Understanding an indigenous knowledge system for tree fodder via a ...

Agroforestry Systems 15:139-- 165, 1991. © 1991 KluwerAcademic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Understanding an indigenous knowledge system for tree fodder via a multi-method on-farm research approach E R I C P. R U S T E N * a n d M I C H A E L A . G O L D * * * Program officer, Rural Poverty and Resources Program, Nairobi office of the Ford Foundation; ** Assistant Professor and Director, International Forestry Program, Forestry Department, Michigan State University Key words: agroforestry research, on-farm research, indigenous knowledge, tree fodder, Nepal, personal construct theory Abstract. Understanding the dynamics of indigenous resource management systems can benefit natural resource development efforts and contribute to effective on-farm agroforestry research initiatives. This paper reports on the authors' investigation of an indigenous knowledge system for the management, cultivation, and use of private tree fodder resources in a community in the middle hills of Central Nepal. It focuses on the methods used to develop an understanding of the cognitive systems used by farmers in this community to classify and evaluate tree fodder. A participatory multi-method research approach was employed to overcome many of the limitations of traditional survey research. The approach centered on the use of the repertory grid method within the framework of personal construct theory. Repertory grid results were analyzed in conjunction with data collected from participant observation, a formal household survey, an inventory of privately grown trees, and ethnographic interviews. This integrated analysis resulted in an understanding of the indigenous knowledge system for the management of tree fodder resources.

Introduction

O n - f a r m r e s e a r c h is essential for i m p r o v i n g a n d refining the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a g r o f o r e s t r y systems for a n u m b e r o f reasons. First, a g r o f o r e s t r y scientists m u s t use realistic r e s e a r c h e n v i r o n m e n t s to test h y p o t h e s e s a n d to investigate i n d i g e n o u s A F s y s t e m s that a r e o f t e n p o o r l y u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e scientific c o m m u n i t y . S e c o n d , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f r e s e a r c h results a n d the d e s i g n of a g r o f o r e s t r y i n t e r v e n t i o n s will b e m o r e successful if f a r m e r s a r e i n v o l v e d in the research process. Third, farmers generally possess invaluable knowledge a b o u t t h e i r i n d i g e n o u s a g r o f o r e s t r y systems that c a n l e a d to the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of p e r t i n e n t r e s e a r c h questions, h e l p focus the r e s e a r c h , a n d s p e e d u p t h e iterative agroforestry research process. F o r m a n y societies, a g r o f o r e s t r y is n o t a n e w l a n d use practice. O n the c o n t r a r y , it is a p r o v e n p r o d u c t i o n strategy well k n o w n to m a n y agricultural g r o u p s a r o u n d the w o r l d . F o r centuries, n u m e r o u s rural societies h a v e d e v e l o p e d d i f f e r e n t f o r m s o f a g r o f o r e s t r y via trial a n d e r r o r [ACS, 1983; Clay, 1988; C o n k l i n , 1957; M o l n a r , 1981; N a t i o n s a n d K r o m e r , 1983; O l o f s o n , 1983; R a d w a n s k i a n d W i c k e n s , 1967; R a m b o , 1981; a n d R i c h a r d s , 1985]. T h e k n o w l e d g e o n w h i c h t h e s e i n d i g e n o u s systems a r e b a s e d c a n

140 further our understanding of the agroecology of complex environments [Ewel, 1986]. Furthermore, investigating indigenous knowledge systems can help researchers develop an understanding of the socio-ecology of complex farming systems. Together, these facets of understanding will contribute to efforts to improve existing systems and to devise alternative land use strategies. There are many types of, and approaches to, indigenous knowledge research (IKR). IKR has often been used to learn or "discover" factual and anecdotal information about traditional agroforestry systems. The benefits of this form of IKR are obvious and well appreciated by members of the research community. In contrast, research directed towards understanding indigenous systems of environmental perception and cognition has been insufficient, especially among non-anthropologists. There have been few studies of the decision rules and cognitive mechanisms people use to comprehend, conceptualize, and make sense of their environment. There has also been little analysis of labels that are used by people to define, classify, evaluate, and communicate about the environment, and how this knowledge is passed on from one generation to the next. Until recently, the perceived benefits of IKR to applied agroforestry and on-farm research have been obscure. We contend that restricting investigations of indigenous knowledge systems to the realm of identifiable biophysical and ecological facts is a serious mistake. This is especially true with respect to on-farm agroforestry research, where an understanding of indigenous systems of environmental perception and cognition can play a potentially critical role in understanding decision making and management strategies. This paper will present elements from one case study of the knowledge system for the management of tree fodder resources by a hill community in Central Nepal. One major goal of this research was to identify an indigenous knowledge system of classification and evaluation of tree fodder resources. The primary purpose was to investigate attributes of indigenous systems of management, cultivation, perception, and use of private tree fodder resources. To achieve these goals, a multi-method research approach was used employing five different research methods (Table 1).

Research site description Research was carried out in Salija panchayat 1, Parbat District, Nepal over a period of nine months, from November, 1987, through June, 1988. Unlike 1 A panchayat is a local government unit, consisting of nine wards. Research was conducted in three of the nine wards (2,6, and 7) in Salija panchayat. These three wards lie east to west across a steep south-facingridge and range between 1,800 to 2,300 metres in altitude.

141 Table 1. Summary of the methods used in this research.

Method

Purpose

Sample size & characteristic

advantages and disadvantages

Participant observation

To gain a holistic understanding of the research community and experience daily village life firsthand

The entire research community: men and women

Provides a context in which other methods are developed, tested, and refined. Permits elements of data collected from other methods to be examined within the context of a complex socio-ecological system. Difficult and time consuming and provides little quantitative information. Requires an understanding of the local language.

Formal survey

To collect quantitative and qualitative data on specific household variables

Fifty-four adults from 54 households, 28 women and 26 men

Enables the efficient collection of specific quantitative information. Can be applied over a large sample. Data are easily tabulated and analyzed. Questions and key terms and concepts are usually biased culturally and based on the world view of the researcher. Therefore, answers are often difficult to interpret. Respondents often can't answer questions or don't answer them honestly.

Inventory of trees cultivated on private land

To collect quantitative data on the number of trees being cultivated by household

Fifty-four households

Physical verification of verbal statements. Showed distribution of tree types across households, land size, crops, etc. Provided a cross check of other information. Was a costand time-efficient method. Did not provide information of perception, decsion making, or reasons why people cultivated trees. Data were difficult to manage and analyze.

