammanstill face many issues that result in the violation of some of their basic rights, such as poverty, access to health and education, child marriage, child abuse, and even rights to identity (UNICEF, 2007). Children’s participation is perceived as passive. Children do hold strong views on Jordan’s current status, but they cannot be influential actors in political life due to their age; only those above 25 years are eligible to be appointed as a mayor or stand for elections for Amman’s Municipal Council. Also, society’s traditional norms and values can be limited to children’s participation in the personal and local levels. Amman is a patriarchal society where many fathers and older male relatives (influenced by their tribal origins) make most of the decisions for the family, sometimes disregarding others’ opinions and needs (Potter et al., 2009). While multi-tiered limitations are evident in impeding children’s participation, one initiative comes across as a successful model in mitigating through such challenges and, in fact,

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empowers an institutionalized participatory role for children in Amman; the Child Friendly City Initiative (CFCI) of The Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) and UNICEF. The section below looks closer at this initiative and highlights the factors that led to its positive outcomes. 4.2 Success Stories on the Ground GAM partnered up with UNICEF in 2004 to implement the CFCI in Amman. Based on a series of workshops and focus groups bringing together children, teachers, planners, engineers, politicians, and other professionals, GAM identified ten CFC indicators they plan to achieve in Amman. One of which is related to “child participation and community based planning” (Jordan Times, 2014). Some of GAM’s great achievements is the establishment of “55parks, 5 cultural centres, 70 public libraries, 3 sports cities, 5 indoor playing courts, 77 playing grounds” (UNICEF, 2014). Also, a great achievement towards enhancing children’s participation is the establishment of a democratically elected children’s parliament. The parliament had several achievements in regards to the building of child friendly infrastructures and facilities. They built safe spaces for children in various parks around Amman with different play areas for different ages. Moreover, children’s parliament uses social media to communicate and reach out to other children as they have their own Facebook page that they themselves decide which issues to raise, and which topics to tackle. This is a form of successful participation, however, there is still a shortcoming in institutionalizing the input of children’s parliament into the actual GAM policy-making. In 2008, children’s parliament passed a decision to address the need for rehabilitating Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq Park in Khuraybat as-Suq in the Southern part of Amman, and to turn it into the first place where children feel free to play and learn in the area. The private sector (Umniah, the telecommunications provider) in partnership with GAM sponsored the idea and helped turn it into a great accomplishment. The park is friendly towards children with special needs, it consists of playgrounds with games distributed for all ages, cultural and recreational facilities like an art centre, and an IT centre, two football fields, seating areas, pedestrian pathways, and water elements (i.e. water fountain). The park is currently being used for various social activities such as soccer tournaments and charity meals. Everyone is welcome to the facilities as users, guests, or volunteers. 5. ANALYSIS Amman is a beautiful city characterized by its white building stones. However, it is built in ways that disregard humans’ needs. Not only that, but streets in general are seen to be for cars and cars only. Streets are unfriendly towards pedestrians, cyclists, children, and even the handicapped; public spaces are seen to be eroding in Amman. 5.1 Amman, Through the Lens of its People Walking around the streets of any city is seen to be a form of exercise, or as a way of interacting with people and the physical elements of the city, hence, understanding and appreciating the ecosystem one lives in. Walking in Amman, however, is “a frustrating and dangerous experience for many people, especially for children, ” said an interviewee. Issues regarding pedestrian pathways, pedestrian bridges, traffic lights, and accessibility are all uncomfortable Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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encounters children and pedestrians are faced with everyday in Amman. Sidewalks do not always serve the pedestrian’s needs and safety and pedestrian bridges are very high up, inaccessible for people in wheelchairs and are very far apart when located on a long street. While they come to serve a need to ensure a safe space for pedestrians, the fact that people are not engaged in decision-making does in fact contribute to not use them, and instead crossing in the middle of busy streets and endangering their lives. Furthermore, a focus group discussion was held in order to listen to people’s first-hand experiences and opinions about Amman as a CFC, especially in regards to participation in decision-making processes related to urban planning. One of the tasks given to participants was to create a mind map (Figure 1) of what they think of when they hear about a Child friendly Amman, especially in regards to participation. The purpose of this exercise was to show that each and every individual is unique and might require different needs from the urban environment than that of another person. CHILD FRIENDLY AMMAN

Figure 1: Mind Map of a Child Friendly Amman vis-à-vis Participation in the Built Environment- according to the focus group participants

5.2Theory-Practice Dilemma After assessing the current efforts towards building a child friendly Amman, a question that comes to mind is: ‘why isn’t there any concrete change seen in the national level?’While looking at the various literatures on the topic, and examining the current practices in Amman, a gap became apparent between theory and practice.

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5.3Challenges and Limitations The challenges and limitations causing a slow change in children’s status and influence in Amman are various, for “neither qualitative nor quantitative methods are sufficient in themselves when seeking to understand the complexity of children’s lives in contemporary city” (Christensen and O’Brien, 2003). GAM only focused its efforts in some of the districts in Amman, and not on the city of Amman as a whole. There is limited literature, data, and resources found on the topic of CFC on Amman, on planning, and on children. Not only that, but GAM has no authority to look over the progress in other sectors in Amman (i.e. education, health), as the other sectors are under the responsibility of the Central Government. This brings up the limitation of the lack of alignment between central government’s support, GAM’s activities, and effective urban planning practices on the ground. From what was realized during the interviews, many planners and engineers are disconnected from all that has been happening in regards to CFC at the various government levels. 5.4Recommendations Based on the primary and secondary research conducted for this research, it is clear that Amman has not yet achieved highly on the CFC indicators, especially in reference to children’s participation. However, one cannot disregard the time, effort, and projects put towards enhancing children’s well being in Amman. The following suggested recommendations could perhaps be considered by GAM and other involved agencies to hasten the process of Amman becoming a CFC. To start with, GAM should not be the only body implementing the CFCI, the Central Jordanian Government should be a partner in ensuring all indicators of a CFC are integrated in within the system and are covered by related sectors. Moreover, a well-developed communication strategy should be adopted and implemented by GAM to spread awareness on the CFCI and ensure all stakeholders’ support. Also, planning laws should be reformed to allow for more citizen participation in order to become responsive to the needs of the city and its inhabitants, especially children.

6. CONCLUSION This research explores the factors affecting children’s participation in regards to Amman’s built environment, assesses the means through which Amman’s children are consulted and engaged in city planning and decision making, and makes recommendations for current and future CFC initiatives in Amman with emphasis on participation based on the CRC. However, with the increasing worldwide urbanization, children are losing acknowledgement, freedom and rights. Children’s ways of portraying and experiencing their cities are rarely recognized and accepted by adults, despite the various international efforts trying to spread awareness on the importance of children to the world, to countries, and to cities. For Amman’s children, this research tackled ways in which Amman is a CFC. So much has developed and changed, especially with the adoption of the CRC and CFCI by the government, along with GAM and UNICEF. The results were great; children’s parliament has emerged, and Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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children were contributing to the built environment of Amman (i.e. Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq Park). However, Amman is still affected by many challenges and factors, one of which is its geographic location. The MENA region is witnessing devastations, and Amman, with its limited resources, is in growing need for more international funding and consolidated efforts of nongovernmental organizations. Mostly, Amman needs its community to become more engaged in participating and sustaining the city and its resources. It is about time for Amman to take this initiative to the second level, this can be done by institutionalizing children’s rights and localizing the initiative to address local issues faced by children in Amman. In conclusion, by reviewing some literature on the topic, conducting interviews and a focus group, and analyzing the current situation on the ground, this research reached the conclusion that there is still a long way to go for Amman to be considered a Child Friendly City vis-à-vis children’s participation in urban planning. In order to create a sustainable developed Amman; environmental, social, and economic sustainability need to be equally addressed and considered, that would be made possible when including all members of the society in participatory processes of planning, development, and decision-making of their cities (Stanley, Richardson, Prior; 2005). Therefore, Amman’s society, as a whole, could move forward when taking part in improving the status of its children.

References AECOM (2010). Urban Planning Regulatory Framework- Assessment Report. Ministry of Municipal Affairs Jordan. Cairns, L. (2006). Participation with Purpose. In: E. M. Tisdall, J. Davis, A. Prout and M. Hill, ed., Children, Young People and Social Inclusion: Participation for what?, 1st ed. Bristol: The Policy Press, pp.217-234. Chawla, L. and Malone, K. (2003). Neighbourhood quality in children's eyes. Children in the city: home, neighbourhood and community, pp.118 -141. Christensen, P. and O'Brien, M. (2003). Children in the City: introducing new perspectives. In: P. Christensen and M. O'Brien, ed., Children in the City: Home, neighbourhood and community, 1st ed. London: Routledge Falmer, pp.1-12. DoS (2014). Jordanian Population by Governorate, Sex, and Age group (Percentage Distribution). Amman: Department of Statistics. DoS (2013). Population by Governorate, District, and Sex. Amman: Department of Statistics. Freeman, C. and Tranter, P. (2011). Children and their urban environment. 1st ed. London: Earthscan. Gallagher, M. (2006). Spaces of Participation and Inclusion?. In: E. M. Tisdall, J. Davis, A. Prout and M. Hill, ed., Children, young people and social inclusion: Participation for what?, 1st ed. Bristol: The Policy Press. Greater Amman Municipality (2008). The Amman Plan: Metropolitan Growth. Amman: Greater Amman Municipality. Jordan Times (2014). Consultation explores capital's progress towards becoming 'child-friendly city'. [online] Available at: http://jordantimes.com/consultation-explores-capitalsprogresstowards- becoming-child-friendly-city [Accessed 29 Jul. 2014]. Malone, K. (2001). Children, youth and sustainable cities. Local Environment, 6(1), pp.5--12.

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Malone, K. (2006). United Nations: a key player in a global movement for child friendly cities. In: B. Gleeson and N. Sipe, ed., Creating Child Friendly Cities, 1st ed. Routledge, pp.1332. Potter, R., Darmame, K., Barham, N. and Nortcliff, S. (2009). “Ever-growing Amman”, Jordan: Urban expansion, social polarisation and contemporary urban planning issues. Habitat international, 33(1), pp.81--92. Rasmussen, K. and Smidt, S. (2003). Children in the neighbourhood: the neighbourhood in the children. In: P. Christensen and M. O'Brien, ed., Children in the City: Home, neighbourhood and community, 1st ed. London: Routledge Falmer, pp.82-100. UNHCR (2014). Jordan. [online] Unhcr.org. Available at: http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e486566.html [Accessed 17 Aug. 2014]. UNICEF (2004). Building Child Friendly Cities- A framework for action. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. UNICEF, (2007). Children in Jordan: Situation analysis. UNICEF. UNICEF, (2009). Child Budget Analysis, Jordan. Amman: UNICEF. UNICEF (2012). The State of the World's Children: Children in an Urban World. New York: UNICEF. UNICEF (2014). Child Friendly Cities and the Activation of the National Indicators. Amman: UNICEF. United Nations, (1989). Convention on the Rights of the Child. United Nations Human RightsOffice of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.


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Using Aerial Photography for the Study of Housing Projects in Jordan Arch. Hind Is-haqat1.a 1

Dept. of Architecture, Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC), Amman, Jordan, p.o.box 2110 Amman 11181- phone 962 65538228- fax 962 65538226 a [email protected]

ABSTRACT This paper explores the use of aerial photographs in the evaluation of some of the low-income housing projects in Jordan, which were implemented by the Housing and Urban Development Corporation HUDC, and executed by the Jordanian Housing Developers Association JHDA. It will focus on the projects of the Royal Initiative for Housing (RIH) 2008-2013, that will benefit about 45000 Jordanian citizens, with the HUDC vision for providing decent housing at subsidized prices for low-income households, and providing residential neighbourhoods with complete services, the paper will be concentrating on four sites within Jordan’s capital Amman. These projects were studied through reviewing their relationship with the urban fabric and existing infrastructure and the suggested and implemented plans. Information and data and aerial photographs taken between 1992-2013, as a tool for analysis and exploration were documented and compared to reach conclusions about the expected population and residential density, with the planning and existing services in each project. The photographs were used to explore the extent that these projects formed suitable urban nodes, taking opinions from existing residents about the advantages and disadvantages of living there. It is concluded that the RIH projects in Amman, formed a nucleus of new urban neighbourhoods, and were an extension of the urban fabric contributing to the revival of the surrounding areas. These projects were provided with needed services and infrastructure that encouraged residents to live there, and to insure its sufficiency in the future when the projects are fully occupied. It is recommended to study the planning, design and organizing criteria used in HUDC projects according to the changing needs of the residents, and the new urban criteria for lowincome residential projects. KEYWORDS: Aerial photography, Royal Initiative for Housing, HUDC. INTRODUCTION Jordan is an upper–middle income country, with a population of 6.38 million people, increasing at a rate of 2.2% annually, and with a density of 71.9 person/km2. Jordan has experienced a rapid growth in the urbanization, rising from 59% in 1979 to about 82.6% in 2012, the number of households was 1,173,000 and the median household size was 5.4 persons (Department of Statistics, Dos, 2012).


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The Housing Corporation in Jordan was established in 1966 to provide suitable housing. The Urban Development Department (UDD) was established in 1980 to apply urban development projects and improve low-income settlements. In 1992 the two agencies were merged to establish The Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC). As a governmental housing agency, HUDC has implemented housing programs and policies and provided suitable serviced housing projects for low and moderate income families. It has reduced the gap between housing supply and demand, lead the housing sector and contributing to national development. Over this time, HUDC has executed about 130,000 housing units and serviced plots, benefiting about 400,000 people in over 360 projects in Jordan (HUDC, 2012). The Royal Initiative for Housing (RIH) 2008–2013, is a large scale affordable housing scheme in Jordan, implemented by the Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC), to enable low–income families to own a healthy, affordable housing unit within harmonious settlements and with complete services. Now finished and marketed through 2010-2011, 8448 housing units have been built within 10 housing projects located in five governorates in Jordan. 4919 of these units were sold by 10/2014 (HUDC, 2014), and the remaining units were sold by 2015. As an on-going project it is useful to evaluate the scheme according to the resident’s experiences, to reach useful conclusions about the development and planning of housing projects for this group in Jordan. LITERATURE REVIEW Housing is a basic human need, which is fundamental in the economic and social well–being of a country (Barker, 2004, P.1). Al–Faqih (2009) states that: there are housing requirements such as living standards, quality improvement, and social performance which must suit individuals, households and society. Rapoport (1980) raised the following issues: what are the reasons behind selecting a place to live in? How people evaluate environmental attributes to choose what they desire? What is the preferred site, neighbourhood to live in? Winter (2010) stated that there was a need for planning to increase the supply of affordable housing, and suggesting two strategies; (1) encouraging a new affordable housing supply, and (2) securing a new affordable housing supply in new developments. Al– Homoud and Al Oun (2009) stated that planning practices in Jordan were top–down; starting from central government, then from local government to citizens. Jalouqa (2010) stated that urban planning in Jordan was influenced by the political and economic conditions that affect housing and planning policies. Shabsough (2004) argues that the lack of clear strategies and policies resulted in expanding zoning plans in an unacceptable manner. Nusair (2000a) indicated that in Jordan, the current zoning and regulation lows should be restudied and modified in light of the new economic and social development. The Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan (GACDP) in 1988 included recommendations for satellite communities towards the eastern and southern outer edges of the city, as a means to combat the ongoing sprawl to the west. This would also help to prevent inflationary land prices, and act as a solution to future population concerns. According to the Amman Plan, GAM (2008), housing planning needed amendments to the current zoning regulations, increasing density to minimize land and infrastructure value, and allowing satellite towns with affordable housing. Al Asad (2005) stated that Amman is divided between east and west, and described the city as a mixture of economically and socially exclusive districts as well as mixed and hazy areas. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Suboh (2000) stated that when the Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDC) planned a low–income housing project the social, physical, technical and economic studies were conducted to reduce land costs, and link the project to public infrastructure. Ababsa (2007) blames HUDC for selecting the RIH project outside the urban centers on the outskirts of towns, and Daher (2013) argues that HUDC low–income housing projects in Jeza, Abu Alanda, Sahab and Marka located in the eastern edges of Amman failed in providing the projects with needed social infrastructure, and pushed the poor out of the city to deserted locations lacking in infrastructure and facilities, like schools, hospitals and commercial services. However the Amman Plan, GAM (2008) urges planners not to sacrifice social services or create housing ghettos for affordability. City planners, economists, and resource managers therefore need advanced methods and a comprehensive knowledge of the cities under their jurisdiction to make the informed decisions necessary to guide sustainable development in these rapidly changing urban environments (Pham et al. 2011; Makhamreh et al. 2011). The science of cartography has advanced in all aspects in the last two decades, James Corner, (1999) argues that the map has agency and is not merely a representation, but also a tool to explore what other conventional methodologies cannot imagine. He investigated into how architects and landscape designers utilize maps, and then found new projects to explore the different relationships inherent in the site itself and within its surrounding location; used to project future scenarios for the territory (Khasawneh, 2010). High population density in urban areas has resulted in a large-scale modification of the landscape and environment. As a city grows, the increasing concentration of population and economic activities demands more land to be developed for public infrastructure (e.g. roads, water facilities, and utilities), housing, and industrial and commercial uses. Moreover, remote sensing data are effective in monitoring the land use changes, especially where information on land use is inconsistent and insufficient (Makhamreh et al. 2011). The aerial photographs of Amman show an increase in the urban area from 0.3214 to 162.9243 km2. This increase represents 509 times the area of the old city, and shows a decrease in the fertile lands from 383.8565 to 297.4132 km2, which represents a loss of 23% of this area (Al Rawashdeh et al. 2006). Since 1975, The Royal Jordanian Geographic Center (RJGC) is the official government organization that normally undertakes the provision of aerial photographs, satellite images, topographic maps, and other spatial data, particularly georeferenced data maps, for local governmental, academic, and research purposes. Aerial photographs cover the period 19182000, and are useful for tracing the physical urban growth (Abu-Dayyeh et al. 2005). Remote sensing and geographic information systems (GIS), given their cost effectiveness and technological soundness, are increasingly being used to develop useful sources of information and to support decision making in connection with a wide array of urban application (Al Rawashdeh et al. 2006). DATA COLLECTION Aerial photographs taken in 1992 were obtained from the Royal Jordanian Geographic Center (RJGC). Newer periods from 2000 to 2013 were obtained from Google maps (www.googlemaps.com) using the historical maps to see aerial photographs taken in the same area, and used to compare the urban situation of the project sites during three periods; 1992, 2000 and 2013. Data and project information were obtained from the archive and documents of HUDC. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Documenting and comparing information and data of the four projects before and after the implementation of RIH, according to the number of residential plots, number of residential housing units, and expected population of the project, as well as residential density and available services. RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1. To what extend have the existing HUDC projects formed a nucleus for suitable urban societies of low-income? 2. Was the location of the RIH project in Amman suitable for the existing urban fabric? EXAMPLE OF HUDC LOW-INCOME HOUSING PROJECTS IN AMMAN In 2001 the researcher Fadael Al-Rahman Al Tammoni presented her Masters Thesis on “the Evaluation of HUDC Projects in Terms of Preferences” studying two HUDC projects, AlBatrawii in Zarqa city, and New Marka in Amman, using an ethnographic approach and survey to study the physical components and social components and describe what the residents of the two projects liked or disliked about their environments. For this study, the New Marka project will be studied and the housing location is taken as a comparison base for this project and the four RIH projects in Amman, using aerial photography as an aiding tool.

New Marka Housing Project According to Al-Tammoni (2001), the project was constructed between 1992 and 1995 and is located to the east of Amman (close to the Round Belt) connecting to Zarqa, and near to Amman’s first airport, the Pepsi factory, and a burning area. The project area is 86,000m2, and phase 1 consisted of 22 residential buildings, with a total of 274 apartments in three building types. Unit areas range from 80-110m2, and consisted of 2-3 bedrooms, living room, guest room, kitchen, and 1-2 bathrooms, as part of three story blocks. The second phase consisted of 27 buildings, with 162 apartments, and phase three consisted of 52 serviced land plots. The project was provided with the necessary infrastructure such as roads, passages, water, rain water drainage, electricity, telephone networks, green areas, car parking and a mosque (Al-Tammoni, 2001). Figure 1: Site Plan of New Marka Project


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According to the researcher, 63% of people surveyed believed that the buildings were too close with no space between them. 77% of the residents disliked the housing location because of the desert-like climate, as well as the clamor of airplanes flying near to and over the site. The project is on a main street, far from all services and entertainment facilities. Also transportation is very difficult, especially for families without a car, and there are difficulties in collecting provisions or sending their children to the school, located on the other side of the dangerous Round Belt road. It should be noted that 90% of residents had children of school age (Al-Tammoni,2001).

Figure 2 and 3: New Marka Project in 1992 and in 2000

The researcher Al-Tammoni explored the resident’s opinions of the project after nine years of occupation. The area at that time was empty from any other residential neighbourhoods, and not all services were available, as shown in Figure 2 taken in 1992. Figure 3 shows the same area in 2000, with the nearby 0 urban fabric and connections to other housing projects. Phase two was complete with another 22 buildings and their services, and phase three of the project was completed in 2014 as serviced plots to be sold for beneficiaries, see Figure 4. Figure 4: New Marka Project 2013

COMPARING AMMAN’S TWO PLANS The Greater Amman Comprehensive Development Plan (GACDP) in 1988: The plan included recommendations for satellite communities towards the eastern and southern outer edges of the city, as a means to combat the ongoing sprawl to the west, and to fight inflated land prices as well as a solution for future population concerns.


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According to the plan, the residential areas of type C and D (coloured in light orange and orange) provided for low-income households were not sufficient for the future higher demands, and this lead to the division of Amman into two parts; a western part with low density for rich people, and an eastern part with high density for low-income people, which created a fragmented urban environment based on social differences. The GACDP (1988), suggested a population density in residential area, type C of 4.3-4.8 households (2528 persons/1000m2 (Dunum), and for type D of 6.57.3 households (37.5-41.5 persons/dunum). It also suggested the expansion of the urban area for these residential types in the eastern side of Yarmouk Street and the Round Belt Road and in the Marka area, including the projects of the housing corporation.

Figure 5: the residential areas in Amman 1988, GACDP

Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan in 2008: Defined the Urban Envelope, which includes the existing core built-up areas of Amman and extends beyond them in designated areas, to align with the Amman Development Corridor (ADC). This Urban Envelope will contain 85% of Amman’s new growth, 55% of new housing units within the Urban Envelope will be located in Settlement Expansion Areas (in orange on Figure 4). RIH projects (marked in red) are located within this area. According to the plan, the Metropolitan Corridors include the Airport Road, the Sahab Muwaqar Corridor, and the Amman Development Corridor. These will provide Ammanies with safe, easy access to all parts of the city, and will combine a wide variety of high -density residential, institutional, and commercial land uses within a vibrant public framework, consisting of parks, gardens, pedestrian promenades etc. The Abu Alanda project is located near to the Sahab-Muwaqar Corridor and also near to the ADC (see Figure 5). The Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan in 2008 suggested a population density target in the inner east of 3.3 households per dunum (18 persons/dunum), and in the inner south areas of Amman of 4.2 households (23 persons/dunum).

Figure 6: Metropolitan Growth Plan: Settlement Areas , GAM 2008

Figure 7: Metropolitan Corridors and Metropolitan Growth Centers, GAM 2008


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THE ROYAL INITIATIVE FOR HOUSING (RIH) 2008-2013 As a national large-scale housing project in Jordan, RIH provides for the citizens's needs of decent housing and decent living. 8,448 housing units were developed in 10 projects across five governors (districts) in Jordan: Badr project in Irbid (North), Batrawii, Jabal Tariq, King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz in Zqrqa, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman and Abu Alanda in Amman, Faiha in Madaba (Middle), and same project in Aqaba (South), (see Figure 8). All of these consist of 2-3 bedrooms apartments with areas from 90-156m2, constructed from concrete columns and beams and concrete hollow blocks with coloured plaster for the elevations. All ten projects were provided with their necessary services and infrastructure such as schools, health centers, commercial buildings and waste water treatment plants. Figure 9 shows the locations of the four RIH projects in Amman: (Dyar, Abu Alanda, Mostanada, and Iman5) to the east of The Round Belt Road, that surrounds eastern Amman from Sahab to the Amman-Zarqa Road. The figure shows Yarmouk Road linking Amman center with the Round Belt road, and reaching to the Abu Alanda project and then to eastern parts leading to the Amman Development Corridor ADC (under construction) and finally reaching to Zarqa. Comparing the two aerial photographs taken in 1992 and 2013 showing the Abu Alanda and Mostanada projects, the area to the east of the Round Belt Road is seen as being empty, with no urban clusters in 1992. The Yarmouk road from Amman center did not reach the Abu Alanda area, and stopped at the gas factory, while in 2013 it reached the project and continued to the ADC road.

Figure 8: map of Jordan with RIH housing projects.

Figure 9: the location of the four RIH projects in Amman 2013


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Figure 10 and 11: Aerial photograph of Abu Alanda and Mostanada projects in 1992 and 2013

Figure 12 and 13: Abu Alanda Project site in 2004 and in 2013

Figure 14 and 15: Dyar Project site in 1992 and 2013


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Figure 15 and 17: Mostanada project site in 1992 and 2013

Figure 18 and 19: Princess Iman 5 project site in 1992 and 2013 Table 1 shows the four RIH housing projects, comparing the number of plots and housing units as well as the estimated resident numbers and density before and after RIH. The population was estimated after selling and occupying all the new RIH units, and the remaining plots assuming that there would be four floors in each plot, and that the mean household number would be 5.4 persons. Residential density is calculated by dividing the estimated population over the project area in dunum (person), which equals 1000 m2. Table 1 the four RIH projects data

Project

Dyar Abu Alanda Mostanad a Princess Iman 5

Projec t area m2

Number of plots

No. of built units

Estimated population

Before RIH 57

After RIH 23

Before RIH 228

After RIH 442

Before RIH 1231

808

183

3232

3309

17453

85000

120

61

480

691

2592

12000 0

205

101

820

1258

4428

40000 64300 0

Average

After RIH 2386 1786 8

Residential density (dunum/person) Before After RIH RIH 30.7 59.6 27.1

38.8

3731

30.5

43.9

6793

36.9

56.6

31.3

49.7

Source: researcher, HUDC data, 2014

The average residential density before RIH was 31.3 persons/dunum, and rose to 49.7 persons/dunum after the implementation of RIH, which is higher than the suggested figure by GACDP in 1988 (37.5-41.5 person/dunum). It is also higher than the Amman Metropolitan Growth Plan, 2008, which suggested a population density of 18-23 person/dunum.


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Figure 20: general views of RIH projects (Abu Alanda, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman 5.

Figure 21: plans of RIH projects (Abu Alanda, Dyar, Mostanada, Princess Iman 5.

RESIDENT OPINIONS ON THE FOUR PROJECTS: According to Daher et al. (2013), the interviews with the residents of the Dyar, Abu Alanda and Princess Iman projects showed that they need basic services like solid waste management, good schools, commercial services and water networks. Table 2 and Figure 22 show the provided services and infrastructure in the four RIH Amman projects by HUDC. Project Dyar Abu Alanda Mostanada Princess Iman 5

Table 2 services in RIH projects Provided services Commercial building Commercial building, 2 schools, 1 health center, 3 waste water treatment plants, a mosque. Commercial building, waste water treatment plant Commercial building, waste water treatment plant, 1 school.

Source: HUDC, 2013

Figure 22: provided services The researcher, Is-haqat (2013), studied the RIH projects using a questionnaire over a sample of 385 household heads in the ten RIH projects. 188 of these household heads were actually living in the four Amman projects (see Table 3 below). Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Table 3 Number of sold units and sample size

No. of built units 442 1773 571 1114 3900

Project Dyar Abu Alanda Mostanada Princess Iman 5 Total

No. of sold units until 31/12/2013 426 420 476 130 1452

No. of inhabited units 425 420 476 115 1436

Assigned proportional sample (13%) of inhabited units 54 57 62 15 188

Source: researcher, 2013

According to the questionnaire, 61% of the residents expressed their satisfaction with the project, while 20% were unsatisfied. 97% of people said that water reached their house once a week (which is normal in Jordan), and 66% said there was a proper sewage network. 75% of people said there was a suitable rainwater network in the project, and 95% said the garbage was collected and disposed of properly by GAM. 42% said they had a positive feeling about the building clusters in the project, with 71% believing that the open spaces in the project were not suitable for family recreation. 53% of people said that the setbacks between the buildings were wide enough, while 40% said they were not wide enough, and residents preferred a smaller number of people in the buildings and larger setbacks between buildings. Several field interviews were done with randomly selected residents, asking about the reasons for their selection of the project, and the advantages and disadvantages of living there. Most residents chose their project because of its proximity to work and relatives, as well as the availability of transportation. Table 4 summarizes the answers of the residents in the four projects. Table 4 Field interviews and answers in the four projects

Project

Reasons for selecting the project

Advantages of the project

Dyar

Well connected to the city, close to work and relatives.

Good housing unit areas, wide streets, available shops.

Abu Alanda

Quiet, large housing unit areas.

Mostanada

Close to work and relatives, available transportation.

Available services, wide streets, car parking, good interior and exterior finishing. Available services, wide streets, car parking.

Princess Iman 5

Close to Sahab and Amman.

Suitable housing unit areas.

Disadvantages of the project Crowded image, lack of car parking, no elevators, lack of public transportation and green areas. Bad odors from waste water plant, dangerous entrance, no boy’s school, no green areas. Crowded image, interior finishing problems, no green areas. Crowded image with attached buildings and narrow streets, bad odors from waste water plant, no school, mosque, green areas or health center.

Source: researcher, field interviews, 2013 Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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CONCLUSIONS The RIH projects in Jordan represent a national program that has been implemented over a short period, which targets low-income groups in Jordan. This research has concentrated on the planning and location of four RIH projects that have been implemented in Amman, and their relation to earlier and future plans of the city. The four RIH projects could be considered as high density populated neighbourhoods, with a population of 2,000-17,000 persons. They form a nuclei for new urban neighborhoods, and an extension of the urban growth contributing to the revival of the surrounding sites. HUDC delivered the projects with their necessary infrastructure and services, but these need to be completed and improved to serve the total number of residents. According to the researcher, Is-haqat (2013), Planners at HUDC should take into consideration the following variables that affect the selection of the projects by the beneficiaries: The Project Location: As shown in the aerial photographs earlier, the RIH housing project locations were selected to be on governmental lands, or they were bought from the private sector outside of the city zone areas because this land was cheaper. Better public transportation is needed for the projects. A rough topography has established as steep streets, difficult car parking, and a crowded image of buildings (especially when attached types were used). The Project Design: RIH projects have their own regulations and zoning criteria, indicating the maximum built up area which reached 45% of the plot area, and by 3-4 story heights and minimum setbacks of 2.5-3 meters. Unfortunately green areas in RIH projects are small and do not exceed 5% of the project area; they must be attended by GAM, small green areas within the plots could be attended by the adjacent neighbours. This means that children use streets and parking areas as playing areas. The Housing unit Design: This affects the resident’s daily living habits, as well as their health and their living cost. Designers should realize the need for larger room areas to suit larger households, and provide a better quality of interior finishing, as well as reduction in costs of water, electricity, and maintenance. Infrastructure Issues: This includes connections to public sewage networks, adequate water supply, and well-designed street and pathways network inside the project. Commercial services should be based upon the resident’s daily needs, providing things like bread, medicine, meat and vegetables. Schools and health centers must be completed and operating. When fully occupied more car parking areas will be needed. Environmental Issues: Planners should pay attention to greenery and infuse planting/tree schemes around the housing projects and on projects streets. Measures should be taken to prevent bad odors by locating the treatment plant far from residential buildings and not in the direction of the prevailing wind or preferable view. Social Issues: Residents indicated that they do not like to be watched or observed by their neighbors through windows. They preferred buildings with a smaller number of floors and housing units. Planners should avoid attaching more than three buildings, especially if they are large in size and have multi–stories.


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HUDC has to consider an evaluation and re-study of the current planning and regulation criteria of its projects due to the changing needs of residents. There is a need to review aspects such as zoning and regulating criteria, setbacks, building density, F.A.R., car parking, open spaces and green areas, to create livable and sustainable human settlements. This research is part of this review and evaluation process that must be done to put resolve weaknesses and improve strength; coming from studies of the residents. HUDC should take into consideration the feedback of the actual conditions of projects, to avoid repeating the same mistakes in future housing projects in Jordan.

References : ‫المراجع العربية‬

،‫ دراسة وتصميم مشاريع إسكان ذوي الدخل المتدني في األردن‬:‫) رسالة ماجستير‬0222(، ‫ نشوة‬، ‫ صبح‬ . ‫الجامعة األردنية‬

‫) " متغيرات التنمية اإلسكانية والقيم المجتمعية في البيئة الحضرية لمدينة عمان‬0222( ، ‫ سليم صبحي‬، ‫فقيه‬



. ‫ منشورات عمادة البحث العلمي – الجامعة األردنية‬،"

‫ ورقة‬، "‫"أثر إستعماالت األراضي والمرافق العمرانية على البيئة والمصادر الطبيعية‬، )0222( ،‫ عاطف‬،‫ نصير‬ ‫عمل في المؤتمر المعماري األردني الثاني ( العمارة والبيئة– نحو عمارة بيئية مستدامة) – المركز الثقافي‬

.‫الملكي– عمان‬

. "‫ نمو المدينة الكبرى‬-‫ " تقرير ملخص مخطط عمان‬، )0222( ‫ أمانة عمان الكبرى‬

‫) "الخطة‬8222( ‫ الفريق الفني المشترك من امانة عمان الكبرى ودار الهندسة للتصميم واالستشارات الفنية‬

.‫التنموية الشاملة لعمان الكبرى خالصة الدراسة" – عمان‬ Ababsa, M.(2007), “Social Disparities and Public Policies in Amman” IFPO Institut Francais du Proche-Orient. Abu-Dayyeh,N. and Ziadat,F. (2005) “ GIS for understanding physical and social change in urban settings: a case from Amman, Jordan”, Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 2005, Volume 32, pages 127-140, Pion Publication, Great Britain. Al Tammoni, F. M. (2001) “The Evaluation of HUDC Projects in Terms of Preferences” Master’s Thesis, Jordan University of Science and Technology. Al Rawashdeh,S. and Saleh,B. (2006) “Satellite Monitoring of Urban Spatial Growth in the Amman Area, Jordan”, Journal Of Urban Planning And Development December 2006, pages 211-216, ASCE. Al Asad, M. (2005), “ Amman: The challenges of continuous growth” section of “Urbanization and the changing character of the Arab city” published by the Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), United Nations, New York, 19 April 2005, pp 2–12. Al Homoud, M., Al–Oun, S.(2009),“Jordan’s Badia School Location Effects on the Perception of Child Safety”, Planning, Practice & Research,Vol.24, No.4,pp. 495–511, November 2009. Barker, K.(2004), “Review of Housing Supply: Delivering Stability: Securing our Future Housing needs, Final report– Recommendations”. HSMO, London.


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Daher, R., (2013), “Neoliberal Urban Transformations In The Arab City– Meta–narratives, urban disparities and the emergence of consumerist utopias and geographies of inequalities in Amman”, Urban Environment, Vol.7,2013, p.99–115, July 2013. Department of Statistics official site: www.dos.gov.jo Is-haqat, H.(2013), “Exploring the Appropriateness of the Royal Initiative for Housing for the Low–income Group in Jordan” Master’s Thesis, German Jordanian University. Jalouqa, K. (2010) “Comprehensive Planning, Concept and reality” Center of Urban Studies, Amman. Khasawheh,J.,(2010),”Tracing the Urban Landscape Back to its Rural and Natural Origins: the Case of as-Sahel Neighborhood, Amman, Jordan”, Conservation of Architecture, Urban Areas, Nature & Landscape, Towards a Sustainable Survival of Cultural Landscap, Vol. 1, 2010. Makhamreh, Z., Almanasyeh, N., (2011), “Analyzing the State and Pattern of Urban Growth and City Planning in Amman Using Satellite Images and GIS”, European Journal of Social Sciences- Volume 24, Number 2, 2011. p. 252-264. Rapoport, A., (1980), “Environmental Preferences, Habitat Selection and Urban Housing” Journal of Social Issues Vol.36, No. 3, 1980. Shabsough, K., (2004), “ The Role of Ministry of Municipal Affairs in Housing Sector” research for the evaluation of housing sector workshop, Amman. Winter, I.(2010), “integrating affordable housing issues into urban planning processes” presentation at Local Government Urban www.ammancity.gov.jo .


