twentieth-century world religious movements in neo

TWENTIETH-CENTURY WORLD

RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN

NEO-WEBERIAN PERSPECTIVE

Edited by

William H. Swatos, Jr.

The Edwin Mellen Press

Lewiston/Queenston/Lampeter

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Twentieth-century world religious movements in neo-Weberian perspective / edited by William H. Swatos, Jr. p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-7734-9550-9

1. ReHgion--History--20th century. 2. Religions--History--2Oth

century. 3. Weber, Max, 1864-1920. 1. Swatos, William H.

BUS.T94 1992 291'.09'04--dc20 92-10797 ClP

It is true that T am absolutely unmusical religiously and have no need or ability to erect any psychic edifices of a religious character within me. But a thorough self-examination has told me that I am neither antireligious nor

irreligious. Max Weber

A ClP catalog record for this book is available from The British Library.

Copyright

1909

(')1992 William H. Swatos, Jr.

All rights reserved. For more information contact The Edwin Mellen Press P.O. Box 450 Lewiston, NY 14092 USA

The Edwin Mellen Press Box 67 Queenston, Ontario CANADA LOS 1LO

The Edwin Mellen Press, Ltd.

Lampeter, Dyfed, Wales

UNITED KINGDOM SA487DY

Printed in the United States of America

Contents

Figures and Tables

vii

Acknowledgments

IX

Introduction: Meaning, Continuity, and Change

William H. Swatos, Jr. and Paul M. Gusta/son 1.

The Ascetic Conundrum: The Confucian Ethic and Taoism in Chinese Culture

William R. Garrett 2.

Modernizing Confucianism: School Days in Singapore

Joseph B. Tamney 3.

21 31

Political Religion in China: The Cultural Revolution and Beyond

Jiping ZIIO 4.

Sri Lankan Buddhism and Max Weber's Thesis Today SomaHewa 5.

45

The Spirit of Religion and the Secular Interest: 61

Pilgrimage to Japan: An Episode in the American Zen Buddhist Reformation

Henry C. Finney 6.

Caste and Development: Sree Narayana Guru Swamikal and the Renaissance of the Ezhuva Jaati in Kerala, India J. J. Mangalam

7.

75

93

Satan and Submission: Antimodernism and Charisma in the Iranian Revolution

Michael S. Kimmel

105

Contents

vi

8.

Sects, Churches, and Economic Transformation in Russia

Donald A. Nielsen 9.

The Church and the Quest for African Modernization

Kwasi Yirenkyi

10.

143

Figures and Tables

Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

Karla Poewe 11.

125

159

The Catholic Ethos as Politics: The Puerto Rican FIGURES

Nationalists

Segundo's Hermeneutical Circle

202

The Role of Liberation Theology in the Social

12.1 12.2

The Identity-Acceptance or I-AM Model

205

Identity of Latinos

15.1

Comparative Plotting of 12 Parishes,

Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo 12.

Caleb Rosado 13.

175

to the Use of Ancillary Premises

The Sodalitium Vitae Movement in Peru: 17.1

A Rewriting of Liberation Theology

MUagros Peiia 14.

211

in Brazilian Protestantism

New Towns 16. 17.

289

Typology of Leaders

301

TABLES 15.1

Associations with whether or not a Parish is in a New Town

283

California Space Goddess: The Mystagogue in a Flying Saucer Cult

R. George Kirkpatrick and Diana Tumminia

299

Bibliography

Index

About the Editor and Contributors

313 339 343

260

15.2

Summary Comparison of Associations of New Town variable and New Housing variable

261

15.3

Distinctive Features of New Town Churches

262

265

The Feminization of God and the Priesting of Women

William H. Swatos, Jr. 18.

(Concept of God) 18.1

247

Paisleyism, Politics, and Ethnic Honor in Northern Ireland

Steve Bruce and Roy Wallis

Typology of Religious Orientations

231

The Non-Emergence of the Civic Church in English

Colin Hill

253

Based on Images of God and God's Activity

Organizational Homogeneity, Growth, and Conflict

Reed E. Nelson 15.