142

Table 1 (continued) Method

Tree Fodder Knowledge Discussion Guide

Purpose

To record qualitative and quantitative information during informal interviews

Sample size & characteristic Fifteen purposively selected consultants who were knowledgeable about tree fodder

advantages and disadvantages

Enabled the rapid recording of information elicited from consultants during formal and informal ethnographic interviews. Allowed for uniformity in the information collected from different consultants. Was customized to meet the information needs of the research and the conditions of the community. Development of the guide required the participation of local farmers and therefore the guide itself became an element of data. Results provided much anecdotal and factual information about specific tree species. Analysis of the qualitative data was limited to inspection, tabulation and frequencies. Time consuming and knowledge of the local language needed.

Repertory grid

To collect verbal categories for classifying and evaluating tree fodder. To learn how people perceive tree fodder.

Thirteen older adults, 7 men and 6 women

Enabled the collection of qualitative data on tree fodder knowledge and perception with little cultural bias or influence by the researcher. Provided an intimate image of another culture's view of one part of the environment. Simple to develop and apply. Requires an understanding of the local language. Time consuming. Data difficult to evaluate and analyze.

m a n y a r e a s o f N e p a l , t h e h o u s e h o l d s in t h e s t u d y a r e a a r e n o t o r g a n i z e d as n u c l e a r villages. I n s t e a d , t h e y a r e d i s p e r s e d a c r o s s t h e s o u t h e r n f a c e o f t h e s l o p i n g r i d g e t h a t f o r m s t h e panchayat. T h e t o t a l a r e a o f Salija is 8 0 0 h e c t a r e s . A c c o r d i n g to a 1 9 7 6 s u r v e y t h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f l a n d in this panchayat is 2 3 4 h a f o r e s t l a n d , 5 2 0 h a grass a n d s c r u b land, a n d 4 6 h a c u l t i v a t e d l a n d ] W o r m a l d a n d R u s s e l l , 1976]. I n t h e 14 y e a r s s i n c e this

143 survey was administered, it is likely that the amount of land under forest cover has decreased significantly, while the area of grass/scrub and cultivated land has probably increased [Lumle, 1987]. This change is primarily the result of agricultural expansion and degradation of forest area from unrestricted grazing and tree cutting.

Livestock and tree fodder Livestock, primarily buffalo, oxen and cattle, are an integral part of the farming systems throughout the middle hills of Nepal. Buffalo are reared primarily for milk, which is converted to clarified butter (ghui) for home consumption and cash income especially. Buffalo are also an important source of meat. Though oxen are used to plow fields and cows produce milk, religious beliefs prevent the slaughter of these animals. Goats and sheep are not a very important component of most households in this community. A livestock product critical to the long-term sustainability of the middle hills farming systems is dung, the primary fertilizer for agriculture. A variety of factors -- including the monsoonal climate, steep topography, and a shortage of grazing land and labor -- force farmers in Salija and elsewhere in Nepal to depend heavily on fodder from woody perennials for animal feed [Panday, 1982]. Tree fodder is defined here to include vegetative matter harvested from trees, shrubs and woody vines for livestock feed. Tree fodders are harvested and fed to livestock that are maintained in stalls. Livestock may also be staked in private fields where they graze on crop residue, or they are allowed to graze freely in public forests or on public grasslands. During Certain seasons, 80 to 90 percent of total animal fodder is provided from private and public trees. Farmers in this area make an explicit distinction between tree fodder, Dhali Gass (which literally translates as branch grass), grass fodder, Bhuie Gass (which literally translates as ground grass), and the many types of agricultural residue and weeds. When residents of Salija discuss tree fodder, they include vegetative matter collected from shrubs, vines, and climbers. Scientists, development professionals, and other outsiders often use the term rook ko gass, which translates as grass of trees, when they talk with villagers about tree fodder. Even though farmers understand this term, it excludes all types of fodder except those harvested from trees. By not correctly understanding and using local terms, outsiders often miss opportunities to expand their comprehension of strategies for the use and management of natural resources.

Description of major research methods Formulating an understanding of any farming system component (i.e., biophysical, social, or economic) is problematic. This difficulty is compounded

144 when an indigenous knowledge and decision making system associated with components of a farming system are investigated. Cross-cultural researchers must strive to ensure that the concepts used by the researcher, and those being investigated, have equivalent meanings for all culture groups involved. 2 In addition, the proposed research method(s) may turn out to be inappropriate for interacting with members of different culture groups. Therefore, researchers must be flexible and creative in formulating the conceptual and theoretical frameworks upon which their research is based and in selecting, designing, and applying their research methods. By arbitrarily restricting information gathering to a single method, researchers run the risk of exacerbating the negative effects of cross-cultural research. No single research method appears capable of providing sufficient insight into the complexities of an indigenous knowledge system for the management of tree fodder resources. One major problem with formal surveys is that the meanings assigned to terms and concepts in survey questions often differ widely between researcher and respondent. Additionally, surveys are too often borrowed from other projects, regions, or coun z tries and are then used in place of carefully constructed survey instruments tailored to meet specific research objectives. A major research goal eventually achieved was the formulation of a multimethod research approach to investigate the indigenous knowledge system for tree fodder management. This multi-method approach, based on five distinct methods (Table 1), facilitated the collection of different types of data and information, helped overcome many of the problems endemic to crosscultural research, and resulted in a synthetic understanding of the indigenous classification system. Even though research methods were applied individually, they were developed and used in an integrated fashion, and the resultant data was analyzed both individually and collectively. The five methods included: (1) (2) (3) (4)

participant observation, a formal survey questionnaire, a comprehensive inventory of trees grown on private land, a fodder resource interview/discussion guide (informal interviews with purposively selected village residents), (5) use of repertory grid technique and triad tests to formulate and describe classification and evaluation systems for different types of tree fodder used by residents of Salija.

Local participation was a major objective of this research. The logistical advantages of hiring local women and men as research assistants are obvious. But more importantly, the participation of residents in the research process contributed greatly to expanding the explanatory power of the methods and to enhancing the fidelity and character of the results. By sharing in this 2 Culture is not necessarily the same as nationality or even ethnicity. For much on-farm research, village-levelculture may be more important than ethnic or national culture.

145 research effort, villagers not only learned more about their village area and farming systems, but their natural distrust of the researcher and the research process was quickly dispelled. The research did not just happen "to" them, it happened "with" them -- and it was successful because of them. These people were not merely nameless and faceless respondents disconnected from the research purpose and process, they were participants and collaborating researchers. To this end, local men and women who participated in this research were considered consultants. Besides being the primary source of data and information, consultants also assisted in the development and implementation of research methods. For example, the fodder resource interview/discussion guide that was gradually developed throughout the course of the research incorporated suggestions and thoughts from several consultants. The formal survey and inventory forms were extensively edited and improved through consultation with different men and women of Salija before they were used. All consultants and research assistants were native residents of Salija. The high level of local participation contributed greatly to the rapidity with which this research was accomplished and is significantly responsible for the validity of the results.