161

Using Social Hub Media to Expand Public Participation in Municipal Urban Plans Qutieshat Rania1, a 1 a

Dept. of Planning &Project Management. Balqa Applied University, Al-Salt, Jordan. [email protected]

ABSTRACT Within the last decade, there has been a boost in social hub media websites such as Facebook, Instgram and Twitter. These websites were originally informal virtual places for friends to connect, but have gradually become used as tools for businesses, and more significantly, government to connect with citizens. Public participation is a form of civic duty that is required in all stages of planning. But fewer people in Jordan are taking part in the public participation process, and there is a trend towards an older group (over 40) of residents that come to such meetings or workshops. Generally, plans such as specific plans or general plans in Jordan often take years to implement and require all generations to give feedback on what is needed for the future. This study investigates the relationship between public participation and the rise of social hub media as a tool for engagement, demonstrating how municipalities in Jordan use Facebook. This research suggests that social hub media provide a two-way form of communication between the community and the local government, which aids in promoting authentic participation. Additionally, social media allows for efficient outreach and noticing of meetings or public workshops. As opposed to newspaper or website noticing, websites such as Facebook allow local governments to target a specific audience by location, age, or interests. Although many cities developed a Facebook page to engage the “younger generation”, they attract all ages to become fans. Additionally, the true potential of Facebook as a participatory tool has not been discovered. Cities are developing their own ways of using it as a tool as there is no formal best practices manual for city planning departments. The findings of this study have provided the necessary information to develop a best practice manual for planning practitioners. The manual provides information on developing a Facebook Page as well as the implications of the technology. KEYWORDS: Public Participation, Social Media, Facebook, Urban Planning, Municipalities.

1. INTRODUCTION “Twitter provides teeth to the masses” was the headline in one of the major Dutch newspapers, the Volkskrant, in February 2012. The article claimed that internet users in the USA frequently succeed in blocking plans of companies, foundations and governments. The example featured in the article is a cancer research foundation changing its funding policy under immediate heavy public pressure, but the same article also claims that multinationals, banks, lobby groups and even dictators and autocrats and all those others who thought governance was unidirectional, have to fear for the mobilization power of the new media. Clearly social media sparked and fuelled the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. The internet and social media helped Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 162

mobilize protests against Putin in the weeks before the Russian elections but also forced the Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase to withdraw intended service fee increases. Moreover, social media operate real-time and the quick response time makes, according to Mark Ghuneim of Trendrr, that responses and protests are immediate and become part of the actual event. A most recent example of the latter is the viral video action #stopkony2012 in March 2012, which after more than 10 years of silence suddenly sparked the cry for justice in Central Africa. In this respect the digital revolution is a step towards democratization of power, claims Elshout (2012) the author of the cited newspaper article, and he continues: “Social networks form a good platform for organizing countervailing power by political activists and consumers. The same or related argument can also be found in more established scientific literature on internet use for mobilization, for instance by Hirzalla et al (2010) and Hara (2008). Others, like Bennett et al. (2008) and Sreberny and Khiabany (2011) discuss the mobilization power of digital media in the US and blogs in Iran; Karpf (2011) discusses whether these new social media and internet sources is not just old wine in new bottles; is not the blog just the new flyer? Nielsen (2011) argues along the same line and stresses that we should not forget the impact of the mobile phone. Their critical comments have in common that the new communication devices are not the cause but rather the tools for change. In the discussion section, we will turn to some governance dilemmas and agendize some issues for public participation practitioners. 2. MAIN BODY 2.1 Research Problem Social media such as Facebook, Twitter, Google+, Word Press, and YouTube are just a few of the hundreds of applications that make participatory information sharing and social networking possible. These new social media are being used to organize events, communicate information, develop positions, solicit membership, distribute petitions, and share documents, photographs, and videos. Given the rapid adoption by citizens around the globe for a diversity of purposes, it is timely to ask what role social media is playing or could play in facilitating public participation in municipality plans. This study focuses on two distinct areas of public participation and attempts to make a connection between them both. It is one thing to inform the public of a meeting or workshop, but it is something else to have them actively come to a public meeting. Generally, participation consists of community members physically attending the meeting/workshop in order to speak their mind about the particular topic. Through case studies, this study will attempt to answer the following research questions: 1) How can Facebook be used as a proficient means of community participation? 2) Is there a difference between age groups as age relates to the use of Facebook for public participation? 3) What are the ways in which users access Facebook to be informed about city activities? 4) Can city residents who do not attend public meetings be informed via Facebook? 5) What are the practices of those cities that use Facebook as an outreach and public participation tool? Quality data collection and methodology are needed to effectively answer these questions. The age range was chosen as it includes young adults who have a stake in their community.


2.2 Research Methodology The primary objective of this study is to explore the relationship, if any, between age range and public participation in urban planning. The study will focus on the use of Facebook specifically and how city municipalities utilize the software. Comparisons between cities will provide insight and direction for practicing planners who wish to use Facebook or social media in general as an additional outreach/education tool. 2.2.1 Methods Data collection focused on two aspects of public participation and the use of Facebook. The first focused on public participation events such as the Planning Commission to determine the number of people who participate and their ages. Research was also expanded to determine the decisions made by those who were not at the observed public participation events. This included surveying the public to understand if they participate in public planning as well as their age. This method of research focused on the user side of public participation and was compared to the planning side via case study and formal interviews with cities. Yin (2003) suggests the use of the case study to understand the “how” or “why” programs work within government agencies. Yin justifies the use of the case study in addition to surveys as a way to explore and gain a better understanding of the item being researched. Yin’s corresponds with the type of research and the proposed outcome of this study. In addition to a case study, surveys (both formal and informal) were developed to explore how Facebook is used to identify the implications for planners. 2.2.2 Instrumentation Two instruments were implemented in this study, 1) case studies, and 2) surveys. These instruments provided insight and information into the public realm of participation as well as the planning realm of outreach and education. 2.3.1 Cases analysed Since Amman is the main city in Jordan and the most populated with more than 2.5 million inhabitants, the City of Amman was the primary case study on the development, launch, and maintenance of a Facebook Page. The municipality of Greater Amman created and launched the page, observations were made of the content posted and feedback from fans. This information provided primary data of opportunities and constraints with regard to using Facebook as a tool for public participation. Multiple meetings were held by the city to ensure the page was acceptable and that it followed the basic best practices that were initially developed for this study. Access was granted to observe the administrative side of the Facebook page in order to gain access to the “Insight” feature, which is Facebook’s own use and demographic information. Opportunities and constraints were observed via the Insight feature as well as discussion with the administrator of the city. Quantitative data collected included total number of fans (“likes” of the page), age cohorts, sex, active users, and both active page views and unique page views. This data presented a profile of residents using the page and provided perceptive of their behaviour. Qualitative data collected included meetings with the administrator to determine any issues with operating the page, such as responding to comments, creating new content, frequency of updating, and resources needed.


2.3.2 Public Surveys Surveys provided information on the public realm of participation within the city of Amman. The surveys were designed for the general public of Amman to gain an understanding of their public participation behaviour and to determine if they use Facebook. Respondents were asked if they have attended an Amman planning public participation event such as a workshop or public hearing. Those who indicated that they did take part in such an event were then asked how they heard of the event and how often they attend such meetings. Conversely, those who indicate that they have not attended a public hearing or city workshop were asked what was the main reason for not attending? All respondents were then asked if they are a Facebook user as well as their age and sex. This survey was designed to be short and concise to respect respondents’ time as the surveys were conducted at the exit of a grocery store. 2.3.3 City Interviews Three cities within Jordan were selected as a simple selection process, Amman as the capital and most populated city in Jordan, Irbid as the capital of north region and Tafeeleh as the main city in the south region. The official website was accessed and then they were contacted to conduct the interview. The public surveys were conducted within the city of Amman at one of four major supermarkets within the city. The location was a random selection of the four major supermarkets within five miles of each other. Additionally respondents were asked to participate in the survey as they exited the store with the option of walking to their car while responding to the questions. 2.3.4 Participant Observations Approximate observations were conducted at Amman Planning Commission meetings to determine how many people attend and their age. An additional survey was designed for a public participation event, such as a city Planning Commission City Council meeting. This survey was similar to the one designed and administered outside the grocery store. However, an additional question asking what type of media outreach would be most likely them attend a public meeting or workshop. Potential respondents were not directly asked to take the surveys to respect the meeting and wishes of the city. Observations were taken of the meeting to understand who attends, such as the general public, concerned citizens, or the applicant of an agenda item. 2.4 Sampling Strategy The City of Amman was selected as a case study because of the existing interest to move forward with social networking. The city was interested in the creation of a Facebook page and this study was the catalyst for the move forward. As this study focused on age, the demographics of Amman were considered when selecting the case study. Amman’s median age is 42 years old with 25.4% of the population between the ages of 15 and 34 years old (Jordan Census, 2012). With the city available to update and maintain the page, Amman presented itself as a major candidate for this study.


3. Findings 3.1 Planning Commission Surveys In order to better understand how residents hear about planning related issues, data was collected at the City of Amman Planning Commission meetings. In addition to first hand observations, surveys were created specifically for participants of the Planning Commission meetings. In addition, of the ten Planning Commission meetings scheduled from January 2014 to May 2014, four were cancelled. However, the data still collected/observed on April 5, 2014 to determine the level of participation. The meetings indicated that there is a very low level of participation. Although this data is not conclusive, it assists in understanding the public participation process and levels of participation despite the Municipality invitation Figure1 3.2 General Public Surveys General surveys were used to understand if residents of Amman are aware of public meetings and/or public workshops for the city. In addition, participants were asked if they are on Facebook to understand any correlation between Facebook users and public meeting participants. Surveys were administered on two separate occasions at two different times of the day. People participated in the survey over the two days. 3.3 Amman Facebook Page An official Facebook page was created for the City of Amman as a case study and to gather data on the various issues with creating and operating a page. The page was created through an adoption of Facebook’s “Connecting to your Constituents with Facebook” which is essentially a best practice manual for general governmental organizations. In addition, the online govloop.com blog was used in conjunction with Facebook’s manual to develop and implement the Greater Amman Municipality Facebook Page.Figure2

Figure 1: Amman Municipality ask citizens to participate

Figure 2: Greater Amman Municipality Facebook Page

3.4 City Interviews Three main cities in Jordan were contacted via email, Amman, Irbid and Tafeeleh. The interviews included six questions for the appropriate person to answer. Questions were sent only after a contact was established with the city. The email explained the study and asked to be put Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 166

in touch with the most appropriate person to answer them. Interviews were based on accessibility to their Facebook page. Additionally, Facebook could have been used as a search tool for city pages, but there was no guarantee that it was the official page. Whereas any link on the official city webpage would link to an official Facebook page. 4. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PLANNERS 4.1 Review of Research Questions This section is dedicated to reviewing the questions and drawing conclusions based on the findings. 1) How can Facebook be used as an efficient means of community outreach/participation? Facebook is a relatively new tool for many of the cities interviewed, yet all have obtained the goals they set out initially. Cities were able to launch and operate a page with little resources as it is a free service and updating/operating the page is relatively simple and quick. The pages can be customized to include such things as Planning Commission agenda’s in PDF format, or include surveys to understand residents wants/needs on particular issues, and photos can be used as an informal visual preference survey. Typical forms of outreach and/or participation activities can be translated into the realm of Facebook and as such provide an efficient means of outreach/participation. 2) Is there a difference between age groups as age relates to the use of Facebook for public participation? Although this study focused on outreach and public participation of young adults, 18-35, findings show that Facebook is used by a wider variety of age cohorts. However, the public surveys indicate that there is a trend towards younger people on Facebook; this does not produce conclusive results to suggest that young adults use the service exclusively. Of the cities interviewed, they suggested that the initial goal of creating a page was to reach a “younger generation” or “residents who may not otherwise participate in city events”. However, none fully focused on gaining young adult participation. Instead, gaining young adult participation was a by-product of creating the page. This is seen through the Insight (Facebook’sanalytics) on the page, where the Amman case study indicated the largest age cohort was within the 18-35 range. Therefore, instead of focusing on using Facebook as a tool to reach young adults, it should be used to reach those who may not contribute through traditional methods of public participation. This may include young adults, but does not limit or dictate the use of Facebook as a tool specifically for this age cohort. 3) What are the ways in which users access Facebook to be informed about city activities? Cities cannot ensure that the public will view updates posted on Facebook and rely on providing interesting content on a regular basis to pique fans’ interest. The Amman case study provided data of the most viewed and most commented content. Hot topic items return higher feedback rating than other less interesting (to fans) content. This may seem obvious, but although Facebook is a two-way form of communication it is difficult to know what people think of items posted if they do not respond. Responses from the public are open for anyone (fans and nonfans of the page) to see, and therefore people may not respond to items as openly as they would in a public workshop setting. Users can access the page from any computer or mobile device with an internet connection. Furthermore, when they access the page they can see if the city has posted event details and respond to content posted at any time of the day. Facebook provides a means for residents to interact with their government in an informal way and as such creates an Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 167

opportunity for additional public participation. This is not to say that Facebook/social media will eventually replace traditional methods of public participation, it will augment these methods. 4) Can city residents who do not attend public meetings be informed via Facebook? In a word, yes. Some of the cities interviewed indicated that status updates were derived from press releases, Amman city posted a questionnaire about a particular plan that was being developed. There are various opportunities for cities to use Facebook to inform residents and many cities already do this. The Amman case study provided information to the public on new projects and encouraged any and all feedback. Additionally, the City of Amman has the ability to post PDF copies of agendas/minutes or any other city related documentation. As always, the public is encouraged to participate in the traditional workshop or public hearing setting, but generally Facebook can fill information gaps for residents who cannot make it to such an event. 5) What are the practices of those cities that use Facebook as an outreach and public participation tool? Cities use Facebook in a variety of ways, however many follow fundamental practices that allow them to be open and transparent. Most of the cities interviewed created multiple administrators with a primary administrator dedicated to updating and maintain the Page. The additional administrators were used as a backup to the primary in the case that they were not able to post or moderate the Page. The amount of time to update and/or maintain the page also varied from city to city. However the act of posting a status update is relatively quick. If an administrator uses official press releases as the basis for updates, then it is a matter of condensing the information into a status update. Other time commitments are finding and posting links from websites or posting officially on other Facebook Pages. Perhaps the most time consuming is creating and posting media such as photos. However photos of a project or used with permission from a website (i.e. a developer of a large project in the city) can be time consuming as the photos must be uploaded and optionally “tagged” with a caption. If a city updates the page often (three or more times per day) then it is likely this will require a larger commitment from the administrator. Multiple administrators can alleviate the time dedicated by one staff member and provide a more efficient process for running the page. 4.2 Recommendations This section provides the top five recommendations for cities or departments interested in creating a Facebook Page. These recommendations are based on the data collected in this study as a quick guide for interested cities or departments. 1. Create Goals – Prior to creating a page, the city or department should come together with any and all staff responsible for the Page and develop goals. These goals should focus on what the Page will look like, the “voice” of the page, internal and external protocols for terms of service, and security. Goals can be based on membership, such as achieve 1000 fans within three months of creating the page. Alternatively, goals can be based on feedback and interactions within the Page, such as achieving a 10% feedback rate for posted content. 2. Terms of Use – Creating a terms of use protocol is important as it guides not only how administrators use Facebook, but also how users (fans) conduct themselves on the Page. Internal terms of use should focus on the “voice” of the page and ensure consistency. Although a formal “voice” is not discouraged, informal and relaxed communication is typical on Facebook since it is a primary social networking site for friends. The external terms of use should be posted on the Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 168

“information” section of the page and allow for fans to understand the rules and conduct of posting comments and/or media. 3. Content – Create interesting content that will engage fans. Content can be in the form of text or other media such as photographs or video. Providing interesting and informative content encourages fans to come back to the Page to see what is new. Content can also be in the form of links, such as news articles or website, and also external surveying websites to engage fans in public participation. 4. Updating – Updating the Page provides legitimacy of the Page and encourages fans to come back often to see new content. It is suggested updating at a maximum of three times per day, to avoid over saturating fans with information, and a minimum of once per week, to avoid a stagnating page and perhaps losing fans. 5. Promoting and Adverting – When a Page is created, it requires the administrator to promote and market it through online material as well as printed material. Online advertising can be free, as the “like” button and links to the Facebook Page can be posted on existing city websites, as well as in the signature line of employee emails. Promotion is necessary and although there are free alternatives, Facebook provides a paid service. Administrators can use the Facebook advertising tool to reach a specific audience based on their location, age, gender, and/or interests. Any type of marketing should be discussed at the beginning of creating the page as a part of the initial goal-setting meetings. 5 CONCLUSION Clearly, citizen participation is a process that needs to be designed purposefully so as to engage those who need to be involved in order to be effective and make a policy into a success. New media and open source strategies in combination with impact assessment have not been extensively studied yet. Most related studies either focus on web-based tools for E-government and E-governance, or mostly focus on electronic tools for service delivery and monitoring of policy and project implementation (e.g. Cavalcante de Menezes, et al. 2010). No matter what perspective we take on the meaning of mobile communication, internet and social media on the internet and their impact on policy making, as an impact assessment community, we are facing the challenge of using these new media for organizing public participation processes and at the same time are confronted with a new phenomenon: the public has no means to organize it. This leads us to wonder what the impact of new media and the phenomenon of self-organizing publics will be on public policy making and public participation in impact assessment in special. New media and public participation in impact assessment is a medal with two sides; the organizer/initiator side where new media are a resource and means for spreading information and soliciting feedback on plans and for organizing, monitoring and follow-up by inviting the public to participate; the other side of the medal is the potential for self-mobilization of publics, which in itself may be considered a blessing but may also turn into hard to fight the opposition. Clearly, citizen participation is a process that needs to be designed purposefully so as to engage those who need to be involved in order to be effective and make a policy into a success. Different mechanisms for citizen participation serve to achieve different participatory goals and involve the creation of different publics (Braun and Schultz 2010; Felt and Fochler 2010). Public participation, therefore, is not only about objects, but also about the subjects: who is Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 169

participating and who needs to participate? It is a matter of constructing the right public. In the open source approach to public participation, however, individuals self-identify as a player in the process. This puts the burden on the organizer to define tasks in such a way that they attract the right kind of public as well as enough numbers to solve the problem at hand (Benkler 2002).

References Benkler, Y. , 2002. "The Nature of the Firm "The Yale Law Journal. Vol. 112, No. 3, pp. 369446. Bennett, W.L., Breunig, C., and Givens, T., 2008." Communication and Political Mobilization: Digital Media and the Organization of Anti-Iraq War Demonstrations." U.S. Political Communication, Volume 25, Issue 3, 2008 pages 269-289. Brabham, D. C. , 2009." Crowd sourcing the public participation process for planning projects" Planning Theory, 8(3), 242-262. Braun, K., Schultz, S. ,2010." … a certain amount of engineering involved: Constructing the public in participatory governance arrangements.'' Public Understanding of Science, 19: 403 originally published online 9 October 2009 DOI: 10.1177/09636625093478142010. Cavalcante de Menezes, L. , Feitosa de Figueirêdo, H., Madeira Fernandes, R., Eduardo da Silva, T., and de Souza Baptista, C. 2010.," SocialSupervisor: A Geographically Enhanced Social Content Site to Supervise Public Works." Electronic Government and the Information Systems Perspective, Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 2010, Volume 6267/2010, 134-141, DOI: 10.1007/978-3-642-15172-9_13. Elshout, A., 2012." Twitter geeft de massa tanden.", Volkskrant, 8 Feb 2012:7. Felt, U., Fochler, M. ,2010." Machineries for Making Publics: Inscribing and Describing Publics in Public Engagement." Minerva, 48/3, 219-238. Hara, N., 2008." Internet use for political mobilization: Voices of participants." First Monday, Volume: 13, Issue: 7, Pages: 1-14. Hirzalla, F., Van Zoonen, L., De Ridder, J., 2010." Internet Use and Political Participation: Reflections on the Mobilization/Normalization Controversy." The Information Society, Volume: 27, Issue: 1, Pages: 1-15 DOI: 10.1080/01972243.2011.534360. Howe, J. ,2006. "The Rise of Crowd sourcing."Wired Issue 14.06 http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/14.06/crowds.html . Karpf, D., 2010. "Online Political Mobilization from the Advocacy Group's Perspective: Looking Beyond Clicktivism. " Policy & Internet, Vol. 2: Iss. 4, Article 2. DOI: 10.2202/1944-2866.1098. Nielsen, R.K., 2011." Mundane Internet Tools, Mobilizing Practices, and the Coproduction of Citizenship in Political Campaigns." New Media & Society. August 2011, vol. 13 no. 5 755-771. Sreberny, A., and Khiabany, G., 2011." Blogistan: The Internet and Politics in Iran." IBTauris. Surowiecki, James, 2004." The Wisdom of Crowds: Why the Many Are Smarter Than the Few and How Collective Wisdom Shapes Business, Economies, Societies and Nations." Doubleday Publishers, New York, NY


Appendix A: city contacted for interviews Name of Municipality Amman Greater Municipality Irbid Greater Municipality

Tafila Greater Municipality

Name of City https://www.facebook.com/cityofamman

Amman

https://www.facebook.com/pages/%D8%A8%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A9%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A8%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%83%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%89-Greater-IrbidMunicipality/521167804644459 https://www.facebook.com/www.tafila.jo

Irbid

Tafila

Appendix B: City Interview Transcripts sample Greater Amman Municipality, Jordan 1. What is the primary goal of using Facebook (and social media in general) for the City of Amman? Amman uses a lot of social media including Twitter, YouTube, Blogs, and live streams. The main goal of using social media is to increase dispersal of information to the public as well as get feedback from the public. Also it is used to reach a different audience, ones that don’t go to public meetings. Twitter sums it up well, 140 character tweets vs. 140 page council package. This condensed information reaches a younger generation. Also image and video works well for the younger generation. 2. How did the city decide to use social media? Additionally, which department suggested the idea? I started the page and knew the intrinsic value of social media. I went to the mayor for approval which was a simple process. Social media is free and signing up is quick and so was an easy choice for the city to adopt it. Besides cities are already used to creating press releases as well as releasing photos, these can be looked at as blogs and Facebook photos respectively. 3. What is the process for running the page? Is there one person who is responsible or are there multiple admins? Additionally are there any security concerns with admin rights? There are multiple admins only as backup. Most of the Facebook feed comes from the twitter account, yet we don’t post to Facebook in the same volume as twitter. Only really important information is posted on Facebook. As far as security, the person conducting social media should be trusted and at an executive level. It is the same as going on the TV camera, each message posted is representational of the City – it’s a political message.

4. Is there an internal "terms of use" protocol that those running the Facebook page must follow? I manage the accounts and use my own discretion. So far there have been no issues from content. Negative messages are left and only explicit content is removed. 5. What have you found to be the main issues with the page? For example, are there concerns with the public's ability to comment on posts? Are there concerns with providing enough content to post on a regular basis? etc.


No real issues with the Facebook page per se. Yes, we get the occasional post from a citizen that is upset about some issue, but that is par for the course at any level of government. I have a policy of removing any posts that include obscenities or are complete rants. If it is a genuine criticism on how the city is managing an issue and others can learn something from the post or involves a debatable issue, then I encourage wall interactivity. However most of the interactivity that takes place on the city Facebook page involves my posts and the Facebook like button. In general the majority of users following the city do not post comments but use the like button as a means of communication. I also delete spam posts form individuals trying to advertise or market products or non-city related events. 6. Has the page obtained the goals the City set out to accomplish initially? My main goal as I mentioned was to be able to connect with the community that may not have been paying attention to city news. I believe that I achieved that goal and now I have 20000 people who I am able to distribute city news to daily as part of their Facebook experience. I also think that I have justified the use of social media as an important tool in the business of local government. I am able to quickly disseminate city news to a broader spectrum of the community and that can be very beneficial, especially when it comes to city policies & ordinances and in particular Fire, Police and Street alerts.


II Conference Papers Part 4: Urban identity and social sustainability of the city

The Impact of the Transformed Built Environment on the Identity of Arab Cities - “Doha city as a case study” Aya Ibrahim Khalil Ibrahim1,a 1

Assistant lecturer, Faculty of Fine Arts, Department of Architecture, Alexandria University. Alexandria, Egypt a [email protected]

ABSTRACT The traditional urban layouts are witnessing many changes; they have been swept away for the sake of modernity and the continuous development of globalization. Generally, these new patterns and layouts do not reflect nor preserve any of the original status or the cultural traditional aspects of these cities. Those cities have been gradually losing their spirit, essence, whole image, and stereotype, due to various reasons and aspects throughout the end of the last century. The importing of foreign ideas and life styles, and copying of the international style are some of the obvious reasons behind this dramatic transformation in the identity. Most of the Arab cities, especially those in the Gulf area, have become duplicates with the use of many typical components. These elements which are repeated and scattered rapidly are resulting in an image lacking in any of the human and social dimensions; directly leading to and affecting the inhabitants of these cities who have witnessed these changes and transformation. This could explain the reasons behind the disappearance of the sense of belonging and loyalty to the place. This paper will focus on the main factors behind changes in urban identity. It will discuss the term and the concept of “Memory” as something which links the inhabitants with the city. The paper will also investigate the new urban forms and how they affect the cultural identity, as well as the interaction between the citizens of modern Arab society. It will discuss the way that some spaces have lost their sense of place, and how competition between the Gulf States is rapidly increasing; affecting the history and memory of the transferred areas. This discussion will be raising questions on whether the application of modernism is useful to the Arab cities and their citizens through fulfilling their expectations, or whether it is wiping out the identity of their countries. Keywords: Identity – Transformation – Memory – Globalization


1. INTRODUCTION Arab cities have obviously been influenced by the high wave of globalization, which is affecting all aspects of life. Through this, many changes have occurred and appeared in the urban fabric, architectural styles, social dimensions, economic changes, and on the whole image of these cities. These cities and their old settlements were originally designed according to people’s needs, existing environmental factors, and their conservative traditions and culture. The transformation of some parts lacks any sense of place or memory that links people with the past and the history of the space. These changes have neglected the social dimensions of the urban realm, which includes the human scale and the amount of interaction within a space. Many factors play an important role in the changing identity of the Arab city. Some cities have begun to recognize that they are losing their identity, and in response attempted to recall the past. Revival of some of the old buildings and public spaces has begun, which over time has attracted more and more of their citizens. The debate between fellow citizens is also increasing, with discussion on whether changes are in the public interest or not. From here their role in the participation and building of their national identities is important and cannot be neglected. METHODOLOGY The paper will discuss these points through the descriptive method of explaining scientific terms and definitions, and by analysing Doha city as a case study. It will open up debate through giving examples and citizen observations obtained through a survey of Qatari citizens, which was done by the researcher. “People are their places, and place is its people” Relph (1976: 34)

2. THE MEANING OF PLACE IDENTITY According to Gillian Rose (1995) in her book “Place and identity: a sense of place”, we can conclude that the identity of any place is a resulted equation of it being a specific place with related perceptions, and with memories and certain feelings. These perceptions, memories, and feelings will create a connection to this place as well as familiarity over time or for a moment of experience. Figure 1: The components of Identity Source: Diagram adopted by the Urban identity is a mixture of tangible and intangible factorsresearcher. such as the built environment and

2.1 URBAN IDENTITY

the culture or traditions of a place. These factors are directly linked and clarify the whole image of the city. (Erem, Ö., Gür, E., 2007)


2.2 THE TERM MEMORY Memory is the main cause of people’s connections to places; creating feelings of familiarity and imprinting a clear image through distinctive elements. When the identity of a place is clear, people can recall its image over a long time or short time through individual memory, social memory, collective memory, and public memory, as Edward S. Casey (2004) has discussed in his book ” Public Memory in place and time”. 2.3 THE NEED FOR IMAGE AND IDENTITY Not every city has an iconic image; which is dependent on the amount of components with a unique and clear identity. Cities which lack any specific features may look alike and be difficult to distinguish from each other. Recently, some of the cities in the Gulf area have been going through this dilemma; affected by globalization and the imposition of the international style on an urban scale. Each city is utilizing similar architectural elements, leading to an overall monotonous image. Famous examples of this similarity are the cities of Dubai and Doha. Both governments are competing to create international cities; neglecting the countries’ history, its people’s needs, and its traditions, as is shown in the following figure (2).

Figure 2: Left, Dubai tallest skyscrapers, VS. Right: Doha city’s towers along the Cornish. Source: www.ibda3world.com/, 12/2/2015 www.al-sharq.com/news/details/289954, 12/2/2015

2.4 THE IMAGE OF THE CITY Kevin Lynch (1960) has stressed the importance of the image of a city, which is also known as the public image or overall image of the city. This image controls all identity related to certain streets or iconic buildings and landmarks. It can be considered as the outcome of several individual images related to a huge number of citizens and habitants. This can be measured mainly as one of the tangible, physical factors, but many other aspects can play an additional role in that overall image. Intangible things such as the activities of people, the city’s history, and its culture will also form part of this image. The main structure of a city’s image is formed by its urban fabric; its streets and paths; its iconic buildings; and its main public spaces.


3.0 THE MAIN ELEMENTS IN THE IDENTITY OF ARAB CITIES A city often contains overlapping patterns of its history, architectural styles, urban fabric, culture, traditions, natural features, politics, and human behaviour. All of these elements interact and compromise, creating a singular identity for each city. 3.1 HISTORY The history of these cities, their formation, and the activities that were held for people to earn a living, affects the original image of the city. This image is sometimes recalled by citizens; evoking a desire to revive it for the younger generations. This history is also being restored in the human memory as a reference due to the recent transformations. As an example; figure (3) shows Figure 3: The complex of Sheikh Abdullah some ruins of the Sheikh Abdullah Bin Jassim bin Jassim at Feriq Al-Salata viewed from the North-east. complex and a sailing boat for fishing and pearl Source:www.flickr.com/photos/50273801@ collection. N08/5059428334/

3.2 THE URBAN FABRIC The urban fabric is considered to be one of the main structures that connect people to places. Urban designers and planners will take many factors into consideration whilst designing and planning such as; the climate; users’ traditions; activities; and the economic conditions. This can be observed through the old urban fabric of Doha city in the late 1940’s as shown in figure (4). It is clear that the urban fabric affects the identity of the city as a whole. It also has an impact on the identity of individual streets; the city’s spirit is produced by both, its urban fabric, and the distinctive character and identity of its streets. The scale of the urban fabric and city grids has a great impact on street scale and legibility. (Bruce Hull, R., Lamb, M. & Vigob G., 1993)

Source: www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold2.html1/, 30/1/2015

Figure 4: An Ariel view of Doha’s old urban fabric looking from the south east at the late 1940s Source: www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold.html/, 30/1/2015

Lynch used the word, “Imageability” to describe the relationship between spaces and the observer of the space: straight lines that form a grid can turn into curvy lines or other forms that represent one’s image of the city (1960:14). 3.3 ARCHITECTURE Architecture is used to define buildings and the street lining walls that have a unique identity. This leads to a certain image of a city, especially when the city has a unified architectural style that is based on a historical reference. As a result, a visual identity is shaped directly. However, in spite of this style of the built envelope forming the street line, it is not considered as the whole image. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 178

3.4 ACTIVITIES HELD BY PEOPLE The activity of users determines the environments they live in, the places they work and the type of lifestyle they seek. These activities shape the city’s image. Historically, most of the inhabitants of the Gulf region used to deal with fishing, pearling and camel breeding, and this image is remembered even as these activities are becoming extinct. (Alraouf, Ali A., 2012) 3.5 NATURE IN CITIES AND ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS The natural features of the city directly affect the city’s streets, whether being a desert city, an intermediate city or a coastal city. Streets, as a considerable part of the urban open space, have a significant role in creating urban microclimates (Shishegar, N., 2013). For example, in warmer climates streets, alleyways and sidewalks are narrow in order to provide more shade. Coastal features can give variation to a city image due to the waterfront; of which there are many recent projects transforming the Gulf cities. 3.6 CULTURE AND TRADITIONS Traditional organizations are the main bond of Gulf region citizens. People form their own circles that are isolated from any other expatriates. This produces a strong society; preserving its own traditions and identity that are passed on to every new generation. Many of the traditional rights and customs are still prevalent in the Gulf area, and have no indication of vanishing. Culture plays an obvious role in inhabitant’s perceptions of and tendencies in the physical environment; influencing the way they live in, interact in, organize and use spaces. (Fernando, N., 2007). Lewis Mumford (1961) regards historic cities as symbols of culture and civilization. He notes that cities are different from one another primarily because the cultures that created them are different. 4

WHY DOES IDENTITY CHANGE OVER TIME?

As a result of the rapid change of the identity of some cities, there have been questions about the main reasons behind these changes fora longg time.

Figure 5: a diagram showing the main reasons behind changes in city identity. Source: Diagram adopted by the researcher.


Some of the main reasons are the following:  Human development; since the first appearance of human settlements and their increasing needs with time.  Social development; human behaviour changes over time, resulting in their social lives developing and flourishing. Social and cultural developments over time are amongst the reasons for change in the city’s identity.  Economic and environmental development; economic growth can change a city’s features from the whole urban fabric down to the small details of their streets. Cities are also trying to adapt to environmental changes through new architectural and urban solutions.  Political decisions; political situations and governmental decisions play a role in the transformation of the street and city identity over time.  To cope with rapid global changes, various cities tend to adopt the international style, abandoning its traditional identity over time without enough awareness. Governments can be considered as one of the main reasons behind these changes; as citizens of these cities may not interfere in the change process. Lynch previously mentioned that the observer himself should play an active role in perceiving the world. In which the observer has to create and develop his image by participating in this process (1960:6). An obvious example in need of this is Dubai city, which has totally changed over the last fifty years due to adoption of the international style with the help of its government’s vision.

Figure 6: left Dubai old urban fabric at year 1975, Right: Dubai’s recent image and urban fabric at year 2010. Source: www.catnaps.org/islamic/approach1.html, 20/2/2014

 

5

It is clear that architectural and urban thinking changes over time, and that architects, urban designers and planners play an important role in changing the city’s image. People can control and help with the changing identity of their cities with their needs and through their activities. THE LOST IDENTITY

Yi-fu Tuan (1974) used the term “Topophilia” to describe the relationships that people establish with places. He suggested that sense of place was the self-conscious evaluation of place by individuals. He wrote that the sense of place implies a certain distance between self and place that allows the self to appreciate a place (1980:4). In these cases sometimes the sense of place only occurs and is realized after it is lost.


5.1 HOW DOES THIS OCCUR Our places are clearly supporting of our identity and through the increasing population in the Gulf States, both expatriates and nationals require more housing. This has led to the demolition of old building structures as well as their adjacent streets and paths, and the inhabitants being moved to new neighbourhoods with different identities. This may be affecting the old generations who have witnessed both eras, and this was concluded from a questionnaire* which was collected across different Qatari ages and genders. Additionally the government’s continuous need to develop new patterns is affecting the identity of Arab cities. 5.2 THE IMPACT ON THE CITY AND USERS As a result of urban transformation, the traditional Gulf urban layouts have partially disappeared; swept aside by the continuous need to produce ‘modern’ developments. These changes to the city as a whole, through its built environment, affect the citizens of such countries as previously mentioned. Buildings are not only important as urban structures, but because of the memories which are attached to place through the social and emotional meanings that people link to their physical form. In some cases, buildings that have become part of urban history are being erased from the collective memory; replaced with false memories and identities rather than confirming and stressing their realities, which can be as harmful as physical destruction. (Dowell, 2008) Since cities are attached to people through their memories; the identities of people are linked to these cities and their physical form. The demolition or decay of these physical forms can therefore damage the relationship between people and streets; changing the street’s traditional image and neglecting its human dimensions and scale. This leads to reduced social interaction, with people feeling that their streets are unfamiliar, and with no sense of belonging to these cities. 5.3 THE CURRENT DEBATE Amongst the greatest emerging difficulties which the Gulf areas are facing is the wave of modernity that is transforming all fields of life. The Arab’s private realm has become public and today governmental decisions - which have been adopted from the West - conflict with the traditional ways of decision making. More participation should be taking place with the public; with citizens making the decisions that directly affect their future, comfort, and sense of belonging. On the contradictory, some of the young citizens are seeing these transformations as progress, and they are even proud of modernism and the new urban identity; seeing it as a means for a bright future for the coming generations (according to the previous questionnaire). 6

CASE STUDY (DOHA-QATAR)

Doha city is considered to be one of the most apparent examples of experiencing a dramatic transformation in its urban layout over the last decades. This paper will go through the city’s past, the transformation process and its impact. Then at the end it will show some new approaches for the future city.

*A questionnaire which was based on different Qatari ages and genders living at Doha city on 2015, a total of 20 Qatari nationals, 12 males and 8 females and 10 of them aged in between 23-30 while the other 10 are from 30 years to above.