Including Plotting of Parishes According

195

158

Chapter 9

political decision making. It is the central thesis of this chapter that any successful modernization not based on a wholesale borrowing from the Western nations requires a new philosophy of self-reliance as well as the participation of the masses. The church's capacity as an instrument for change has been emphasized. It is again the thesis of this chapter that a well-informed clergy providing responsible leadership and direction to the masses can restore confidence in its members. The specific role proposed for the Ghanaian clergy in the political arena is, in Paulo Freire's term (19709:12-13,19), the concientizacion of the Ghanaian masses. This would begin with a consciousness-raising that enables the participants in this kind of education to recognize their identity, their environment, and the factors that hinder their deVelopment. A person's ontological vocation, according to Freire, is to be a subject who acts upon and transformas his or her world. This type of consciousness raising is desperately needed by the alienated Ghanaian masses in both rural and urban areas. Despite their ambiguity, the clergy are relatively well informed, trusted, and highly respected members of their communities. This is not. a call on the clergy to participate in partisan politics (though that cannot be ruled out), but rather to lead in responsible political education (see Berger and Novak 1985; Heijke 1982; Smith 1978; Wogoman 1980). Far from seeing political education as a shameful compromise with the world, the clergy should see it as a moral responsibility in a modern social system where many social issues are heavily politicized. In this way, the church, led by its clergy, would fulfill a relevant and meaningful role in social and political transformation. What Weber might term the "transformative capacity" of the church may enable the masses to "adjust to their national, social, economic, political and intellectual environments; it may also, 'a fortiori', be the means by which these are transcended or changed" (O'Toole 1984:140-44). Weber's chief interest was primarily in this latter aspect, which the clergy may be called upon to assume. s 5

A preliminary draft of this chapter was presented to the Association for the Sociology of

Religion annual meeting, Cbicago, 14-16 August 1987. I wish to express special appreciation to Yaw Agyei-Asamoah, Herbert Hunter, Joel Mlecko, Bill Swatos, and Ousseynou B. Traore for helpful criticisms and suggestions that have found their way into this version.

10 Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity Karla Poewe There has been much debate among Christians and academics over whether the charismatic movement or the new charismatics of the I 960s and 1970s should be called a "charismatic," "renewal," "revival," or even "mystical" movement (see Quebedeaux 1976). More important, while descriptive terms like charismatic, renewal, revival, and mystical say something about the quality of Christianity evoked, they do not help resolve the debate about the secular implications of these Christian activities. Is charismatic Christianity conservative and escapist, revolutionary and politically active, or deconstructive and culturally transformative? While charismatic Christianity tends to be confused with fundamentalism even cultic processes) in some literatures, there is in fact a significant difference between them (see Conway and Siegelman 1982; Haiven 1984; McConnell 1988). Fundamentalism is a religious ideology best characterized by its emphasis on normative restoration. By contrast, charismatic Christianity, being experiential, has much to do with renewal of the imagination. Nevertheless, these two forms of Christianity are part of the oppositional, deconstructive, and culturally transformative tendencies of the last three decades. They express a yearning of Western and Westernized human beings for moral restoration, on the one hand, and intellectual renewal through experience and the use of the imagination on the other. As fast as they oppose or deconstruct some of the dangerous tendencies of the twentieth century, however, they also restore or renew. Taking off from various writings by Max Weber about prophets, magicians, asceticism, mysticism, and salvation religion (1952, 1978b), I want to show how

Chapter 10

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Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

161

the religious movement of the 1960s and 1970s, and its institutionalized version

expression of Christianity was an inner-worldly asceticism linked with the Greek

since, is simultaneously charismatic, mystical, and deconstructive. It is also, and simultaneously, conservative, revolutionary, and transformative. It must be

emphasis on rationality is deconstructed by the words and deeds of charismatics. Inner-worldly mysticism, active and practical, has been ascendant in North

divorced, however, from the kind of "conservative revolution" that Martin Heidegger deemed the third way between the "two dark modernities of Russian Communism and American capitalism."1 His "conservative revolution" is more