Participant observation This research method involved direct observation of community and household activities [Spradley, 1980; Whyte, 1977]. It provided the context within which all other methods were developed and it functioned as the initial medium for learning about the social and biophysical environments of Salija. By observing daily life and participating in household and community routines, the researcher was able to learn about the research site as a functioning system consisting of social and environmental interrelationships. Within the context of unstructured observation, a blend of activities occurred: (1) (2) (3) (4)

discussions were held with residents; questions were asked about specific aspects of village life; time was spent listening to farmers talk among themselves; the principal investigator personally participated in many activities of farm life, especially those associated with tree fodder. This process also rapidly familiarized the researcher with the Nepalese "lingua franca" used by the people of Salija to talk about farm life, tree fodder, and resource management.

The process of participant observation was used primarily to tie together more discrete data. Other research methods allowed aspects of life in Salija to be isolated and studied out of the context of community life, Participant observation, which took place over the nine months of research, permitted these elements to be examined within the context of the social system. Thus,

146 an iterative process between participant observation and other research methods evolved. At times, this process resulted in a more complete understanding of both the individual elements and the whole. In other situations, new questions about life in Salija and the management of tree fodder emerged.

Formal survey A formal survey questionnaire was developed and used to collect information on different social and economic variables from households in Salija. Specific data was gathered for nine classes of quantitative and qualitative variables: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)

household composition household commerce landholding size and composition livestock ghiu production tree planting and management practices tree fodder collection practices tree species preference by type (fuelwood, fodder, timber, utility & tools, and others) (9) livestock feeding programs Lists of households in the research area's three wards, consisting of the names of each head of household, the head of household's gender, an estimate of the amount of land owned by each household, and the household's caste composition, were prepared by panchayat officials. Approximately 25 percent of the households from each ward list were selected randomly to form the sample population of potential consultants for the household survey and private tree inventory. This resulted in a final sample population of 54 households (Table 2). Six interviewers, three men and three women from the community, were hired to help refine the questionnaires and administer the survey. Several discussions with the interviewers served to familiarize them with the purposes and aims of the research project and survey instrument. They were also

Table 2. Composition of the sample population of Salija. Sample population

Caste composition

Ward 2

15

Ward 6

27

Ward 7 TOTAL

12 54

Pun (100%) Pun (88.8%) Damai (3.7%) Kami (7.5%) Pun (100%) --

Women

Men

8

7

14

13

6 28

6 26

147 trained in interview techniques, primarily through practice sessions where they interviewed each other in role-playing activities. This training also provided an opportunity for the interviewers to comment on survey language and initiate changes in the questionnaire. Before the consultants were interviewed, the principal researcher and his assistants visited each sample household and spoke with the selected consultants about important details: the purpose of the research, who would be visiting them, and what sort of questions they would be asked. This introductory process meshed well with the cultural norms of the community and contributed to a reduction in respondent fear of the survey and interview. It also gave the researcher an opportunity to observe the household, the surrounding land, the types of trees growing around each house, and the intensity of tree cultivation. An early introduction of the researcher and the project to members of the community was important because of the timidity of the female consultants, who made up half of the consultant pool. In many Nepalese villages, as in other rural parts of the world, women are often shy with strangers. They are rarely given the opportunity to engage in activities such as surveys or discussions with foreign visitors. In fact, none of the female respondents in this survey had ever been interviewed before, while a few men had taken part in earlier surveys. Thus, a significant effort was made to explain the purpose of the survey and how the interviews would be administered. By design, each interviewer completed only one survey per day, which was usually conducted in the evening. After each interview, the principal researcher met with each interviewer to go over the survey and discuss the questions and responses. This procedure facilitated the immediate translation of survey answers and interviewer comments, extraction of additional information about the survey situation and written comments, correction of mistakes, and interpretation of local word usage. This intensive activity lasted ten days.

Inventoryprocedure In addition to the household survey, an inventory was taken of trees growing on each sample household's property. Much personal and communal indigenous knowledge is tacit - - it is not easily verbalized and is often not obvious to outside observers. Verbal statements often differ from behavior. Therefore, researchers must seek out observable indicators of behavior important to research goals. For this research, an exhaustive inventory was completed of the number and species of trees cultivated on each sample household's land. This inventory also recorded the uses of the trees and where they were grown. This time- and cost-efficient method was devised to capture some behavioral aspects of tree fodder management. Data from this research method functioned as physical evidence of stated management goals and decision making criteria.

148 The general shortage of arable land in Salija and elsewhere in the mid-hill region of Nepal is reflected in the small size of land holdings and land use intensity. Because of these two factors, it was reasoned that most, if not all, woody perennials and vines growing on household land were purposely cultivated and managed. The terms "cultivation" and "management" are not used here in the same manner as they are used in reference to crops. Because of the longer time horizon associated with growing trees, management of woody perennials is often less intensive than with crops. Thus, the term management is used here to convey the idea of woody vegetation being maintained on household land with varying degrees of farmer involvement. Eight young men from the three wards were hired to carry out the inventory of all trees growing on each sample household's property (Appendix A). These young men received one day of training, which included a discussion of the research project's purpose, especially in regard to the private tree inventory. The men were divided into three groups and sent off with four knowledgeable villagers to practice taking inventory on land owned by people who were not part of the sample. Each household was contacted at least a day in advance to set up an appointment with the consultant. The inventory process allowed a research assistant to visit a household and be shown around the family's land by a member of that household. During the "guided tour," the following five pieces of data were recorded on the inventory form: (1) the name of each tree, from seedling to mature tree; (2) the tree's first, second, and third major use as defined by the consultant (tree-use codes were utilized to facilitate data entry); (3) the age class of the tree (i.e., older or younger than 10 years), as estimated by the consultant; (4) the site where the tree was being cultivated, according to major land use categories; and (5) the names of crops that were commonly grown on the agricultural land where trees were found. The researcher did not define the concept of a tree. Each consultant was free to identify which plants growing on their land were considered to be trees. This was done to help limit the imposition of the researcher's own conceptualization of environmental attributes and to enhance the chance of grasping the consultant's point of view. As with the survey, only one inventory was done per day since some landholdings took 6 to 9 hours to inventory. When each inventory was completed the results were discussed. These discussions provided the opportunity to learn more about each household's land and tree cultivation practices and to examine and press leaf and twig samples collected by the assistants from uncommon trees they encountered during the inventory. Spot checks were made by the principal investigator and two research assistants during the inventory process to ensure that the inventory was administered properly. These checks showed that all research assistants took great care and pride in all aspects of their work. The high quality of their work was due largely to their status as residents of Salija and their understanding that they were researchers, not simply enumerators. The entire inventory process lasted six days.