6.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Qatar is a small peninsula, with a total area of 11,500 km2 of flat land. Doha city is its capital, and the country is connected to the Arabian Peninsula from the south where it borders with Saudi Arabia. It has a hot, dry climate. Qatar's population stood at a record: 2,116,400 at the end of Jan. 2015 (the Ministry of Development Planning and Statistics (QSA). Over the last few decades Qatar has developed a new vision of Figure 7: Doha’s old settlement, and fishing boats. itself and a totally new future. The state of Qatar witnessed a huge economic growth through the Source:www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch1.h tml, last decade through increased income from its exports of16/2/2015 oil and gas. Qataris, whose livelihoods used to depend on fishing, pearling, camel breeding, and the industry of ships, had special settlements which matched with their traditions, environment and activities. By the 1940’s the discovery of oil and gas brought drastic socio-economic and environmental changes. In the 1970’s, soon after Qatar gained its independence, the coastline and the waterfront of the city have dramatically changed. Qatar, similar to other Gulf States, coped with globalization and modernism through many development projects, transforming its skyline in order to establish itself as a globalized city. As many cities are competing to reach this status, many of them have duplicated elements as previously mentioned. (Alraouf, Ali A., 2012

2011

2009

2007

2005 Figure 8: Doha’s Transformed skyline over time, between 2005 and 2011. Source: www.4ddoha.com/projects/Making-of-Doha/

6.2 TRANSFORMATION OF THE URBAN IDENTITY We can conclude that this occurring transformation was due factors such as; economic growth; globalization; political decisions; social development; with people’s needs also playing an important role in the change of the city’s image. The transformation of Doha city’s image is clearly observable on an architectural and urban planning scale in the west bay district, with its Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 182

newly built towers. However the country is facing some of the disadvantages of modernism, such as environmental problems and a decreases satisfaction of the public life of its residents.

Figure 9: Left: Doha Old town, Right: The west bay district and the newly built towers. Source: www.panoramio.com/photo/42603110, 14/2/2015

The debates and the conflicts between the Qatari nationals are happening regardless of whether modernism is benefiting them or demolishing their past and threatening their traditions and heritage. (According to a questionnaire done on 20 Qataris from different ages and genders; 70% of them are in favour of modern transformations with all their different impacts). Some of the new generations, with no experience of the past decades, are in favour of these changes as a path to international recognition, while the older generations have come to fear the loss of identity as they have witnessed changes. For this reason many citizens are again attracted to the old markets – Souq Waqif as an example – and heritage buildings; as their nostalgic feelings are increasing towards such places. This is perhaps a reason for the government’s changed planning strategy; with current concern on preserving the national identity, in an attempt to fulfill the people’s expectations and needs. 6.2.1 THREATS In 2015, Doha fared poorly in the new international sustainability index; an inaugural index by the Dutch firm Arcadis*. Qatar ranked amongst the least sustainable countries in the world. The Arcadis Index examined 50 cities from 31 countries, in which the survey ranked cities on the basis of three sub-categories “people, planet and profit”, corresponding to the three dimensions of sustainability (social, environmental and economic).

Three dimensions of sustainability Social

Environmental

Economic

People

Planet

Profit

Doha was ranked 41st out of the 50 cities overall Figure 10: A diagram showing the three dimensions of sustainability and the total ranking of Doha city according to the ARCADIS Sustainable Cities Index. Source: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015, Diagram adopted by the researcher.


Doha city scored averagely in terms of Social sustainability at 34th position, which includes (transportation infrastructure, health, education, income equality and green spaces). It took 30th position for economic sustainability, including (public transportation, commuting time, ease of doing business, property and living costs). However the total ranking of Doha was lowered based on Environmental factors, for which it places last.

Figure 11: Doha city according to the ARCADIS sustainable Index Source: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015

6.3 BUILDING A NEW IMAGE AND IDENTITY (THE EXPORTED IMAGE) Doha city is building a new image and identity and is readjusting its development path due to several disadvantages which threatened its existence as a sustainable city of the world. This is one of the reasons behind the new upcoming projects which are being constructed in order to suit the new sustainable expectations, and to build a new exported image based on a proper foundation avoiding several previous mistakes. One evident project currently under construction and aiming to fulfill Qatar’s new sustainable vision is “Msheireb” Downtown. Architects, urban planners and designers are creating a new scheme in order to reconnect the Figure 12: “Msheireb” Downtown project at the heart of Doha city. contemporary Doha to its past, through trying Source: www.mdd.msheireb.com/, 20/4/2015 * ARCADIS is the leading global natural and built asset design & consultancy firm working in partnership with our clients to deliver exceptional and sustainable outcomes through the application of design, consultancy, engineering, project and management services.


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to reach the ideal model of Doha. It is a residential quarter that originally developed beside the historic city centre in the middle of the last century, with a variety of mixed uses and facilities. This project is taking consideration of environmental factors to make it possible for pedestrian life and social bonds focused around the historic market “Souk”. The country is trying to learn from previous experiences and so all buildings in Msheireb Downtown are targeting at least a LEED Gold rating, with a number aiming for Platinum. Achieving this would help to create a successful, sustainable image for the city in which it is preserving its architecture, traditions, culture, and social life. 7. CONCLUSIONS The built environment plays a critical role in the city’s identity and memory; the existence and construction of the structural elements such as buildings, streets and public spaces are the main determinants of the image of cities. These elements are considered to be the indicators of a clear identity, with this image changing through the ages due to various reasons. This rapid transformation which is occurring in the Gulf States is changing the image of its cities throughout the entire world. These cities have been losing their traditional identity over the last few decades, and this is affecting its residents’ lifestyles, traditions and culture. This has resulted in a debate between specialists and residents as to whether this transformation is to their benefit or not. Because of this, some cities have begun to change their strategic planning to accommodate development and globalization, but with new projects which do not demolish or erase historic identity; instead recalling the past with its elements and making the users more comfortable and connected to the place. The negligence of public participation and consideration of the needs and comfort of the inhabitants has played an important role in this current growing scene. A general framework and an applicable strategy should be implemented in order to help cities preserve what remains of their heritage, and to cope with the effects of globalization within the current context. This strategy should also manage the rapid increase in population and differing needs of people without damaging and demolishing the image and identity over time due to the unawareness of users.


References Alraouf, A. (2012). DOHAIZATION Constructing a New Urbanity Brand amid Gulf and Middle Eastern Cities. Leibzig University, Germany, P.4 Bevan,R. (2006). The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War. London: Reaktion Books, P. 194. Bruce, R., Lamb ,M. & Vigob G. (1993). Place identity: symbols of self in the urban fabric, P.1. Dowell, G., (2008). Memory and Identity: Destruction and Rebuilding, article on: www.thebldgblock.wordpress.com/2008/06/05/memory-and-identity-destruction-andrebuilding-gregory-dowell/. Edward, S. (2004). Public Memory in place and time. University of Alabama Press, P.20-25 Erem, Ö., Gür, E. (2007). A Comparative Space Identification Elements Analysis Method for Districts, 6th International Space Syntax Symposium, İstanbul, P. 1 Fernando, N. (2007). Culture and Identity in Urban Streets. ProQuest press, P.2-7. Gillian, R. (1995). Place and identity: a sense of place. Oxford: The Open University, P.88-89. Lynch, K. (1960). The Image of the City, Cambridge: MIT Press. P. 46-49. Mumford, L. (1961). The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. Harcourt, Brace & World. Perkins, H., David C. Thorns, P. (2011). Identity and Everyday Life in a Globalizing World. Palgrave Macmillan, p.14, 15. Shishegar, N. (2013). Street Design and Urban Microclimate, a paper at the: Journal of Clean Energy Technologies, Vol. 1, No. 1, P.1 www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/ www.bdonline.co.uk/city-making-doha/5034818.article. www.restreets.org/image-and-identity, 12/1/2013. LIST OF FIGURES REFERENCES Figure 1: Diagram adopted by the researcher. Figure 2: www.ibda3world.com/, 12/2/2015 Figure 3: www.flickr.com/photos/50273801@N08/5059428334/, 22/1/2015 Figure 4: www.catnaps.org/islamic/islaqatold.html/, 30/1/2015 Figure 5: Diagram adopted by the researcher Figure 6: www.catnaps.org/islamic/approach1.html, 20/2/2014 Figure 7: www.catnaps.org/islamic/gulfarch1.html, 16/2/2015 Figure 8: www.4ddoha.com/projects/Making-of-Doha/, 5/2/2015 Figure 9: www.panoramio.com/photo/42603110, 14/2/2015 Figure 10: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/,17/2/2015,Diagram adopted by the researcher. Figure 11: www.arcadis.pixeldotcreative.netdna-cdn.com/, 17/2/2015 Figure 12: www.mdd.msheireb.com/, 20/4/2015


The Issue of Architectural and Urban Identity of Contemporary Algerian Cities: Case of Constantine City Chabi Nadia1, a, Bouhadjar Khalil2, b, Baba Rima3, c 1

Dept. of Architecture, Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000 Dept. of Project Management, Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000 3 Dept. of Architecture., Constantine University 3, Constantine, Algeria, 25 000 a [email protected], b [email protected], c [email protected] 2

ABSTRACT To face the requirements of the modern era, societies are currently trying to solve their problems by opting for modernity through the principles of homogenization and standardization. Indeed, accelerated modernization is advocated in all fields of life affecting the cultures as well as the identities of people. Modernity threatens the heritage of the past, especially of that related to the old city and its traditional architecture. Despite their traditional core, the cities of the Arab world are experiencing rapid growth with designs based on the universal principles of urbanism and architecture; giving birth to forms and urban structures which have no relationship with the local culture. With extensive arrays, their stereotyped construction, and the standard accompanying facilities, the new urban character of the Arab world is anonymous, raising issues on the identity of the Arab city. Aware of the stake and the importance of assigning a national style to the Algerian city, which broke with that of their home country, the French settlers were able to respond to this concern by drawing on the traditional heritage. The French architects conceived a new style called "neo Moresque" which was founded on the arabisance of the imported European models. This “neo Moresque" style is representative of an aesthetic and architectural flowering of a century of interbreeding between the East and the Occident, constituting a very rich research topic. It allows for focus on the issue of patrimony and its conservation. It is necessary to find suitable solutions to these contemporary problems that are related to the country, since the "national style" expresses the urban and architectural identity of the nation, and its civilizational membership. This Millennium, Constantine with its traditional core, constitutes a case of study which highlights the problematic situation of the Algerian city. The study of this town permits analysis and discussion of the questions related to the fate of the Arab city, in particular those of Algeria. It is a question of emphasizing the possible ways to identify the ills of the Algerian city and then attempting to bring adequate solutions. In fact, this paper aims to study the city of Constantine by trying to consider and find the best manners of utilising that traditional heritage, which is unique. This can serve as the starting point for a contemporary urban and architectural creation. It can constitute a source of inspiration and even a solution to the problem of identity and culture of Algerian architecture and town planning. Today, the true urgency is to establish a new Arab cultural vision that supports whilst being responsible for its social dimension. KEYWORDS: urban and architectural identity, national style, neo Moresque, Constantine.


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1. INTRODUCTION By definition, identity "designates what is specific to an individual or to a community and what distinguishes them from their environment1”. Indeed, each city carries the imprint, the genius, the history, the memory of its inhabitants, whilst being the reflection of the culture they have produced. Its architecture and its urban planning are a cultural and historical fact. The human creativity that is associated with innovation contributes to the construction of the city. This attributes to each city, its own architectural and urban identity. Throughout history, the city has evolved by developing its own urban heritage. Today, the city, especially the Arab city, is experiencing the process of modernity through the generalization of a pattern of society. This imposes itself as a model to be followed because it constitutes the only way to achieve modernity. Under the influence of modern urban patterns, the city loses its distinctiveness or even its identity. The urban space becomes uniform and homogeneous, all in the name of globalization. Facing contemporaneousness, the Algerian city, notably Constantine, carries the principles of modernity which is considered as a doctrine; imposing its corpus and its application upon humanity. Thus, this work aims to demonstrate how Algerian cities have lost their architectural and urban identity through history, with special focus on the impact of French colonization. The methodology of this paper is based on analysis and historical studies of Algeria, especially Constantine city. Therefore a theoretical analysis is used and supported by the reading and interpretation of narrative historical texts (archives of the city of Constantine – city council) and iconographic material such as: maps, plans, facades, cuts, and photos. 2. ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY Identity is defined as “the foundation for a sense of belonging. It is the means by which people locate themselves as members of communities and groups and how they define their place in society2”. It constitutes the result of a long historical process of the past, or, of a memory that people assume to be "common heritage". The notion of identity is based, not only in our relation to the past but also in the future. However, the modern era threatens the identities that different groups and societies have acquired throughout history. Today, globalization brings a risk of homogenization and standardization of the contemporary cities but also emphasises the desire for differentiation and distinction. Thus, the contemporary context encourages the emergence of discourses focused on identity; notably on the preservation of the national architectural and urban heritage. In this context, contemporary cities all attempt to build a specific identity in order to stand out and to increase their visibility and their attractiveness on a regional, national, or even international scale. The policy-makers try to promote the existing natural and patrimonial resources, creating new urban projects that retain the historical identity of the society in question. Sustained by new strategies that translate the needs of belonging, the city becomes a theatre stage where representations of identity are emphasized for the sake of « urban marketing ». These strategies attempt to give an attractive image to captivate tourists and investors.

1

Denise Pumain & Thierry Paquot & Richard Kleinschmager, « Dictionnaire la ville et l'urbain, Paris », Economica : Anthropos, 2006, p.148. 2

http://www.buildingfutures.org.uk/assets/downloads/The_Future_of_Identity.pdf


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New construction, infrastructure or interventions in the existing heritage areas are carried out in order to give the city an identity that the society is proud to display. The practice of urban marketing serves to promote the existing assets of the city and those under construction whilst promoting the projected image. The Identity-building of a contemporary city creates multiple problems in a world where globalization, with all its qualities and excesses, imposes itself as the universal principle. Indeed, any heritage conservation in the contemporary city, as a living organism that changes over time, is confronted by multiple obstacles. These problems are bound to the usefulness of the patrimony through the choice of an adequate use value that allows it to find a place in the present time and to be transmitted to the future generations. 3. ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY OF THE ALGERIAN CITY IN THETWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Facing the requirements of the modern era, the present society attempts to solve its problems by opting for modernity’s principles of homogenization and standardization. Indeed, the process of accelerated modernization imposes itself on all domains of life; affecting the culture and identity of people. It jeopardizes goods inherited from the past including those related to the city and its traditional architecture. With their traditional towns, the cities of the Arab world are experiencing rapid growth. Their new extensions have a conception based on the universal principles of urbanism and architecture. These principles give birth to urban forms and structures that have no relation with the local culture. With extensive arrays of stereotyped construction, and the standardised accompanying facilities, the urbanization of the Arab world has become anonymous, raising concerns about the authentic identity of the Arab city. Like the Maghreb cities, the Algerian town grows and spreads under the weight of the demographic thrust. It ignores the old traditional city, which carries lessons in both architecture and planning. Conforming to the governmental decisions, the Algerian planners and architects prefer to import and adopt exogenous urban and architectural models into the Algerian society. This raises questions on their adaptability to the socio-cultural requirements of the Algerian citizens, and on the image that they confer to the cities, notably Constantine. 4. THE ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN CONSTANTINE THROUGHOUT HISTORY

IDENTITY

OF

THE

CITY

OF

As old as Jerusalem, Constantine is the result of a long historic evolution. It constitutes a material and immaterial collective produced by people that have succeeded each other in a particular temporal and spatial environment. In other words, the old city is the result of a long stratification of successive or simultaneous cultural patterns. Each one reflects the conditions of its production and the state of the social relations that gave birth to it. Like the Arab cities, Constantine is currently in movement. The ongoing dynamics result from the combined effects of internationalization and globalization. This modest contribution tries to make a historic reading of the questions on the urban identity of Constantine, particularly during the last two decades, whilst attempting to find ways of preserving it. Commonly named "Souika", the old city of Constantine is characterized by its traditional fabric which is the mirror of its society and cultural patterns (Image .1). During the first occupations3 the city was confined by the unique geology which constituted the site of its establishment. 3

Archives of the city of Constantine “city council”


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Perched at 600 m, the ground rock is cut by a deep ravine through which the “Oued Rhumel” flows, giving the city its appearance of a citadel. With its rampart houses, the old city of Constantine is a microcosm characterized by the symbiosis existing between the materiality of the space - on the scale of the structure or the urban form - and the society who occupied it. This anthropological order refers to a history, to a culture and to a territory possessing a singular identity. Indeed, this was the spatial translation of the way of life proper to the Muslim community whose intimacy, security and social cohesion, are the major principles of their culture. Before colonisation, Constantine presented a compact urban landscape, characterized by the sobriety of its architecture, its homogeneous structure, the introversion of the places and the common ownership of its built environment. This traditional city is the formal expression of the numerous relations that existed between the individual, the society and the territory. Facing this unique and strong landscape, the French colonizer was forced to destroy it to overcome the cohesion and the resistance of the autochthonous inhabitants. In fact, the traditional built environment was, for the colonizer, a hindrance to its domination, to its expansion. The identity of the traditional city had to be broken and transformed. Thus, a destructive operation began in favour of a deep acculturation of the society followed by a planned uprooting.

Image 1: The old city of Constantine “Souika” Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/vieille_ville.htm ; http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE-190921861865.html

Conquered by the French in 1836, the old city underwent particular transformations in response. At first, responding to the needs of the settlers coming from Europe4. Then secondly, to the old 4

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city being marginalized by the creation of a new centre of power; giving birth to the European city and its extensions. Indeed, the displacement of the centrality of the old city toward the European city with the polarization-concentration of the economic, financial, and administrative functions did not overshadow the importance of the historic centre, even though it had been emptied of its functions and its autochthonous population. On the contrary, the “medina” kept its historic, symbolic, commercial, and social centrality. During the period of colonization, the conflicted linkage of the two different social and cultural entities, gave Constantine an identity that was different to that of its origin (Image .2). Reading the representation of the urban order reveals the cultural differences that caused the separation between the two types of urban spaces; the traditional core and the colonial town. The urban space of the colonial order is governed by a segregative model which is firstly ethnic and, then socioeconomic. Constantine was composed of two entities. On one hand, the medina is folded in on itself with a compact and homogeneous social body. On the other hand the European town is an open, conquering city, with a gradual deployment whose social structuring is dynamic and diversified. Each of the two territories belongs to a temporal horizon that is different; the past for the medina and the future for the colonial town. Thus, the colonial city of Constantine presents a composite urban and cultural collection. Its urban space is characterized by a heterogeneous set of territories defined by their differences and their specific identities. This reality is often summarized by those that guided the colonial intervention in terms of urban planning and development with the dual principle of separation (separation of the médina from the European new cities) and of preservation (preservation of the médina from all architectural and urban intrusion in dissonance with the formal, cultural and social properties of the medina).

Image .2. Constantine city during the French colonization Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/photos1900/ville2.htm ; http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE-190921861865.html


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During the colonial period, changes were made after the introduction of new forces that have governed the city since5. Their actions have led to major transformations in the socio-spatial structure of the city. Thus, Constantine has gradually taken a dual cultural identity (Image .3). One aspect being the urban landscape of the pre-colonial city as the result of a conception based on the cultural and social values of the traditional society, and the other being the colonial landscape carrying a specific message, through which the settlers tried to institute a legitimacy of the colonial act. Beyond these ideological and political goals, we try to discover the part given to urban design.

Image 3. Specificities of the urban landscape of the Algerian city Source: http://fr.picclick.com/POSTCARD-ALGERIE-CONSTANTINE-LE-THEATRE190921861865.html

The architectural and urban production of the colonial period was based on exogenous factors including the influence of the metropolis that played a determining role. Indeed, the architecture and the urbanism of the French cities constituted the main referential sources for the edification of the new occupied territories. These colonial references draw their essence from modernity. The planning of the colonial period is founded mainly on the visual qualities of the landscape; the main arteries offer a scenic landscape highlighting the perspective views. Indeed, the design of the colonial city is characterized by the perspectives of great public buildings, stunning views of the city, and commemorative statues, a manner of apprehending the city through the image of a tourist excursion6. 5

IDEM 3 Béguin F. (1983): « Arabisances. Décor architectural et tracé urbain en Afrique du nord, 1830-1950 ». Ed. Dunod Paris. 6


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At the dawn of the 20th Century, Algeria established new references that have substantially changed the way of producing architecture and urban planning in its territory. After more than half a century of occupation, the miscegenation of the two cultures allowed the settlers to acquire a new identity, which was enriched by the values of the local culture. The adoption of this style, based on local resources had to allow more efficient adherence of the Muslim population to the “Medersas”. This type of building displayed for the first time, and with pride, elements of the syntax of the architectural styles; “Arab – Moresque”. This architecture is characterized by the use of marble columns, sculpted wood, and faience inside the buildings. The outside is marked by a massive entry door, a large dome, and small openings on a cantilever supported by uniquely decorative pillars, and this all works to compete with the European domes widely used. Founded on the idea of segregation, the urban space of the colonial order saw the socio-spatial differentiation grow stronger after gaining independence; giving rise to new spatial recompositions. After independence, the urban growth of Constantine underwent several backlashes of a strong demographic growth, and an intense rural exodus. The growth of the city manifested a juxtaposition of two urban fabrics; one planned by the state, and the other as an informal fabric reflecting “popular spontaneity”7. The latter took shape outside of the formal urban fabric. Thus, the city experienced an uncontrolled and precarious urban development. Recently, the Government decided to plan and build a new city to solve the problems of Constantine. But the construction of this new town “Ali Mendjeli" 8 has confronted several challenges related to planning and urban management. The new town has been created as the result of a decision taken by local authorities to decongest Constantine. With a difficult site, the extension of Constantine has faced many obstacles (rocky gorges, steepness, railroad tracks, and an airport). Under the influence of a massive rural exodus, the city reached the saturation limits of its site. The report concerning this urban development is well known; the loss of the city’s identity due to the change of architectural and urban conception and realization. These problems are aggravated by the constraints of the site, the multitude of actors and the absence of coordination between them. In fact, the immediate consequence is the apparition of a poly nuclear urban area with an ambiguous identity (Image .4).

7

Chabi. N. (2007) : “l’homme, l’environnement et l’urbanisme : cas de Constatine”, PhD thesis, Mentouri Constantine university. 8 Chabi. N. & Dekoumi. D. & Souki. H. & Baba. R. & Bouhadjar. K. & Laouar. R. (2014) “ Fabrique de la ville : phénomène de non ville, cas des ZHUN et de la ville nouvelle Ali Mendjeli“, CNEPRU project under the code : G00920130117, led by Dr CHABI NADIA, Constantine university 3. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Image 4: The new town Ali Mendjeli. Source: authors, 2007

Currently, the urban landscape of Constantine offers the researcher a heterogeneous composition; formed mainly of heterogeneous material elements, whose reading proves to be complex and difficult. The passage from the architecture with meaningful and symbolic dimensions, to an anonymous architecture detached of the social and geographical context, has fully contributed to the devalued quality of the spaces and their image, making them insignificant and repulsive. The research of a legible architecture requires a consideration of the person perceiving the object, through a study that retraces the signs identifying the landscape of his past and present experience. This legacy allows the person to understand the messages (if they exist) of their urban landscape. But beyond an easy reading, induced by the revalorization of the patrimonial registers, the identity of the city instead develops itself through the exclusion of all exogenous models. “The studies 9 ” showed that these different models (as larger collectives) adopted by the circumstantial decisions, have aggravated the fragmentation of our spaces and the loss of their specific image. The wealth of heritage is based upon a selection, within a determined area, of a very precise number of architectural elements, in order to avoid complexity and incoherence. 5. IN SEARCH OF A CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURAL IDENTITY: WHY THE CHOICE OF NEO-MORESQUE? Indeed, the heritage of a place is the reflection of a local identity. As a material expression of the memory of a place, the architectural and urban patrimony is probably one of the most

9

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palpable components of this identity 10 . The French settlers recognized the importance of assigning a proper style to the Algerian city that breaks with the one of the metropolis (France). Thus, they have been able to answer this preoccupation. After studying the traditional town, especially the medina of Constantine, it can be seen that the French architects were able to design a new named style "neo-Moresque", which was founded on the arabisance of the imported European models. With the aesthetic and architectural flowering of a century of miscegenation between orient and west, the neo-Moresque style constitutes a very rich research theme. It is a concern for the researchers interested in the issue of heritage and its preservation, and for those who want to find concrete answers to the contemporary problems bound to the proper «national style» of a country that expresses the identity of its nation, and its civilizational belonging. 5.1 Definition of the neo-Moresque style in Algeria The neo-Moresque 11 style, in Algeria is different from those developed in the Maghreb countries because it constitutes the result of several conjunctures; political, social, economic, artistic and architectural. Historically, the neo-Moresque style unveiled the new political intentions of the French administration. They led to the construction of a new identity for the cities of Algeria12. At the beginning of the colonial conquest, the French army imposed and used elements of European architecture and urbanism as a symbol of victory13. The following phase, the one of the protectorate, gave birth to a new model: "the style of the protector14 " or "Jonnart style ". This appeared in Algeria in the beginning of the Twentieth Century, and this new style combined Moresque architecture with the European classical style. It aimed to propagate "the arabization of the built environment15" (Image .5). For political and cultural purposes, the neo Moresque style is a sort of reconciliation or miscegenation between the orient and the west, giving birth to a new political and cultural identity in order to win over and to control the autochthonous population. Unlike other styles imported without previous modification that were grafted onto the Algerian cities, the neo-Moorish style attempts to recover and reinterpret local heritage values (culture, art, architecture ...) in modern construction. Somehow, this is the affirmation of a Renaissance through an artistic and architectural appropriation of the autochthonous traditional characters, which is used to promote the Moresque aesthetic. Taking as reference the traditional culture of the Maghreb (especially that of Constantine), the French architects designed an original architecture, resulting from a scholarly and intelligent miscegenation that mingled the local architecture with western cultural data. This work was done through a research based on a thorough analysis of the local architecture and the autochthonous culture. Thus, new buildings have been achieved with an Arab architectural envelope sheltering the functions that meet the needs of the settlers of this time: stations, medersas, hotels etc. With this humanist language, the members of the colonial government especially Jonnart, have worked hard to construct and give an image of "one thousand and one 10

IDEM 2

11

The neo-Moresque presents itself as a composite construction referring to two occurrences: - The prefix "Neo": mark a renewal in the setting of an old order. From where the expressions: neoclassical, neobaroque, pre-existing that integrates new data. - The second part "Moresque”: comes of the Moorish adjective that according to the Romans designated what belonged TO old Mauritania (currently Maghreb). Later, in the middle Ages, this appellation is going to be given to the people of the Maghreb who conquered Spain. 12 A domestic cultural policy aiming to elaborate an identity that distinguishes itself of the one of the metropolis 'Paris'. 13

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14

Named as "Jonnart style" (Charles Célestin JONNART initiator of this orientalist art) or" neo-moresque" style.

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nights" in order to glorify the local culture through the protection and the respect of the identity of the autochthones; hence the name "the protector style".

1- Oran railway station, 2 - Seat of the wilaya (ex prefecture of Algiers), 3- Annaba railway station, 4- Skikda railway station

Image 5: Algerian neo-moresque constructions Sources: http://www.algeriephilatelie.net/an_bibliotheque_cartes_postales_num.php?numero=22 ; http://www.akpool.fr/cartes-postales/24075657-carte-postale-alger-algerien-vue-de-la-prfecture-facade ; http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/cpsm-colorisee-algerie-bone-annaba-la-gare-chemin-de-feralg/Photos_20155_134417_23_1.html ; http://ww.delcampe.net/page/item/id,276990600,var,afriqueALGERIEPHILIPPEV-ILLESKIKDAvuesur-la-gare-en-1955annee-de-grands-massacreslutte-contre-les-Francais,language,F.html.

The arabisance16 movement lasted only a short period of time, and it marked the Algerian urban landscape only slightly. Buildings with a neo-Moresque style were implanted throughout all Algerian cities (Constantine and Bône to the east, and Oran and Tlemcen to the west), most notably the city of Algiers, which benefited from several works of this type, as the capital. The médersas were the first models of interpretation of the Moresque art. They were used to transmit and display an image of the city in which tradition and modernity were learnedly associated. After this, the building of other amenities such as: schools, administration centres, post offices, banks, railway stations, and hotels had all been achieved in the neo-Moresque style. The most famous of these being the big post office of Algiers, designed in 1910 by Voinot and Tondoire (Image .6).

16

Action to make architecture looks like the Arab one (to arabise the design of architecture).


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Image 6: The big post office of Algiers (Algeria)

Sources: http://fr.picclick.com/CPA-Algerie-Alger-La-Grande-Poste-47089-220519105627.html ; http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/interieur-de-la-grande-poste-dalger/Photos_14664_4268_16_1.html ; http://dzactiviste.info/choses-vues-de-la-poudre-auxyeux-lincendie-de-la-grande-poste/

The neo-Moresque style is an emergent stylistic movement with oriental tendencies. It constitutes a new miscegenation phenomenon; a marriage between two cultures where two architectural styles were combined to give birth to a new style. It is distinguished by its numerous borrowings of the arabo-andalusian architecture: minarets, arches, bows, domes, carved stucco, large sculpted doors, moucharabiehs, faiences and mosaics, and calligraphy. 5.2 Identity issue of the contemporary Algerian city Algerian heritage is diverse and includes numerous elements that belong to different fields of study such as: archaeology, architecture, and environment. The protection of monuments and historical sites is indispensable. They deserve a greater attention. The current “wait-and-see” approach is not sufficient to protect and valorise the identity of cities if there is not a real awareness of their value by the citizens and the government. No doubt, today's architecture is the heritage of tomorrow. To preserve the architectural heritage is to keep the identity of the city. This urban memory binds the city to its inhabitants and constitutes the image that the city offers to its visitors. The contemporary city has a strong will of trying to promote its architecture. Thus, it encourages creativity in new construction, whilst using the traditional repertoire as reference. The beginning of the Twenty-First Century is synonymous with boldness and modernity, inventiveness and the contribution of a new writing of the urban landscape. This heritage of the future will implement innovative architectural landmarks and will bring a breath of renewal to the city.


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This paper tries to uncover the best manner to utilise this unique heritage: the neo-Moresque style, so that it constitutes a starting point for the contemporary architectural creation. A half century after the independence of Algeria, the example of the Medersa of Constantine (Image .7 and 8 & Figure .1) and others can be seen as a source of inspiration or even a solution to the identity and cultural problems of Algerian architecture. The Algerian city struggles to find its way in a world where everything is stereotyped and standardized. Through this example, this study attempts to provide some answers as to the definition of the neo-Moorish style in Algeria, and the role it can play in the specific contemporary architectural production of our country. This work tries to determine if the neo-Moresque style can constitute a historical basis, as a landmark for the future architectural production, or if it can enrich the image of a national style?

Image 7: The médersa of Constantine Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/medersa.htm ; http://forum.actudz.com/topic15331-45.html ; http://www.vitaminech.com/annuaire/cpconstantine-la-medrassa-et-la-place-trous-agra/Photos_20155_162583_25_1.html ; http://algerie.voyage.over-blog.com/article-11232430.html ; http://www.pierre-lecycliste.fr/blog2008/?cat=6


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1. First floor plan of the Medersa of Constantine. 2. Second floor plan of the Medersa of Constantine. 3. Cut of the Medersa of Constantine. (Transverse section) 4. Main façade of the Medersa of Constantine. 5. Posterior facade of the Medersa of Constantine. Figure 1: Plans, cut and façades of the medersa of Constantine Source: Boulbene. H (2010)

Image 8: Interior of the medersa of Constantine Sources: http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesImages/cartespostales/medersa.htm ; http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LaVille/quartiers/Vignettes/medersa.htm ; http://www.constantine-hier-aujourdhui.fr/LesConstantinois/mai2004/medersa.htm ; http://www.akpool.fr/cartes-postales/24184851-carte-postale-constantine-algerienintrieur-nouvelle-mdersa The French settlers left deep imprints on the cities of Algeria. These architectural values in turn became a part of the heritage which also deserves to be preserved, especially the neo Moresque style. This had to be studied and analysed from a professional point of view, leaving behind all preconceived ideas related to any negative positions towards the colonial legacy. It is probable that the Algerian neo-Moresque style is the result of painful political conjunctures, but it now Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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conveys rich and original artistic and architectural values for Algeria. The management of this style focuses on the relations that exist between the neo-Moresque buildings, the conveyed memory and sensitivity of the population, and the elected officials. This colonial legacy must be valued as a part of the national cultural identity. 6. CONCLUSIONS To protect the identity of Algerian cities, it is necessary “to valorise the existing legacy and to construct the heritage of tomorrow”. This study is a re-reading of the artistic and cultural exchanges between the Orient and the West. The aim of this message is twofold. Firstly, it is an attempt of theoretical enrichment of the neo-Moresque style, whilst highlighting the influences of European culture on the development of a new architectural and artistic style in the Maghreb. Secondly, it is intended to sensitize local populations and stakeholders to the interest of its preservation and its utilisation as a concrete example which gives lessons on combining tradition and modernity. It also aims to propose a new responsible attitude in the recognition and the valorisation of this unique heritage in the Maghreb. In the history of art and architecture, the neo-Moresque style constitutes a remarkable movement that was developed in Algeria. The majority of Algerian cities display these neoMoorish pearls with their specific and authentic character, participating in the diversification and artistic enrichment of the architectural and urban heritage. If, according to some statements, the arabisance is limited to a simple reproduction of some specific elements of the local architecture (arches, domes, minarets...), it is clear that to rewrite the heritage of the Maghreb with the letters of the west, we must go beyond this attitude to reinvent a new architectural language that is drawn from the vernacular architecture and its extraordinary spirituality. The colonial heritage doesn't constitute a danger to the existence of indigenous heritage. There are other colonial inheritances that managed to melt and to be part of the patrimonial goods that the Algerian society has accepted as such for centuries (Roman, Byzantine...). The true danger for our rich heritage is in not finding any logical and precise paths to transmit this ancestral inheritance. Another danger is in not being able to produce a contemporary architecture that will be the heritage of tomorrow. Therefore, the national style must go beyond a contextual or formal study of architecture and patrimonial values. It must be more than a reinterpretation of a human and spiritual tradition, in order to truly perpetuate its cultural mode and to preserve its cultural, architectural and urban identity. References Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose. Badjada, A. (1983). «Notice historique sur la Madersa de Constantine (1909-1983) » Texte rédigé à Constantine le 29 janvier 1983, available at http://www.constantine25000.com. Badjadja, A. (2008) : « Un regard constantinois suite aux Confession d’un archiviste algérien ». Ed. Société des Ecrivains, Paris. Benoist, G. (1886) : de l’instruction et de l’éducation des indigènes dans la province de Constantine .Ed. Hachette, page 148. Paris. Imen B. (2013). L’identité en projets : ville, architecture et patrimoine, Analyse de concours à Québec et à Toronto, Thèse du grade de PhD en Aménagement. Université de Montréal. OULEBSIR, N. (2004). Les usages du patrimoine: monuments, musées et politique coloniale en Algérie, 1830-1930, Paris : la Maison des sciences de l'homme. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Understanding people’s needs for a vivid public realm as a key step towards enhancing the modern Arab cities’ identity Eng. Merham M. Keleg1,a, Prof. Dr. Mohamed A. Salheen1,b, Dr. Marwa Abdellatif 1,c. 1

Department of Urban Design and Planning. Faculty of Engineering. Ain Shams University. Cairo, Egypt. 1 El-Sarayat St., Abbasia, Cairo. 11517 a [email protected], b [email protected], c [email protected]

ABSTRACT Traditional cities emerged and grew according to the residents’ needs, thus they were a reflection of the community’s culture and traditions; where the urban grid, open spaces network as well as the buildings imitated the unique identities of their cities; their climate, local materials, social system and traditions, in addition to the political regime. Hence, traditional cities accommodated their people’s needs and their human scale. However, cities have witnessed numerous changes and challenges that have jeopardized their survival. So the need for new cities has become undeniable. The Athens charter of 1933 was released as a guide for the planning of modern cities face the challenges of the modern era. Thus, cities around the world have attempted to accommodate these globally set guidelines, overlooking the human scale and neglecting the social and cultural distinctiveness of each city. Nasr city in Cairo was planned as a suburb in the late 1960s to tackle the housing shortage in Egypt, especially Cairo. The Nasr city’s master plan was influenced by the global shifts that were prevailing at this time and aimed at accommodating modern planning concepts. It can be said that Nasr city is a typical suburb of the modern era. Nasr city is abundant in open public spaces compared to other districts of Cairo. However, these spaces are empty of people most of the time, which detracts from the character and experience of the neighbourhoods of Nasr City. In fact, this is now the case for many cities throughout the globe. Hence several initiatives and practices have begun, aiming to enhance the experience of the public realm of neighbourhoods as a catalyst for revitalizing communities and improving their liveability. This is done through fostering social interaction among residents and boosting their sense of place and pride, since it is argued that urban spaces which reflect their cities and their inhabitants are vital to liveability. Recently many cities like Washington DC, London, and Melbourne have adopted these concepts and are successfully implementing them, achieving the expected results in terms of enhancing the character of the neighbourhoods and reconnecting the residents to their neighbourhoods. This paper aims to explore how residents of Nasr city envision ‘their’ public spaces, understanding the reasons that hinder their usage as well as knowing their recommendations for enhancing public spaces in their neighbourhoods as a means of encouraging regular usage. In addition, an assessment will be made of Nasr city’s public spaces, as an attempt to bridge the gap between the offered built environments and people’s needs in modern neighbourhoods. This shall be achieved through a questionnaire among Nasr city residents, observations of people’s reactions towards offered public spaces, and urban surveys of the provided public spaces. Based on these studies the paper proposes recommendations incorporating people’s needs for vivid public realm in order to help the planners to understand the malfunctions of the modern cities’ planning that has hindered the planned public spaces in modern neighbourhoods from Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 201

conveying their role as centres of social interaction among residents and thus as symbols of neighbourhoods and cities. KEYWORDS: Public spaces, Nasr city, Identity, Vivid public realm.