America since the 1960s (see Wuthnow 1976). One could argue further that rational activity, though as important as ever for the relationship between human beings and high-tech machines, has had to make room for imaginative and

in line with the pagan romanticism of the New Age movement. .' In the process, we shall see that some of Weber's distinctions, especially

intuitive activities in just about everything else. Given Weber's marriage of Occidental asceticism with Greek rationalism

those between an Occidental asceticism and Oriental mysticism, and between Judaic and Greco-Roman legacies, have become problematic, while the distinctions between the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E., the apostolic age, and the present, have become blurred. From the charismatic Christian perspective,

under Roman law in Athens, one wonders to what extent Weber might have shared Heidegger's basic, really pagan, assumption, namely, that the history of the West is identical with the "history of 'being' initiated by the Greeks. ,,2 I say this

furthermore, Weber's characterization of prophets, who are quintessentially charismatic, in terms of psychopathology and ecstasy, is insupportable. It tells more about the anxieties concerning spirituality of nineteenth-century scholars influenced by the Enlightenment, than about the vitality and health of charismatic Christians. This notwithstanding, it is precisely because Weber clearly distinguished among different forms of religiosity, regions in which these forms predominated, and historical periods within which they were characteristic, that we can gain insights from his scheme about the nature of charisma in present-day Christianity.

because it is peculiar that Weber starts his discussion of Judaism with "Jewry" as a "pariah people." This conception does not hold for charismatic Christians who trace their roots to the ancient Jews and to Jerusalem. Therefore, while Weber (\ 952:5) argues that such developments as those of "Hellenic intellectual culture," of "Roman Law and the Roman Catholic church," of "the medieval order of estates," and of "Protestantism" equal "those of Jewry in historical significance," charismatic Christians sink their roots directly into "Jewry" and the "Yahwe prophets" (Hill 1989). This fundamental difference in assumption between Weber's view of Christianity and the charismatic view of it fatally colors the way

CHARISMATIC CHRISTIAN DECONSTRUCTION OF WEBERIAN

these two see charisma. Unlike Weber, charismatic Christians do not see the Yahwe prophets in terms of psychopathology, but in terms of their ability to interpret signs. What

DISTINCTIONS Weber is perhaps best known for his "Protestant ethic" and the distinction

was pathological for Weber is, for charismatic Christians, a mere matter of accepting the reality of having physical experiences or visions through which

between inner-worldly asceticism and other-worldly mysticism. Although he recognized mystical tendencies in Christianity, especially during the apostolic age, Weber held that inner-worldly, by which he meant rationally active,

empirical events become signs and are interpreted as having spiritual significance. So persuasive are these "prophetic insights" that charismatic Christians see them as "messages from God." Charismatic prophets today, as Yahwe prophets then,

asceticism predominated in the "Occident," while other-worldly, by which he meant contemplatively fleeing, mysticism predominated in the "Orient." Since the

describe themselves as experiencing these prophetic insights in privacy. The clear insight and the surge of confidence following it, so well described in Augustine's

1960s, however, we have witnessed the deconstruction in the West of inner-worldly asceticism. Weber's assumption that the predominant Western

Confessions, is an excitation entirely private and quite separate from the show of emotion at places of worship . ....

Tzvetan Todorov in the Times Literary Supplement (11-23 June 1988), pp. 616.684.

~---~

........

~.

Michael Zimmennan, "L'affaire Heidegger," Times LiteralY Supplement (1-13 Oct. 1988), pp. 115-17.

Chapter 10

162

While charismatic Christians, given their mystical tendencies, do experience the tension, as Weber said they would, between "flight from the world to God" and "action in the world inspired by the Holy Spirit," they have on the whole opted for the latter. They have done so, however, with this difference. Their activity is no longer primarily informed by rational calculation in the "God-ordained rational orders of the creatural" (Weber 1946:326), but by imaginative visions, insights, and revelations in a universe of an active God who speaks to human beings through signs. The kind of thinking that manifests itself among charismatic Christians parall els that of "post-Enlightenment" scientists. Thus Rao (1988) ar&'1les that there is a shift in scientific thought from propositional models of knowledge to knowing-how models of knowledge. Likewise among charismatic Christian scientists there is a shift away from a God of order to one of process and wonder (see Block 1988; Polkinghorne 1989; van der Spuy 1983V In a sense, therefore, the charismatic Christian is as active as the physicist in deconstructing the mechanical universe. In the life of North Americans and Southern Africans among whom most of my research has been conducted, the inner-worldly mysticism of charismatic Christians expresses itself as "hearing God," letting "God speak into a situation," and either directly "receiving pictures from God" or else receiving them indirectly through itinerant prophets. And "hearing" from God is always followed by acting upon what "God has said." Even the visions and prophecies of prophets and founders of new fellowships have practical implications. In Africa, everyone interpreted these visions as bold strategies to build new ministries, churches, and foundations for a post-apartheid South Africa. Most are still prosperous; although I know that many new charismatic churches in North America are in debt and disrepute. In South Africa, the fact that members of these churches have acted on "visions" and "words" to build businesses or create new music and art carries special meaning. All these activities are culturally and socially transformative. The new charismatic churches are integrated, as are musical bands and business ventures. Above all, the new independent churches are the sight of a major social drama, namely, the

3

I also conducted interviews with Block and with van der spuy in 1989.

Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

163

breakdown of the rigid Afrikaner identity and the transformation of blacks, whites, "coloreds," and Indians into "South Africans." Weber's distinction between magic and religion, always somewhat blurred (even Weber talked about magical religions, 1978b:439), has become more so. This blurring among charismatic Christians is the result of their deconstruction of linear time into horizontal time. The linear evolutionary or historical developmental model of religiosity from magic to religion to secular religion is insupportable. Thus, charismatic Christians experience themselves as living in a high-tech world in which magic, neopaganism, neoshamanism, and mainline religions coexist, making for a very fluid religious eclecticism. And they experience their Christianity as being of the kind practiced in the first century. Christian history has been telescoped and deinstitutionalized. It has been re-rooted as emerging from Judaism, with which it is still closely linked. Weber's distinction between prophet and priest, though it remains, has in one respect also become blurred. Their roles are distinct, but both may receive charismatic gifts--especially in mainline churches that have accommodated charismatic tendencies. Alternatively, leadership roles and itinerancy have multiplied and increased. Thus. charisma, in the form of the gift of prophecy, once concentrated in the prophet, is now diffused. along with other gifts of the Spirit, in the religious leadership through the fivefold ministry (consisting of teachers, preachers, evangelists, prophets, and apostles, as described in Ephesians 4: II) and in the laity at large (Davis 1980). The democratization of the gifts of the Spirit, with the latest emphasis on prophecy, is particularly furthered by the Vineyard movement of John Wimber. Above all, democratization of charisma breaks down and prevents both ethnic and cultic walls, Iiminalizing institutional rigidities. CHARISMA AND ECONOMY It is the metonymic relationship between tithing and literally expected returns that is the basic starting point of a creative charismatic Christian economy. In independent churches and ministries, it translates into a relationship between a founder-prophet with his divinely inspired vision and a likewise divinely inspired tithing congregation or audience. Not rational calculation, but prayer and vision--inother words, the actual communication between God and human

Chapter 10

164

beings--is the motive force behind such economic ventures. It is also an unexpected conjoining of a mystic's "objectless acosmic love," which is impersonal with the equally impersonal economic forces of capitalism (Weber 1946:330).

The basic economy of charismatic Christianity relies on God-inspired Christians going out and risking new economic ventures or doing better in existing economic activities. giving liberally and with love to those teachers, preachers, prophets, evangelists, and apostles who, "through the Holy Spirit," inspired them. The inspired ministerial leadership works with inspired lay leaders to build, invest, and further inspire audiences who again give, and so on. Making money and liberally giving, rather than accumulating it, are conjoined. Receiving and giving is the ideal, and it is, not without famous exceptions however, generally observed. Problems arise when the giver becomes an employee of the church or ministry to whom he or she gives. To do so is a commonly expressed desire, no doubt because it resolves the tension between mysticism and worldly activities that Weber describes. At this point the church or ministry becomes a corporation, often a family-run corporation, in a world of other corporations. Like secular corporations, religious ones become subject to the dangers of risk taking and speculation without having the skills or means of the former, however, to regulate the impersonal forces of capitalism. While the religious leadership is rather blind to this, much to its peril, the charismatic economy is in fact dependent on economic opportunities in the larger secular economy. In environments subject to economic booms and busts, these churches grow and decline more or less in line with these trends. Booms bring in large transient populations and make for generous givers. Both disappear with economic downturns. Cases of independent churches and ministries goingbank.rupt exist apart from any criminal or moral wrongdoing on the part of leadership. The added corruption of televangelism merely makes the economic ministry bust more visible. To overcome the tension between charismatic religiosity and a rational economy, televangelists transformed receiving into media begging. Here they followed the "immanent laws" of a modern charismatic Christian economy as surely as the capitalist is said to follow the "immanent laws" ofcapitalism. They sold impersonal love for impersonal money through an

Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

165

impersonal medium based on impersonal relationships. The consequent abuses are well known; yet many charismatic Christians who gave acted on the well­ known "benevolence" of the mystic in the sense, at least, that this benevolence "does not at all enquire into the man to whom and for whom it sacrifices" (Weber 1946:333).

CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY: EXPERIENTIAL, IMAGINATIVE, DECONSTRUCTIVE Weber, Prophets, and Prophecies Whether one looks to Weber's descriptions of the eighth and seventh centuries B.LE., to the southern United States of the first half of the nineteenth century, or to present day Latin America, South Korea, and Southem Africa, one is impressed with the similarities of conditions in which charismatic forms of religion flourish. Migration, changing frontiers, social and political violence, ambiguity of traditions, internationalism, or globalization are always mentioned (Brnce 1974; Weber 1952; Wuthnow 1976). These are all conditions in which people look for new and innovative ways of seeing their situation and future. The preference seems to be for preachers who see hope in the fluidity and uncertainty oflife. Researchers have used different terms to describe the kind of preaching or religious expression favored--for example, free associational, intuitive, and free-flowing (Bruce 1974). If there is constraint it is brought about by the invocation of Scripture, not creeds. The preacher invokes the revealed truth of those who were God's mouthpieces in the past, just as she or he attempts to be God's mouthpiece now. Ideally, therefore, the person speaks or prophesies as long as the Holy Spirit leads him or her to do so. As we shall see later, however, the fivefold ministry is making a more profound and sophisticated use of human imaginative powers. To be charismatic is to give expression to the gifts of the Holy Spirit. Weber recognized that prophets, the most spiritual of human beings, had ways of seeing the world that had revolutionary, reformatory, or transformative potentials not only for the religion but also for secular society. Alternatively, Weber also recognized that prophets could function as oracles of cohesion in a world of shifting national and world politics (Long 1986:9). It is with change that prophets

166

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Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

167

(and charismatics generally) are most closely associated, whether they react

adequately acknowledge the Jewish roots of early Christianity, but rather roots

against it or initiate it. Weber's view of prophets and prophecies is complex. 1t is not surprising,

Christianity in Greco-Roman culture, from which pagan perspective the prophets

therefore, that most scholars have settled for the simple view that prophecy makes

That Weber's definition of charisma fits cult figures more than Christians

for a "special form of leadership which gains significance as an agent of social

becomes clearer when we see where Weber locates charisma. For Weber the locus

change." It is a "charismatic form of authority" that is said to arise "outside the

of charisma is the individual; for the new charismatic Christian, it is the Holy

take on qualities usually associated with cult figures (Hexham and Poewe 1986).

routine institutional order" from which vantage point it can potentially challenge

Spirit. It is not the individual who is seen to be especially gifted or in possession

the existing authority to institute major sociopolitical change. Prophecy and

of superhuman powers. Rather, it is the Holy Spirit who is said to grant various

prophets are not directly political phenomena, however, but have a "more indirect

gifts to quite ordinary human beings in order to empower them for service. In the

and long-term import as a resource for culture formation and social change"

more sophisticated charismatic Vineyard movement of John Wimber, for

(Long 1986:4; see Poewe 1988). Prophets, and nowadays independent charis­ matic Christian fellowships, do this through the developmentof religious world

example, the emphasis is not on the powers and special qualities of leadership but on the recognition of the democratic distribution of gifts, including the gift of

views that are often expressed in new songs, visual art, poetic and literary writings, as well as new theologies or theological themes. At the risk of confusion

prophecy, in the laity. Any ordinary Christian who has surrendered to Christ may,

we must also take cognizance of Weber's descriptions of prophets who operate

may have the gifts of the Holy Spirit and is in this sense a charismatic Christian

within a routine institutional order and who have no social support, no or few

leader, he may be so low-key as to appear lacking exceptional powers.

foIlowers, and are generally considered to be "peculiar men" and "hated"

through the grace of God, receive gifts and empowerment. And while a leader

The difference between Weber and the new charismatics regarding the locus of charisma has everything to do with the way we see human beings and

doomsayers.

spirituality--indeed, whether we see the latter at all. Weber associates the prophets with pathology and puts emphasis on psychology and emotions. Charismatic

Agreements and Disagreements with Weber on Charisma Weber conceives charismatic authority as being "the power of leadership

Christians associate prophets with revelation, insight, and lucidity, and put

claimed by one of exceptional powers and recognized as exemplary by a group of

emphasis on spirituality and imagination. While Weberian scholars place

This conception of charismatic authority is opposed "both to

emphasis on psychology or symbol and metaphor, charismatic Christians place

rational ... and to traditional authority" and is "a revolutionary force" because it

emphasis on the transformation of symbol into sign, and thus on metonym. It is a

followers."