149

Tree fodder knowledge discussion guide A tree fodder knowledge discussion guide (Appendix B) was used to help conduct informal interviews for the collection of detailed information on specific fodder species. Most of the questions in this guide originated from discussions with residents of Salija. This guide was not used to structure a formal interview. It was used only to make information recording easier and less intrusive (so that the flow of conversation was not disrupted during the information recording process). The guide also ensured that important questions were not overlooked during a discussion and it helped maintain consistency in the data that was collected from each consultant. Most consultants who participated in these interviews were purposively selected, either through recommendations made by research assistants or through the identification of people in the community who were recognized as authorities on tree fodder. On some occasions, discussions would provide unique opportunities for gaining new information. For example, during the project introduction process some farmers would start talking spontaneously about one or more specific fodder species. Thus, these natural openings often developed into informal interviews. Many of these situations provided excellent opportunities to use the discussion guide for recording information quickly and directing discussion so that important questions were not neglected. The inventory of trees, shrubs, and vines cultivated on private land resulted in the cataloging of 129 different species. Of this total, 28 species and 33 percent of the total number of trees cultivated by sample households were used primarily for animal fodder. When multi-purpose trees (those with primary uses other than animal fodder) are included, the number of fodder species increases to 56, which is equal to 54 percent of the total number of trees cultivated on sample household land. Because of this variety of fodder and the great number of grasses and agricultural by-products that are also used for animal fodder, it was decided to limit the focus of the tree fodder discussion guide to 15 species of trees identified as major sources of fodder in Salija. This focus permitted the collection of data from several consultants on a select group of species that were identified as important fodder trees. It also provided a means of identifying contradictions in information and of following up on interesting statements.

Repertory grid and triad tests The repertory grid and triad techniques are based on Personal Construct Theory [Bannister and Franella, 1977; Kelly, 1955]. This research method was used to identify and develop an understanding of an indigenous cognitive system used to classify different types of fodder and evaluate their differing

150 degrees of quality. Because this method limits the extent to which a researcher can impose his or her views, assumptions, and perceptions of the research, it helped in achieving a more accurate image of local perceptions of tree fodder. When performing the triad test, each consultant was provided with fresh leaf samples in groups of three from a collection of the 15 different fodder samples (Table 3). Twelve of these leaf samples came from major fodder trees and three were from important fodder vines. To avoid consultant fatigue, only some possible leaf combinations were used. A process of random selection identified nine different leaf groups (triad sorts) for this method (Table 4). Consultants, seven men and six women, were selected purposively from the original sample population based on two primary criteria: (1) that the person was knowledgeable about tree and vine fodder; (2) that the person would be able to participate effectively in this activity. After the consultant was presented with a triad sort, he or she was asked to name the leaves and then arrange them into two groups: one group consisting of the two leaves felt to be most similar to each other, and another group consisting of the remaining dissimilar leaf. After this grouping activity was finished, the consultant was asked to explain his or her reasons for the groupings. These responses were recorded on the Triad Test Record F o r m (Appendix C) and were eventually used to formulate composite verbal labels shown to be important in the evaluation of tree and vine fodders. Once this first grouping and associated verbal label was established, the consultant was presented with another triad sort and again asked to group them and provide his or her reasons for the resulting group. When all nine Table 3. Scientific names of leaf samples used in triad tests. Nepali names

Latin names

Tree/Vine

Phultiso Maya Bhokre Halaure Bhango Seto chuletro Paiyu Shirmoo Jhyanu Kharsu Bhains Dudhilo Rajeli Pain lahara Dhurse

Colquhounia cocciea Eriobotrya elliptica Ilex doniana Hedera nepalensis Quercus incana Brassaiopsis hainla Prunus cerasoides Michelia spp. Eurya acurninata Quercus semecarpifolia Salix babylonica Ficus nemoralis

Tree Tree Tree Vine Tree Tree Tree Tree Tree Tree Tree Tree Vine Vine Tree

Unknown

Vitis repanda Buddlija asiatica

151 Table 4. List of triad sorts used in the reparatory grid.

Triad sorts Sort 1:

llex doniana Prunus cerasoides Ficus nemoralis

Sort 2:

llex doniana Quercus incana Ficus nemoralis

Sort 3:

Colquhounia coccia Brassaiopsis hainla RAJELI

Sort 4:

Quercus semecarpifolia Salix babylonica Buddlija asiatica

Sort 5:

Colquhounia coccia Eurya acuminata Quercus semecarpifolia

Sort 6:

Hedera nepalensis RAJELI Vitis repanda

Sort 7:

Prunus cerasoides Michelia spp. Quercus semecarpifolia

Sort 8:

Eurya acuminata Ficus nemoralis Buddlija asiatica

Sort 9:

Eriobotrya elliptica Hedera nepalensis Vitis repanda

triad sorts were presented, the consultant was reminded of his or her verbal labels and leaf groups, and was then asked to place the remaining leaf samples in one of the two groups of each sort. The record form was marked to show whether specific leaf samples agreed or disagreed with specific labels. This procedure, which was repeated for all classification labels mentioned by the consultant, made it possible to test each leaf sample against one verbal classification label. New classification labels were discerned when the consultant felt that a new leaf did not fit well in either group, but required a new group, or fit equally well in both original groups. This technique made it possible to construct a repertory grid composed of fodder types and associated verbal classification labels. This very intensive process took nine days to complete.

152

Analysis and discussion of repertory grid data All verbal labels were grouped into major categories based on their extant similarities, resulting in the development of 16 different label categories. Next, differences in the distribution of specific verbal label categories provided by men and women consultants were determined (Table 5). F r o m this total, five verbal categories (printed i n ' b o l d ) exhibited a noticeable difference in the number of men and women who used these labels to distinguish between fodder types. Remaining categories displayed lesser or negligible differences. It was hypothesized that men and women would share c o m m o n domains of knowledge about fodder tree use, cultivation, and management, as well as have unique gender related domains of knowledge. This hypothesis was based on the realization that divisions of labor based on gender are c o m m o n in rural Nepalese households [Bennett, 1983; Molnar, 1981]. The data supports the belief that both c o m m o n and unique domains of tree fodder knowledge and perception exist between men and women (Tables 5 and 6). The data also provides insight into what these different domains may consist of. Results from a Chi- Square statistic (15.1874 with 4 degrees of freedom) calculated for the five most distinct categories of data in Table 6, was statistically significant at 0.0043 level (below the preselected a = 0.05) allowing statistical verification of the research hypothesis.