GENERAL BACKGROUND Human settlement patterns have emerged as a result of the specific needs of each group of people in that area; personal needs, climatic needs, cultural needs… etc.. Old cities can be considered as storytellers of history as they convey lots of meaning and ambiance about the prevailing social, political, and cultural circumstances. People have been responsible for shaping the places around them according to their individual and communal identities (Living Streets, 2012). Hence old cities had unique identities that were distinguishable throughout the world. However modernism has introduced new lifestyles, altered social cultures and affected the business world. Which in return has affected the physical forms of the built environment, where a new concept of space has been introduced (Madanipour, 2003). The motor car has taken over the urban spaces, and consequently changed the relationship between human beings and buildings, between buildings and open spaces (ibid). In accordance planners and architects have tried to accommodate these changes, and the Athens charter of 1933 was one of these initiatives aiming at ensuring healthy modern life, yet accommodating modern challenges (automobiles, factories, population boom, rapid urbanization…etc.). The main principles of the Athens charter were for strict separation between land uses, high rise residential blocks in addition to facilitating car's movement which has resulted in prioritizing its; overlooking the pedestrian. Furthermore, economic liberalization, social polarization, and fragmentation have also helped in turning public spaces into subjects of contestation (Oktay, 2012). Which can be seen through neglect, decline, privatization, commercialization and exclusion of public spaces (Oktay, 2012). This, in turn, has yielded a deteriorating, shrinking public realm that is losing its meaning in people’s life (Ibid). VIVID PUBLIC REALM AND THE IDENTITIES OF CITIES Identity of place is pillared by place attachment, spatial identity and the surrounding land uses (Dougherty, 2006). Victoria argues that identity is mainly defined by the quality and diversity of the cultural activities and services of the place (Victoria, 2008), hence it is people’s reaction to the places they live in and the changes these places make to them that forms the identity of the place (Dougherty, 2006). In fact meaningful social exchange builds a sense of belonging and community pride for the residents (CHOUDHURY, 2008). Thus a pedestrian friendly public realm plays an essential role in shaping a positive image of the city (Powell Dobson Urbanists, 2008). Public spaces also contribute tremendously to the social cohesion and local identity through acting as social catalysts; gathering residents together for various reasons and activities representing a symbolic meaning of coexistence (Dougherty, 2006; Memluk, 2013). The precise use of public space is crucial in defining its identity, as the design of the public space for diverse uses as well as meeting the users’ needs will define much of the space’s identity (Dougherty, 2006). In other words, people will not use the space unless they can identify with it and feel connected to it (Dougherty, 2006). Thus, many urban areas now lack identity, due to the diminished role of the provided public spaces which have been planned or changed without concern for the environmental or social realities of the place (Dougherty, 2006; Georgopulos, Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 202

2005). Investing in the quality of the public realm, aiming at fostering the cultural interactions can contribute to revitalizing deprived and abandoned urban spaces (Monroy, 2010). Hence urban spaces that reflect the residents of their cities act as microcosms of the city that takes on its characteristics (Dougherty, 2006). “I believe very strongly that the cities that pay attention— really pay attention —to quality of life will be the cities that thrive in the 21st century.” (Richard M. Daley) World Cities, in this era of globalization, are competing to become the main hub for entrepreneurs, visitors, workers, and residents are realizing that the only means for achieving their goal, is by increasing its attractiveness among other cities for accommodating the peoples’ needs for a better quality of life (Cortright & Mayer, 2012; Gehl architects, 2013). Creating an appealing city life is mainly achieved by offering numerous opportunities for outdoor social interaction which reflect the city and its inhabitants (CHOUDHURY, 2008; Dougherty, 2006). For instance Cities like Copenhagen, Melbourne, Vancouver, San Francisco, London, and Moscow etc. are widely known for their competitive quality of life and liveability which makes them livable cities for their inhabitants, attractive to visitors and tourists as well as entrepreneurs. These cities have attained such progress by shifting their strategies to embrace the enhancement of their liveability, which is mainly achieved by adopting “people first” policies (Livable City, 2014; Gehl architects, 2013). Consequently, governments at all levels should adopt a new paradigm for cities of the future where place making and public spaces become the core incremental process of city making (PPS, 2015). RESEARCH PROBLEMS Despite the great importance of public spaces to inhabitants, communities, and cities; not all public spaces are effective places. Dangerous roads, abandoned lots or poorly maintained properties and spaces may be considered as public spaces, however, they surely don’t contribute to the wellbeing, coexistence, or cultural richness of cities and communities (PPS, 2015). On the contrary poorly managed or inaccessible public spaces can act as barriers rather than being collective spaces, where they become unsafe, exclusive, or threatening on various scales (PPS, 2015). Hence creating public spaces for people requires more than simply providing the spaces (moveDC Vision, 2014). It requires making attractive, functional, well maintained and safe places that attract people and offer them a comfortable environment, adequate for spending time (moveDC Vision, 2014; PPS, 2015). Moreover, designers should consider the urban space as an aesthetic entity as well as a behavioural setting (Carmona et al., 2003). On the other hand community engagement is crucial in designing and shaping their neighbourhoods and public spaces, as it offers a promising opportunity for creating socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable places (Living Streets, 2012). In fact, this was the norm throughout history as people have always been the shapers of the places around them, which highlighted their individual and communal activity (Batty & Longley, 1994; Living Streets, 2012). Hence a city’s transformation should be an interplay between all forces; between the elite group of professionals and the people, which shall be achieved by exchanging urban cultures and collective actions (Shaw & Hudson, 2009). Thus, creating successful places depends on the skills of designers, the vision and the commitment of those who employ the designers (CABE, 2000), as well as the engagement and commitment of residents in order to create a place rather than a space (PPS, 2015). It is vital to create a common ground by defining the term “public spaces” that is used in this study. Broadly speaking any place that promotes acquinatances between people is considered a Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 203

public space regardless of its size, shape, location, or ownership. However, for the scope of this research we will use the globally agreed definition of a public space as ‘accessible for all’, as well as the definition of the charter of public space “Public spaces are all places publicly owned or of public use, accessible and enjoyable by all for free and without a profit motive.” (CharterforPublicSpaces, 2013). The public spaces that will be studied are the open free accessible outdoor spaces. Based on this definition the modern suburb of Nasr City in Cairo has forty three public spaces distributed among the districts. Despite the abundance of public spaces distributed in Nasr City, a majority of them are devoid of people most of the time. In fact the issue of abandoned public spaces is clearly obvious in Nasr city, as these public spaces do not convey their social and cultural function, which jeopardizes the identity of Nasr City. Nasr City Background: the study area The first master plan for Cairo was issued in 1956 in order to guide and control development (UN, 1990). One of the main results of this master plan was the construction of a large town extension as a new government centre, (Abouelmagd, 2011; UN, 1990). Nasr city was planned on 250 km2 of vacant desert land, and its construction began in 1965 (Abouelmagd, 2011) by Madinet Nasr, for a public housing company which was founded in 1959 (Madinet Nasr for Housing Development, 2012). Nasr city was designed at a time when modern architects had the opportunity to deliver their ideas around the world. The architects of this time got rid of traditional planning ideologies and designed the new cities and its spaces according to the new lifestyles that prevailed during this period (Frochaux & Martin, 2010). As Nasr city was built according to the guidelines of the Athens charter of 1933, the southern of the urban extension was planned as a residential area (Frochaux & Martin, 2010). It was planned in a grid pattern by Dr. Sayed Koriem and divided into 10 districts (Eid, et al., 2010; Frochaux & Martin, 2010). This characteristic plan of Nasr city with its straight routes, serve geometrical land plots which are equally shaped (Eid, et al., 2010; Frochaux & Martin, 2010), and where each zone was planned so that its’ centre would contain higher level services to serve the surrounding neighbourhoods (Eid, et al., 2010). In turn each neighbourhood contained its own smaller service centre situated in its heart, where they would provide goods for everyday life and a place for neighbours to meet (Frochaux & Martin, 2010). Hence this plan created an abundance of green open spaces compared to other parts of Cairo (ibid). However the orthogonal system has not produced any hierarchisation of spaces, as there is no focus on converging axes that would emphasize a building or a space (ibid). METHODOLOGY In order to understand the dilemma of the abandoned public spaces of Nasr city as a step towards enhancing its identity, it is important to understand the reasons for the disconnection of people’s needs and the built environment. This shall be achieved through a field observation of the existing public spaces in order to assess the qualities of the built environment. A questionnaire among Nasr city residents will also be used to understand their recommendations for better public spaces that would encourage more usage. Hence first it is essential to explore the qualities of well-designed public spaces and their aspects, in order to be able to assess the built environment.


Qualities of well-designed public spaces A vivid public realm can be achieved through a comfortable and welcoming environment that is vibrant, with people enjoying themselves and the company of others, where it is safe and secure even at night and suitable for all age sectors (An Urban Design Protocol For Australian Cities, 2011). Thus it is essential to concentrate on attractive, intricate places that relate to the scale of pedestrians, and not to the scale of moving cars (Tibbalds, 2004). Moreover individuality, distinctiveness, and differences between places should be celebrated in order to create an attractive public realm that promotes a feeling of well-being and comfort (ibid). For instance, places that stimulate a feeling of physical and psychological well-being are spaces that are thoroughly pleasant places to be, spaces that create an unforgettable overall impression (Ewing et al., 2013). In fact, this can be accomplished when all factors manage to work together in order to achieve pleasing ends (Ibid). Although, there is no magical formula for successful public spaces, there are some factors that are agreed upon that help in attracting people to spaces. These factors range from the macro scale to the micro scale, from purely tangible physical factors to intangible social factors as illustrated in Table 1.

Table 1: shows the main qualities of well-designed public spaces. Source: The Author compiled from different resources

Quality

Definition

Aspects

Furniture – Finishes

The furniture of the public space and the way it is arranged is a welcoming gesture of these spaces to the users.

Microclimatic conditions - Sustainability – Adaptability

Enhancing the microclimatic conditions of a space implies protection from adverse climatic changes as well as protection from any threatening noise

Eating & Drinking opportunities

Different amenities offering people different opportunities for their engagement in public life. Uniqueness of space ensures repetitive visits of people, as it provides a memorable experience and makes them feel unique

Primary seats as well as secondary sitting opportunities. Encourage diversity of users through different seat settings and materials Incorporation of natural elements like plants, trees, and water is encouraged in public spaces for plenty of reasons. Cafes and food vans provision in public spaces or on the edges. Visually pleasant (Landscape) A distinctive character that responds to the local context Wow factor Cleanliness

Micro scale of the space

Distinctive character – Welcoming – Pleasing Landscape

Overall maintenance & cleanliness

Well maintained space sends a message to its users and invites them for more visits, contrary to damaged or lousy spaces.

The maintenance of the space; undamaged furniture, graffiti free walls


Accessibility

Pedestrian friendly ensuring access for all people, races, abilities, gender, and ages.

Enclosure - Size Clustering – Human Scale

Enclosed spaces that cluster frame has higher chances to stimulate people to get attached to these spaces and feel some responsibility towards them. Responsible for the provision of the feeling of comfort and so pleasure. Where a comfortable human scale environment is the one related to the scale and pace of pedestrians The relationship between the street and the public space should be continual.

Macro scale of the area

Surrounding land uses

Robustness Accommodate different activities & events

Meet the needs of different users’ ages, groups, and classes.

Safety & surveillance Lighting

Pedestrians of all ages and abilities feel unthreatened, safe around the clock especially at night, low crime statistics within the space, and free of any antisocial behaviour Planning city spaces to act as a series of linked sequences of nodes in the pedestrian movement A sense of inclusion is directly related to and reinforced by empowerment and civic engagement. Management and people, places are considered the two faces of a coin or synonyms, when identifying responsible management of spaces Inclusive public space, is welcoming to all where everyone feels welcome by working effectively for all in the community, including disabled, elderly people, teens, and children.

Legibility - Network of public spaces

Intangible qualities

Management – community participation

Inclusiveness

Smooth entrances – no locked gates Interesting yet functional through paths Surrounding traffic management Building lines should define the streets and squares Smaller clearly defined spaces

Mixed and vivid land uses should always be situated around public spaces; especially at the ground floor level Responsive public space design that provides a range of choices with features that edge the space rather than dominating it Space is overlooked Ensuring good visibility into the space Adequate lighting

Generating social dynamics through complementary public spaces and available activities is a crucial element of urban cohesion

Hence the aspects of each quality will be used as the checklist for assessing the public spaces of Nasr city.


5. RESULTS 5.1Field survey Results The forty three public spaces of Nasr city were assessed by the authors, according to a checklist where each aspect was verified for its presence or absence, and then assigned a point for each existing aspect. However the inclusiveness quality was not verified as only a few spaces had people present, which would hinder the assessment. A sample of the assessment checklist, is illustrated in Table 2, where this public space was selected as an example of the prevailing current status of Nasr city’s public spaces (spaces with results ranging from 1 to 4 points). Then the space is shown in pictures as seen in Error! Reference source not found..

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

0

0

Total

Management – community participation

Legibility - Network of public spaces

Safety & surveillance - Lighting

Robustness - Accommodate different activities & events

Surrounding land uses

Enclosure - Size - Clustering – Human Scale

Accessibility

Overall maintenance & cleanliness

Distinctive character – Welcoming – Pleasing Landscape


Furniture – Finishes

Microclimatic conditions - Sustainability – Adaptability

Table 2: illustrates a sample of the checklist assessment for public spaces used in Nasr City. Source: The Author.

3


Table 3: illustrates the current status of the selected of public spaces in pictures, organised according to the pre-defined qualities used in the assessment checklist. Source: The Author.

Figure 1 illustrates the relation between the space and the cafeterias' chairs. However the rest of the space lacks any furniture and the arrangement of the landscape elements is not employed for improving the microclimatic condition of the space. Furniture – Finishes / Microclimatic conditions Sustainability – Adaptability

Figure 4 illustrates the occupied sidewalks surrounding the space with parked cars which obstructs the movement of pedestrians, and so hinders the accessibility of the space. It is obvious that there is a lack of maintenance of the landscape of the space.

Overall maintenance & cleanliness / Accessibility

Figure 2 illustrates the spread out of the cafeterias' chairs (in the market complex) on the space, which can be considered a relatively appropriate eating and drinking opportunity.

Figure 3 illustrates the deteriorated situation of the space, which degrades the space’s character while hindering the accessibility to the space as well.


Distinctive Welcoming Landscape

Figure 5 illustrates the extension of the chairs of the cafeterias beside the space (in the market complex) on the sidewalk, as the land use of the surrounding market can be considered a relatively active use which improves the relation between the space and the surrounding land uses.

Figure 6 illustrates the lighting technique (wrapping lightreeeatures around the trees’ trunk) improvised by the cafeterias' management. These efforts can be considered a lighting source, however it is only provided in the seating area, while the rest of the space is left dark.

Surrounding Land uses

Safety & Lighting

character – – Pleasing

surveillance

-


Similarly the points of other public spaces are explained and then visualized on the map shown in Figure 7. From the map it is obvious that most public spaces in Nasr city lack most of the qualities that should be provided in order to encourage people to use them. Hence people are not attracted to use these public spaces, leaving them as abandoned, unpleasant spaces and in most cases unsafe. Thus, it can be concluded that Nasr city faces a phenomenal malfunctioning of public spaces.

Legend 1-4 Points 5-9 Points 10-13 Points Parks Scale. 1:30000

Figure 7: shows the points that were given to each public space in Nasr city according to the checklist. Source: The author

On the other hand, a cross sectional analysis of Nasr city’s public spaces was used afterwards in order to explore the holistic situation of Nasr city’s public spaces and to highlight the main assets and malfunctions that are common for most of the public spaces as shown in Figure . It is obvious that most of the public spaces have eating and drinking opportunities, however these numbers may be a bit misleading as these opportunities are already used as markets that are found beside most of the public spaces. However they do not attract the residents due to their bad condition and lack of seats, and the presence of eating and drinking opportunities should be accompanied by seating in order to encourage users to grab food and enjoy it in the open air; which is not the case for Nasr city’s public spaces. The second quality that was observed intensively, is the vivid ground floor land uses in Nasr city, where most of the space has been transformed into shops and cafes rather than being purely residential. This quality might offer these public spaces the passive surveillance of the passers-by and the shop merchants, as well as around the clock activities, but the separation of public spaces and the


surrounding land uses by streets has degraded this effect as public spaces are disconnected from the pedestrian routes. On the other hand, management, enclosure, and legibility scored least among all public spaces, since all public spaces are managed by the state with no engagement of the community. The enclosure and legibility and network of public spaces are the result of top down planning, where the human scale wasn’t taken into consideration while setting the master plan of Nasr city. Moreover the pedestrian pace and their experience obviously weren’t regarded. In conclusion, it is evident that the qualities of well-designed spaces are closely interrelated and their effects can’t be perceived separately. Hence designing a public space should be regarded as a comprehensive approach on multiple scales.

Cross sectional analysis of the qualities of Nasr City's Public Spaces

Figure 8: shows the percentage of the willingness of people to use public spaces in Nasr City if their recommendations were accommodated. Source: The Author

Total Number of Public … Eating & Drinking … Surronding Land uses Robustness Microclimate Accessibility Distinctive Character Overall Maintenance Safety & Lighting Furniture Management Enclosure and Human scale Legibility-Network of…

43 28 21 17 15 13 11 9 8 7 2 2 0

0

10

20

30

40

50

Recommendations of residents for improving the provided Public Spaces

Figure 9: shows the recommendations of Nasr City residents for improving the public spaces in their neighborhoods which would encourage them to use these spaces. Source: The Author

Better Location 1 Fewer obtsacles to reach … 5 Charging Entrance Tickets 6 Wider Sidewalks 7 Seperation from roads 10 Providing Eating & … 12 Increasing surrounding … 12 More activities Attractive Landscape Presence of security … Better Lighting increasing amenities Increasing seats Regular Maintenance

0

5

10

18 19 20 21 22 22

26 15

20

25

30


5.2 Questionnaire results The questionnaire was distributed among Nasr city residents. The sample consists of 43 respondents, where 44% were male and 56% female. The respondents’ ages ranged from 12 years to over 60, however the biggest sector was from the ages of 18 to 34 years. They were asked about their recommendations for better public Yes Maybe No spaces that would encourage the residents to use these spaces, as shown in Figure 9. There is a 3% consensus on regular maintenance, providing seating opportunities and amenities (Furniture) as 34% well as safety as the main needs for better public 63% spaces. These three qualities were more significant than the other suggested qualities which highlights their importance as essential factors for encouraging people to use public spaces. The next most important qualities are attractive landscape, and accommodating activities for the further Figure 10: Shows the percentage of the required needs. Thereupon they were asked if they willingness of people to use public spaces in Nasr City if their recommendation were would use these spaces if their mentioned accommodated. Source: The Author recommendations were accommodated as shown in Figure 8. And the result that 63% said that they would probably use them while 34% said that they are not sure. Thus, it can be concluded that people consider maintenance, street furniture, and safety as preconditions for using public spaces, and there is an apparent willingness to use public spaces if these were enhanced according to their recommendations.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Public spaces are the nuclei of social life in cities and neighbourhoods. They are where the individual gets to know his community and begins to think and act as a part of a group. Hence it is agreed that vibrant public life is part of the lost identity that modern cities suffer from as a result of numerous challenges and circumstances. On the other hand, just providing public spaces is not solving the problem; worse it is complicating it. As abandoned, unused public spaces have numerous negative impacts on many levels, they are socially unsafe, economically draining, and aesthetically unappealing. Thus, while planning cities great attention should be given to the locations of public spaces within the master plan and their relations to the surroundings; since they are the main determinant of social life and a sense of belonging to the communities. Planning and designing public spaces should be dealt with in a comprehensive multi scale approach. Moreover, community engagement in the design and management of public spaces as well as understanding their needs is essential to ensure their usage and connection to their neighbourhoods. Hence: 

The locations of public spaces should facilitate flow between the surrounding land uses and public spaces in order to create an around the clock vivid environment.




The internal design and layout of public spaces should prioritize maintenance, seating opportunities, and safety as preconditions of usage according to people’s opinions.



Spaces should be robust enough to accommodate different activities in order to achieve a more effective role for its positive impact on joining the neighbours together and hence increasing the social cohesion of the community.



Enhancing the distinctiveness of each public space will definitely add to the identity of neighbourhoods and hence boost the pride of the residents.

References Abouelmagd, D. (2011). Public Housing and Public Housing Policies in Greater Cairo. Toulouse, France, 23rd enhr conference (European Network for Housing Research). Batty, M. & Longley, P. (1994). Fractal Cities: A Geometry of Form and Function. San Diego, CA and London: Academic Press. CharterforPublicSpaces (2013). Charter for Public Spaces , Rome. Choudhury, A. (2008). IDENTIFYING THE CRITERIA THAT SUSTAIN LIVABLE STREETS, ARIZONA, TUCSON: UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA, TUCSON. Dougherty, D. L. (2006). EMBODYING THE CITY: IDENTITY AND USE IN URBAN PUBLIC SPACE, Alexandria, Virginia: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Eid, Y. and others (2010). Nasr City: Land Use Transformations. Al Azhar University, july, 5(16), pp. 777-789. Frochaux, M. & Martin, A. (2010). Nasr City. Draft ed.:ETH Studio Basel Contemporary City Institute. Gehlarchitects (2013). gehl cities for people. Available at: http://gehlcitiesforpeople.dk/author/gehlblog/page/3/ [Accessed 17 January 2014]. Georgopulos, D. (2005). Introduction. In: Livability 101. What Makes a Community Livable?. New York: The American Institute of Architects, pp. 4-5. Living Streets (2012). Why places matter, UK: Living Streets. Madanipour, A., (2003). Public and Private Spaces of the City. LONDON AND NEW YORK: Routledge. Madinet Nasr for Housing Development (2012). www.mnhd.com/. Available at: http://www.mnhd.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Company-Credentials.pdf [Accessed 2 January 2015]. Memluk, M. Z. (2013). Designing Urban Squares. In: Advances in Landscape Architecture. InTech., pp. 513-530. Monroy, J. (2010). CHAPTER 9 – FOSTERING CULTURALLY RICH COMMUNITIES. In: Shanghai Manual – A Guide for Sustainable Urban Development in the 21st Century. shanghai, pp. 256-284. moveDC Vision (2014). The District of Columbia’s Multimodal Long-Range Transportation Plan, Washington, DC: District Department of Transportation. Oktay, D. (2012). LIVABLE PUBLIC URBAN SPACES AS ESSENTIALS OF HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM. Ankara, AESOP.


Powell Dobson Urbanists (2008). Public Realm Design. In The Heads of The Valleys. A Good Practice Guide, Cardiff. Project for Public Spaces, PPS (2015). http://www.pps.org/. Available at: http://www.pps.org/blog/placemaking-and-place-led-development-a-new-paradigm-forcities-of-the-future/ [Accessed 25 February 2015]. Shaw, P. & Hudson, J. (2009). The Qualities of Informal Space: (Re)appropriation within the informal, interstitial spaces of the city.. Brighton, SAGE publications. Tibbalds, F. (2004). Making People-Friendly Towns. 3rd ed. London: Spon Press. United Nations, UN, 1990. Population Growth and Policies in Mega Cities, New York: UNITED NATIONS. Victoria, A. (2008). The Role of Arts and Culture in Liveability and Competitiveness - Precis


‫مسؤولية المهندس العربي في تحديث الهوية العمرانية للمدينة العربية‬ ‫الدكتور المهندس مأمون موسى عطعوط‬ ‫‪[email protected]‬‬

‫الملخص‬ ‫يركز هذا البحث على دراسة وتطوير خبرة المصمم المعماري في معظم الدول العربية المرتبطة مباشرة بحجم المعلومات‬ ‫المكتسبة‪ ،‬من خالل تعامله مع أصحاب الخبرات الواسعة في هذا المجال‪ ،‬وحضور البرامج والمنتديات والدورات التدريبية‬ ‫التخصصية المتعلقة بالتطوير العمراني‪ ،‬و التي تساعد على تنمية المهارات التطبيقية لدى المصمم المعماري؛ لزيادة‬ ‫المعلومات الضرورية التي لم يتمكن من الحصول عليها أثناء تحصيله العلمي‪ ،‬حيث يساعد ذلك على استحداث منهجية‬ ‫موحدة وشاملة تمكنه من تطبيق النظريات واستخدام المعلومات المكتسبة في إعداد التصاميم المعمارية في أي بلد عربي‬ ‫يعمل به من المحيط إلى الخليج‪ .‬ولقد نجحت معظم المدن العربية في استقطاب أهم المصممين المعماريين من خالل المكاتب‬ ‫االستشارية العالمية لتصميم أحدث المشروعات العمرانية في المنطقة‪.‬‬ ‫والسؤال الذي يطرح نفسه‪ :‬هل هناك خطه عمرانية موحدة معتمدة لدى منظمة الدول العربية تعتمد معايير االستدامة‬ ‫والتطبيقات التكنولوجية‪ ،‬وتتميز بطابع معين مرتبط مباشرة بالبعد االجتماعي والثقافي لسكان هذه المدن يركز على الحداثة‬ ‫في مجال التصميم الحضري؟ إنّ إجابة هذا السؤال تعتمد على الكادر الهندسي المعتمد لدى المشروع الذي يصممه‪ ،‬على أن‬ ‫يكون مؤهالً علميًا و عمليًا ولديه خبرة واسعة في تطبيق النظريات من خالل الممارسة الهندسية‪.‬‬

‫الكلمات المفتاحية ‪:‬التدريب‪ ،‬التأهيل‪ ،‬الحداثة‪ ،‬التصميم الحضري‬

‫المقدمة‬ ‫نجحت الدول العربية في توظيف مدخراتها في مجال التنمية المعمارية‪ ،‬حيث ركزت المدن و العواصم على االستثمار في‬ ‫المشاريع العمرانية في االتجاه األفقي و العمودي‪ .‬و قد تم تصميم وتنفيذ هذه المشاريع عن طريق عدد كبير من المؤسسات‬ ‫المحلية والعالمية التي قامت بإعداد دراسات مرتبطة بالحداثة والتقليد في المجتمع‪ ،‬كذلك تم األخذ بعين االعتبار البعد‬ ‫االجتماعي ألي تصميم حضري والمرتبط بالعادات والتقاليد و التراث الشرقي الذي يعكس مدى التطور الملحوظ في‬ ‫التصاميم العمرانية الحديثة‪ .‬وإن معظم المشاريع التي تم تطويرها تمت من خالل دراسات مستفيضة مرتبطة مباشر ًة‬ ‫بالرأس مالية والحداثة‪.‬‬

‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

‫‪214‬‬

‫حرصت مؤسسات التصميم المعماري في معظم المدن العربية على تأهيل الكوادر الوطنية المتخصصة في مكاتبها‪،‬‬ ‫وركزت على إعداد التصاميم ذات الطابع العمراني المميز من خالل الكادر التصميمي الذي تم ابتعاثه إلى مؤسسات علمية‪،‬‬ ‫وتدريبه على أيدي معماريين متخصصين في مجال التنمية الحضرية والتصميم العصري الحديث‪.‬‬ ‫وقد أثمرت هذه الجهود عن نتائج مرضية لعدد كبير من المستثمرين وأصحاب المشاريع‪ ،‬إال أنّ الطابع التجاري المرتبط‬ ‫بالعامل الزمني واألبعاد السياسية والثقافية للمشاريع الجديدة يعتمد على عوامل تربط ما بين الحداثة واالستدامة والتقليد‪،‬‬ ‫وكذلك سرعة اإلنجاز بمواعيد ال تتناسب وحجم المشروع خصو ً‬ ‫صا في مرحلة إعداد التصاميم‪ ،‬والتي تعتبر األهم لدى‬ ‫المهندس المعماري؛ حيث انعكس ذلك سلبيا ً على تحديث الطابع العمراني للمشاريع‪ ،‬وعدم الحفاظ على هويتها المعمارية في‬ ‫كثير من المدن؛ مما أدى إلى حدوث خلل في التصاميم‪ ،‬وإخفاء الهوية المعمارية المميزة تدريج ًيا لعدد كبير من المباني التي‬ ‫دامت على مدى عقود سابقة‪ ،‬وخصو ً‬ ‫صا عند ترميمها أو عند محاولة إدخال بعض العناصر التكنولوجية الحديثة لهذه‬ ‫المباني‪.‬‬ ‫إن الكثير من المهندسين المعماريين لم تـتح لهم الفرصة لمواكبة حركة التطوير العمراني منذ بدايته‪ ،‬وليس لديهم القدرة على‬ ‫استغالل الطاقات اإلبداعية التي يمتلكونها‪ ،‬وهي جزء من مواهب ونظريات علمية ليس للمصمم وقت كاف لتطويرها‪ .‬لذا‬ ‫أصبحت هناك حاجة ضرورية لتأهيل عدد كبير من المعماريين؛ لالستفادة من طاقاتهم وإمكانياتهم‪ ،‬ووضع خطط مستقبلية‬ ‫لهم‪ ،‬من خالل إشراكهم في مشاريع التنمية المعمارية وتركيبتها البيئية واالجتماعية لمواكبة التطور السريع‪ ،‬دون التأثير على‬ ‫التراث المعماري ومراعاة التصاميم التي تتناسب مع التطور وسرعة اإلنجاز ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬مسؤولية المهندس المعماري‬ ‫إنّ من أهم مسؤوليات المهندس المعماري هي إعداد التصاميم األولية للمشاريع‪ ،‬ومن ثم اعتمادها للبدء في التصاميم‬ ‫النهائية‪ .‬وأيضا إعداد المخططات التنفيذية؛ حتى يتمكن فريق العمل التابع له من إعداد القياسات وجداول الكميات ليتم طرح‬ ‫المشروع على شكل مناقصة‪ .‬يقوم أيضا بإعداد مخططات المدن الجديدة بعد تقسيم أراضيها إلى قطع‪ ،‬وإعداد مخططات‬ ‫للمشاريع التي ستقام على هذه األراضي بما في ذلك تخطيط المناطق وتجميلها واالهتمام بالمساحات العامة الخضراء‬ ‫المحيطة بالمباني وتوصيف بعض مواد البناء‪ .‬وللمهندس المعماري دور كبير في أعمال التصميم واإلشراف على تنفيذ‬ ‫بعض األعمال الخاصة بترميمات المباني القديمة‪ ،‬أو تحديث البعض منها؛ بغرض اإلبقاء و المحافظة على هويتها األصلية‪.‬‬ ‫إنّ اإلبداع في تطوير الفكرة األساسية ألي مشروع والتي يجب أن تتناسب مع هوية المنطقة المقام عليها المشروع من أهم‬ ‫المهارات الضرورية للمصمم المعماري‪ .‬يساهم المهندس المعماري أيضًا إلى حد كبير في الحفاظ على البيئة‪ ،‬ويشارك في‬ ‫وضع معايير وضوابط لتتناسب مع متطلبات وحاجيات اإلنسان في مكان عمله وإقامته‪ .‬وفي أماكن أخرى عديدة تلبي‬ ‫حاجاته النفسية والروحية من خالل إبداعات معمارية مميزة على م ّر العصور‪ .‬وإنّ هذه المعايير تعزز من ارتباط الفرد‬ ‫بالبيئة و انتمائه إلى المكان الذي يقيم فيه‪.‬‬ ‫إنّ الحداثة واالستدامة وتطوير المشاريع أفكار تلقى استحسا ًنا وترحي ًبا من كل فئات المجتمع‪ .‬ولكن يجب على صناع القرار‬ ‫في المؤسسات المتخصصة في هذا المجال التأني وعدم التسرع والتفكير مرارً ا بديمومة التراث المعماري والهوية العمرانية‬ ‫للمشاريع التي تقام في دول المنطقة على حد سواء‪ .‬يأتي هذا من خالل اعتماد استراجية ممنهجة لتدريب وتأهيل المعماريين‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

‫‪215‬‬

‫على برامج متخصصة وبشكل دوري‪ ،‬وإخضاعهم لدورات تدريبية مكثفة لضمان مواكبة الحداثة المستمرة للمشاريع بهدف‬ ‫الحفاظ على هويتها و طابعها األصلي‪.‬‬ ‫إن تعزيز الممارسة المهنية للمهندس المعماري ال يعتمد فقط على النظريات العلمية المكتسية أثناء دراسته الجامعية‪ ،‬وانما‬ ‫على مواكبة التطور العلمي والتكنولوجي المتزامن‪ .‬مما يدعو إلى إعداد برامج تخصصية لتأهيل أي مهندس‪ ،‬وخاصة‬ ‫المهندسين المعماريين العامليين في كافة القطاعات الحكومية والخاصة‪ ،‬وذلك لضمان جودة أعمال التصميم للحفاظ على‬ ‫الطابع العمراني‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬إعداد البرامج التدريبية‬ ‫إن البرنامج التدريبيّ للمهندس المعماري يختلف عن المساق التعليمي الذي يتلقاه في الجامعة‪ ،‬ولذا يجب وضع معايير‬ ‫مدروسة تتعلق بنوعية البرامج التدريبية المقترحة‪ ،‬والتي تهدف إلى تحسين الممارسة العملية بشكل إيجابي لتساعد المهندس‬ ‫المصمم في التعمق بالنواحي التي يجب أن يركز عليها ويعمل على تعزيزها في مجال عمله لتحقيق الهدف الرئيسي‬ ‫للمشروع القائم علي تصميمه أو تنفيذه ‪.‬‬ ‫ويعتمد ذلك على نوعية حاجة المؤسسات القائمة والمتخصصة في تطوير العمل المعماري في المنطقة مما يساعدها على‬ ‫مواكبة الهوية المعمارية المتزامنة مع الحداثة والتكنولوجيا‪ .‬من هذا المنطلق يجب إعداد برنامج تأهيلى موحد للمهندسين‬ ‫المعماريين بنا ًء على توصيات الكوادر المؤهلة التي لها خبرة واسعة في قطاع التدريب والتأهيل والتعليم المستمر ضمن‬ ‫معايير تتناسب مع احتياجات المنطقة للحفاظ على هويتها العمرانية من خالل‪-:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬تحديث الخدمات االستشارية الهندسية في مجال العمارة والعمل على مراجعة معاييرها الحالية‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬إدخال بعض التقنيات الحديثة على التصميمات المعمارية من خالل برامج تتناسب مع الهوية العربية‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬العمل على دمج األدوار الهندسية بالعمل اإلدارى للمهندس المحترف‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬منح المهندس المعماري سلطات إدارية وتأهيلية في اتخاذ صناعة القرار‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬العمل على تنمية المهارات التعاقدية للمهندس المعماري‪.‬‬ ‫تختلف البرامج التدريبية في طبيعتها‪ ،‬فهناك برامج تدريبية ال تتجاوز الثالثة أيام‪ ،‬تتعلق بفهم قوانين بلديات المناطق ومعايير‬ ‫اعتماد البناء واعتماد المخططات ضمن شروط معتمدة للتخطيط المعماري‪ .‬وهذه البرامج تهدف إلى تأهيل المهندس في‬ ‫تدقيق المستندات وتطبيق التشريعات التعاقدية‪ .‬والعمل في هذه البرامج بشكل مستمر يؤدي إلى تطوير المقترحات‬ ‫والتشريعات الجديدة التي تتطلب إعداد برامج إضافية أخرى للتد ّرب عليها لها عالقة بالقوانين التي تخدم التنمية الحضرية‬ ‫والتخطيط العمراني‪.‬‬ ‫ويعتمد نجاح هذه البرامج على مدى ثقة صناع القرار بالمؤسسات الحكومية القائمة على ترشيح فئات من المهندسين‬ ‫المعماريين الجاري تأهيلهم ليكونوا من صناع القرار في مؤسساتهم‪ ،‬وكذلك المصممين أصحاب االختصاص على المستوى‬ ‫االستشاري والتنفيذي‪ ،‬ورؤساء األقسام ومدراء التراخيص‪ .‬إنّ إعداد برامج التدريب للمهندسين ليس بالشيء السهل‪ ،‬فهناك‬ ‫فئات كثيرة من المهندسين تختلف عن بعضها في الخبرة والتحصيل العلمي‪ ،‬أو في القدرات اإلبداعية والمهارات والطرق‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