"seeks to establish new obligations" (19S2:286,32 I). Whether exemplary prophets

difference between a metaphoric deconstruction accompanied by the attitude,

succeed or fail to institute a new social order, "their actions create considerable

"one can never be sure of anything," and a metonymic one accompanied by the

political turbulence" (Long 1986:5). In other words, Weber defines charisma as a

attitude, "it is of God."

"certain quality of an individual by which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically

Weber, Yahwe Prophets, and Fundamentalists

exceptional powers or qualities" (l978b:241). From the charismatic Christian perspective, however, this definition of charisma fits better the founders of new religions and Christian fundamentalist leaders than it does the prophets of the Old and New Testaments (Lawrence 1989: 165-66). This is not surprising when we remember that Weber does not

Unable to acknowledge the Jewish roots of Christianity, Weber distinguishes the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E., with their Yahwe prophets, from the apostolic age of the first two centuries C.E., with their early Christian prophets. Weber pluralized where charismatic Christians telescope. If Weber's scheme and description of charisma and Yahwe prophets is taken seriously, then

Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

Chapter 10

168

169

are inclusive. Fundamentalists challenge science. Charismatic Christians accept it

the contmuity between these prophets and today's charismatic Christians is broken. And if the charisma of Yahwe prophets does not resemble that of

and renew it with a sense of wonder (Block 1988). Fundamentalist Christians try

charismatic Christians, whose, if any, does it resemble? Given Weber's

to compete with science and offer scientific creationism as an alternative (McAll

description of the "culture of hostility" of the Yahwe prophets, one would have to

1982; Wimber 1985). Charismatic Christians instead point to a reality ignored by

conclude that their charisma and their nature generally resemble most closely that

science and scientific thought. That ignored reality, which includes the Holy

(Weber

Spirit an\i, generally, "supernatural forces on earth," is made known through

1952:285-86; Lawrence 1989). Whereas the Yahwe prophets attacked kingship,

revelation, nonrational experience, mystery, intuition, and above all, imagination

today's fundamentalists attack "modernism." Yahwe prophets, like funda­

(Lawrence \989).

of fundamentalist

Christians,

especially

fundamentalist

leaders

mentalists, are sustained by a vision of a "pure" past. Both Yahwe prophets and

Fundamentalists are concerned primarily with the moral condition of their

fundamentalists are concerned with the moral condition of the nation. And like

nation. Charismatic Christians are concerned with the spiritual condition of the

Yahwe prophets, fundamentalists are scorned and derided.

world. Not only are charismatic Christians in dialogue with the non-Western

Their followers,

world, they are alSQ affected by the spirituality of that world (Alexander 1986;

though vocal and visible, are few.

Hill 1989; Wimber 1985). While fundamentalist Christians emphasize moral

While there is considerable overlap between fundamentalist and new

restraint,

charismatic Christians in the mundane practices of their religious life, the

charismatic

Christians

emphasize

new

possibilities.

Whereas

difference between them with respect to charisma runs deep. From Weber's

fundamentalists attempt to change the world by instituting past norms,

psychological perspective, the charisma of Yahwe prophets (as that of

charismatic Christians see change as a consequence of the activities of the Holy

fundamentalists today) is confined to leadership. It is they who are trusted to

Spirit in the life of an individuaL Among fundamentalists initiative and charisma

transform ecstatic experiences and prophetic insights into the ability rationally to

tend to be restricted to leaders; among charismatics the initiative is God's, and

understand God. According to Weber, Yahwe prophets (and fundamentalists)

charisma is the work of the Holy Spirit in all those who are said to have

tend to recognize only one charism, namely, hearing from God. They take as

surrendered to Christ.