Table 5. Frequency of categories by gender.* Category

Total labels

% of total

Male

Female

Winter fodder

28

18.3

Good for milk production Nutritious, healthy Eaten well

24 19 12

15.7 12.4 7.8

22 13 10 8

11 9 4

Health problems Good for milk & ghiu

11 9

7.2 5.9

9 7

2 2

9 7 7 7 6 5 5 2 1 1 153

5.9 4.6 4.6 4.6 3.9 3.3 3.3 1.3 0.6 0.6 100

5 1 4 7 2 2 2 2 1 0 95

4 6 3 0 4 3 3 0 0 1 58

Available all seasons Source of fodder & fuel Obano fodders Chiso fodders Easily obtainable Generally good Manure production Available in same season Satisfyingfodder Hot season fodder TOTAL

* Seven men and six women provided data.

6

153

Table 6. High and low frequencies of responses for label categories by men and women.* Labels

Men

Women

Winter fodder Good for milk production Nutritious, healthy Eaten well Health problems Good for milk & ghiu Available all seasons Source of fodder & fuel Obano fodders Chiso fodders Easily obtainable Generally good Manure production Available in season Satisfyingfodder Hot season fodder

H N N N H H N L N H O O O O O O

L N N N L L N H N L O O O O O O

* The determination of whether a category fell in the H (High) or L (Low) grouping depended on whether the frequency of male or female consultant groups within a category is 50 percent higher or lower than the frequency of the other group in that category. The letter N indicates that there was no differences greater or less than 50 percent in that category. The letter O indicates that there were too few comments within this category to make this computation meaningful.

Major findings from the multi-method on-farm research approach Proposed system of classification and evaluation of tree fodder A m a j o r research goal was to l e a r n a b o u t the i n d i g e n o u s system of k n o w l edge s u r r o u n d i n g tree f o d d e r resources. T h e r e p e r t o r y grid t e c h n i q u e was u s e d to elicit an array of classification categories for a d o m a i n of knowledge. D a t a p r e s e n t e d (Tables 5 a n d 6) shows that this goal was successfully achieved. P e r s o n a l C o n s t r u c t T h e o r y p r o v i d e d a basis for analyzing grid data to reveal categories of classification or r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of p e r s o n a l c o n s t r u c t s used by c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s to organize, use, a n d pass o n i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t tree fodder. Initial analysis of the s t r u c t u r e a n d c o n t e n t of grid data did not, however, reveal a n y o b v i o u s o r d e r e d classification system into which different verbal categories could b e arranged. T h e a p p a r e n t lack of an u n d e r l y i n g classification structure was solved by associating r e p e r t o r y grid data with data a n d i n f o r m a t i o n d e r i v e d f r o m the o t h e r research m e t h o d s . F o r example, d u r i n g several p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n sessions, villagers used the N e p a l e s e w o r d chiso in discussing tree fodder,

154 which is generally used to mean damp cold or to refer to a liquid as being cold. In describing a fodder as being chiso, a villager is saying that it will cause a buffalo or cow to produce watery dung. This is important because watery dung is much more difficult to collect by hand from the floor of an animal shed than firm, dryer dung. Interest in this term's potential importance increased after it appeared in several survey and inventory forms and was prominent in the results of the triad test. Evaluating how chiso and the opposite term, o b a n o (dry, warm), were being used in all research methods led to an understanding of their meaning with respect to tree fodder. The classification scheme for tree fodder was developed from this initial understanding of the terms chiso-obano (Fig. 1). The formulation of this scheme was based largely on three assumptions of the Personal Construct Theory. The first assumption involves the basic tenets of bipolar constructs, i.e., that all constructs or categories of classification exist as psychological opposite pairs with a gradient of difference between the two opposite poles. The second major assumption concerns how constructs are organized into subordinate and superordinate systems. According to this idea, major, or superordinate categories of a classification, are broad in character and encompass more specific subordinate categories. The final assumption helps explain how the knowledge or construct systems of a few individuals can be used to form a community's knowledge or construct system. By identifying similar patterns used by a population's members to categorize, classify and evaluate elements of the environment, important domains of knowledge within a complete knowledge system can be identified. Since similarities among people are rooted in similar patterns of discrimination and evaluation within and between common sets of objects, one can use this to formulate a community level system.

Species that move along the scale Chiso

Obano

. . . .rwanda v,tis

72s

L-;is

.

CHEROTE Chonemorpha macrophylla Machilus spp. Salix babylonica Hedera nepalensis Michelia spp.

llex doniana Brassaiopes hainla Prunus cerasoides Eurya acuminata

.

.

.

Dendrocalamus

. Quercus semecarpifolia Quercus incana Buddli]a asiatica

Vibrurm coriaceum Betula spp. Quercus glauca

spp. Prunus cerasoides Eurya acuminata Fig. 1. Bipolar scale of evaluation for tree fodder.

q

llex dipyrenia RAJELI

155 Based on these assumptions and information gathered from informal interviews, the inventory, and household surveys, a system of classification and evaluation of tree fodder embodied within the bipolar scale is proposed (Fig. 1). This figure shows that the proposed model for tree fodder evaluation and classification consists of a bipolar scale with the two poles defined as Chiso or Obano. 3 Data shows that all tree and vine fodders can be classified according to this bipolar scale as being either more or less chiso or obano [Rusten, 1989]. The species listed in Fig. 1 demonstrate how some tree and vine fodders are arranged along this scale for the Nepali month of Magh (January-February). This arrangement will likely be different for different seasons. Consultants reported that the best quality fodders often have obano attributes. This not only describes the physical character of leaves, i.e., being relatively dry, stiff, and leathery, but research showed that when animals are fed obano fodder it will: (1) lead to the production of firm, relatively dry dung without causing constipation; (2) improve livestock health; (3) contribute to livestock weight gain; (4) be eaten well and satisfy the animals' appetite with smaller quantities; and (5) contribute to the production and quality of milk and ghiu. Conversely, chiso fodders are often considered to be p o o r e r quality fodders that usually need to be mixed with other obano fodders before being fed to livestock. As with the term obano, the term chiso describes physical attributes of the fodder (i.e., being relatively succulent, supple, and smooth), but more importantly, it describes the physiological effects that fodders of this type commonly have on livestock. Consultants report that if chiso fodders are fed to livestock in excess they (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

cause animals to produce watery dung; sometimes cause weight loss; weaken animals and cause appetite loss; possibly cause a blockage in the stomachs or throats of the livestock; will not satisfy the animals' appetite; will not increase ghiu production.