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‫المكتسبة‪ ،‬وكذلك نوع االختصاصات التي يعملون بها‪ .‬ويشكل هذا عب ًئا كبيرً ا على مصممي البرامج التدريبية وإعداد‬ ‫المعايير الخاصة بها‪ .‬ولذلك يجب العمل على إعداد قاعدة بيانات موحدة لجمع المعلومات ع ّما يحتاجه المهندس المعماري‬ ‫من دورات وبرامج تخصصه‪ ،‬لها عالقه بطبيعة عمل المهندس ونوع المسؤوليات المترتبة عليه‪ ،‬وكيفية تعامله مع المشاكل‬ ‫التي يواجهها في مراحل تصميم المشروع‪ ،‬وكيفية التغلب عليها وكيفية تعامل المهندس مع مرؤوسيه ومع أفراد فريق العمل‬ ‫التابع له ‪.‬‬ ‫إن فكرة إعداد برنامج مقترح وموحد لمهندس المنطقة يشمل أحدث المستجدات في التدريب والتنفيذ وعالقة النظم الحديثة‬ ‫لإلدارة‪ ،‬بالعمل االستشاري وأسس التصميم للمشروعات وإدارة المدن التراثية الحديثة في تطبيق برنامج التأهيل وتطويره‬ ‫من خالل برامج مشتركة تحقق للمهندس اإلحساس باالندماج في المجتمع الهندسي‪ ،‬ويساعد على إطالق الملكات اإلبداعية‬ ‫من خالل العمل الجماعي واالنتماء الوطني (خليل رشاد ‪.)2004‬‬ ‫إن المؤسسات المتخصصة في تقديم الخدمات االستشارية يجب عليها أن تدرك بأنّ مجاالت التدريب التخصصية تعتمد على‬ ‫ً‬ ‫مسؤوال عن تدعيم خبراته بما‬ ‫مواكبة التقدم العلمي والبحث المستمر في مجاالت عديدة تهم المهندس المعاري الذي أصبح‬ ‫يتناسب مع ما تقدم به العلم من تطور بالهندسة المعمارية‪ .‬وإنّ مواكبة ما توصلت إليه المؤسسات اإلقليمية والعالمية‬ ‫المتخصصة بتقديم الخدمات االستشارية المعمارية أصبح أمرً ا مفروضًا على كل مهندس معماري يسعى إلى تطوير خبراته‬ ‫وتحديث معلوماته ومنحه الثقة في قدراته على اتخاذ القرار‪ ،‬معتم ًدا بذلك على الخبرات في مجاالت عديدة‪ ،‬مثل إدارة‬ ‫التنمية العمرانية‪ ،‬وتحليل الجدوى االقتصادية ألي مشروع‪ ،‬واالعتبارات البيئية للمشاريع المستقبلية‪ ،‬ومعاييراالستدامة‬ ‫المعمول بها عالميًا‪ ،‬وإدارة ترميم البناء‪ ،‬وتحليل المخاطر‪ .‬وسوف يتم التحدّث عن فوائد هذه المجاالت في هذه الدراسات‪.‬‬ ‫إنّ تحديات الهندسة المعمارية المقبلة على المنطقة العربية والناتجة عن العولمة تتطلب خبرات هندسية متمكنة للتعامل مع ما‬ ‫هو جديد ولكن ضمن حدود بحيث يتم الحفاظ على الحداثة وتقليد البناء وتقييم البعد االجتماعي للتصميم الحضري‪ .‬وتبدأ هذه‬ ‫المرحلة من المهندس المعماري الذي يشكل عجلة العمل الهندسي‪ ،‬فمن خالل االرتقاء بكفاءته وتطوير قدراته المعرفية‬ ‫ومهارته الفنية‪ ،‬يمكن توظيف ما يتاح من إمكانيات علمية وتكنولوجية بأقصى مرور لتطوير واقع العمل الهندسي فى دول‬ ‫المنطقة (علي محمد السواط وهاشم عبد هللا الصالح ‪.)2002‬‬ ‫لقد أصبح من الضروري التزام المهندس المعماري بمواكبة التطورات العلمية التي تدعم مهنته وتؤثر بها بشكل مباشر من‬ ‫خالل التطوير الذاتي اعتما ًدا على متابعة المستجدات العلمية والعملية في مجال العمارة‪ ،‬ومواكبة التطورات اإلبداعية‬ ‫والمعرفية‪ ،‬وتقييم قدراته وتطوير مهارته الضرورية المتعلقة بالعمل‪ ،‬وممارسة األعمال المهنية بإتقان وحرفية‪ ،‬والقدرة على‬ ‫التعامل مع أية مشكلة سواء كانت مشاكل األفراد أو مشاكل تتعلق بالمشروع‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬التطوير الذاتي للمهندس المعماري‬ ‫إنّ التطوير الذاتي للمهندس بعد أن يجتاز برامج تدريبية محددة يعتمد على إرادته أوال‪ ،‬وثم على مقوماته العلمية والعملية‪،‬‬ ‫وأيضا الدافع الرئيسي الذي يدفعه لهذا التطور من خالل وسائل معينة ومدروسة‪ ،‬وكذلك البيئة التي يعمل بها التي تساعد‬ ‫على تواجد مقومات التطوير‪ .‬كما يجب ربط عملية التطوير واإلبداع والتدريب الذاتيّ للمهندس الذي يمارسه أثناء فترة عمله‬ ‫بالمؤسسات‪ ،‬بإسلوب ومقومات ومخرجات التعليم الجامعي‪ ،‬الذي يجب أن يشجع الطالب في كلية الهندسة المعمارية على‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

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‫االعتماد على نفسه في البحث عن الجديد‪ ،‬وعن االبتكار واالختراع والممارسة المستمرة‪ .‬إنّ التعليم والتدريب الهندسي يمثل‬ ‫حالة ديناميكية مستمرة وليس حالة اجتماعية أو اعتيادية جامدة (راضي محسن الزبيدي ‪ .)2002‬كما أن إعداد وتطوير‬ ‫المهندس المعماري من خالل أساليب التطوير الذاتي التي تركز على المعرفة العامة والمهارات التطبيقية للمهنة‪ ،‬والعمل‬ ‫على توثيق المعلومات والخبرات لديه‪ .‬إنّ المصمم المعماري بحاجة دائمة لالطالع على المستجدات في مجال تخصصه‪،‬‬ ‫وكذلك تطوير مهاراته اإلدارية والمهنية و الفكرية‪.‬‬ ‫إن معظم المشكالت التى تعيق جهود ومراحل التطوير والتدريب التى تسببها اإلدارات من خالل مدرائها في الهندسه‬ ‫المعمارية ناتجة عن اعتقاد لدى الكثير من المدراء بأنّ التدريب والتطوير كلف زائدة وتحتاج إلى ميزانيات ومبالغ احتياطية‬ ‫مرصودة قد تؤثر على الربح المحدد للمشروع‪ .‬لذا على أصحاب المؤسسات تخصيص موارد مالية سنوية محددة للتدريب‬ ‫والتطوير تساعد المهندسين المعماريين على تطوير ذاتهم وتحسين قدراتهم اإلنتاجية واإلبداعية‪ ،‬فليس هناك مايمنع من‬ ‫إرسالهم إلى الخارج لالستفادة من الخبرات الخارجية لتعليم وتطبيق ما هو جديد في مجال اختصاصاتهم؛ للحفاظ على التراث‬ ‫المعماري للمدينة العربية‪ ،‬كما يحافظ على هويتهم المعمارية مع ضرورة التغطية الشاملة لنفقات وأجور هذه البرامج‪ .‬إنّ‬ ‫الهيئات المهنية وجمعيات المهندسين والنقابات المسؤولة يجب أن تأخذ على عاتقها جز ًءا من مسؤوليات تحديد البرامج‬ ‫وتوزيعها والتزام األفراد العاملين بالمؤسسات االستشارية بأخذ هذه البرامج وتطبيقها واعتمادها كمعايير رئيسية لالرتقاء‬ ‫الوظيفي ‪.‬‬ ‫من جهة أخرى فإن جمعيات المهندسين في دول المنطقة تركز وبشكل مباشر على برامج التدريب والتأهيل دون أن تخاطب‬ ‫شخصية المهندس المعماري الذي يشعر بأن هذه البرامج مفروضة عليه‪ .‬وقد ال تتوافر لديه القناعات الكافية بأهميتها وقيمتها‬ ‫في حياته العملية‪ .‬وربما يفسر هذه الحالة بعدم إقبال كثير من المهندسين والمعماريين على البرامج التدريبية‪( .‬مشاري بن‬ ‫عبد هللا النعيم‪ ،‬وعلي بن محمد السواط ‪ .)2004‬إن التعليم المستمر والتدريب على المستوى المهني والوظيفي في مجال‬ ‫الهندسة المعمارية يؤهل المهندس للوصول إلى أعلى المراتب؛ وتجعله قادرا على اتخاذ القرارات وبشكل علمي وصحيح‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫مرتكزا بها على قواعد وأسس ونظريات الباحثين ‪( .‬جمال الحصبي ومنصور جراغ ‪ .)2002‬إال أن مهندس اليوم يواجه‬ ‫الكثير من التحديات و الصعوبات في كيفية البقاء على دراية بكل ما هو جديد في مجاله المهني‪ ،‬خاصة في ظل تضخم‬ ‫المعلومات والذي يساهم بشكل كبير في خلق هذه المشكلة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬البرامج المقترحة للتدريب والتطوير الذاتي‬ ‫‪ -1‬برنامج ترميم المواقع األثرية‪ :‬يعتبر هذا البرنامج برنامجً ا فن ًيا متخص ً‬ ‫صا في التعامل مع المواقع األثرية‪ ،‬والتي تعكس‬ ‫جز ًءا من الهوية العمرانية العربية‪ .‬حيث يساعد المهندس على معرفة العيوب الفنية للمبانى وكيفية التعامل معها من خالل‬ ‫المواد المستخدمة التى يجب احتساب تكاليفها المرتبطة بالجهد المبذول‪ .‬إنّ تطبيق التكنولوجيا الحديثة للتعامل مع المواقع‬ ‫األثريه من خالل المهندسين المعماريين؛ يساعد على استنتاج وسائل حديثة لتحديث هذه المباني والحفاظ على تصميمها‬ ‫األجمل بعد فحصها وتقييمها‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬برنامج التطبيقات اإلدارية في التنمية العمرانية‪ :‬ويضمن هذا البرنامج كيفية ضمان المستوى المعيشى لألفراد في مناطق‬ ‫عمرانية محدثة‪ ،‬من خالل الشعور باألمان واالستقرار‪ .‬ويعتمد ذلك على فهم وتطبيق األسس العلمية في علوم اإلدارة بالتنمية‬ ‫العمرانية‪ ،‬والتي تساعد على نتائج تمكن أفراد المجتمع بالمحافظة على النظام البيئي المحيط بمكان إقامتهم‪ .‬وانّ فهم مراحل‬ ‫تطوير ونمو المجتمع العمراني يتطلب جه ًدا كبيرً ا من المهندس المعماري بالبحث في مراحل البناء واالستقرار‪ ،‬ومتطلبات‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

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‫األفراد والمجتمعات خالل هذه المراحل‪ .‬وعلى المص ّمم المعماري أن يكون قادرً ا على إعداد تقارير تفصيلية قبل البدء بإعداد‬ ‫تصاميم تتضمن مصادر التنمية المجتمعية‪ ،‬وكيفية استجابة المجتمع للمتطلبات المواكبة للحداثة‬ ‫‪ -3‬برنامج دراسة وتحليل الجدوى االقتصادية‪ :‬وهو من أهم الدورات التدريبية التي القت إقباال كثيرً ا من المهندسين‬ ‫بمختلف تخصصاتهم‪ .‬وان الهدف من هذا البرنامج هو تعريف المهندس بضرورة جمع وتحليل المعلومات الضرورية الهامة‬ ‫عن المشروع أثناء الدراسات األولية‪ ،‬وهذه المعلومات تكون فنية‪ ،‬تعاقدية‪ ،‬مالية وقانونية‪ .‬وبنا ًء على هذه المعلومات يتم‬ ‫اتخاذ القرار بالبدء بالعمل بالمشروع أو توقيفه من قبل اللجنة المتخصصة‪ .‬ويتم التركيز في هذا البرنامج على دراسة وتحليل‬ ‫الكلـف المباشرة وغير المباشرة (تكاليف كل أعمال البناء‪ ،‬بما فيها تكاليف إعداد التصاميم وتكاليف إصدار رخصة البناء‬ ‫وتكاليف سعر األرض التي سيقام عليها المشروع‪ ،‬وتكاليف التشغيل والصيانة)‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬برنامج تطبيقات اداره المشاريع‪ :‬إنّ علم إدارة المشاريع يرتكز على األمور اإلدارية بشكل عام‪ ،‬وكذلك األمور الفنية؛‬ ‫ألن المهندس ‪ -‬بغظ النظر عن تخصصه ‪ -‬يجب أن يكون ملمـ ًّا بعلوم ومبادئ اإلدارة العامة‪ ،‬والتي تعتبر قاعدة أساسية‬ ‫إلدارة أي مشروع‪ .‬ويحظى المتدرب (المهندس) بالحصول على فرصه تتيح له التعرف على عدة مواضيع في هذا البرنامج‪.‬‬ ‫منها‪ :‬إدارة وتحليل المخاطر‪ ،‬وإدارة األفراد‪ ،‬واألصول‪ ،‬وتطبيقات إدارة الجودة‪ ،‬واإلدارة المالية‪ ،‬وإدارة العقود‪ ،‬وإدارة‬ ‫المشتريات والموردين‪ ،‬وإدارة مقاولي العمل بما فيها مقاولي الباطن‪ .‬أما بالنسبة لتطبيقات إدارة المشاريع فهي جزء مهم في‬ ‫هذه البرنامج الذي يسمح للمهندس بالتعرف على أسس ومبادئ التخطيط‪ ،‬وكيفية البدء بالعمل (أي إعداد الترتيبات‬ ‫والخطوات الضرورية للبدء في العمل بالمشروع) والطرق الهامة لمتابعة سير العمل ومراحل إنهاء العقد بما فيها الدروس‬ ‫المستفادة ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬برنامج عالقة التصميم المعماري بالبيئة‪ :‬ويعتبر من أهم البرامج التدريبية والتطبيقية لدى المهندس المعماري المتميز‪،‬‬ ‫حيث يهدف هذا البرنامج إلى كيفية تطوير المشاريع من الواقع البيئي باستخدام التقنيات الحديثة المستوحاة من الحلول‬ ‫المعمارية‪ .‬ويكتسب المصمم المعماري في هذه المرحلة طريقة المزج بين الحضارة الغربية والعمارة التراثية‪ ،‬من خالل‬ ‫توافر المواد المعمارية الحديثه ذات اللون والملمس المختلفين اللذين يؤديان إلى زيادة في التنوع‪ .‬يتاح للمهندس العربي‬ ‫التواصل مع المهندسين المعماريين العالميين؛ ليكتسب أعلى المهارات التي تجعله يحافظ على خصوصيته في عمله لوجود‬ ‫الصراع الدائم بين الحداثة والتقليد واالستدامة والرأس مالية وكثير من العوامل التي يجب أن تجعله يتمسك بهويته العمرانية‬ ‫العربية ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬دور الجمعيات الهندسية في الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية‬ ‫إن النقابات والجمعيات الهندسية في دول المنطقه يجب أن يكون لها دور مميز في تطوير المهنة الهندسية‪ ،‬حيث يقع على‬ ‫عاتقها رعاية مصالح المهندسين وتطوير قدراتهم من خالل البرامج التدريبية المقترحة‪ .‬حيث تعمل على تقديم كل ما هو‬ ‫جديد في عالم الهندسة‪ ،‬وتواكب كل ما يستجد من تق ّدم في هذا المجال‪ .‬وعلى الرغم من أهمية الجمعيات الهندسية الال إنتاجية‬ ‫فإنّ تفاعل المهندسين مع هذه الجمعيات يعد ضع ًفا‪ ،‬عل ًما بأن هذه الجمعيات تحتوي على شعب ولجان الحتواء المهندسين‬ ‫أنفسهم (بدر ملبس الزايدي ‪.) 2004‬‬ ‫إن سرعة زيادة وتيرة النمو االقتصادي في المنطقة أدت إلى زيادة عدد المشاريع التنموية‪ ،‬بما فيها المشاريع المتعلقة بالبنية‬ ‫التحتية ومشاريع البناء والمشاريع التجارية والصناعية؛ ولينعكس ذلك إيجاب ًيا على طلب وزيادة عدد المهندسين من أصحاب‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

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‫الخبرات؛ لالرتقاء بالمستوى المهني والفني‪ .‬ويتم ذلك من خالل تطوير المهندس مهن ًيا وإداريا‪ ،‬من خالل تبادل الخبرات‬ ‫والتجارب واتباع األساليب الحديثة وتحفيز سبل اإلبداع واالبتكار الذي يساهم ببناء الكفاءة والثقة لديه‪ .‬ويجب على النقابات‬ ‫والمؤسسات تحديد معايير ومستويات رفيعة لالرتقاء بأعلى مراتب التميز لدى كل المهندسين المحليّين والعاملين لديها‪ ،‬حيث‬ ‫يقع على عاتقها مسؤولية كبيرة في تطوير المشاريع القائمة على تنفيذها من خالل الكادر الفني‪ .‬كما أنّ المهندس له دور فعال‬ ‫في التنمية االقتصادية‪ ،‬حيث صرح مدير معهد ( ام‪-‬اي‪-‬تي ) بأن ‪ %00-%40‬من المهندسين خريجي المعهد يتم اجتذابهم‬ ‫للعمل في مجال إدارة األعمال والبنوك؛ ألنهم لديهم القدرهة على تحديد المشاكل وتحليلها‪ ،‬وإيجاد الحلول العملية لها (محمد‬ ‫البراك‪ ،‬وعادل مال هللا ‪.)2000‬‬ ‫إن تطوير المشاريع له دور مؤثر في تنمية االقتصاد‪ ،‬وإن المهندسين المسؤولين عن التخطيط والتصميم لهذه المشاريع لهم‬ ‫الدور األكبر فيها‪ ،‬حيث أن المهندسين يعتبرون عنصرا مطلوبا في مؤسسات التطوير العمراني‪ ،‬لما لديهم من قدرات على‬ ‫إيجاد الحلول‪ .‬وألهمية هذا الدور للمهندس المعماري كان على الجمعيات الهندسية تزويده بالمهارات الالزمة‪ ،‬كاإلدارة‬ ‫وغيرها حسب ما يحتاجه في مجال عمله‪ .‬لذلك كان يجب تطوير برامج هندسية مدروسة تلبي رغبة حاجة المهندس؛ ليتمكن‬ ‫من متابعه التطور العلمي في مجال تخصصه‪ .‬فيجب على مدراء الجمعيات الهندسية والنقابات أن يكونوا على تواصل‬ ‫مستمر مع مدراء المكاتب االستشارية والمؤسسات الحكومية والخاصة التي لها عالقة بالتطوير العمراني؛ إلعداد البرامج‬ ‫الضرورية لمهندسيها؛ ليتمكنوا من االرتقاء في فن صناعة القرار‪ .‬وعليه يجب على الجمعيات والنقابات أن تستمر في إقامة‬ ‫مؤتمرات وندوات ومعارض هندسية بشكل مستمر‪ ،‬وتنظيم محاضرات وزيارات للخبراء‪ ،‬مع إتاحة الفرصة لتبادل‬ ‫المعلومات الهندسية والعلمية عبر الوسائل المختلفة‪ ،‬وإعداد كتيبات ووثائق يتم توزيعها على األعضاء وبشكل مستمر ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬التأهيل المهني للمهندس المعماري‬ ‫تعتمد عملية التأهيل المهني للمهندس المعماري على وجود مؤسسات معتمدة ومؤهلة لها خبرة طويلة في هذا المجال‪ ،‬تعمل‬ ‫على تقدير االحتياج التدريبي‪ ،‬وتحديد األهداف والمعايير التي تعتمد بشكل مباشر على المسار الوظيفي للمعماري‪ ،‬والذي‬ ‫تكون جز ًءا منه المحافظة على التراث والموازنة بين الحداثة والتقليد‪ .‬ومن هذا المنطلق نجد أن نظرة المصمم المعماري‬ ‫الغربي ألي مشروع تكون شمولية وكاملة لتنتهي بإعداد تصميم مستدام متوافق في المتطلبات البيئية‪ ،‬ومتميز بالحداثة وذات‬ ‫بعد اجتماعي ومتجاوب مع الهوية العمرانية‪ .‬أما عن المؤسسات المهنية في منطقة الشرق األوسط المتخصصة في تأهيل‬ ‫المهندسين المعماريين المتخصصين في المحافظة على الهوية العمرانية‪ ،‬فإنها ال تزال غير فاعلة‪ ،‬ولم تصل إلى الحد‬ ‫المطلوب؛ ألن البعض منها يعتبر مقي ًدا‪ .‬ويؤدي ذلك إلى غياب منسق مناهج وبرامج التدريب‪ .‬وبالتالي تصعب عملية التقييم‬ ‫ألي برنامج تدريبي؛ مما ينعكس سل ًبا على احترافية المهنة‪ ،‬وتطبيقات مخرجات الدورة التدريبية التي تكون محدودة بحد‬ ‫ذاتها‪.‬‬ ‫إن الحفاظ على ديمومة الطابع العمراني العربي المتسم باألصالة والحداثة والتقليد يتطلب تطوير وتحديث خطط الدراسات‬ ‫الجامعية للمصمم العمراني‪ ،‬وطبيعة البرامج التدريبية التي يتلقاها أثناء عمله‪ ،‬حيث يجب على صناع القرار عمل خطه‬ ‫للتطوير الذاتي للمهندس‪ ،‬وذلك بتحديد مستوى التأهيل المستهدف لالرتقاء في المستوى المهني‪ .‬ويجب أن تركز هذه البرامج‬ ‫على مراحل عملية وتقنية ذات معايير وأدوات قياس لتقييم األداء ولتقييم المشاريع التي يعمل عليها‪ .‬إن المصمم المعماري‬ ‫يجب عليه ‪ -‬وبشكل منتظم ‪ -‬االطالع على ما توصل إليه العلم في مجال تخصصه‪ ،‬من خالل عمليات التواصل المباشر و‬ ‫غير المباشر‪ ،‬ومن خالل شبكات المعلومات‪ ،‬حيث يساعده ذلك على التفكير التحليلي والمنطقي؛ كي تبقى أعماله ضمن سياق‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬

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‫ممنهج‪ ،‬وهو الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية المحدثة تكنولوج ًيا‪ .‬وكما ذكر سابقا فإن الدكتور عبد الخالق عبد هللا ذكر بأن "‬ ‫دول الخليج تتحسس من وجود النقابات العمالية والمهنية‪ ،‬وتتعامل معها بتخوف بتردد ملحوظين؛ ألن الشريحة الكبرى من‬ ‫هذه الدول من غير المواطنين؛ م ّما يضعف سياسة التدريب والتأهيل المهني للمهندسين القائمين على صنع القرار (عبد‬ ‫الخالق عبد هللا ‪ .)2003‬لذا البد من اتخاذ قرارات موحدة صادرة عن الجمعيات والهيئات والنقابات المهنية لدول المنطقة‬ ‫تركزعلى تطوير وتحسين األداء الوظيفي للمهندسين المعماريين لينعكس إيجابا على ممارستهم وتطبيقاتهم المهنية‪ ،‬وذلك‬ ‫لمواجهة التحديات التي قد تطمس الهوية العمرانية العربية‪ .‬ويعتمد ذلك على الناحية الشخصية والذاتية للمهندس باالرتقاء‬ ‫المهني وقدرته على المنافسة العالمية في تصميم مشاريع تجمع بين حداثة التقليد والعراقة واالستدامة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬دور المكاتب الهندسية في الحفاظ على الطابع العمراني‬ ‫إن معظم الدول في المنطقه قامت باالستعانة بعدد كبير من المكاتب االستشارية األجنبية المتخصصة في هذا المجال؛ نظرً ا‬ ‫لعدم وجود مكاتب محلية لديها الخبرة في اإلبداع المعماري‪ ،‬وخصوصا أثناء الطفرة العمرانية التي شهدتها دول المنطقة‪،‬‬ ‫وبشكل تدريجي بدأت المكاتب المحلية بالنمو‪ ،‬حيث قامت بتوظيف عدد كبير من المهندسين المعماريين والمصممين للعمل‬ ‫على إعداد تصاميم لمشاريع عدة‪ ،‬إلى أن أصبحت بعض هذه المكاتب االستشارية تنافس المكاتب العالمية الموجودة في‬ ‫المنطقة‪.‬‬ ‫إن الحسّ المعماري والحفاظ على الهوية المعمارية وتطوير المشاريع العمرانية التي تجمع بين الحداثة والتقليد أصبحت من‬ ‫أولويات واهتمامات المصمم المعماري؛ نظرً ا لسرعة التنمية في دول المنطقة‪ ،‬وإنشاء عدد كبير من المشاريع التي أفقدت‬ ‫المنطقة طابعها األصلي؛ ما قد يؤدي إلى مسح الهوية العمرانية‪ .‬وأصبح هذا مؤشرً ا على إعادة النظر من قبل المكاتب‬ ‫الهندسية إلعادة هيكلتها وتمكين وتطوير مهندسيها من خالل طرح برامج تدريبية مكثفة تركز على التراث العمراني المحدث‬ ‫فن ًيا وتكنولوج ًيا‪ ،‬ويتطلب هذا بأن يكون الوضع الحال ّي للمكتب الهندسيّ االستشاريّ في وضع ج ّيد لتغطية النفقات الخاصه‬ ‫لهذه البرامج ‪.‬‬ ‫إنّ وجود خطة استراتيجية يبنى عليها تطوير المكتب وكوادره الفنية العاملة فيه‪ ،‬تكون من خالل خطط مدروسة تعتمد على‬ ‫رؤية وسياسة صناع القرار في المؤسسات االستشارية‪ .‬وعلى المؤسسات الحكومية التي تمنح تراخيص للمكاتب األجنبية‬ ‫المتخصصة للتصاميم المعمارية أن تشترط على هذه المكاتب طرح البرامج التخصصية بهدف التدريب‪ ،‬وفق آلية متفق‬ ‫عليها مسبقا أو ابتعاث عدد معين من المهندسين في مكاتبها الرئيسية الواقعة في بلدها الرئيسي‪ .‬ويجب تفعيل االتفاقيات بين‬ ‫المكاتب المحلية والمكاتب العالمية ووضع خطط عمل تؤدي إلى تفعيل شراكة دائمة بين المؤسستين؛ لتنعكس إيجا ًبا على‬ ‫كفاءة وخبرة المهندس‪ .‬لذا من الضروري وجود تنسيق وتعاون بين المكاتب الهندسية‪ ،‬عن طريق تبادل الخبرات والتجارب‪،‬‬ ‫حيث إنها تساعد على التطوير واإلبداع وطرح مبادرات جديدة‪ .‬وعليه فيجب عقد مؤتمرات سنوية أو نصف سنوية يجتمع‬ ‫بها صناع القرار في هذه المكاتب وكبار المهندسين ومدراء مشاريع التصميم‪ ،‬لوضع خطط استراتيجية قابلة للتطبيق‪،‬‬ ‫ووضع برامج تدريبية بشكل دوري‪.‬‬ ‫وعلى المكاتب االستشارية أن تشجع المهندسين حديثي التخرج على العمل في قطاع التصميم لفترات متعاقبة‪ ،‬ويجب أن‬ ‫يكون هذا من خالل تشريعات وقوانين تضمن تطوير المسار المهني والتأهيلي للمهندس‪ ،‬وخصو ً‬ ‫صا المعماريين منهم‪ ،‬مع‬ ‫عدم تجاهل الحوافز المادية لهم‪ ،‬على أن يقوموا بتطبيق العلوم النظرية على أعمالهم التصميمية ضمن استراتجية مدروسة‬


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‫ومحددة لهذه الشريحة من المهندسين‪ .‬وإنّ تعزيز دور المكاتب الهندسية في عجلة التنمية من خالل تطبيق أسلوب مدروس‬ ‫لالستفادة من الكوادر الهندسية وتوظيفها لتدريب المهندسين (ضياء الدين توفيقي ‪.)2004‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬الخاتمه‬ ‫إن هناك غيابا واضحا للخطط واالستراتيجيات والبرامج التدريبية التي تفعل جهود تطوير المهندسين والمصممين المعماريين‬ ‫ً‬ ‫تحديثا دائ ًما من المهارات‬ ‫للحفاظ على هوية العمارة العربية المحدثة‪ ،‬لذلك فإن االرتقاء بهذه المهنة وتطويرها يتطلب‬ ‫الضرورية للمصمم‪ .‬وإن دور المؤسسات وجمعيات المهندسيين في المنطقة يجب أن يركز على إعداد استراتيجيات تتعلق‬ ‫ببرامج التدريب للمهندسين العاملين في هذا المجال‪ ،‬من خالل ندوات وورش عمل ومحاضرات ودورات تدريبية منتظمة‬ ‫لضمان تأهيل االختصاصيين القادرين على التعامل بكل المواضيع المتعلقة بالحفاظ على هوية العمارة العربية الحديثة‪ .‬فليس‬ ‫من السهل التعامل أو الحفاظ على التراث العمراني في المنطقه ألن اإلبقاء عليه وتحديثه أو ترميمه يتطلب خبرات‬ ‫متخصصة في هذا المجال قادرة على الموازنة بين التراث والحداثة واالستدامة‪ ،‬وكذلك تحديث البيئة المحيطة‪ ،‬والتعامل مع‬ ‫المؤثرات الخارجية التي تؤثر على بقاء القيمة المعمارية‪ .‬وإن الحفاظ على المنجزات العمرانية يتطلب دمج النظريات‬ ‫واألساليب العلمية مع التطبيقات العملية المكتسبة من البرامج التدريبية على فترات متزامنة‪ .‬ويجب عدم التردد في تقل هذه‬ ‫الخبرات والتجارب الهامة بين دول المنطقه لتوحيد األفكار والبرامج واألهداف المستقبلية لضمان استمرار عملية التحديث‬ ‫دون التأثير على القيمة المعمارية للمبنى‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬النتائج والتوصيات‬ ‫بناء على ماسبق طرحه من التحديات التي تهدد هوية العمارة العربية‪ ،‬والتي تنعكس وتؤثر على األداء الوظيفي للمصمم‬ ‫المعماري وتقلل من أهمية الضرورة على تركيز الفهم بالحفاظ على الحداثة والتقليد وكيفية تأثير رأس المالية على التنمية‬ ‫العمرانية المستدامة في المجتمعات الحديثة فإننا نوصي بالتالي ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬مواكبة المتغيرات الحضارية من خالل التدريب الممنهج الهادف إلى الحفاظ على الهوية العمرانية للمنطقة ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬التعاون مع المؤسسات الدولية المتخصصة في مجال التدريب المهني من خالل توقيع اتفاقيات شراكة طويلة األجل‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬دعم جمعيات نقابات المهندسين المعماريين في دول المنطقه لنشر التقنية الحديثة التي يمكن تطبيقها لتطوير‬ ‫وتحسين المواصفات؛ لتواكب متطلبات العصر لتنمية الفكر اإلبداعي ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬تحديد وتنويع برامج التدريب الهندسية والتركيز على التدريب الجامعي أثناء الدراسة الجامعية والتدريب العملي‬ ‫المر ّكز أثناء العمل ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-5‬‬

‫ً‬ ‫مؤهال علم ًيا ومدر ًكا لما يحتاجه المتدرب‪ ،‬ويكون‬ ‫ضرورة وضع معايير مهنية للمدرب الذي يجب أن يكون‬ ‫قادرً ا على توصيل المعلومات الهامهة للمتدربين ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -0‬متابعة منتظمة لمراكز األبحاث العلمية‪ ،‬وزيارة المشاريع المشابهة للتعرف على تطبيقات التكنولوجيا الحديثة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬تكوين مؤسسات هندسية قادرة على المنافسة عالم ًيا‪ ،‬من خالل تأسيس شركات تقدم خدمات هندسية متكاملة ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬رصد ميزانيات سنوية محددة يتم إنفاقها على برامج تدريبية خاصة بالمهندسين المعماريين ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬تنمية الفكر اإلبداعي والتشجيع المستمر على االبتكار للمصمم المعماري على المستوى الفردي ‪.‬‬


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‫‪ .11‬المراجع‬ ‫‪ -1‬علي محمد السواط‪ ،‬وهاشم عبد هللا الصالح ‪ "2002‬العمل الهندسي في القطاع الحكومي والحاجه لشهادة الممارسة‬ ‫المهنية للمهندس في هذا القطاع"‪ ،‬سجل أبحاث ندوة ترخيص المهندسين السعوديين‪ ،‬قسم الهندسة المدنية‪ ،‬جامعة الملك فهد‬ ‫للبترول والمعادن بالظهران‪،‬ص ‪-1‬ص ‪10‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬المهندس خليل رشاد ‪" ،2004‬البرنامج الموحد لتأهيل المهندس الخليجي إلدارة المنجزات العمرانية والحفاظ عليها" ‪،‬‬ ‫الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الثامن نحو تفعيل دور المهندس في تنمية االقتصاد‪ ،‬دبي‪ ،‬إ‪.‬ع‪.‬م ص ‪ -122‬ص ‪130‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬راضي محسن الزبيدي ‪2002‬م‪ " ،‬التعليم والتدريب التطبقي الهندسي " ‪ ،‬سجل أبحاث الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي‬ ‫السادس‪ ،‬الدوحة – قطر‪ ،‬ص‪– 337‬ص ‪343‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬الدكتور مشاري بن عبد هللا النعيم‪ ،‬والمهندس علي بن محمد السواط ‪ " ،2004‬التطويرالذاتي وأهميته للمهندس‬ ‫المعماري الخليجي وأثره في االرتقاء بالمهنة الهندسية‪ .‬مجلد أوراق عمل الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الثامن ‪ 2004‬دبي ‪،‬أ‪.‬‬ ‫ع‪ .‬م ص‪ 204-‬ص‪212-‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬المهندس جالل الحجي‪ ،‬والمهندس منصور براع ‪ " ،2002‬التعليم المستمر للمهندس نظرة واقعية‪ .‬سجل أبحاث الملتقى‬ ‫الهندسي الخليجي السادس ‪ .‬الدوحة – قطر ص‪– 300‬ص‪314‬‬ ‫‪ -0‬المهندس بدر ملبس الزايدي ‪2004‬م " المهندس ودوره في عملية التنمية ( الفرص والتحديات ) " الملتقى الهندسي‬ ‫الثامن في دبي ص ‪– 230‬ص ‪235‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬د‪ .‬محمد البراك‪ ،‬عادل مال هللا " دراسات الكلية الهندسية والبترول الثالث الحتياجات سوق العمل الكويتي من المخرجات‬ ‫الهندسية ‪ " .2000/2002‬مركز التدريب الهندسي للخرجين‪ ،‬كلية الهندسة والبترول‪ ،‬جامعة الكويت‪ ،‬مايو ‪2003‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬الملتقى الهندسي الخليجي الخامس ‪ .‬مسقط – سلطنة عمان ‪ 20-18‬فبراير ‪2001‬م‪-‬ص‪90‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬د‪ .‬عبد الخالق عبد هللا‪2003 ،‬م ‪ " .‬البعد السياسي للتنمية البشرية‪ ،‬حالة الدول الخليجية‪ ،‬مؤتمر التنمية بالبحرين‪،‬‬ ‫المنامة‪2003.‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬المهندس ضياء الدين توفيقي ‪ " 2004‬المكاتب الهندسية وتطلعات المستقبل " ‪ .‬الملتقى الهندسي الخيجي‬ ‫الثامن‪.‬ص‪ 177‬دبي إ‪.‬ع‪.‬م ‪.2004‬‬


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II Conference Papers Part 5: The political and sociocultural dimensions of regeneration projects

Assessing the Social Sustainability of Urban Landscape: Case study of Abdali regeneration (The new downtown of Amman) Bushra Zalloom1, a 1 a

School of Architecture and Design, University of Petra, Jordan. [email protected]

ABSTRACT This study is about assessing the social sustainability of the urban landscape, it focuses on the case of Amman, specifically, the Abdali urban regeneration project that is known as the “new downtown of Amman”. It focuses on the social dynamic of the urban landscape in its macro scale. The study illustrates the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the physical and sociocultural settings of Amman, and how these impacts affected its social sustainability. The study aims to provide insight into the dynamics of the urban space, especially those occurred by urban regeneration developments, and then assessing the impacts of these transformations on social sustainability of Amman city. Abdali Urban Regeneration Project was selected because it is the first mega project that emerged in the city. The impacts of the project on the social sustainability of Amman is arguable as the project occasionally opened to public and many parts still under construction, therefore, the findings must be understood as indicative in character and not as determining facts. Moreover, to enhance the credibility of the findings mixed methods approach was used, various types of the interviews with locals, architects, academics, experts, developer, and the Greater Amman Municipality were conducted. Other methods such as the site analyses, documents analyses, and unstructured observation with photographic survey were also used. KEYWORDS: Social sustainability, Social impact, Social assessment, Abdali project 1. INTRODUCTION This study suggests understanding the urban space in a dynamic way and from various perspectives that take the political, sociocultural and socioeconomic aspects as “process” and the built environment as “product” and examining the influence of the product on urban identity and social sustainability. Researchers -Madanipour 1996; Kostof 2009; Lin 2010; and Sepe 2013 among others- provided useful theoretical tools for describing and analyzing the relation between these aspects in shaping the city, and highlighted how urban spaces shaped as a result of continuous processes. It shows that tracing the production of space through time offers a dynamic perspective that bridges the gap between social and spatial dimensions. This study aims to assess the physical, social, and cultural impacts of urban regeneration projects on the city identity and its social sustainability. To achieve this aim, the existing international frameworks were studied -such as, the concept of social sustainability, Placemaking charter, and SIA framework- to find the most important indicators that are used in social assessment. Reviewing the international frameworks confirmed that implementing them directly in Amman is impractical and may lead to further influences, because there is no ready solution that suits all places all over the world, each culture is unique, what works for European cities Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 226

might be completely inappropriate for ones in the Middle East. Therefore, the Dynamicframework, which merges between urban morphology and social characteristics, is created to be used in assessing the impact of Abdali regeneration project on the social sustainability of Amman. This framework resulted from the integration between various international charters and frameworks, and then further developed to respect the sociocultural organization of the City. 2. Research methods Mixed methods approach had been implemented on Abdali case study to assess its impacts on social sustainability of Amman. The impacts of the Abdali project were assessed through studying the urban morphology and the social characteristics of the project. Urban morphology had been tested by conducting site analyses, documents analyses, and unstructured observation with photographic survey, while social characteristics had been tested by conducting various types of interviews with different target groups (Fig. 1).