proof of being God's mouthpiece the "flash of meaningful interpretation, coming about in the hearing of the divine voice, the prophetic word burst forth"

THE CONTACT POINT BETWEEN HOLY SPIRIT AND HUMAN

(1952:291). The pouring out of the Spirit, tongues, words of knowledge, and the

SPIRIT: SIGNS AND INTERPRETIVE IMAGINAnON

other gifts do not, in the fundamentalist tradition, serve to guarantee genuineness

According to many charismatic Christians, the contact point between the

or legitimation. Only hearing the corporeal voice of God assured the prophet that

Holy Spirit and the spirit of the human being is the imagination (Alexander 1986;

the prophet who morally exhorted the

Hill \989). The Holy Spirit communicates through signs and, as it were, helps

he was God's tool. Furthermore,

people and [negatively] sanctioned sins (through threats of doom) was not a lying

with their interpretation through visions, flashes of insight, "hearing a voice,"

prophet" (1952:293). This accords well with the emphasis of today's

dreams, and "power encounters," that are themselves signs of the Spirit's activities

fundamentalists on moral conformity and morally correct action.

(Springer and Wimber 1988).

For purposes of brevity, 1 will follow Bruce Lawrence (1989) in defining

For charismatic Christians, communication between God and human

today's fundamentalism as a (modem) religious protest ideology against

beings is experiential; human beings experience God directly through signs made

modernism (see also Lechner 1985). Thus, fundamentalists emphasize restoration

manifest by the Spirit. The body, world, and universe, and therefore everyday,

of a "pure" past; new charismatic Christians emphasize renewal of the spirit.

historical, natural, and supernatural events constitute a language of signs (Poewe

Fundamentalists thrive on opposition and are oppositional; charismatic Christians

r

1990). These signs are then interpreted especially through the passive imagination

170

Chapter to

of visions, in contrast to the critical questioning of images taken from experiences of the world. psyche, and people--that is, the active imagination. Both forms of imagination play a role in charismatic Christianity; although at moments of greatest openness and surrender to the Spirit, the passive imagination predominates. Given Clifford Hill's objection (1989) to the use of the word "passive," and the objection of scholars, such as David Stewart, who have researched mystics and hennits to the characterization of their lives as passive, it is important to clarify our thinking.4 Accor4ing to Hill and Stewart, neither meditation nor prayer nor visions is passive. They are forms of intense interaction between human beings and God. and they aim to produce results. Neither trance nor ecstasy is involved. In fact, we know from Augustine's Confessions that at the height of "divine intervention" the rational faculties are acute; specifically, three intellectual heralding events stood out: (I) the crystallization of reality into two opposing forces, (2) the sharp mental concentration at the sound of a voice, (3) the instant recognition that the "smiting words" stated Augustine's new being.s If the rational mind is at work at moments of "divine intervention,II and if the contact point for such intervention is the imagination, it behooves us to look at human imagination more closely. Garrett Green (1989) distinguishes between realistic and illusory imagination, and it is on these distinctions that I wish to build. For heuristic purposes, realistic imagination must be divided into realistic analytical imagination and realistic receptive imagination. They correspond to what I have called (1990) active and passive imagination. The analytical imagination calls forth what is temporally, spatially, and logically absent. Temporal absence refers to future and past realities. It features particularly in the teachings of fundamentalist Christians who protest against modernity and substitute creationism for science. Spatial absence has to do with realistically imagining microscopic and macroscopic reality. It features particularly in the thinking of charismatic Christian scientists (Block 1988; Polkinghorne 1989; van der Spuy 1983). Logical absence refers to "soul, demon, spirits, and the supernatural forces on earth" that Wimber argues Western • ,

David Stewart, pel'llOfl8l communication, 1989.

Augustine of Hippo, Cmifessioml (Blaiklock translation, 1983), p. 204.