It should be emphasized that chiso fodders are not necessarily thought of as "bad" fodders. For example, Vitis repanda (Pani Lahara), considered to be one of the most chiso fodders used in the Salija area, is also one of the best fodders for enhancing milk and ghiu production. Because of this fodder's high chiso quality, it is generally fed only to livestock in limited quantities and is often mixed with more obano fodders. For example, consultants were observed feeding small quantities of Vitis repanda along

30bano is the most common term used by residents of Salija to define this pole of the scale. Another common term Garimi, which means warm or hot, is occasionally used along with or in place of obano.

156 with larger quantities of Quercus sernecarpifolia (Kharsu, an obano fodder). On one occasion, the principal investigator, while "helping" a consultant feed her livestock with these two fodders, was scolded for feeding too much of the chiso fodder to one of her animals. As this w o m a n explained, "Do you want to make my buffalo sick? Y o u should only feed a little of the Pani Lahara with the Kharsu." Similarly, all obano fodders cannot be simply considered "good" fodder, free from problems. For example, one consultant explained that during the Nepali month of Asar (June-July), fodder from Prunus cerasoides (Painyu) - - which is relatively obano -- can be fed as the sole fodder because there is sufficient water available for animals to drink. According to another consultant, if this "garimi" (obano) fodder is the only type of fodder fed to cows and buffaloes at other times of the year, "the animals' udders will dry up and the teats will develop pimples." Other consultants reported that if very obano fodders were fed in excess, livestock could develop severe constipation, which could even result in the death of the animal. Three broad groupings of fodder species have been identified: two relatively static groups adjacent to the poles, and a m o r e dynamic middle group that changes over time. Most fodders appear to fall within this dynamic middle group and these tend to m o v e along the scale, becoming m o r e or less chiso or obano at different times of the year and as leaves mature. This process can be considered as similar to the ripening of fruit. Many fodder leaves, like fruit, must "ripen" before they are considered suitable for consumption. For example, Ficus nemoralis (Dudhilo), one of the most popular fodders in Salija, is classified as very chiso when there is a new flush of leaves. But as the leaves mature they b e c o m e progressively m o r e obano and the fodder quality gradually improves. Since not all leaves on a tree mature at the same time, many trees generally have leaves that range from obano to chiso. Therefore, fodder collection often requires the selective lopping of the m o r e obano leaves from a tree, leaving the m o r e chiso leaves to mature (or ripen) for later use. This practice of selectively harvesting trees for fodder leaves was observed in Salija. In one case, a w o m a n was observed selectively cutting leaves f r o m five privately owned Ficus nemoralis trees. When asked the reason for not cutting all the fodder she needed from one tree she remarked that, "not all the leaves were yet ripe (pakeko)." As she explained, many of the leaves on these trees were still too chiso to be fed to her livestock. Farmers in Salija use two basic techniques to determine the relative chiso or obano condition of tree fodders. The first involves associating the species to a season of the year. This method is used most commonly with those fodders that are m o r e or less fixed at either pole. Most fodders lie between the two extremes. Therefore, farmers need to apply a second technique: the qualitative analysis of the leaves of trees or vines using their senses. Table 7 presents techniques of qualitative analysis that many consultants in Salija were observed to be using in the evaluation of different tree and vine fodders. Once a judgement is m a d e about the quality of a specific fodder,

157

Table Z Methods of qualitative analysis of tree fodders. Sense

Analytic technique

Sight

Both surfaces of the leaves were closely inspected by holding the leaves to take best advantage of natural lighting. Both surfaces of the leaves were gently fondled between the thumb and fingers. The leaves were tugged, bent and crumpled. Leaf margins were caressed and thorns teased. Leaf petioles were also rolled between the thumb and forefinger. Leaves were smelled in both crumpled and uncrumpled states. Some consultants placed some leaves or parts of leaves in their mouths and chewed.

Touch

Smell Taste

farmers m a k e a series of other decisions about the quantity of different chiso and obano fodders that will be collected and fed to their livestock. W e argue that farmers use this chiso-obano evaluatory system for m o r e than just determining what tree fodders should be harvested. F a r m e r s also a p p e a r to use their qualitative u n d e r s t a n d i n g of chiso and obano attributes of fodders along with their knowledge about other aspects of specific fodders to formulate feed for their livestock. This feed consists of a variety of f o d d e r types to achieve personal p r o d u c t i o n objectives. T h e chiso-obano system of classification appears to be so intuitive to the p e o p l e of Salija that it is not often used to discuss tree fodder. During o p e n discussion, villagers would generally m e n t i o n m o r e specific elements of f o d d e r classification and evaluation, (e.g., those listed in Table 5). A n explanation for this is that m o s t other f o d d e r attributes can be classified or s u b s u m e d within the superordinate "construct" chiso-obano. Additionally, the m o r e specific subordinate "constructs" are thus m o r e functional for describing characteristics of specific tree fodders and decision making rules for m a n a g e m e n t and use of tree f o d d e r at specific points in time. This system is used to determine if leaves f r o m different trees, shrubs, or vines are suitable as animal fodder. M o r e o v e r , the system is part of a decision making process used in the formulation of daily and seasonal feeding regimes for livestock. This p r o p o s e d knowledge system is o n e of three m a j o r elements of the decision making process surrounding tree f o d d e r harvesting and livestock feeding. T h e other two elements include: (1) an individual's knowledge about and preference for different types of tree fodder; (2) the availability of alternatives to tree fodders and different feeding regimes.