Social characteristics have been tested by conducting various types of interviews with different target groups.

Urban morphology has been tested by conducting site analyses, documents analyses, and unstructured observation with photographic survey. Fig.1: Testing the Dynamic framework on Abdali by using mixed methods approach

Mixed methods are selected to overcome the minuses of using only qualitative or quantitative methods, and because it suits the nature of social study as well as urban studies in collecting and analyzing the data and different viewpoints (Bryman 2012). About 80% of the implemented methods are qualitative, while only 20% are quantitative. 3. ABDALICASE STUDY The Abdali case study in Amman has been done as part of my PhD research. The contemporary urban characteristic of Amman was considered not attractive to the overseas developers and investors. Therefore, MAWARED-Abdali’s local developer- decided to develop the Abdali site and give Amman the glory to attract international investments (Summer 2005). To achieve this goal, MAWARED and Horizon International -an international construction corporation specialized in investment and development of a large scale real estate and construction projects owned by Sheikh Bahaa Rafiq al-Hariri- entered into a joint venture in 2002 (Abdali 2013).


This partnership led the Horizon International to bring their expertise networks which had previously been involved in a similar development in Beirut, known as Solidere development, to contribute to the conceptual design of the new downtown of Amman. Abdali planners were working together with the planners of Solidere in developing the building regulations and codes for the Abdali development, thus, similarities between the two projects are recognized especially in the initial scheme of Abdali (Abdali 2013; Rayyan 2013). Likewise, the initial scheme of Abdali was designed by the Millennium Development, and the economic feasibility was studied by Shair and Partners from the Dar al-Handasah group(Summer 2005), both of them were international companies that involved previously in Solidere, consequently a little chance was given to Jordanian planners and architects to contribute to the project. 3.1 The urban morphology of Abdali This section focuses on the urban morphology for the main areas in the Abdali project compared to its adjacent neighbourhoods, to comprehend the transformation of the physical and social forms, and to predict the impacts –positive and negative- of this transformation on social sustainability and urban identity. The analysis of the physical form focuses on street pattern, plots pattern and buildings form (Conzen 1980), the process of transformation on streets and plot pattern can be realized from a comparison of aerial views and maps. However, the architectural characteristic which includes the masses, materials, and the general image can be realized from the 3D images and field observation, while the heights of the building obtained from analyzing the buildings’ heights map designed by Abdalip.s.c. 3.1.1 The physical form of Abdali The area of study for this investigation includes Abdali development and its surroundings. The surrounding areas include two zones; area (1) “the South neighborhood” across Sulaiman alNaboulsi Street, and area (2) “the North neighborhood” across al-Amin Street (Fig. 2).

Fig.2 The area of study; Abdali development and its surroundings (Source: the researcher)

The aerial views for Abdali area show the transformation on the physical pattern from curve streets that smoothly follows the topography lines to linear streets that are perpendicular on them; and from an organic pattern that integrated with the surrounding to a designed, systematic Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 228

one that imposed on them (Fig. 3; Fig. 4). This transformation affects the arrangement of buildings and the organization of public spaces; thus, change the shape of the built environment.

Fig.3 Abdali site in 2000: Organic and integrated (source: Abdali 2010)

Fig.4 Abdali site in 2008:Linear imposed (source: Abdali 2010)

and

3.1.2 Gateways The Abdali development consists of six major gates that define the main zones (Fig. 5); each gate is safeguarded by different means of security, and most of them are identified by two towers. These gates are distributed as follows:  Queen Nour Gate, at the western edge, defines the IT zone and the Boulevard.  Naboulsi Gate, at the southern edge, defines the Abdali shopping mall.  King Abdullah Gate defines the existing Civic Pole of the Abdali in the east.  King Hussein Gate 1 defines the Transient housing zone at the northern edge.  King Hussein Gate 2 defines the eastern edge of the phase two.  Al Amin Street Gate, located at the north-western edge and the Queen Nour highway, defines the western side of phase two.

Fig.5 The six major gates for Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010)


3.1.3 Roads Network The site is surrounded by two main traffic arteries at the North Eastern and South Western sides, namely the King Hussein Street and Suleiman Naboulsi Street. Queen Nour Street forms its western boundary, and Al Amin Street marks its northern edge. The grid street network is imposed on the organic contour. The pattern of the streets separates the site from the city and interrupts the continuity of the existing vehicular network The hierarchy of the streets in Abdaliis divided according to capacity and corresponding width into primary roads and secondary roads. A ring road for service is introduced around the whole site emphasizing its isolation from surrounding (Fig. 6). The traffic effect of Abdaliis questionable as the area is already suffering from traffic congestion, so how it will accommodate the increased numbers of cars accompanied with this development in the future?

Fig.6 Different types of roads within the Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010)

3.1.4 Zones division and Land use The current Master Plan sub-divides the Abdali Development into two phases; each phase includes a series of zones and each zone has its characters, and functions(Fig. 7) as shown below:


Fig.7 Main sectors in Abdali development (Source: Abdali 2010 edited by the researcher)

1. The IT zone: This zone located on the highest point at the western edge of the site. The towers in the IT zone are designed by London-based, internationally famous architect Norman Forster (Abu-Hijleh 2013). This zone will include four high-rise buildings, their heights vary between 120m up to 220m, and this represents a huge difference in height compared to the surrounding neighborhoods where the heights never exceed 13m. Likewise, their High-Tech design is varied between cubic and irregular forms covered with glass panels with no reference to the local contexts (Fig. 8)

Fig.8 International designs with no reference to the local contexts (Abdali 2010)

2. The Boulevard: Abdali Boulevard is an east-west pedestrian spine that connects the IT zone with the shopping mall; it follows the site contours and built as various terraces within different levels. Each level contains buildings that include restaurants and retail spaces on their ground floor, along with residential and office spaces at its upper floors (Rayyan 2013). The Boulevard is considered as the main public space in Phase One of the project; it also places as a buffer zone between the commercial area and the towers of Phase Two. This spine reflects the linear pattern, the quality of the design for the outdoor spaces is high, the landscape features and the furniture are selected to reflect the luxurious brands and Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 231

lifestyle (Abdali 2008). The buildings in the boulevard are cladded with natural stone and their height is 24m in general except two buildings on the east end, their height increased to 28m, which still acceptable within the Cityscape (Fig. 9). Moreover, buildings along the boulevard are following specific design guidelines and regulations that issued by Abdalip.s.c. to control the architectural characteristics, heights, materials, colors, massing, and percentage of openings in facades (Abu-Hijleh 2013).

Fig.9Abdali Boulevard (Source: the researcher 2013)

3. The Commercial zone: Located between the Boulevard and al-Naboulsi Street, it forms the southern boundary of Abdali development. Office buildings for corporate companies and the banking sector start boosting and changing the character of the street. The heights of these buildings are about 24m in the center and 28m in both edges -on East and Westwith a tower at the western edge, yet, the physical form is considered acceptable compared to the surroundings. The architectural characteristics in this zone are also controlled by a set of guidelines issued by Abdalip.s.c (Fig. 10).

Fig.10 The commercial sector of Abdali (on the left) and the existing commercial buildings across the same road (on the right) (Source: The researcher 2013)

4. Transient housing: This sector is situated on the eastern part of the site, the main plaza within this sector links between the Residential sector, and the Abdali Mall. This sector consists mainly of two rectangular plots; each plot has its own courts and mid-rise buildings, while marked with a high-rise building. Thus, this zone is marked by two highrise buildings. Transient housing, according to the Abdali developer, has been built to serve tourists, investors, businessmen, and other professionals who may visit Abdali or Amman Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 232

and need a temporary accommodation rather than a room in a hotel, and it is not targeting locals. 5. The Residential zone: This zone is located at the east part adjusts the Parliament House and the Palace of Justice. The residential zone includes three towers, while the other buildings are almost 28m. The presence of the high-rise and med-rise buildings in this zone, dedicated to hotel and residential uses, define the starting point of the new urban composition at the eastern edge, adjacent to the existing civic pole (Rayyan 2013). The existing civic pole is connected with the residential quarter through a central piazza. This piazza, according to Rayyan (2013), is not accessible to locals. 6. Abdali Mall: Abdali Shopping Mall is situated almost in the heart of the project on a triangular plot at the intersection of all land uses of the project, similar to traditional cities where the market place built in the city centre and connected with different uses (Aryan 2013) (Fig. 11). The height of the main body of the mall is fixed on 20m generating a homogeneous skyline, with the exception of a 125m high-rise building with retail at its base- marked its southern edge. It is clear from the site plan that the outdoor spaces of the mall tend to be organic, unlike the linear pattern that applied to the master plan.

Fig.11 The construction of Abdali shopping mall (Source: Abdali 2013)

7. The existing Civic Pole: This zone includes the major landmarks that identified the existing urban fabric, King Abdullah Mosque, the Parliament House, and the Palace of Justice (Fig. 12). The master plan includes these areas in the design in order to develop the landscape for the outdoor spaces surrounding them. The relation between the high-rises and these existing governmental institutions around them is still questionable regarding the security and accessibility.


Fig.12The proposed design for the plaza of the existing civic pole as presented at Abdalip.s.c (Source: The researcher 2013)

8. Phase Two: This phase envisioned with a central dynamic park that contains a circular plaza and a semi curve pedestrian spine which surrounded with mixed-use towers. The 3D model shows that this phase has been a battlefield for a big number of glass towers with different High-Tech styles (Fig.13). The relation between these masses and their surrounding neighborhoods, regard the height and the whole image, still annoying.

Fig.13 The 3D model shows Phase Two as a battlefield for glass towers (Abdali 2008)

3.2 The social characteristics The social characteristics of Abdali were tested through various types of interviews, however, it is important to highlight that the responding sample of the structured interview with locals does not represent the entire population in Abdali development. Therefore, the findings must be understood as indicative in character and not as determining facts. For this reason it is supported by additional twenty interviews with Other Ammanis who lived far away from the Area of development. Moreover, the findings are supported by further interviews such as the focused interview with architects, academics, developer, and GAM, besides the unstructured interview with the legal and real-estate advisor, and also with the project designer. The general results of the interview with different target groups confirm that the social sustainability of the Areas surrounding Abdali is threatened. Using the main aspects within the Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 234

Dynamic framework to assess the impacts of Abdali development on Amman’s sustainability in general and on its surrounding areas on specific shows that the transformation in the project’s area is not accepted by the architects, experts or even locals, especially who reside in the northern neighborhood (Area 2). The findings confirm that existing areas surrounding Abdali are suffering from lack of social infrastructures such as parking lots, pedestrian friendly areas, especially for elders, women, and children, safe walkways, and effective public transportation. Congestion surrounding the project was recognized during the field observation, especially at al-Naboulsi Street, and locals are suffering from this issue. However, the developer states that the investors paid about 80$ million to improve the infrastructure surrounding the project, yet Abdali may help in enhancing the social infrastructure and overcome the current problems. Accessibility, affordability, integration, and efficiency of the public transport network are vital indicators when studying the social infrastructure (EU 2011). The previous analyses show that the newly introduced functions and the public areas inside the project such as the main plaza, the Boulevard, the exclusive office space, as well as Housing zone; are physically and visually inaccessible and separated from their surroundings. The site analysis shows that the project is located as an exclusive island that is physically surrounded by major streets, and socially is dedicated to certain strata of the society. The outer boundaries enhance this separation, where a continuous facade of the commercial buildings found in the south, the towers at the IT zone in the west, the Civic Pole with its controlled gates in the east, and the towers of Phase Two in the north. The plantation within the proposed landscape is forcing these boundaries and creating a continuous fence that isolate the unwanted existing images in the surrounding neighborhoods. This separation is likely to intensify the socioeconomic and the spatial segregation not only between East and West Amman, but also between this new urban island and the rest of the city. 4. SURVEY OUTCOMES 4.1 Urban morphology Abdali emerged to the city with an attractive image and comprehensive functions that smoothly integrated with the surrounding neighborhoods, but under the power of capitalism, it had been transformed to an exclusive island. The power of capitalism forced the developers to modify the initial scheme, delete all the public facilities and replace them by mixed-use towers and commercial uses, with various international High-Tech designs, with cubic and irregular glass masses which going to dominate the skyline of Amman, especially within Phase Two. Although Abdalip.s.c. tries to preserve the architectural characteristics of Amman by establishing building guidelines for the architectural details of the mid-rise and the low-rise buildings, the type of stone, opening percentage, type and color of glass, but still, the high-rises’ designs are totally controlled by the investor’s passion, therefore, the project is going to be an architectural exhibition that displays High-Tech style that is not related to the local identity or the accumulated history. While Abdali remains in its first phase of implementation, the results are expected to impact the whole urban landscape of Amman, and provide a model for future urban growth. The outcome of the survey provides a deep understanding of the transformation of Abdali schemes, its urban morphology and the reasons behind it. This gives us the chance to imagine the future of the area, and the understanding that a considerable care should be taken -especially in Phase Two- to Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 235

minimize the future impacts of this development. Abdali provides a model for future growths, thus, it deserves to learn from its mistakes and avoid repeating them in future developments to enhance the logic of sustainability and preserve the social solidity. 4.2 The social characteristics Studying the social infrastructure addresses one of the main research objectives that aim to explore the impacts of urban regeneration projects on the physical and sociocultural setting of the city, and reveal the relation between the physical content and the social content. In general, participants from Area 1, Other Ammanis, and some architects were more optimistic about the accessibility to Abdali and that the infrastructure of Abdali will enhance the quality of services in Amman. However, they were uncertain about the project affordability, this feeling, according to them, emerged from the luxurious facilities that were promoted which they know that they could not afford. Therefore, they always wonder during the interview, “Why to visit something we cannot afford? It is not built for us”. It is clear that promoting Abdali as a place for luxurious facilities targeting only high-class residents and investors affect the locals. Document analysis to promote material confirms this fact as well. The Shopping Mall and the Boulevard’s facilities are expected to include high-end brands that are not affordable to most of the locals. On the other hand, many experts believe that Abdali will improve the quality of the built environment. Creating safe, diverse, clean, livable urban spaces for pedestrian will encourage locals, especially women and children, to socialize and enjoy their city, it may also offer job opportunities and attract locals to visit the project and socialize. The survey outcome shows that the construction of Abdali affects Amman’s sustainability; some effects are temporary and anchored with the construction period, such as the sense of instability, a sense of insecurity, and other psychological effect. Thus, as soon as the project operated and established all these emotions may vanish. Another, temporary, psychological effect on locals represented by their feeling of danger, the whole area, in their opinion, became unsafe and insecure. The presence of the foreign workforce in Abdali, who came from different backgrounds and brought annoying behaviors with them threatens the locals and decrease their sense of security. Although it is a temporary impact, but still, it affects their sense of security. Today, locals should be back at home early and lock the main doors before sunsets, and they cannot enjoy walking in the streets as they used to. Furthermore, some locals as well as some architects and experts believe that Abdali will enhance the consumption culture among locals, as it includes a variety of facilities that will attract specific strata of the community, the elites. The area becomes unattractive for them, but could the project become an attractive place for the middle-class to visit and enjoy without any further consumption? Could Abdali become an attractive place for various social strata after operation? The survey also identifies the importance of socially innovative and inclusive governance in enhancing the social sustainability. Abdali reflects a serious shift in city governance, GAM which is usually responsible for planning Amman, was not an effective participant in the planning and decision-making processes of Abdali. They have recently been involved in designing the traffic in the surrounding areas. They have also been reviewing and authorizing the international proposed designs that are based on Abdalip.s.c. guidelines rather than GAM’s guidelines. Under the power of capitalism, the developer had a dominant position to impose the project without any consent of GAM.


The results of the survey confirm that the social capital within the existing communities need an enhancement by governing the city in an inclusive manner, by supporting public participation, by developing the existing policies and regulations, and by educating locals and encouraging them to participate in city making. As architects and experts proposed during the interview, this could be achieved by enhancing the sociocultural activates, improving the social infrastructure, building more social centers, and encouraging the locals to participate in voluntary works and small businesses to develop their neighborhood. 5. CONCLUSION The survey analyses of physical and social form found that regeneration projects transform the urban landscape of the area. Physically, the standardization of architecture and the privatization of space had intensified spatial segregation, and created exclusive cityscape. Socially, urban regeneration had increased the social polarization, reinforced the links between specific socioeconomic groups and specific locations, and led to other societal effects such as the changes in market, employment opportunities, status of families, and a sense of belonging to a community. Culturally, the built environment of these projects affected the sociocultural behavior of people and increased the consumerism culture among them. The research outcome indicated that imposing Abdali within the heart of Amman under the power of capitalism increased the gap between these forms, and also confirmed that these towers are not related to the sociocultural context, not connected with surrounding areas, and not reflecting the locals’ needs as well, which may lead to considerable threats to the social sustainability of the city. These threats could be minimized, controlled, and turned into opportunities if seen from a different perspective. Analyzing the impacts of Abdali on the social sustainability of Amman by using the Dynamic framework confirms that the real impact of Abdali on social sustainability and urban identity is still ambiguous for locals, architects, and experts as well, minuses and pluses, advantages and disadvantages, are still arguable. Architect and experts believe that Abdali will change the quality of life, but it is not clear yet if this change will be positive or negative. Abdali may improve the quality of life for its users, who can afford the services, and create more job opportunities, but it may also increase the consumption culture, and transform Amman’s identity. This stand gives a tremendous chance for further research in the future to re-understand this development from a different perspective that enhances the project sustainability and helps in turning the predicted threats into valuable opportunities.


References Abdali (2013).Abdail main page. Available at: http://www.abdali.jo/index.php?r=site/index (Accessed March 2013). Abdali (2008).The new downtown of Amman-Jordan. Amman: Abdalip.s.c. Abdali (2010).Renaissance of Amman. Amman: Abdalip.s.c. Bryman, A. (2012). Social research methods. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Conzen, M. (1980). “Morphology of nineteenth century cities” in Schaedel R. et al (ed.) Urbanization in the Americas from the beginnings to the present. Cambridge: University press. European Union- EU (2011). Cities of tomorrow: Challenges, visions, ways forward. Electronic version available at http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/index_en.htm, by European Commission (Accessed March 2013). Kostof, S. (2009).The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. London: Thames &Hundson Ltd. Lin R. (2010). Urban Renaissance: A Blueprint for Creative City Tainan. Unpublished master thesis: ErasmusUniversity Rotterdam. Madanipour, A. (1996). Design of urban space: An inquiry into a socio-spatialprocess. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons. Sepe, M. (2013), Planning and Place in the City Mapping PlaceIdentity. Routledge Summer, D. (2005).Neo liberalizing the city: the circulation of city builders and urban images in Beirut and Amman, unpublished master thesis, Beirut: American university of Beirut. Interviews: Rayyan, R. (2013).Partner and local projects Coordinator at Laceco Jordan; the Abdali designer. Abu Hijleh, H. (2013). Head of engineering section atAbdali pcs.


Al-Abdali Mega Project: Assessment of Socio-economic and Cultural impacts on the peripheral edges. Muhammad Kadhim, PhD 1,a, Farah Al-Akiely, M.Sc. 2,b 1

Industrial Professor of Spatial Planning at the German-Jordanian University, Amman, Jordan. Head of Urban, Regional planning at Dar Al-Omran. 2 Lecturer of Spatial Planning and Urban Regeneration at the German-Jordanian University, Amman, Jordan. Urban/Regional planner at Dar Al-Omran. a [email protected], b [email protected] ABSTRACT Amman, The capital city of Jordan, underwent significant investment-driven growth during the past two decades. Such growth being triggered by the fallout from ‘September 11th’ when many Arab Gulf states directed surplus capital to the East rather than the West, where it was becoming less and less welcome (Daher, 2012). The relative social and political stability of Jordan meant a significant proportion of this capital was channeled to the small Hashemite Kingdom and more specifically to the capital: Amman. On the level of macro and micro development strategies, the government of Jordan, through its attempts to tap into such foreign investment, reacted promptly to set up a supporting environment and institutional infrastructure (such as Abdali Investment & Development and National Resources and Development Corporation “Mawared”). Under Royal auspices, decision makers formed a development vision for a new Al Abdali District, conceptualizing it as the “New Downtown of Amman”. The vision revolved mainly around creating a new business centre away from the historic downtown centre of Amman. In essence, creating a new ‘CBD’ for the city. Construction of this project started in 2002 and in 2015, most of its first stage had been completed and inaugurated. Aiming to contribute to understanding the social, economic and cultural impacts of Al-Abdali project; this paper highlights the macro and micro urban contexts of this project and tracks the changes that occurred during its construction and partial operation, through measuring a set of variables and indicators. The research methodology involves demarcating the micro-level impact areas (peripheral edges) and measuring impacts on residents and users through mixed quantitative and qualitative measurements. The process took into account the specificity of each of the four neighbourhoods surrounding Al-Abdali project. The paper focuses on socioeconomic and cultural dimensions. Additionally, impacts on the urban identity and social sustainability of the surrounding areas are also addressed. A secondary aim was to lay the ground for possible remedial action to accommodate, ameliorate halt, or reverse these effects. Keywords: Urban Planning, Socio-economic Impact, Neoliberalism, Gentrification


1. INTRODUCTION Policy Setting: Following from the ‘Sept 11’ fallout alluded to in the abstract, development/redevelopment of major urban sites in Amman, Zarqa and Aqaba were inspired by the vision of His Majesty King Abdullah II, who took a bold decision to relocate military installations out of city centers to free valuable land for development in support of the national economy soon after his ascension to the thrown in 1999. The total area available for development in these cities is 2,592 hectares, of which 80-hectares are located in Amman, 2,500-hectares in Zarqa, and 12-hectares in Aqaba. In February 2002, two major urban sites were vacated, the Al-Abdali site, located at the centre of the Capital Amman, and the site of the Pilot Project in Zarqa, which constitutes the first stage of the Zarqa New Garden City master plan. The National Resources Investment and Development Corporation (Mawared), a stateowned investment corporation which enjoys financial and administrative independence, is the owner of these sites and offers an opportunity to capable developers to assist in the development of these sites both on commercial and residential levels. Mawared was the designated partner in the private sector to engage in major real estate projects, and was Jordan’s largest real estate developer and ranked amongst Jordan’s top five landowners. To this end, Mawared offered vacant, single-owned sites that are ready for development and also facilitated the smooth processing of official dealings with all relevant authorities. Mawared also provided an opportunity for the development of prime urban sites and offered its partners opportunities to lead in regulating, and sustaining such ventures. Mawared became an investment partner by providing land as its share of equity and capital. In June 2003, Mawared launched the Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project in partnership with Saudi Oger, a leading international developer. This partnership targeted complete redevelopment of the 80- hectare site as a new downtown for Amman. A partnership agreement was signed to develop Al-Abdali Project with a budget of approx. US$800 million. The development of the site as a smart urban centre was intended to provide for the first time in Amman, world-class infrastructure for an integrated business environment in one single package in a central location, in addition to the opportunity of promoting the concept of better urban living in Amman. Moreover, a Memorandum of Understanding between Emaar (United Arab Emirates) and Mawared was signed in May 2004 on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum to confirm Emaar’s desire in participating in the development of exclusive residential complexes within Al-Abdali project site. As alluded to in the Introduction, investment attraction strategies became evident in Amman in the aftermath of Sept 11th. Paper authors argue that no project manifests this investment drive nor its links to neoliberalism more evidently than Al Abdali Project. The project represents a clear illustration of neoliberal urban restructuring. It brings to the fore contemporary and global spatial ordering and engineering manifested in high-end business towers that offer an exclusive concept of refuge and consumption (Daher 2013). Physical Setting: Located roughly at the geographic centre of Amman, the Abdali District is surrounded by important commercial centres, business headquarters, public offices, and military buildings, as well as residential areas. This investment-driven project generated an urban transformation pocket never seen in Amman before. Its layout, design and context magnified the strengths of certain edges and exacerbated the challenges facing other bordering neighbourhoods (figure 4). Al-Abdali Project fueled a vast debate between its supporters and opponents. The project fueled vast debates between supporters and opponents. Supporters Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 240

believed that such a mega project is a unique endeavor promoting ‘smart urban planning’, where business, living and leisure would smoothly and positively intertwine to create a model of modernization in the Kingdom and the region. Supporters also argued that a ‘New Abdali’ will be a driver for further ‘quality growth’ in the city. On the other hand, opponents believed the project would contribute to consolidating ‘privatization’ of urban planning, diminish and weaken Municipal role (which benefits public welfare), and push through undesired neoliberal trends, create gated-communities and “island-effects”. Opponents also argued that the likely socio-economic impacts will be mostly evident through dramatically increased cost of living, rent and transport in the bordering neighbourhoods. Social Impacts that will be significant and very likely to result in social fragmentation and dispersal in adjacent neighbourhoods. This would eventually create a community subjected to forced gentrification, and a local community substituted by a new multi-nationality working group, which will in turn fabricate a further decline in social cohesion and a further increase in social exclusion. (Daher, 2013) Urban Setting: On the macro level, Al Abdali Megaproject is located in relatively affluent ‘West Amman’ surrounded by major arterial roads leading west and north. It is surrounded by major economic, commercial and cultural landmarks and as such nested within one of Amman’s most vibrant strategic locations.

Al-Abdali Project

Figure 1: Al-Abdali Regional Context Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation Study, 2012

On the micro urban level, Al Abdali District represents one of the five largest districts in Greater Amman. The district covers an area of 15 square kilometers and hosts a population of about 120,000 that includes the neighbourhoods of Shmeisani, Sports City district, Jabal al Hussein, and Jabal Luweibdeh. The old historic areas of Jabal Al Hussein and Luweibdeh also have some of the city's most important government and military locations, along with important landmarks in other parts of Al Abdali, such as the Royal Cultural Center, Al Hussein Sports Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 241

City, the Parliament building, Palace of Justice, Association of Trade Unions, King Abdullah I Mosque, and numerous embassies.

Figure 2: Al-Abdali Macro Context Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation Study, 2012

2. The Al ABDALI PROJECT The project site measures about 80 hectares and represents the largest, single owned (by the Jordanian Army), developable plot in central Amman. Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project was envisaged to become the ‘modern heart of Amman’ by virtue of its linkages to most existing urban nodes, by its linkages to surrounding major vehicular roads and its proximity to all major urban districts. Its vision stressed that it should provide a lifestyle that would attract quality investors into a smart business environment and ultimately form a distinguished business and residential community (Abdo, 2012). The development of Al-Abdali was meant to create, for the first time in Amman, a vibrant integrated mixed-use development, whereby people will be able to work, learn, live and entertain. The project was planned to support Jordan’s drive towards a knowledge economy by providing an electronic infrastructure for a contemporary business and residential environment. Moreover and since the site is adjacent to major civic buildings such as the Houses of Parliament, Palace of Justice, King Abdullah I Mosque, and the Ministry of Education, it was also meant to assume the symbolic meaning towards the stability and prosperity of the Kingdom. The site also forms a natural extension of the financial district in Amman. It is planned to host a mixture of public and private usages, and to encompass attractive and animated urban spaces for people 24 hours a day with a network of pedestrian-friendly streets, plazas and gardens. The project supports a retail pedestrian spine flanked by what is supposed to be culturally rooted architecture, and a central shopping and entertainment facility. Additionally, a place for emerging E businesses, with a choice of world-class, multi-rise office complexes, civic plazas around a national library and a performing arts centre, prestigious serviced residential buildings, purpose built medical and legal quarters, with underground parking facilities and state-of-the-art infrastructure. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 242

Figure 3: Al-Abdali Context Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation Study, 2012

The adopted planning and urban design approach reflects what have become globally acceptable, contemporary, investment-driven urban design models that include a variety of building types, mixed uses, and intermingling of housing mainly for high income groups. It was to be initiated over two phases in terms of location and implementation timeframe (phase I and Phase II) with a total built-up area of over 1.7 million m² consisting of residential apartments, office space, hotels, serviced apartments and commercial and retail outlets, as well as entertainment facilities.


Figure 4: Al-Abdali Land use Plan Source: Al-Abdali impact mitigation Study, 2012

Phase One of the project with a total land area of 384,000 m², and a total built up area of 1,021,622 m² which includes the following parcellation, (Abu-Hejleh, 2012): - Net development rights: 1,021,622 m² - Gross built up area: 1,800,000 m² - Number of parcels: 54 - Number of projects: 32 - Total area of pedestrian streets: 26,800 m² - Total landscaped area: 14,000 m² Whereas Phase Two, envisioned with a central green park across 30,000 sq.m of land in its midst, serving as a focal theme for both residential and commercial developments will be consist of the following: - Total land area is 113,000 m², of which 59,440 m² are used for developed parcels. - Net development rights are 726,407 m². - Gross built up area is 1,300,000 m². - Total area of pedestrian streets is 8,500 m². - Total landscaped area is 31,800 m².


Figure 5: Al-Abdali: The Central Business District of Amman Source: Al-Abdali Project Website, 2015

To accentuate its mixed-use nature, Al Abdali clustered the site area into seven main sectors and conceptualized the design of each one in terms of land use and architectural form. The area is served by high level urban infrastructure such as, a well-designed roads network, a new planted storm water drainage system, central heating and air conditioning plant, sewage drainage and electro-power station with a capacity of 8 megawatt. In order to mitigate traffic congestion, Al Abdali constructed a network of bridges and tunnels at the main access to the site and intends to construct two more tunnels on the other two sides. The significant eco-friendly infrastructure that has been introduced is the central grey water treatment unit, which will be connected to every single property and which is designed to generate water that will be reused for irrigation,(Saifi,2012)

Figure 6: Al-Abdali Megaproject during construction Source: Daher, 2013 Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 245

3. METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH PROCESS The methodology adopted was based on 2 main pillars; the first took a qualitative research approach in order to understand the effect of al Al-Abdali on its neighbouring areas, while the second was based on demarcating and measuring impacts through quantitative surveys involving a set of variables and indicators, such as land prices and rents, type of businesses and employment. Cultural impacts were demarcated and measured through a qualitative research approach. Qualitative research included observational site visits and field tours, and an intensive desktop research and literature review, aiming to provide the research team with the required and needed information of Al Abdali project. The visits also provided the platform for site understanding required in order to conduct interviews and data collection. This process of desktop research and literature review exposed the research team to many documents and scholar articles concerning the targeted area and its surroundings. To properly understand the impact of Al Abdali Project, it was necessary to analyze the stakeholders of the surrounding areas as the effected core of the impact consequences; whether this impact is positive or negative. Directly affected stakeholders of the peripheral edges were identified and classified into the following groups with initial impacts and needs identified as follows: Stakeholder Residents

Impact - Increase of living cost, gentrification, decline in life quality, poor access to public services; education, healthcare, etc. - Traffic congestion, competition for on-street parking.

Needs - Green and open spaces, Sidewalks, parking areas, Jobs, plaza for kids, storm water drainage, dust-free, better housing conditions

- Decline in client numbers and - Pedestrian facilities, on-street business. Gentrification of small retail parking, dust-free, green and open businesses. spaces, increase pedestrians rather than cars. - Traffic congestion, poor public - Pedestrian facilities, sidewalks, Commuters public, footbridges, (transit & transportation, wasting time, unsafe local pedestrian routes transportation, bus-stops. destination) Retailers

Visitors

- Traffic congestion, access to car - Car Parking Areas, less traffic parking. congestion, pedestrian facilities

Table 1: Stakeholders Engagement

Following two extensive site visits, meetings with officials and stakeholder engagement, the following SWOT analysis was produced in order to strategically map the observations and site analysis that was undertaken. The SWOT method was comparatively analyzed against the surveys done by Students of the spatial planning studio at the German Jordanian University as part of their Masters studies; where stratified random sampling was adopted. The results supported our observed impacts of Al-Abdali Project.


STRENGTHS • The emergence of al- Abdali as a new regional business destination. • Availability of vacant spaces (for infill projects) • The strategic location of the area (relatively close to the historical core of Amman) • Alliance of private-public partnerships in urban renewal planning • Supportive and flexible regulations

WEAKNESSES • Loss of authentic role and functions • Existing overcrowded street networks and major traffic nodes. • The unsafe pedestrian environment • Lack of car parking • Shortage of community facilities • Contrast in urban fabric • Deterioration of adjacent buildings . Decline of local economy

OPPORTUNITIES • New and enhanced land-use regulations • Presence of the planning framework (Amman Plan) supported by institutional and policy framework for development oriented projects

THREATS • Traffic congestion • Social gentrification • Eroding acceptability and support. • Energy and water deficiency

Table 2: SWOT Analysis Matrix

Quantitative analysis was based on the work of the spatial planning studio students at the German Jordanian University, prepared in 2013. It was employed to demarcate the direct and indirect impact areas along with measuring the occurring impact during the construction and partial operation of al Abdali mega project. All residents, shop owners and workers in the surroundings of the project were considered, in addition to those who access its surroundings for work or for any other purpose. The following are some important elements and factors relevant to this quantitative work: -

Managing to do a full census study was not feasible in terms of time and money, since the population is large, and census surveys require having the entire population sampled.

-

The sample therefore was determined to reflect the characteristics of the entire population from which it is drawn, and it was developed as follows:

-

Stratified sampling method was adopted (which is superior to random sampling because it reduces sample errors), the stratum was defined as follows: Users and Visitors of the surroundings of Al-Abdali project. Residents (living in the upper and lower residential areas). Shop keepers and servants Friday market merchants and shoppers It was important to note that each of the selected groups shares common characteristics, and that groups do not overlap with each other.

1234-


-

Probability sampling was done, which meant everyone in the population had the opportunity of being selected. The sampled groups were determined according to the following quantities: Users and Visitors of the surroundings of Al-Abdali project  40 Questionnaires Residents (living in the upper and lower residential areas)  30 Questionnaires. Shop keepers and servants  30 Questionnaires. Friday market merchants and shoppers  30 Questionnaires.