Max Weber and Charismatic Christianity

17l

thinking has ignored. It features particularly in the thinking of charismatic Christian leaders like Wimber and charismatic Christian psychiatrists, who join in the current criticism of Freud's analysis of the Christian thought world as infantile and, hence, discredited (see among others, Isbister 1985; McAll 1982; White 1988; Winter 1985; Wood 1986). Realistic receptive imagination consists of "seeing as in visions," "hearing as in receiving a message from God," "dreaming," "discerning," and so on. It is the receptive imagination that transforms the content of the analytical imagination into rnetonyms (signs and signals). It transforms what might be a mere arbitrary association, or metaphor, into certainty, or metonym. Metonymy, according to Edmund Leach (1976), includes sign, natural index, and signaL In the first, A stands for B as a part for a whole; in the second, A indicates B; in the third, A triggers B so that the relationship between A and B is mechanical and automatic. What makes the metonymic operation so powerful is the fact that, in practice, people do not carefully distinguish among sign, index, and signal. Thus, in practice, A stands for and indicates B, while B is often seen to trigger A. The result is "revelation," which Hill (1989:28) says is nothing other than the fact that "God uses the everyday events and scenes of human activity, recalled by his Spirit to our minds when we enter into his presence, to communicate a message to us." The phrase used by prophets, namely that "the Spirit of God" carne upon them, simply means: that at that time they were able to shut out from their minds the things of the world to the extent that they were able to be wholly attentive to, and to respond to, the presence of God through the ministry of the Holy Spirit. At such time God would either bring into their mind a picture or a word. According to Green (1989:63), there is a sharp distinction between realistic and illusory imagination. The latter refers to patterning through free association of scripture with current threatening events and catastrophes. Two uses of the illusory imagination are fantasy and deceit. Imaginings are "fantastic" when they produce "what is commonly known as fantasy," as "in art, in play, or in day dreaming." These uses of the imagination are "deliberately fanciful, acknowledged departures from the real world, whether of science or of everyday

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experience." Imaginings are "deceitful" when they "attempt to falsify, distort, or misrepresent reality for the purpose of misleading oneself or others." The illusory imagination is also used in the scare mongering of "false prophets"-·one thinks of the premillennial, doomsday ravings of Hal Lindsey and Mary Stewart Relfe. Finally, the imagination is Christian only when it maintains the dialectic with a Christian schema. And it is charismatic Christian when both the analytical imagination and the receptive imagination interact with the schema centered on the Holy Spirit.

CONCLUSION The predominant use of the realistic receptive imagination which charismatic Christians take to be a sign of God's ongoing interaction with his world, and the specific use of this imagination to transform symbols into signs with their revelatory interpretations, signals a major shift in the study of religion. True, most social scientists continue in the tradition of the nineteenth century and separate meaning from truth, thus treating religion as a datum the meaning of which is to be explained (Lawrence 1989:99). But some social scientists have a renewed appreciation of the religious person who sees religion as a human experience, the truth of which needs to be understood in its own terms. Thus, while American fundamentalists operate with a religious ideology that artificially conjoins truth and meaning, the starting point of charismatic Christians, namely a strong personal experience of God, experientially conjoins truth and meaning. Even meaning emerges from experience; signs are interpreted through prophetic insight. In fact, most charismatic Christians operate as if the Holy Spirit works with the human receptive imagination to produce flashes of insight that complete the patterning activity of the analytical imagination. In the words of a charismatic Christian: "The prophets learned to recognize the symptoms of the ruach [Spirit] of God coming upon them and at such times they were attentive, ready to listen to words brought into the conscious mind, or to receive a picture formed on the retina of the mind and discerned through the Spirit" (Hill 1989:36). Thus Weber's emphasis on ecstasy, trance, and pathology, none of which plays a role in modem charismatic Christian activities, seems mistaken. In fact, Weber recognized inner-worldly mysticism (1946:326). He saw it as a tempered

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mysticism similar in nature to a tempered asceticism. He argued, however, that the similarity is primarily external. The tendency toward minimization of action and the tension between worldly involvement and flight remained. Weber could not have taken seriously an inner-worldly mysticism because he had no theory about the relationship between religious experience and the metonymic aspects of the imagination (see Poewe 1990). Having left behind the logocentrism of earlier years, charismatics accept that the human being who has surrendered and committed to God simply receives the word of God through words and pictures. It is the broader implication, namely the much freer and deepened use of the imagination by charismatics and others, that persuades us to maintain the association of charisma with cultural transformation and potential revolution. Here we link up with Weber again, but add to his thoughts: Inour world where new knowledge and new media influence the individual's ability to make independent choices and decisions, how do individuals gain their own insights? One answer is through charismatic Christianity--or at least through the charismatics' use of the imagination.

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