158

Research implications One of the immediate applications of this research is to illustrate to westerntrained professionals, "experts," planners, extension agents, and development practitioners the extent, sophistication, and value of indigenous knowledge systems. This is not to imply that indigenous knowledge systems (people's science) are perfect. Indigenous systems of knowledge, like Western science, have weaknesses and imperfections and, because of this, both are worth exploring. It seems prudent to employ a variety of knowledge systems when dealing with development problems, especially problems related to diverse biophysical systems such as agroforestry. As Hatley and Thompson (1985) summarize: "[Since] there are many different systems of knowledge, and [since[ each of them is incomplete, then the more of them we can make use of the better. The only trouble is that, to do this, [we] have to concede that [our] truth is not the only truth: something that does not come easily to those who see development as a kind of mission." Prior to the field research, there was no indication of the important role that vines and climbers play as a source of fodder. Nor were they viewed as an important tree fodder ("dhali gass") by village farmers. Neither the formal literature review nor discussions with knowledgeable people in Nepal turned up evidence as to the value of fodder vines and climbers. As we seek to maximize fodder output and further develop desired tree fodder mixtures, our newly derived awareness of the importance of fodder vines has opened up an additional avenue for exploiting and intensifying the vertical (spatial) dimension of very small-sized farming systems common to the middle hills of Nepal. The identification of the chiso-obano classification scheme creates an obvious need to match up scientific knowledge of ruminant nutrition with farmer objectives, (i.e., maximizing ghui production, producing dry dung, concern for animal health and weight gain). Controlled feeding trials using farmer preferred mixtures should be conducted to understand why these fodder combinations lead to observed and desired results. As it becomes clear which attributes tree fodders must possess, research can be clearly directed to maximize these qualities. Once nutritive qualities are understood, any indigenous or exotic fodder species can be analyzed and then discussed with the farmer in the "shared language" that both researcher and farmer understand. The improved ability of farmers and researchers to communicate will greatly improve the iterative research process and assist farmers in their decision making processes and management strategy development. The knowledge that a species can "move" along a chiso-obano seasonal continuum points toward "phenology-based" research for the development of management systems (e.g., pruning or lopping) which maximize the time a

159 species' leaves maintain an optimal obano state. Further, within the group of highly preferred fodder tree species, it allows for the identification and selection of exceptional individuals that reach and maintain an obano state at the time most desired by the farmer.

Conclusions

IKR has shown that there is much more to the collection, management, and use of tree fodders than meets the eye of an outsider. Knowledgeable villagers efficiently evaluate the relative quality of different fodders and provide good feed to their livestock by using three main tools: (1) their extensive knowledge about individual fodder species (2) an indigenous system of classification and evaluation (3) skillful qualitative analysis of available tree fodder species Research of this type requires researchers to establish a good working rapport with the residents of the community being studied. To establish a good research rapport, three "rules of thumb" are significant. First, the researcher must approach the research from the humble perspective of a learner. Second, the local residents must be treated with the respect deserved by teachers. Finally, as an outsider, it proved effective to behave as a guest might do when visiting someone's home. This behavior coupled respect for individual consultants and their households with respect for the culture of the community. This research demonstrated the importance of using an interdisciplinary approach when formulating research strategy and developing research methods for on-farm agroforestry research. The major goal of developing a more complete understanding of the use, cultivation, and knowledge about fodder trees in a Nepalese village could not have been accomplished if only a small subset of the methods had been used. Via the multi-method approach, anomalies and problems that came to light from one method could be crosschecked with information provided from other methods. Although this research was not part of an on-farm agroforestry research initiative, the approach taken can be readily adapted to the information gathering needs of on-farm research programs. Results from this study will help refine the scope and focus of agroforestry research and the design of agroforestry projects, and can be incorporated into agroforestry extension programs for Salija and other middle hill areas of Nepal. More generally, micro-level research of this type is needed to understand important variables and collect data before macro-models to explain land use strategies and farmer decision making will be feasible.

160 Appendix A TREE

Household

f

FODDER

INVENTORY

Name

51-\lENT

Date

Inventory

Aqs E s t a t e

USE

TREE NAN~

< 10

A

~S

\\\\\ \\\\

B

•

lO

Place

#

of Plantlnq

~R5

\\\

\\\\

e--'~

I

I

code

I

This total

-

the r,st

of the r o y .

This is a continuation of the above form. The actual inventory the sheets were printed in landscape form.

STREAM

\\\\

TRANSLATION BAP~I K/JET K~{AR

MARGINAL

HOUSEHOLD

TRAXL

\\\\

KEY:

- N o n - i r r i g a t e d a g r i c u l t u r a l land. - I r r i g a t e d a g r i c u l t u r a l land. BARRI - Land w h e r e t h a t c h grass is g r o w n

(marginal

land).

INVENTORY

F O R M KEY:

Codes :

U s e or u t i l i t y codes, A,B,C, etc. w e r e w r i t t e n o r d e r of i m p o r t a n c e b a s e d on c o m m e n t s made by farmers.

Age

Estimates:

T h e s e were m a d e by the c o n s u l t a n t

farmers.

in

161

Appendix B

TREE

I.SPECIES:

FODDER

KNOWLEDGE

DISCUSSION

2. (LATIN)

(NEPALI)

SAMPLE No.

J.SITE/LOCATION: 5.ASPECT:

4.ELEVATION: 5.CONSULTANT(S):

GUIDE

6.DATE:

rMI.[F]

/

/88.

6.AGE:_____~

7.BIO-DATA: 8 . P L A N T IS A: T R E E [--7 , SHRUB ~ - 7 , VINE ~ - 7 , GRASS [--7 , O T H E R 9.FODDER QUALITY:

E~

, G r - 7 , F [--7 , p C - - 7

NOT FODDER [--7.

9.1.COMMENTS:

i0. A R E T H E R E M O N T H S WHEN THIS FODDER CANNOT BE USED?

[Y], [N]

10.1.EXPLAIN/COMMENTS:

n. FODDER FOR:BUFFALOU--F--]COwV--T--TGoATSC--]---] SHEEP 7-T--7 AU.E23 12.fODDER FOR:

OLDER ANIMAns [--3, YOUNGER [--], B O ~

P R E G N A N T ANIMALS:

[Y],

[N],

M I L K I N G ANIMALS

[Y],

V-3; [N].

1 3 . O T H E R U S E S W I T H RATING [E, G, F, P]:

FUEL f--'] TIMBER I----] TOOLS f - ' ]

M E D I C A L [---] FIBER

I

I FRUIT f----I

BED/FERT. [ ~ OTHER: 14.DOES F O D D E R C A U S E HEALTH PROBLEMS?: 15. CAN BOTH OLD A N D YOUNG(NEW) EXPLAIN:

[Y],

[N],

DETAILS:

LEAVES BE FED TO ANIMALS?

[Y], [N]

162 1 6 . H O W ARE O T H E R

IF H U M A N

PARTS O F THE TREE USED?

FOOD OR

17.HOW OFTEN

QTHER

SHOULD

18. H O W H E A V I L Y

FODDER

CAN LOPPING

21.

CAN THIS

22.

HOW OFTEN

23.

BE B E F O R E

EXPLAIN:

WHY?

BE LOPPED?