Qualitative research findings:          

   

 

Visitors Most of the visitors to Al-Abdali are either employers or employees (45%); the others being either visitors to the courts complex or the Islamic hospital Most agreed that Al-Abdali Project will introduce positive new services in Al-Abdali (75%) Patients visiting the Islamic Hospital complained of poor accessibility (50%) and lack of parking (60%) Most visitors believe that the Project will cause more traffic problems (85%) Residents Are eager to use the boulevard as an open space (80%), but are apprehensive to interact with the anticipated ‘higher social layer’ (70%) Need more open spaces and recreation activities (80%) Feel inherent security in their area (Al-Abdali) at night will strengthen the Abdali Project. (80%) Depend less on public transportation, and think that the Abdali Project will increase the traffic congestion that already exists. Complaints of lack of medical centres Think that sidewalks are deficient and inadequate in both commercial and residential areas (80%) Shop Owners Are optimistic that the Project will enhance the economic situation of the area (50%) Disagreed with the suggestion that the Project will cause an increase in goods prices (66%), but think Al-Abdali Project will cause an increase in the lease cost of shops. Think that the Project will increase working hours for them (50%), up to (60%) think they will continue to work till/after 10:00 pm. Most agreed that a lack of parking spaces in the area will have a negative effect on shops and retail outlets.

Friday Souk (Market) Users Most think business was negatively affected by moving the Abdali bus terminal to the north of Amman. Are very concerned with moving the souk to another place.


THEME

PROBLEMS

Tool of Assessment

Accessibility

Increase Traffic conges on

•GAM Assessment

Transport systems and networks Water, sewerage, electricity and telecommunica ons

•GAM Assessment

Pedestrian conflict

•Focus group mee ng with residents

Social & Cultural Land Use

Most are worried they will not be allowed to sell any longer in this place and that the souk will close totally. Al-Abdali Project 5

Set new regula ons for the neighborhoods

Economic



Regula ons Introduce new foreign social layer decline the social cohesion

•Focus group mee ng with residents •Interview with Developers

fragmenta on, separa on and specializa on of func ons and uses within Al-Abdali

•Focus group mee ng with residents •Interview with Developers

contributes to social and spa al marginaliza on Growing income inequality & economic restructuring Increase life cost and value of lease

Table 3: Qualitative research findings


Boundary of Spa al Plan - Priori zed Core Areas No. Problem Area Timeal Frame Stakeholders Map Suggested Interven Boundary of Spa Plan Priori zed Core Areas per Impact Years involved Related No.

Problem Area per Impact

Time Frame Years

Stakeholders involved

Map Related

o

Suggested Interven o

▪ Improve traffic system ▪ Improve pedestrian routes ▪▪ Improve traffictransport system mea 1. Suggest other ▪▪ Improve pedestrian Offer parking spacesroutes 1. ▪•Set Suggest other transport mea Regula ons for the edges ▪ Offer parking spaces three core themes Interfere from •▪Set onsinvolved for the edges (social, economic and cultural) and two cross-reference but relevant themes thatRegula are worth GAM authori es 1 2. Environmental 5-10 was linked toMinistry of timeframe for impacts ▪based highlighting . Each theme an expected on factors Interfere from involved •Plant trees to reduce the gas GAM Water measured and type of impact. authori es emissions 2. Environmental 5-10 Ministry of •Plant trees to reduce the gas Water emissions Real estate ▪ Re-regulate land-use Impact Theme Timeframe Stakeholders Impact Area owners •social integra on by prohibi (Y) Involved Real estate ▪discrimina Re-regulate 3. Social 10-20 Inhabitants onland-use and offering Social 10-20 Real-estate owners, owners • social integra on by prohibi Dept. of Land & opportuni es and physical spa residents, department 3. Social 10-20 Inhabitants discrimina on and offering Survey encourage posi ve interac on of land and survey Dept. of Land & opportuni es and physical spa Survey encourage posi ve interac on Economic 0-5 Shopkeepers, Shopkeepers ▪ Improve facili es for shops companies, tourists, Firms ▪ Offer parking space 4. Economical 0-5 Shopkeepers ▪▪ Improve es for shops investors Tourists Improve facili sidewalks Al-Abdali Project Firms ▪ Offer parking space Investors ▪ Extend commercial depth 4. Economical 0-5 Al-Abdali Project Tourists ▪ Improve sidewalks Cultural 10-20 Residents, Real-estate Investors ▪ Extend commercial depth owners, shopkeepers Physical GAM Accessibility 0-5 Ministry of Physical GAMOF ITS DIMENSIONS Traffic IMPACT CONTEXT AND DEMARCATION Accessibility 0-5 Ministry of Traffic The table below summarizes the impact theme profiles. The table includes

Boundary of Spa al Plan - Priori zed Core Areas Boundary of Spa PlanStakeholders - Priori zedMap Core Areas No. Problem Area Timeal Frame Suggested Interven No.

1. 1.

2. 2.

per Impact Problem Area per Impact

Years Time Frame Years

Cross reference Themes: Physical Physical 0-50-5 Accessibility Physical Accessibility Accessibility 0-5 Environmental Environmental Environmental

5-10 5-10 5-10

involved Stakeholders involved

Related Map Related

GAM GAM, Ministry of Ministry GAM of Transportation, Traffic Ministry of Traffic Department Traffic

GAM, GAM Ministry of Water and Irrigation Ministry GAM of Water of Ministry Water

o Suggested Interven o

▪ Improve traffic system Improve pedestrian routes ▪▪ Improve traffic system ▪▪ Improve Suggest other transport mea pedestrian routes ▪▪ Suggest Offer parking spaces other transport mea Regula ons for the edge ▪•Set Offer parking spaces

•▪Set Regula onsinvolved for the edges Interfere from authori es ▪ Interfere from involved •Plant trees authori es to reduce the gas

•emissions Plant trees to reduce the gas

emissions

Table 4: Impact Themes and demarcation of Real impactestate dimensions

3. 3.

4. 4.

▪ Re-regulate land-use owners integraland-use on by prohibi Real estate ▪•social Re-regulate Social 10-20 Inhabitants discrimina on and offering owners •social integra on by prohibi 4.Social IMPACTS Dept. of Land & opportuni es and physical 10-20 Inhabitants discrimina on and offering spa Survey encourage posi vephysical interac spa on Dept. of Land & opportuni es and 4.1 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACTS Survey encourage posi ve interac on Shopkeepers ▪ Improve facili es for shops Al-Abdali project represents one of Amman’s main Emerging Spaces of Inclusion and Firms Offer parking Shopkeepers ▪▪ Improve facili space es for shops Economical Exclusion, yet it is not0-5 a unique phenomenon in Amman (Daher, 2012). Similar to several other Tourists ▪ Offer Improve sidewalks Firms ▪ parking space built or proposed projects, urban and territorial transformations in the city. As Economical 0-5 it will force major Investors Extend commercial depth ▪▪ Improve is evident from some high-rise projectsTourists planned to cater for exclusive office spaces sidewalks and Investors ▪ Extend commercial depth residential compounds supplying the upper middle classes in the form of gated communities along the peripheral edges of the city, many of these newly emerging spaces of inclusion and 1

These cross-reference themes could be further explored by other research.


exclusion are causing severe cases of gentrification, along with social and physical displacement in the city. This will intensify both the socio-economic and spatial polarization, not only Al-Abdali Project 22 between East and West Amman, but also between this new “elitist urban islands” and the rest of the city, creating harsh separation edges and gentrifying peripheral areas. SP711_Planning Studio II 9.March.2013 Social Impacts

Impact Areas – Social

• Not preferred place for living by locals due to change of social fabric in the area and traffic conges on in day hours • Estates set for lease or sale • Many estates (houses) are se led by companies/ firms/ offices • Increase in number of laborers in the area rose security issues between locals Al-Abdali Project • Area housing of large numbers of construc on laborers • Time frame - core problem Impact Areas – of Economical Economic Impact area: 10-20 Years

23 SP711_Planning Studio II

9.March.2013

• Gentrifica on in shops belt in Al-Nabulsi Street • Value of commercial estates value almost tripled and on demand • Abdali Project will increase demand on Hotels and Banks nearby • Time frame - core of problem area: 0-5 Years

4.2 CULTURAL AND URBAN IDENTITY IMPACTS ‘The city of Amman is shifting towards patterns of urban living that are portrayed to enable cities to outlive change in a politically and economically tough situation’ (Innab, 2014). Those patterns are stationed around capital accumulation deriving from a city’s capacities for consumption of all sorts. Putting the city on display as a field of opportunities, by creating a free Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 251

market liberated from the state, and generating a fully commoditized form of social life through large-scale development practices and regeneration projects. This will target highly significant and meaningful places in the city, promoting and circulating a “theme” of an image of how life should be, a life style, replacing what is already there, and working in harmony with a unique fabric of its own. But this unreal, commoditized image of a hygienic, new, neo liberal environment excluding the marginalized and dislocating them and their place of memory will only increase the spatial and social segregation in the city. “Planning for modernity seems to be predicated on the necessity of the displacement of the poor from the urban fabric” (Shami, 2012). Amman’s Abdali is promoted by MAWARED’s brochures, website, videos, and other promotional materials such as the “New Downtown for Amman,” and more recently due to criticism, the slogan has changed to the “New Business District”. Newly introduced functions include exclusive office space, an IT Park, commercial and high-end residential spaces, in addition to a newly created civic “secular” plaza bounded by the state mosque, the Parliament, and the courts of law. There appears to be a symbolic replacement of the existing historic downtown and the current civic/urban symbols (e.g., The Historic Husseini Mosque and specialty Ammani markets). The Abdali Project, with its universal geometry, had also caused the displacement of the existing near-by Abdali transportation terminal, together with its drivers, informal venders and occupants, to the outskirts of Amman away from the centre of the city. The project will also definitely compete with the existing historic downtown, which is already suffering from a lack of economic vitality and gradually disintegrating. The public transportation terminal has been moved to the outskirts of the city in Tabarbour, causing major difficulties for the average citizen for whom public transportation is essential in daily life. One of the major characteristics of neoliberal projects is the pushing away of “the undesired,” the poor, to the outskirts of the city. Apparently Al Abdali project has succeeded in that. This provides another global example of how the poor of the city relate to these neoliberal projects (Daher, 2012). Additionally, by shifting Al Abdali bus terminal, not only are we detouring a major movement pattern, we are also extracting more than 30 years from the contemporary history of the city. 4.3 PHYSICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS Due to the relatively high density this area is planned to host, many resulting physical and environmental impacts will occur, dramatically affecting the surrounding areas ongoing since the construction phases until currently being partially occupied.


20

Al-Abdali Project SP711_Planning Studio II

9.March.2013

Physical Impacts

Impact Areas – Physical • Traffic conges on • Peak hours • Change/ restora on of heights and facades of building nearby • Narrow roads and sidewalks • Lack of parking spaces • Public transport op ons available in adjacent areas are Service Taxis and Taxis only • Time frame - core of

21

Al-Abdaliproblem Project area: 0-5 Years SP711_Planning Studio II

Environmental Impact Impacts Areas

9.March.2013

– Environmental

• Dust and noise problem due to construc on work • Sewage problem • Reduced of water supplied • Time frame - core of problem area: 0-5 Years


4.4. SUMMARY The main findings of research conducted through visits, surveys and analyses are as follows:

Table 5: Summery Matrix

5. CONCLUSIONS According to research findings, the following impacts of Al Abdali Projects on the surrounding areas are either already evident or can be confidently forecast: Social Impacts 

Significant numbers of different nationalities are likely to be injected into the Suleiman alNabulsi neighbourhood. This is likely to generate a new, predominantly working-class-social layer composed of different expatriate nationalities (Egyptians, Chinese and Philippines, and others). Numerous Jordanian households have in fact already vacated their properties due to the increase of rental fees and were replaced by the previously mentioned new working layer.



This new working-class social layer is expected to grow and cause further social fragmentation, resulting in a decline in social cohesion and an increase in social exclusion.



Since several inhabitants of the area stated that Al Abdali project is like ‘an alien body that has been implanted in the area with specific entry points’, it appears this will only further isolate and marginalize any remaining residents of this and other neighbourhoods. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015 254

Economic Impacts 

 

Suleiman al-Nabulsi St will be most significantly affected. The retail business is likely to shrink due to the rapid increase of rent rates and loss of customers. Most of the retail business in the street has been reliant on the employees of the government departments that existed before the project as well as the high number of citizens visiting those governmental offices on a daily basis. Many retail business owners will cease to be there. Indications are that they will depart as soon as they can sell their businesses. The cost of living in the Suleiman al-Nabulsi neighbourhood will increase significantly in terms of residential rental rates, and extra transportation costs due to displacement of the former commuter terminal. Cultural Impacts



The symbolic branding and marketing of the al Abdali project as the new downtown of Amman is not likely to happen. Instead a new, and largely alien cultural reality will be introduced, further eroding the cultural identity of the existing neighbourhoods.



The International Image introduced by Al-Abdali, predominated by new building and urban form, new massing, regulated open spaces and high-tech oriented Architectural details and materials, will most likely promote irresponsible replication of such images in surrounding areas. Culturally speaking, this could have devastating impacts and will require bold and robust counter-measures to ensure balance and harmony with Amman’s existing cultural identity.



Such development practices will signal what the authors of this paper view as an unhealthy start for new, more neoliberal oriented investments. This could trigger further marginalization, gentrification, and dislocation of what remains of the relatively young history of urban Amman.

Reference Daher, R. (2013). “Neoliberal Urban Transformations in The Arab City” in EnvironnementUrbain / Urban Environment, volume , 2013, p. aa-115 Innab, S. (2014). City of Events: a Close Look at Al Abdali Bus Terminal and Beyond. Available at http://www.citysharing.ch/invited-projects~68.html. Accessed in March 2015. Abu-Hejleh, H. (2012). Section Engineer (Interviewed by S. Tarabieh, S.) Amman. Daher, R. (2012). Designing Civic Encounter/ Workshop/Discourses Of Neoliberalism And Disparities In The City Landscape: Cranes, Craters, And An Exclusive Urbanity. Retrieved from: http://www.artterritories.net/designingcivicencounter/?page_id=78 Abdo, H. (2012). The Impact Assessment of al Abdali Project mitigating interventions, German Jordanian University Saifi, F. (2012) Marketing Manager (Interviewed by Tarabieh, S.) Amman.


The revitalization of historic centers: an attractive, sustainable urban project for the old center of Jijel. Yasmine Bouhelouf Laboratory of research and study in Amenagement and Urbanism (LREAU) University of Science and Technology Houari Boumediene (USTHB) – Algiers –Algeria [email protected]

ABSTRACT The future of town centers in the Algerian city represents a great challenge, since the rise of new growth in the outskirts is likely to weaken them. Indeed, in the absence of public intervention, these centers may depopulate, degrade and become marginalized from the general context of the surrounding territory. In this sense, our attention is focused on the situation in the downtown area of Jijel and its future. It suffers from a multidimensional decline in the eyes of both specialists and nonspecialists. Indeed, the ancient center of Jijel suffers from a lack of vitality and therefore appeal. Like other Algerian cities, Jijel aims to be a “qualitative, competitive, attractive and sustainable city" (SNAT 2025), and as such attractiveness has become a major issue for the city. There is widespread expectation that the city should move from being a small land-locked town into a major center of tourism, business and industry thanks to its attractive location, its natural resources, tourism potential and its ambitious future projects. In such a situation, the future of its ancient town-center represents a real problem. The old center is not developed enough for the role that Jijel should play in the eastern region of Algeria. In this context, the city center can benefit from global experience to support its urgent need of urban regeneration. We wanted then to provide guidance for the management of the urban entity which has weaknesses in the heart of an area of multiple ambitions. The main objective throughout this work is to draw up a sustainable urban attractiveness strategy to highlight the present situation of the ancient town center of Jijel and other old town centers in Algeria, in order to revitalize and rebuild its centrality. Furthermore to eradicate the process of decline that constantly threatens our central urban entity and consequently disturbs the entire territory to which it belongs. KEY WORDS: ancient center, revitalization, urban project of attractiveness, Jijel


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1. INTRODUCTION: URBAN REVITALIZATION, A FULL RESPONSE TO THE DETERIORATION OF THE OLD CENTERS Old centers, historic centers or downtowns, are terms used to qualify spaces that were not so long ago the whole cities of Mediterranean settlements. Currently, in a context marked by urban sprawl and decentralization, ancient centers are having their main functions weakened to the extent that sometimes they completely disappear. One of the reasons behind this is that their morphology, land structure and built typology limit their ability to adapt and respond spontaneously to changing lifestyles and modern forms of economy and trade. They then tend, with the absence of government intervention, to depopulate, to degrade and marginalize themselves from the general context of the territories around them. (IAURIF. 2006) In a global context of sustainable development, attractiveness and urban competitiveness, such crises in ancient centers pose a serious problem. Yet the question of their survival and regeneration presents a major challenge. According to Cornu (1981) "The old quarters have thus become newsmakers; it’s presented as deserving an almost religious aspect. And they are subject to incessant references and much debate" (CORNU, 1981). For more than thirty years, the concepts referring to the city have evolved, as expressed by Grumbach (1998): "do the city on the city" or Chaline (1999): "Urban Regeneration" to qualify urban policies and actions in favour of deprived quarters in general, and the old centers in particular. These terms mean to "regenerate", to "revitalize", to "renovate", and "curettage" them, and then to "restore", to "reclassify", to "rehabilitate", to "destroy to rebuild", which subscribe them to an urban renewal process. 2. THE URBAN PROJECT OF ATTRACTIVENESS, REVITALIZATION OF HISTORIC CENTERS

SERVING

THE

Attractiveness can be defined as "the ability to attract and retain activities, businesses and communities, through the existence of various factors that make a territory by its own characteristics, exert a pull effect to a more or less extent on businesses and households, and allows participation, with varying success, in the development of these” (FILONI, 2012). There are many types of attractiveness: attractiveness of capability/ability, touristic, economic, environmental, cultural and residential etc. Each type is conditioned by the presence of several factors.

Figure 01: the main dimensions of attraction for researchers, capabilities, tourists and investors, (Source: AZOUI, 2011)


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Analysis of these criteria has identified 4 attracting levels

Figure 02: Levers of urban attractiveness. Source: author

Sustainable urban attractiveness can be a powerful engine for the development, the (re) energizing and the revitalizing of a territory, of a city and especially of its old center. (BOURGAIN et al., 2010) Today, the revitalization policy has changed; planners are now trying to ensure the revitalization of cities or parts of the city by promoting them as attractive places for both the establishment of new businesses, and tourists, residents, visitors and researchers through the establishment of urban attractiveness projects that are:  specific to each city;  founded on the overall urban quality ;  Enhancing a territory’s own resources;  And registered to an approach of sustainable development, etc.1 The implementation of ‘urban attractiveness’ projects can generate positive impacts on the social and cultural aspects (intercultural understanding of peace and social animation) but also, and especially economically, as summarized by what we call "the residential economy", or "creative-face" (FLORIDA, 2002). In this sense the French economist Lawrence Davezies, confirms that "the whole functioning of the territorial system is now based on residential mobility of the population. The attractiveness of the territories becomes a fundamental issue of development (DAVEZIES, 2009). The gradual increase of attractiveness as a territorial development lever causes more and more communities to enter into competition, in order to capture the human flows and benefit from greater numbers of taxpayers, consumers, voters, 'secondary' residents, and tourists (HERVE et al, 2010). These are the groups who can stimulate local economic development and contribute positively to the image of the city, a sine qua non of any urban revitalization. This leads to a race in creating comparative residential advantages, such as producing a positive image, or that of an urban environment of quality; development of public investment in the areas of housing, infrastructure and public spaces, and rehabilitating existing homes etc (MIOT, 2014). Several city developments and attractiveness enhancement models exist and they attach great importance to the concept of identity and the conscious production of a branded image. The 1

attractiveness can also generate negative effects if developing with no regard of its durability, this can not only damage societies and the environment, but also develop the seeds of its own destruction; for this it is necessary to move towards sustainable attractiveness strategies. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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construction of this image can be through a change in the physical environment through urban renewal, the establishment of clusters and flagship projects which correspond to other revitalization strategies such as the quality of urban space, and urban tourism revitalization through architecture etc. However, this image can also be built through new conceptual orientations, such as urban marketing, event marketing, and “L’offre territorial” or by sustainable development which has become a new strategy that focuses more on the present era. These two strategies (attractiveness and urban revitalization) are closely related and it can be found that urban revitalization strategies come directly from that of attractiveness (BOUHELOUF, 2014). 3. THE DETERIORATION OF HISTORIC CENTERS IN THE ALGERIAN CITY: THE EXAMPLE OF THE OLD TOWN OF JIJEL If the old centers of Algerian cities have very different characteristics, but the mechanisms that lead to their degradation and abandonment are similar (urban sprawl, the spread of centralities, lack of public intervention ... etc) and therefore they are undergoing multiple realities; usually suffering from problems of obsolescence of buildings and public spaces, the emergence of wastelands and vacant land within the urban area, the deterioration of the living environment, and the resulting phenomena of demographic loosening. In addition to an erosion of activities and loss of jobs that contribute to loss of dynamism, attractiveness and vitality, the residential population is developing a negative image of these centres, because they are becoming more suited to contemporary urban circumstances. In this sense, attention is drawn to the ancient center of Jijel, given its state of multidimensional crisis. Jijel is located 300 km from the capital, and has an area of 62.38 km2. For more than 15 years the center has experienced a gradual decline, with the loss of sales momentum and a poor state of buildings and public spaces. The city is struggling to spontaneously find a new life or a new dynamism, which calls for urgent and comprehensive urban renewal.

Figure 03: Location of JIJEL. Source; www.Jijel .info.com


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the old center

Figure 05: deterioration in the quality of urban space in the old center of Jijel. Source: author

Jijel, like all Algerian cities is not immune to the challenges of this Century. The city wants to be "qualitative, competitive, attractive and sustainable" (MATET 2010) and aims, among others, to promote urban policy and urban renewal that makes the Algerian town qualitative, competitive, attractive and durable; able to meet the needs of its inhabitants and to adapt to changes as well as contribute to local culture and urban identity (MATET, 2010). Jijel certainly offers all the conditions for the realization of a pole of attraction. It can achieve the rank of being a major growth pole in the north-east of the country, due to its very attractive location, its natural resources, its tourist potential, and structural projects in progress.

Figure 06: The old center of Jijel: a fragile urban entity in the heart of a multi-territory ambition. Source: CEAP, 2011

For this reason the government must commit to implementing revitalization policies, which aim to upgrade the existing Jijel, giving it a more positive image. It is therefore particularly important to rebuild the centrality and dynamism of this area of conviviality, sociability, reference and identity, in order to carry a story and a picture which may also be the basis for a new development, which halts the process of decline. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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3.1 Definition and presentation of the study area The study area occupies the central part of the urban zone of Jijel. The former center covers an area of 44.5 ha, with ports (fishing and military) which extend over an area of 25 ha. This research suggests that the area requires:

Figure 07: Delineation and presentation of the historic center of Jijel, a weakened urban entity. Source: Google Earth treated by Author

3.2 A sustainable project for urban attraction "the awakening of the sleeping beauty." The situation of Jijel described above indicates challenges that are expected. But it also indicates that in order to become one of the areas of growth within Eastern Algeria it must develop in the fields of business and tourism. The city of Jijel is currently unable to follow the model of development for the city and its territory; failing to deliver the extent of development in the area, which is expected by its population and the elected local authorities. In order to confront this situation, the establishment of a strategy for sustainable urban attraction will be a message of hope to rehabilitate the old center of Jijel: The strategic area of interest is a living milieu of strong identities, a recognized business pole and a main employment center. Additionally, it is an area from which the city is identified. The questions that we should ask, and to which our communication will attempt to find answers to are:  How to revitalize the old center of Jijel and promote its socio-economic and spatial enhancement in harmony with local specificities and territory ambitions?  How will the revitalization of the old center of Jijel promote and trigger enhanced urban attractiveness?  What type of urban attractiveness projects will revitalize downtown Jijel?  And, what type of urban attractiveness should be used; touristic, residential, or economic? 3.3 Establishing a diagnosis of the old center is essential Since every old center is unique: there is no perfect model to reproduce or to generate a miraculous solution. Antique malls are all different and attractiveness strategies proposed for possible revitalization must take into consideration existing local situations, emphasizing the values of the territories and their capacity to be promoted. It is strongly recommended to start with a diagnosis. Many diagnostic methods exist, among the Multi Criterion Analysis (CMA)


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and the SWOT (Strength, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats) have been chosen, preceded by conventional analysis (preliminary diagnosis - inventory). To succeed in our approach three tools were used, namely:

The results of the interviews and the analysis of territorial patterns showed that the strategy for improving the attraction of the old center of Jijel for possible revitalization cannot be outside the fields of tourism and business (2). Today, the city of Jijel must engage in a (residential tourist and business (economic)) generalized attractiveness and overall strategy to make the center a living entity. 3.4 Findings and classical analysis: keys figures

Subject matter

Population, employment and activities

Habitat and equipment

physical framework

Land and urban wasteland And legal status

Explanation 7,331 inhabitants in 1977, 3,652 inhabitants in 2011 (depopulation of the old center) An unemployment rate of 45% or nearly 1 of 2 active unemployed. Weakened business does not meet the aspirations of the people Tourism and port activity not stated. The city of Jijel is a real administrative center for the concentration of a large number of administrative facilities (banks, courthouses etc). Habitat of different types (Arabic, colonial, recent individuals, collective ...) a TOL lower than the national average of six people / Logt Estate dilapidated housing and not involving A vacancy rate in 2010 with 11.4%, 3% increase each year A real estate market at prices more or less accessible. A colonial heritage: 45% of colonial type and 30% of type Arabic Well structured road network, composed of three structural axes, three centralities. Mode of transport and lack of non-solid Lack of green spaces and public spaces not invested by residents Buildings in poor condition are 39.8% of all built Brownfield sites that are still waiting for recovery. Undeveloped open space, primarily located in the city-port interface area, spread over an area of 2.5 Ha and constitute a significant stock of land suitable for the implementation of future investment programs. By adding the presence of a large property in occupied buildings and vacant houses in a very advanced state of degradation. More than 30% of the private ownership of land

3.5 Targeted urban analysis indicators: assessing the attractiveness; key step. Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Given the complexity of the topic of attractiveness, the classical analysis will not be sufficient. It must be accompanied by an AMC that will allow us to assess the attractiveness of the center and its territory. This depends, however, on the dynamics affecting the surrounding areas and projects that are planned or in progress. Through theoretical research on the factors of economic attractiveness, tourism, and residential land, we have highlighted a range of criteria and indicators for widespread attractiveness (residential, business and tourism at a time) necessary for the assessment of attractiveness of the center and its territory within the city of Jijel. The results of the analysis are presented in the form of radar profiles in figure No. 08, 09.

Figure 08: assessment profile of attractiveness of the ancient center of Jijel and its territory. Source: author

Figure 09: assessment profile in the touristic infrastructures and cultural ressources. Source: author

The results of the evaluation, shown schematically above confirm the unattractiveness of present downtown Jijel, due to the significant lack of infrastructure and the prerequisites for high quality of life and tourism (quality of urban space, cultural and tourism infrastructure, service equipment for businesses, events and cultural productions etc). However, natural resources and human potential both offer great opportunities for the development of the center's appeal. While other areas such as connectivity, installation conditions and structural facilities are within a mean interval. The general profile allows us to identify areas representing attraction forces that require strategies for development and preservation, and the areas that require urgent action namely: tourism infrastructure, cultural resources and the living environment.


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Figure 10: Evaluation of areas of attractiveness. Source: BOUHELOUF, 2014

One of the problems of the old center is a lack of supply in terms of responsiveness (reception infrastructure, leisure, consumption, transportation accessibility, building superior services etc.), activities (higher tertiary and service, leisure, consumption), and livability (quality of urban space, housing, etc.). But even those that do exist are of poor quality and do not meet the aspirations of the target population.

Figure 11: Improving the overall supply of the city, a prerequisite for its revitalization. BOUHELOUF, 2014)

(Source:

Any work on the proposals (activity, responsiveness and livability) in downtown must be accompanied by urban marketing actions to promote the new proposals of the territory (whether residential, commercial or economic) from each of the public bodies concerned (investors, tourists, businessmen, residents, general public). Urban marketing will also convey the image built for Jijel and develops its reputation.


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3.6 SWOT analysis: for qualitative diagnosis in the old center of Jijel and its territory Strengths - Urban Fabric well structured. - Existence of a large fishing port and marina at the perimeter of the center. -Low Urban density - Land potential; offering large urban values. -Availability of Urban land and wasteland in busy recover. - Varied habitat -The Presence of interesting places as well as major structural boulevards that can be used as animated axes -Security And urban tranquility.

Weakness - Negative overall physical conditions -Absence of adequate commercial offers to serve the local population and visitors. -Lack of luxury housing -Lack of higher tertiary facilities -Lack of cultural facilities, recreation centers and playgrounds at the neighbourhood level. -Reallocation of port activity. -Lack of parking and lack of parking areas in secondary channels, and Inappropriate and rigid transit -mode -Lack of consumer spaces and attractive and radiant leisure Opportunities Threats -A Classified natural heritage -Urban sprawl at the expense of high potential -Availability of human resources agricultural land and tourist areas, in particular -Natural landscape wealth among the most that of the East side of the city -Absence of a strategic vision capable of beautiful in the Mediterranean basin -Varied natural resources: water, soil, energy, carrying a global project for the city center -Seismic and flooding risks agricultural land strong potential. -Varied topography of land form (favorable -etc ... to agricultural intensification and urbanization) Enormous tourist potential. Etc ... The results clearly demonstrate that the potential of the city is immense and diverse. Such potential can promote the emergence of a project of urban attraction and ‘attractiveness’. The lack of supply in terms of inhabitability, responsiveness and activity as shown in AMC, is considered as the main factor reducing the center's appeal and therefore its revitalization, SWOT grid allows us to point out another weakness, no less important than the first, which is the poor quality of urban space; due mainly to the obsolescence of the built environment, the poor quality of public spaces and green areas, as well as the presence of wasteland and vacant land, which generates a negative overall image for the resident population, visitors and tourists. Indeed, the results of interviews, as well as the theoretical development of the factors of attractiveness show that the urban area is the first interface between a city for both its residents and visitors. Therefore, the quality of the urban area is the primary determinant of the attractiveness of a city in that it shapes the perception and builds the image of the city.

CONCLUSION: ANCIENT CENTER OF JIJEL: PROJECTIONS INTO THE FUTURE, IDENTITY, BRANDING, QUALITY OF LIFE AND GLOBAL QUALITY In conclusion an urban project of attractiveness is vital to leverage Jijel’s revitalization. Such a project may be realized through promoting and enhancing the attractiveness of the old center of Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015

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Jijel for the reasons mentioned above, in particular through the formulation of a strategic ambition through the establishment of an urban project approach. More pragmatically, the affirmation of the old center of Jijel as residential, tourist and business areas obliges us to refocus on the relevant levers of attraction of the economic and touristic elements that are primarily focused on the transformation of the image through improving the quality of urban space (ensuring quality planning through physical regeneration), the guarantee of quality based on the activity, and responsiveness and inhabitability to ensure a better quality of life for a diverse population. If physical work in the urban space is not accompanied by work on the perception of the urban space, the reverse is also true. Criteria such as image, identity, and representations of urban space play a crucial role in the attractiveness of cities. This is why creating a brand image and building an affirmed distinctive identity in downtown Jijel, with a strategy of urban-based marketing, communications, and special events seems necessary. Jijel has long suffered from a lack of branding; today it is obliged to work on its image, in order to express its individuality and uniqueness through the development of its vast resources (natural, cultural etc.). Through researching the history of the city of Jijel and through analysis of interviews with local stakeholders (residents, policy makers, and professionals), two elements can be suggested to build a brand image for Jijel:  Natural heritage, as an essential element of the image of Jijel The city of Jijel is known for its exceptional natural heritage, which is an asset for its promotion as a destination. The integration of nature into the city center can confirm its image as a city of high landscape. 

" Return to the Sea": a winning card for downtown Jijel

The city’s port areas are rich in terms of the social history of Jijel. Their presence is strong in the minds of the population. In this regard, any development projects should open the port to the population and the city to the sea. To succeed in realizing the three directions mentioned above, the old center of Jijel calls for a global action on urban regeneration in the context of an urban project. The following diagram shows the strategy proposed for the old center of Jijel.  Regulation of attractiveness measures to ensure sustainable urban revitalization. This proposed attractiveness strategy for the center of Jijel will certainly generate a dynamism and bring new life into the center by introducing new activities, new inhabitants and consequently by creating a new richness and wealth sources, generate new jobs, and liveliness etc. In order to maintain this status, it is necessary to think about the negative effects that may be caused by the non- mastery of the proposed attractive effect.


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References Bouhelouf , Y. (2014). L’attractivité urbaine au service de la revitalisation du centre ancien de Jijel, Master thesis: EPAU. Bourgian, A. et al. L'attractivité : quel levier pour le développement ?, Mondes en développement 2010/1 (n° 149), p. 7-10.DOI 10.3917/med.149.0007 Article available online at http://www.cairn.info/revue-mondes-en-developpement-2010-1-page-7.htm Cornu, M. (1981). Quartier anciens : les sacraliser ? Les moderniser ?. Revue Urbanisme. Davezies, L. (2009). L'économie locale résidentielle. Géographie, économie, société, 2009/1 Vol. 11, p. 47-53 Article available at : http://www.cairn.info/revue-geographie-economiesociete-2009-1-page-47.htm Filoni, G. (2012). Les Pyrénées à l'épreuve de la compétition des territoires: le secteur des Métiers et de l'Artisanat sujet du marketing territorial, Master thesis, the Institute of Political Studies in Aix-en-Provence. Herve, A. and others (2010). L’attractivité résidentielle des agglomérations françaises. DAUPHIN: University of France. IAURIF (2006). n°145, p 11 MATET. (2010). SNAT 2030, Document de synthèse». Miot, Y. (2014). Renouveler l’habitat des quartiers anciens dans le cadre de la politique de la Ville : la gentrification comme horizon ? – Les exemples de Mulhouse, Roubaix et SaintEtienne. available at URL : http://metropoles.revues.org/4777


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‫سياسات و أدوات التعمير في الجزائر‪ -‬دراسة حالة مدينة متوسطة ‪ :‬جيجل‬ ‫مصطفى بليبٍلي ‪ ،1‬أ عمار بوالشعير ‪ ،2‬ب ‪ ،‬رشيد محداب‬

‫‪ ،3‬ج‬

‫‪ -1‬مخبر األبحاث البناء و المحيط‪-‬جامعة محمد الصديق بن يحيى –ص ب ‪– 98‬اوالد عيسى ‪ 19111‬جيجل‪-‬الجزائر‬ ‫‪ -2‬مخبر األبحاث البناء و المحيط‪-‬جامعة محمد الصديق بن يحيى –ص ب ‪– 98‬اوالد عيسى ‪ 19111‬جيجل‪-‬الجزائر‬ ‫‪ -3‬دائرة الهندسة المعمارية‪-‬جامعة عبد الرحمان ميرة –نهج طرقة أوزمور ‪ 6111‬بجاية‪-‬الجزائر‬ ‫أ‪ ، [email protected] -‬ب‪ ، [email protected]‬ج‪. [email protected] -‬‬

‫الملخص‬ ‫تتميز السياسات العمرانية في الجزائر بتأثرها الفعال والقوي باإلرث االستعماري وكذا التطور الشامل للتخطيط العمراني في‬ ‫العالم‪ .‬إن الجزائر كبقية البلدان لم تسلم من تغييرات وتطورات أدوات التعمير المؤثرة على الحيز الحضري‪ .‬وقد تميزت هذه‬ ‫التطورات في بداية األمر بالفقدان التدريجي لالهتما بالجودة الجمالية في تصميم المساحات الحضرية وكذا تفاصيل تهيئتها‪،‬‬ ‫لصالح تقنيات التهيئة اإلقليمية والتخطيط الحضري الشامل والمبرمج مسبقا‪ .‬وفي مراحل أخرى‪ ،‬تعتبراآلثار السلبية إلنتاج‬ ‫الفضاءات العمرانية‪ ،‬وفقا لهذه األساليب‪ ،‬وكذا الوضعية االقتصادية الصعبة‪ ،‬وبعد سنوات من النمو‪ ،‬لوحظ الرجوع‪ ،‬بصفة‬ ‫واضحة وبأكثر وعي لنهج تأخذ بعين االعتبار البعد الفضائي وكذا العقالنية في شغل األراضي‪ ،‬التشاور‪ ،‬والتصاميم المفصلة‬ ‫وحتى مفهو تجميل البيئة الحضرية‪ ،‬الذي تم العودة إليه بعد التخلي عنه فيما مضى ‪.‬‬ ‫هذه الدراسة تناقش ما يلي‪ :‬أوال‪ ،‬السياسة وأدوات التخطيط من الحقبة االستعمارية وخالل العقود الثالثة األولى من االستقالل‪،‬‬ ‫وثانيا‪ ،‬اإلصالحات في بداية التسعينيات وكذا الصعوبات والعوائق التي صادفتها‪ .‬و لهذا تم اختيار حالة دراسية تتمثل في‬ ‫'جيجل' وهي مدينة متوسطة من مدن الجزائر‪ ،‬عاشت المراحل المذكورة وطبقت عليها السياسات وأدوات التعمير التي تخص‬ ‫موضوعنا‪.‬‬ ‫الكلمات المفتاحية ‪ :‬توسع المجال الحضري ‪ ،‬التخطيط العمراني ‪ ،‬التهيئة والتعمير ‪ ،‬أدوات التعمير‪.‬‬ ‫المقدمة‬ ‫تع ّد قواعد التّهيئة والتّعمير في تاريخ البشرية حضارة‪ ،‬علم‪ ،‬فن وأخالق‪ ،‬وهي التعبير عن مجموعة من المعارف والمهارات‬ ‫وانبعاث لثقافة حضارة التمدن الّتي تساهم في تطوير اإلنسان وأفكاره وحياته االجتماعية وترجمة لها من خالل فن تنظيم البناء‬ ‫والعمران ‪ .‬وتع ّد نوعية البناء وشكله وإدماجه في المحيط واحترا المناظر الطّبيعية والحضرية و حماية التراث الثقافي‬ ‫والتاريخ بمنفعة عمومية لكامل أفراد المجتمع والدولة على السواء‪.‬‬ ‫وقد تطوّرت هذه المفاهيم لتصبح قوانين قائمة بذاتها تشمل وضع القواعد القانونية ال ّرامية إلى كيفية تنظيم المدن وإنجاز‬ ‫التّجمعات السكنية العمرانية‪ ،‬تنظيم إنتاج األراضي القابلة للتّعمير‪ ،‬إنجاز وتطوير المباني حسب التّسيير العقالني لألرض‪،‬‬ ‫تحقيق التوازنات بين مختلف األنشطة االجتماعية ( زراعة‪ ،‬صناعة‪ ،‬سكن )‪ ،‬المحافظة على المحيط والبيئة والمنظر العا‬ ‫الحضاري وهذا بموجب سياسة وإستراتيجية عامة تح ّدد على أساسها القوانين وتنفذ عن طريق أدوات التهيئة والتّعمير‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫إن سياسات التهيئة والتعمير في الجزائر م ّرت بع ّدة مراحل حاولت من خاللها الحكومات المتعاقبة ومنذ االستقالل التحكم في‬ ‫قواعد البناء والتّوسع العمراني ورغم أنّها وإن غيّرت شيئا من مظاهر الحياة العمرانية واالجتماعية إالّ ّ‬ ‫أن هذه القواعد ظلّت‬ ‫ناقصة وغير مواكبة لما توصّلت إليه الحضارات اإلنسانية ألسباب موضوعية أهمها ‪ :‬التّخلف االقتصادي والنزوح الريفي و‬ ‫النمو ال ّديمغرافي المفرط وعد فعالية القوانين والتنظيمات الّتي طبقّت في هذا المجال تنفيذا لسياسة معيّنة األمر الذي أ ّدى إلى‬ ‫تواطّأ الجهات اإلدارية وكذا المستوى الثقافي السائد آنذاك‪ .‬عليه ترتب ظهور مدن بأكملها وأحياء وبنايات كبيرة و منشآت من‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪268‬‬

‫العد تفتقر ألدنى قواعد التهيئة العمرانية والصحية ودون احترا ألدنى المقاييس والشروط المطبقة في هذا المجال أو عل‬ ‫أراضي زراعية جد خصبة أو في مناطق محمية و مصنفة دوليا وداخليا‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬النشأة و التطور العمراني للمدينة‪:‬‬ ‫مدينة جيجل‪ ،‬جيجلي أو إيجيلجيلي قديما و منذ نشأتها‪ ،‬خضعت لهيمنة الشعوب و الحضارات المتعاقبة والتي شهدها تاريخ‬ ‫البحر األبيض المتوسط‪ .‬حيث كانت معظم هذه الحضارات تولي اهتماما لموقعها االستراتيجي مورفلوجيتها التي هي على‬ ‫شكل مرافئ طبيعية‪ .‬وقد شهدت نشاط حول سواحلها‪ ،‬و من هذا المكان انطلق نمو وتطور المدينة‪ .‬المدينة العتيقة كانت تحتل‬ ‫أساسا شبه الجزيرة التي كانت متصلة باليابسة عبر مضيق صغير وكذلك كانت محصنة بجدار قديم ضد هجمات القبائل‬ ‫المجاورة‪.‬‬ ‫مع الفينيقيين‪ ،‬كان االحتالل يقتصر على مساحة صغيرة جدا‪ ،‬واآلثار التي تثبت وجودها هي المقابر المنحوتة في الصخر‪،‬‬ ‫التي ال تزال مرئية في "النقطة السوداء" (الربطة حاليا)‪ .‬أما عند الرومان‪ ،‬لم تقتصر المدينة على الشبه الجزيرة والقلعة‬ ‫الحالية‪ ،‬ولكن امتدت إلى موقع المدينة الحديثة الحالية‪ ،‬وخاصة في الجزء الذي يقع على حدود البحر (الميناء)‪ .‬وقد تميز‬ ‫االحتالل البيزنطي عموما بتوسيع المدينة القديمة وكذا التحصينات المتمثلة في جدان تتخللها عدة أبراج‪ ،‬أما بالنسبة للحقبة‬ ‫التالية و المتمثلة في الغزو الوندالي فلم يتبقى منها أي أثر‪ .‬وخالل حكم العرب لم تشهد أية تغييرات كبرى ملحوظة ‪ ،‬حيث تم‬ ‫الحفاظ على الجدران الرومانية (البيزنطية) ‪ ،‬وكذا لم يتم بناء إال بعض المساجد والمدارس القرأنية ‪ ،‬والتي تم تدميرها الحقا‬ ‫من قبل النورمنديين‪ ،‬و تقليص محيط المدينة‪ .‬مع مجيء األتراك‪ ،‬اقتصر نشاطهم داخل الجدران القديمة‪ .‬وقد تميزت هذه‬ ‫الفترة من خالل تطوير هياكل المبادالت التجارية وكذا الفضاءات االجتماعات‪ ،‬ال سيما المتمثلة في األسواق‪ ،‬المساجد‪ ،‬الميناء‬ ‫‪ ...‬الخ‪ .‬يتموقع الميناء في الخليج الذي يطل على الجهة الشرقية كونه محمي من الرياح بواسطة اليابسة من الغرب‪ ،‬من‬ ‫الشمال مجموعة صخور كحاجز غير كاف ضد األمواج العاتية‪.‬‬

‫ب‪-‬أثار فينيقية‬ ‫أ‪ -‬أثار رومانية‬ ‫شكل ‪ :1‬لوحتان لديالمار‪ ،‬تبينان األتار الفينيقية و الرومانية عند دخول اإلستعمار(‪)1988-1981‬‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪269‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 2‬خريطة لمدينة جيجل وضاحيتها مؤرخة في ‪ 1661‬لجون أوجيلبي‪ -‬لندن‬

‫بعد الحملة الفرنسية األولى التي قا بها الدوق دي بوفور عا ‪ ،1668‬تم تدمير المدينة بالكامل جراء القصف‪ .‬و مع وصول‬ ‫الفرنسيين عا ‪ 1938‬بعد احتالل الجزائر‪ ،‬وبعد سلسلة من المواجهات‪ ،‬تم توجيه اهتما الغزاة آنذاك إلى المدينة التي كانت‬ ‫في حالة جد متدهورة‪ .‬و قد تمت االستفادة من بقايا الجدران القديمة للمدينة التاريخية‪ .‬و كذلك تم ترميم و إعادة استعمال‬ ‫البرج السداسي المتواجد منذ الحملة األولى (دوق دي بوفور) و الذي اتخذ اسم حصن سانت فردينان‪ ،‬و في الوسط تم إنشاء‬ ‫أيضا معقل مربع حصن غالبوا متصلة بحصن أخر سمي بسانت أوجيني‪ .‬وتقرر تشييد حصن تحت دوكين من تحت أنقاض‬ ‫منشأء دينية(زاوية) إسالمية قديمة‪.‬‬ ‫في عا ‪ 1986‬هز زلزال عنيف األرض‪ ،‬انهار إثره المسجد وعدة منازل‪ ،‬حيث انسحب البحر على مسافة كبيرة ليعود و‬ ‫يستكمل الكارثة ‪ ،‬ويهدا كان التدمير الكامل لما كانت تسمى بمدينة "جيجيلي"‪.‬‬

‫شكل ‪ :3‬منظر مزدوج للضفة الغربية قبل وبعد زلزال ‪1986‬‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪270‬‬

‫كان هناك إنشاء تخطيط عمراني الجديد على شكل مثلثي يتطابق وشكل السهل و التضاريس المجاورة‪ ،‬و محدود بالشوارع‬ ‫الرئيسية الثالثة‪ :‬شارع فيفون ‪ ) .Vivonne‬حاليا األمير عبد القادر‪ ،).‬شارع غاداني‪(. Gadaigne‬حاليا أول نوفمبر)‪ ،‬شارع‬ ‫كالرفيل‪( Clerville‬حاليا عبد الحميد بن باديس)‪ .‬هذه الشوارع الثالثة تؤدي إلى ثالثة تقاطعات كانت عبارة عن أبواب‬ ‫المدينة االستعمارية‪.‬‬ ‫وبحلول أوائل القرن التاسع عشر تم تشييد أولى مباني االستيطان والمتمثلة في الكنيسة عا ‪( 1968‬التي دمرت في ‪،)1881‬‬ ‫المستشفى‪ ،‬السوق‪ ،‬المحكمة‪ ،‬والميناء كأهم المنشات الذي كان عبارة عن مرفأ روماني و دمر إثر زلزال ‪ ،1986‬حيث تم‬ ‫إعادة بنائه عا ‪ 1998‬واكتماله في عا ‪.1838‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 8‬النسيج العمراني لما قبل االستعمار الفرنسي (قبل ‪)1931‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 8‬أول مخطط تعمير لمدينة جيجل يعود لسنة ‪1961‬‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪271‬‬

‫‪ .2‬تطور السياسة العمرانية في الجزائر و جيجل‬

‫‪ 1.2‬مرحلة ما قبل االستعمار‪:‬‬ ‫طبقت في هذه الفترة سياسة عمرانية تهدف الى استنزاف الثروات الوطنية و تشويه التاريخ و الثقافة الجزائرية ‪ ,‬حيث أنها لم‬ ‫تراعي األنماط المعمارية و العمرانية التاريخية ‪ ,‬باإلضافة إلى اهمال الجوانب االقتصادية و االجتماعية الجزائرية من‬ ‫تقاليد و قيم ‪ ,‬و هو ما يالحظ بشكل واضح في االنقطاع الموجود بين األنماط القديمة و األنماط المستوردة خاصة في المدن‬ ‫الكبرى حيث في سنة ‪ , 1889‬حاول الفرنسيون تغليط الرأي العا العالمي و الوطني بخصوص الحرب التحريرية باعتبارهم‬ ‫أن الثورة الجزائرية ال تهدف الى الحرية بل قامت من أجل الرفع من المستوى المعيشي للمواطنين و محاربة ما يسمى بالجهل‬ ‫و الفقر و تجسدت هذه السياسة في انجاز أكبر مشروع تنموي أال و هو مشروع قسنطينة الذي يرمي إلى انتهاج سياسة تنموية‬ ‫على مستوى كبريات المدن باإلضافة إلى و ضع قانون التخطيط الحضري في الجزائر و الذي لم يطبق في سنة ‪ 1861‬و‬ ‫اشتمل هذا القانون على ‪:‬‬ ‫المخطط التوجيهي العمراني الذي وضع كمشروع برنامج لتوجيه التهيئة و التنمية في البلديات ‪.‬‬‫ المخطط العمراني المفصل الذي وضع من أجل توضيح و تطبيق التوجيهات األساسية الموجودة في المخطط األول‬‫‪.‬‬ ‫أثناء االستعمار‪ ،‬السياسات العمرانية وتخطيط المدن في الجزائر كانت ترجع إلى الهيئة التشريعية المعمول بها في فرنسا منذ‬ ‫عا ‪ .1818‬وبين عامي ‪ 1833‬و ‪ ،1862‬ظهرت أحياء جديدة عشوائية (غبر مخططة) حول المدينة كحي مصطفى‪ ،‬حي‬ ‫موسى و الهضبة‪ .‬كذلك شوهد نمو وإعمار الضواحي على طول المسالك الريفية‪ ،‬تشييد أحياء إعادة اإلسكان المبرمجة في‬ ‫إطار السكن االقتصادي (السكن الرخيص‪ )HBM -‬في المنطقة الواقعة بين جبل القرن (المقابر) و البحر غربا‪ .‬وفي عا‬ ‫‪ ،1889‬تم سن قانون جديد في فرنسا (تم تمديده في الجزائر في عا ‪ ،)1861‬الذي يقو بتوسيع إشكالية التهيئة العمرانية إلى‬ ‫كافة اإلقليم‪ ،‬إذ يتمثل عموما في ترتيب " مخطط توجيهي للتعمير‪ " PUD -‬وكذا أداة التنفيذ لمحتواه بواسطة " المخطط‬ ‫العمراني المفصل "‪ .‬في عا ‪ 1862‬تم إدخال مخطط المبادئ للتعمير )‪ ،(PUP‬الذي كان يهدف لتنظيم العمران في المدن التي‬ ‫لم تكن تخضع للمخططات التوجيهية للتعمير‪ ،PUD‬التي يصل عدد سكانها إلى ‪ 11 111‬نسمة‪.‬‬

‫شكل‪ : 6‬الوضع القائم للمدينة سنة ‪1881‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 6‬مخطط التهيئة ‪ ،‬التوسع و التزيين لمدينة‬ ‫جيجل‪1833 ،‬‬

‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪272‬‬

‫أ ‪ -‬حي سكني مخصص إلطارات االستعمار من برنامج قسنطينة ‪1889‬‬

‫ب‪-‬جودة فضاءات العمران إبان اإلستعمار‬ ‫شكل ‪ : 9‬مناظر للفضاءات الناتجة عن طرق التعمير الفرنسي‬

‫‪ 2.2‬مرحلة ما بعد االستقالل‪:‬‬ ‫وجدت الجزائر نفسها بعد االستقالل مباشرة أما مجال عمراني و اقتصادي موروث تسوده الفوضى العقارية و قلة المرافق و‬ ‫إهمال من طرف الجزائريين ‪ ,‬و من بين الخطوات األولى التى انتهجتها الجزائر ‪ .‬هي إنشاء ما يسمى بالمخطط العمراني‬ ‫المبدئي للبلديات ‪ ,‬التي يزيد عدد سكانها ‪ 11‬أالف نسمة و لم تأخد بعين االعتبار في الفترة االستعمارية و في سنة ‪1868‬‬ ‫تزايد االهتما بهذا المجال و ذلك بإنشاء وزارة االشغال العمومية و البناء لالهتما بهذا المجال حيث قامت بانشاء مكتب‬ ‫الدراسات العمومية و الهندسة المعمارية و البناء سنة ‪ , 1869‬ثم تلته مكاتب الدراسات و هيئات أخرى تسهر على تطوير و‬ ‫تنظيم العمران في الجزائر ‪ ,‬حيث أوكلت إليها مهمة انجاز مخططات توجيهية حضرية لكل المدن الجزائرية نذكر من‬ ‫بينها )‪ (CADAT‬و التي أنشأت سنة ‪ 1861‬و استمرت إلى الثمانينات و مكتب )‪ (COMEDOR‬و هو مكتب وطني أوكلت‬ ‫إليه مهمة إنشاء المخطط العمراني التوجيهي لمدينة الجزائر ‪ 1866-1861‬و قد اعتمد على بعض األفكار و الدراسات‬ ‫الخارجية ‪ ,‬أين حاولوا تطبيقها على الجزائر من بينها مناطق التعمير األولية و المناطق الحضرية السكنية‬ ‫الجديدة )‪ (ZUHN‬و نظرا للتغيرات االجتماعية و االقتصادية و السياسية التي حدثت في الجزائر و انتهجت سياسة التخطيط‬ ‫الحضري إلى نمط حديث و دراسة المدينة بالعالقة مع المحيط و تجسد ذلك بصدور قانون التهيئة و التعمير ‪ 1881‬و التوجيه‬ ‫العقاري في نفس السنة و تم تطبيقه عن طريق المراسيم التالية ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪273‬‬

‫ عقود التعمير "المرسو التنفيذي" رقم ‪166-81‬‬‫ المخطط التوجيهي للتهيئة و التعمير "‪ "PDAU‬المرسو التنفيذي ‪166-81‬‬‫ مخطط شغل األراضي ‪ POS‬المرسو التنفيذي ‪169-81‬‬‫بين ‪ 1862‬و ‪ 1862‬أي مباشرة بعد االستقالل لم يمكن موضوع العمران من أولويات الدولة الجزائرية الفتية ‪ ،‬حيث كانت‬ ‫اهتماماتها تتمحور خصوصا حول القطاع الصناعي قاعدة لنهوض و استقاللية االقتصاد الوطني‪ .‬علما أن هذه الفترة اتسمت‬ ‫بالتعمير السريع و القوي لمناطق االستثمار الصناعي و كذلك النزوح الكثيف للسكان اتجاه معظم المدن الجزائرية‪.‬‬ ‫فيما يتعلق االستحواذ على الفضاء‪ ،‬سواء كان في المناطق الحضرية أو الريفية‪ ،‬فإن مدينة جيجل على غرار المدن و القرى‬ ‫الجزائرية عرفت استغالل و شغل فوضوي بالنسبة للممتلكات الشاغرة التي تركها السكان األوربيون الذين هجروا البالد بشكل‬ ‫جماعي‪ .‬وكان يعتبر هذا االستحواذ عادال للطبقات االجتماعية الشعبية التي تم طردها و أخد أراضيها سابقا من جهة وكذا‬ ‫المشاركة بنشاط في النضال من أجل التحرير‪.‬من جهة أخرى‪ .‬وهذا ما كان منطقيا في منظور النظا السياسي‪.‬‬ ‫إن قانون ‪ 21/62‬المؤرخ في ‪ 28‬أوت ‪ 1862‬بشأن حماية وإدارة العقارات و الممتلكات الشاغرة وكذا مرسو مارس لسنة‬ ‫‪ 1863‬بشأن العقارات الشاغرة وجاءا لتسوية و تنظيم هذا الوضع‪ .‬وهكذا‪ ،‬فإن الملكيات المتروكة من قبل المستعمرين أعلنت‬ ‫"شاغرة" وأسندت إدارتها إلى جمعيات الفالحين في إطار التعاونيات الفالحية الذاتية‪ .‬حيث شوهد نزوح ريفي قوي ضاعفه‬ ‫النمو السكاني العالي الذي أذى إلى الزيادة في كثافة أحياء المدينة‪ :‬حي مصطفى‪ ،‬حي موسى‪ ،‬الهضبة ـالضاحية كذا ظهور‬ ‫أحياء جديدة والمتمثلة في مناطق سكنية عفوية وغير قانونية‪ (.‬التعمير الفوضوي الغير منظم‪ ،‬األحياء القصديرية الخ‪ ...‬على‬ ‫سبيل المثال حي العقابي وحي أيوف) ‪ .‬كان لهذا تأثير سلبي على البيئة‪ ،‬مما أدى إلى تدهور المناطق الساحلية‪ ،‬والتعدي على‬ ‫األراضي الزراعية والغابات‪.‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 8‬منظر عا للمدينة الناتج عن السياسات و األدوات المعمول بها بعد اإلستقالل‪.‬‬


‫في حدود سنوات الثالثينيات‪.‬‬

‫في حدود سنوات السبعينيات‪.‬‬

‫في حدود سنوات التسعينيات‪.‬‬

‫توسع مدينة جيجل‬

‫في حوالي سنة ‪0781.‬‬

‫في حدود سنوات الستينيات‪.‬‬

‫في حدود سنوات الثمانينات‪.‬‬

‫في حدود سنوات ‪. 2111‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 11‬نمو البقعة العمرانية مقارنة مع إقليم البلدية‬ ‫‪Transformation of urban the character of Arab Cities since the late last century‬‬ ‫‪Conference proceedings, GJ University, Amman, 22-24 April 2015‬‬ ‫‪275‬‬

‫خالل العقد األول بعد االستقالل‪ ،‬واصلت المصالح اإلدارية التعامل بالنصوص القانونية الموروثة من االستعمار‪ .‬القوانين‬ ‫المتعلقة بمخططات التعمير تدخل في هذا اإلطار (مرسو عا ‪ 1861‬بشأن المخطط التوجيهي للتعمير والمخطط التفصيلي‬ ‫للتعمير)‪ .‬وكان من المتوقع أن تستمر حتى جوان عا ‪ ،1868‬مما يحد من صالحية النصوص ذات األصل االستعماري و‬ ‫التي أصبح استبدالها ضروري و حتمي بواسطة أحكا مرسو عا ‪ ،1863‬والذي يسمح بتمديد األحكا المعمول بها سابقا و‬ ‫التي بقت سارية المفعول حتى عا ‪.1881‬‬ ‫في البرامج التنموية‪ ،‬بدأت تظهر مالمح االنشغاالت بالقضايا العمرانية في ديباجة المخطط الرباعي ‪ ،1863-1861‬الذي هو‬ ‫في الواقع األول من نوعه في سلسلة من المخططات الوطنية‪ ،‬والمخطط الثالثي ‪ 1868-1866‬كان هدفه الرئيسي إعداد‬ ‫الشروط لوضع مخطط فعال‪ ،‬وفي نفس الوقت إعداد قانون البلديات (‪ )1866‬وكذلك قانون الواليات (‪ )1868‬في مجال‬ ‫التخطيط العمران و التعمير‪ .‬وفي عا ‪ ،1868‬وقد بلغ النمو العمراني للمدن الجزائرية مستويات عالية جدا‪ ،‬وأنه في هذا‬ ‫السياق تم إطالق دراسات التخطيط العمراني‪ ،‬والتي كانت تغطي‪ ،‬في أول الحال المدن الكبرى‪ ،‬ثم تلتها كل المدن التي يزيد‬ ‫عدد سكانها عن ‪ 11.111‬نسمة‪ ،‬ثم تلك التي تفوق ‪ 8111‬ساكن‪ .‬وأخيرا‪ ،‬الستكمال و القيا و بالنشاطات القطاعية على أكمل‬ ‫وجه وكذا التجسيد الجيد لمقترحات مخططات التعمير ‪ ،‬تم الشروع في إجراءات جديدة تتمثل في تنفيذ المخططات البلدية‬ ‫للتنمية )‪ .(Plan Communal de Développement‬هذه الفترة تزامنت مع ترقية المدينة إلى عاصمة للوالية‪ .‬وعلى‬ ‫إثرها منحت المدينة بمخطط توجيهي للتعمير ‪ ،Plan d’Urbanisme Directeur‬الذي يحدد الخطوط الرئيسية للتنمية‬ ‫الحضرية وكذا تعمير المدينة‪.‬‬ ‫من سنة ‪ 1868‬إلى ‪ 1866‬أعربت الدولة عن انشغاالتها العميقة في مجال التخطيط العمراني ال سيما مع انطالق سياسة‬ ‫اإلنتاج الكثيف للسكن و هذا بخلق المناطق الجديدة للسكن الحضري ‪(Zones d’Habitation Urbaine Nouvelles‬‬ ‫)‪ .ZHUN‬وهذا لالستجابة للطلب القوي على المساكن فقط دون أخد بعين االعتبار الخصائص االجتماعية‪ ،‬الديموغرافية و‬ ‫الثقافية الموجودة‪ (.‬حيث شهدت مدينة جيجل انطالق أشغال منطقتين من هذا النوع بأعالي المدينة بحي أيوف ( ‪ I‬و ‪II‬‬ ‫‪ .(ZHUN‬و كذا انشاء بعض التجزئات الكبيرة في الضواحي‪ .‬إن التخطيط اإلقنثصادي ما بين القطاعات يعكس انشغاالت‬ ‫كمية و حجميه ال يخد المدينة و خصوصياتها‪ .‬أما فيم يتعلق بالمناطق البحرية ـ الغابات و مناطق التوسع السياحي فقد تم‬ ‫إنتاج العديد من التعليمات و المراسيم بهدف حمايتها في إطار تهيئة اإلقليم و التعمير‪.‬‬ ‫المادة ‪ 8‬من المرسو رقم ‪ 66-91‬المؤرخ في ‪ 23‬أكتوبر ‪ 1866‬و المتعلق بالقانون البحري ينص على أن المجال البحري‬ ‫العا (‪ )Domaine Public Maritime‬هو غير قابل للتصرف غير قابل للتنازل و بعيد المنال‪ .‬الكن يمكن إن يكون‬ ‫موضوع طلب إذن شغل ‪ ،‬امتياز أو استغالل مؤقت‪ .‬لذا أنشأ القانون البحري على نطاق واسع لكي تتمكن اإلدارة على‬ ‫الحفاظ وكذا تنظيم أي استغالل للمجال البحري العا ‪ .‬ولكن على الرغم من أن المادة ‪ 8‬من هذا المرسو واضحة جدا بشأن‬ ‫شغل الشريط الساحلي‪ ،‬وتبقى الحقيقة أن هذا األخير ليس من السهل تحديده ‪ ،‬وهذا ما يؤدي إلى تفسيرات و تدخالت في العديد‬ ‫من المجاالت و من مختلف المستخدمين‪ .‬كذلك نفس الشيء بالنسبة للقانون رقم ‪ 96-13‬و المؤرخ في ‪26‬جانفي ‪ 1896‬بشأن‬ ‫تهيئة اإلقليم والتي تحدد إطار تنفيذ السياسة الوطنية لتهيئة اإلقليم والمنصوص عليها في الميثاق الوطني لعا ‪ ،1896‬في‬ ‫مادتها الثامنة (‪ )9‬تنص على أن إجراءات وخيارات تهيئة اإلقليم تؤول إلى حماية وتعزيز الشريط الساحلي والجرف القاري‪.‬‬ ‫ولكن على أرض الواقع‪ ،‬ليس هناك أي احترا أو تطبيق لهذه المبادئ (شالين‪ ،‬حجيج‪ ،‬دوبوا‪ ،‬موري‪ .)2113 ،‬أعطى الدستور‬ ‫لعا ‪ ،1898‬الذي كرس التعددية الحزبية‪ ،‬الدافع لسلسلة من القوانين المهمة‪ ،‬وبما في ذلك المهتمة بالعقار‪ ،‬الهيئة اإلقليمية‬ ‫والتخطيط العمراني‪.‬‬

‫‪ 3.2‬بعد عا ‪:1881‬‬ ‫وبعد اعتماد القانون رقم ‪ 81-28‬المؤرخ ‪ 1‬ديسمبر ‪ 1881‬و المتعلق بالتهيئة والعمران‪ ،‬تم التزود بوسائل و أدوات جديدة‬ ‫لتهيئة اإلقليم و العمران‪ ،‬والتي تتمثل في المخطط التوجيهي للتهيئة و التعمير (‪ )PDAU‬على مستوى التجمعات العمرانية و‬ ‫البلديات‪ ،‬بدال من المخطط التوجيهي للتعمير(‪ )PUD‬و المخطط العمراني المفصل (‪ ،)PUP‬وكذا مخطط شغل األراضي‬ ‫(‪ )POS‬الموافق لوحدة عمرانية أو لحي سكني‪ .‬على مدى هذا العقد أو العشرية‪ ،‬في أعقاب الوضع األمني الذي عانت منه‬


‫البالد‪ ،‬أضف إلى ذلك النزوح الريفي الهائل لما أذى بالتالي إلى ظهور األحياء الغير شرعية و المباني الفوضوية‪ .‬فقد أخد‬ ‫تطور المدينة امتداد ملحوظا‪ ،‬حيث تم توجه التوسع أساسا نحو الجنوب‪ ،‬وهذا باحتالل هضبة "أيوف"‪.‬‬

‫شكل ‪ : 11‬صورة القمر الصناعي « ‪ » Quickbird‬لمدينة جيجل عا ‪( 2116‬المصدر‪ ،‬مكتب الدراسات ‪-SCE‬فرنسا ‪)2116‬‬


‫مركزالمدينة (االنسجة القديمة)‬

‫حدود البلدية‪.‬‬

‫مناطق في طور التعمير‬

‫الطرقات الرئيسية المبرمجة‬

‫مناطق‬

‫مبرمجة للتعمير‬

‫طريق رئيسي في طور التحديث‬

‫شكل ‪ : 12‬توجهات التوسع العمراني لمدينة جيجل‪.‬‬ ‫وفيما يتعلق بالمجال البحري العا (‪ )DMP‬األمر رقم ‪ 91-66‬المتعلق بالقانون البحري حيث تم تعديله وتتميمه بالقانون رقم‬ ‫‪ 89-18‬المؤرخ في ‪ 28‬جوان ‪ ،1889‬ولكن لم يكن هناك أي تغيير فيما يخص التعريف و كذا إجراءات الحماية وتعيين‬ ‫حدوده (‪ .)DPM‬وأيضا لم يالحظ أي احترا لهذا القانون فيما يخص حظر البناء داخل شريط المائة متر(‪ )111‬على طول‬ ‫الساحل‪.‬‬ ‫في مراحل التوسع العمراني ‪ ،‬إن الشكل العمراني لمدينة جيجل كان متراكز‪ ،‬واآلن فهي أصبحت تؤول إلى الشكل الخطي‬ ‫على طول الساحل‪ ،‬وفقا للطريق الوطني ‪ RN43‬خصوصا بعد الشروع في عملية ازدواجيته‪ ،‬الذي سيربط المدينة وتجمعاتها‬ ‫الثانوية (أوالد بوالنار وحراثن) و بالتالي توسيع المحيط العمراني للمدينة‪ ،‬كذالك أفاق التهيئة و التعمير ترمي إلى ملء‬ ‫الفراغات و الجيوب المتواجدة (المدخل الشرقي و مزغيطان) بين المدينة األ وضواحيها وذلك لسد االحتياجات العقارية‬ ‫المتوقعة للنمو (بوبزاري‪.)2007 ،‬‬ ‫وهكذا تكون المدينة استهلكت الكثير من احتياطيات أراضيها‪ ،‬ثم أن الوقت قد حان للتفكير في احتماالت تكثيف وإعادة استخدا‬ ‫األراضي في الحدود الحالية ‪ ،‬وهي ظاهرة بدأت تتجلى بالفعل وبطريقة عفوية بوسط المدينة‪ .‬حيث نالحظ عدة مشاريع‬ ‫ترميمية داخل األنسجة العمرانية القديمة‪.‬‬


‫‪ .3‬الخالصة‪:‬‬ ‫إن التعمير هو أداة لتحسين الشكل العمراني و عملية تخطيط و تنظيم تندرج في هذا اإلطار‪ ،‬و هو يرتكز على التنبّؤات و‬ ‫التقديرات المبنية على األساس الديمغرافي و السوسيولوجي‪ ،‬حيث أن هذا األساس مرتبط بتلبية الحاجات المتزايدة للسكان‬ ‫نتيجة النمو الديمغرافي هذا من جهة‪ ،‬و من جهة أخرى يُبنى على األساس االقتصادي‪ ،‬الرتباط النشاطات االقتصادية باألساس‬ ‫األول‪ ،‬و الرتفاع معدل العمالة و مجالية خطوط التوسع الجغرافية للمدينة و إشكال شغل األراضي‪.‬‬ ‫فالتعمير كمفهو نظري هو مجموع العمليات المركزة و الهادفة إلى تنظيم السكان و النشاطات (المنشآت التجهيزات و وسائل‬ ‫اإلتصال على مستوى اإلقليم)؛ إذن فالتعمير عملية إدارية تقو بها السلطات العمومية التي تفترض تخطيط المجال و تعبئة‬ ‫الفواعل ( السكان‪ ،‬المؤسسات‪ ،‬الجماعات المحلية و اإلدارية) إذن التعمير هو فن و تقنية أكثر منه علم‪ ،‬لكن للتذكير فهذا من‬ ‫جانبه النظري المجرّد‪.‬‬ ‫في نهاية هذه العمل يمكن القول من خالل النتائج المتوصل إليها‪ ،‬وبالنظر إلى جملة المشاكل التي يعانى منها قطاع العمران‬ ‫في الجزائر في جوانبه المختلفة‪ ،‬حيث تم حصر العديد منها‪ ،‬أن السياسة العمرانية فشلت في بناء مدينة بالمواصفات الحديثة‪،‬‬ ‫ويرجع ذلك إلى أسلوب التسيير بالدرجة األولى‪ ،‬وأسباب أخرى ثانوية‪ ،‬كل ذلك أدى إلى تدهور وضعية المدن الجزائرية التي‬ ‫تفتقر في المقابل إلى المفاتيح العمرانية العاكسة لنجاحها‪.‬‬


‫ المراجع‬.4 69-68‫ ص‬،1886 ،‫ ديوان المطبوعات الجامعية‬،‫ الجزائر‬،‫التحضر والتهيئة العمرانية في الجزائر‬:‫ بشير التيجاني‬. ‫الجزائر‬،‫ منشورات األنيسم‬، ‫تاريخ جيجل قديما وحديثا‬- .2116،.‫ع‬،‫ خنوف‬ANAT (2001). Plan d’Occupation Des Sols N°1 De La Ville De Jijel. Batty M. (2001). Polynucleated Urban Landscapes in Urban Studies, Vol.38, No.4, 635-655. Beaujeu. J. (1995), Géographie Urbaine. Paris, Armand Colin, P 349 . Bénévolo.L (1995). Histoire De La Ville. Paris, Parenthèses, P 509 . Blumann, C. (1977). Droit De L’urbanisme. Ed Dalloz, Paris. BOUBEZARI (2007). Révision Du PDAU De La Commune De Jijel. Bouchair.A.and Et Dupagne.A. (2003), "Building Traditions Of M'Zab Facing The Challenges Of Re-Shaping Of Its Built Form And Society" in Building And Environment; 38, (11): 1345-1364. CASTEX, P. and others (1997). Formes Urbaines : De L'îlot À La Barre, Éditions Parenthèses, Marseille. Cluzet A. (1994), Donner Un Nouveau Souffle Aux POS, Urbanisme Mai/Juin 94. HANNOUF ,F. (2009). Intervention Du Genie Militaire Français Sur Une Ville D’algerie Au Debut De La Colonisation:Djidjelli, 1839-1862. Mémoire De Master, ENSA De Paris-Belleville, Fouchier. V. (1994). Planification Urbaine – Penser La Densité. Etudes Foncières N°64. Hadjiedj A, and Chaline C., Maury J. (2003). Alger Les Nouveaux Défis De L’urbanisation, L’Harmattan, France. Journal Officiel (1991). “Journal Officiel De Le République Algérienne Démocratique Et Populaire N°26 Du 1er Juin 1991“, PP.801-814. Le Corbusier (1942). La Charte d’Athènes. Paris, Les Éditions De Minuit, 1957. Marc C. (2008). Pays, Paysages, Paysans d’Algérie. Editions Média-Plus 2008. Marc C. (2008), L'Algérie Ou L'Espace Retourné, Editions Flammarion - Collection : Géographes 1988 Merlin P. (1973). Méthodes Quantitatives Et Espace Urbain, Imprimerie Durand, France, 1973, PP 45-63. Merlin P. (1995). Planification Urbaine Et Ecologie, La Jaune Et La Rouge De 1995: Environnement Et Aménagement. Panerai. P, Depaule. JC, and Demorgon. M. (1999). Analyse Urbaine. Éditions Parenthèses. Rongeot .G. (1987). Valeur Fonciere Et Creation Urbaine, Acte Du Colloque International : Les Tissus Urbains 1/2/3, Oran, Ed ENAG, Alger. Safri. S. (2008). Renouvellement Urbain D’un Centre Ancien En Déclin, Cas Du Centre Ville De Jijel, Université De Constantine, Févier 2008. PP 225. Zucchelli Alberto (1983). Introduction à l’urbanisme opérationnel et la composition urbaine, V.3 OPU, Alger, p10.


III Editorial Committee     

Professor Mohsen Aboutorabi, Director of Research Study, Birmingham School of Architecture, Birmingham City University, UK Professor Richard Coles, Director of Centre for Design and the Creative Industries, Birmingham City University, UK. Professor Peter Larkham, Professor of Planning, Birmingham School of the Built Environment, Birmingham City University, UK. Dr Lawrence Green, Director of Research: Art and Design, Birmingham City University, UK. Dr Bushra Zalloom, School of Architecture and Design, University of Petra, Jordan.


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