O F T H E LEAVES [ [ ]. EXPLAIN

19. H O W O L D S H O U L D T R E E

20.1.

BE HARVESTED?

SHOULD THIS TREE

ONLY A FRACTION O N L Y O L D LEAVES

20.

[MEDICINE/RELIGIOUS]

] REASONS

A L L LEAVES

[

],

%, O N L Y N E W LEAVES [ ], FOR T H I S LOPPING INTENSITY:

IT IS FIRST L O P P E D ?

BE U S E D TO C O N T R O L THE SHAPE OF T H E A D U L T TREE?

H O W IS THIS L O P P I N G

TREE

BE C O P P I C E D

MONTHS

IN].

DONE:

(TUSAAUNU)?

DO YOU H A R V E S T T H I S

PRIMARY

IT],

FODDER?

IT],

IN],

[DK].

WHY?

FOR LOPPING A N D C O L L E C T I O N

OF FODDER:

I[BAISA~ ~;,HIAS~OISAq~MADAqAS~ ~ ~OSIqPUSH~O"~ ~ I BJ ~ t ' 1 1 ' 1 24.WHICH

MONTH(S)

25.MONTHS

FODDER

26.TREE

GROWS:

26.1.

IF G R O W N

I~1 I~1 I~t I~1 Iol U N

IS F O D D E R Q U A L I T Y

BEST?

U

(USE NOs.)

IS M O S T AVAILABLE: (USE NOs.)

MAINLY

IN F A R M

IN F A R M AREA,

I

I

GROWN

MAINLY

IN FOREST

IN KHET?

U

[___l &/OR

BOTH

I

I

BAARI?

I

I

163 27.BEST

28.HOW

SITE/LOCATION

FOR GROWTH:

FAST [3. MEDI~ [3. slow [3.

FAST DOES THIS TREE GROW?

28.1.EXPLAIN:

29.IS

IT G R O W N

29.1.IF

NOT,

30.WHAT

EFFECT

31.

IS T H I S

HOW

HEAR CROPS?

[Y],

IN], W H I C H CROPS:

W H Y NOT?

D O E S T H I S T R E E H A V E O N CROPS?

TREE GENERALLY

PROPAGATED

(GROWN)?

S E E D [ - ~ , C U T T I N G [ - ~ , TRA~,SPLANTING [--] , N U R S E R Y OTHER [ ] 31.1.DESCRIPTION

32.

DOES THIS TREE

33.

DO E P I P H I T E S

34.

IS T H E R E

O F PROCEDURE:

HARBOR

PESTS:

[Y],

G R O W ON T H I S T R E E ?

ANYTHING

S E E D L I N G [--]

[N]. EXPLAIN:

[Y]

IN] DETAILS:

E L S E T H A T YOU C A N T E L L ME A B O U T THIS T R E E ?

164

Appendix C TRIAD TEST R E C O R D FORM

Consul rant :

Time:

Date:

NAME

CONS~UC~ P 8 U L T I S 0

H A ]~ A

B H 0 K R E

H A L A g R E

B A N J O

OF LEAF SAHPLE5 r C P S J H A H H U I I Y L ¥ R A E U H N R O U O O

X

X

X

NOTILT K H A $ R U

B A I N 5

X

D U D H I L O

R A J E L I

P A N I L & I! A R A

O H U R S E

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X X - TRIAD MEMBER = TRIAD PAIR + - CONSTRUCT

~

NEW CONSTRUCT NEW CONSTRUCT

AGREEMENT --

PROBLF~ CROPS

Wl

-

"

NO

AGREE -

HENT

165

References Advisory Committee on the Sahel (1983) Agroforestry in the West African Sahel. National Academy Press, Washington, D.C. Bannister D and Fransella F (1977) Inquiring Man: The Theory of Personal Constructs. Penguin Books, Baltimore Bennett L (1983) Dangerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles of HighCaste Women in Nepal. Columbia University Press, New York Clay JW (1988) Indigenous Peoples and Tropical Forests: Models of Land Use and Management for Latin America. Cultural Survival, Cambridge, Mass Conklin HC (1957) Hanunoo agriculture, a report on the integral system of shifting cultivation in the Philippines. Forestry Development Paper No 21, FAO, Rome Ewel JJ (1986) Designing agricultural ecosystems for the humid tropics. Ann Rev Ecol Sys 17:245-71 Hatley T and Thompson M (1985) Rare animals, poor people, and big agencies: a perspective on biological conservation and rural development in the Himalaya. Mountain Research and Development 5(4):365-377 Kelly GA (1955) The Psychology of Personal Constructs. Volume I. Norton, New York Lumle (1987) Personal communication with staff at Lumle Agricultural Centre Molnar A (1981) The Kham Magar Women of Thabang. The Status of Women in Nepal, Vol 2 Part 2. Center for Economic Development and Administration, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal Nations JD and Kromer DI (1983) Central America's tropical rain forests: positive steps for survival. Ambio 12(5):232-238 Olofson H (1983) Indigenous agroforestry systems. Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society 11:149-174 Panday K.K. (1982) Fodder Trees and Tree Fodder in Nepal. Swiss Development Cooperation, Berne, and Swiss Federal Institute of Forestry Research, Birmensdorf, Switzerland Radwanski SA and Wickens GE (1967) The ecology of Acacia albida on mantle soils in Zalingei, Jebel Marra, Sudan. Journal of Applied Ecology 4(2):569-579 Rambo AT (1981) Orang Asli adaptive strategies: implications for Malaysian Natural Resource Development planning. EAPI Preprint, East-West Center, Honolulu Rappaport RA (1971) The flow of energy in an agricultural society. Scientific American 255(3):116-132 Rice D (1981) Upland agricultural development in the Philippines: an analysis and a report on Ikalahan programs. In: Olofson, Harold, ed, Adaptive Strategies and Change in Philippine Swidden- Based Societies, Los Banos: Forest Research Institute. pp 73-90 Richards P (1985) Indigenous Agricultural Revolution. Hutchinson, London Rusten E (1989) An investigation of an indigenous knowledge system and management practices of tree fodder resources in the Middle Hills of Central Nepal. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Forestry, Michigan State University Salisbury RF (1962) From Stone to Steel. London, Cambridge University Press Spradley JP (1980) Participant Observation. Holt, Rinehart & Winston Werner O and Schoepfle GM (1987) Systematic Fieldwork: Foundations of Ethnography and Interviewing. SAGE Publications, Newbury Park, California Whyte A (1977) Guidelines for field studies in environmental perception. MAB Technical Notes, 5 Paris, UNESCO Wilken GC (1977) Integrating forest and small scale farm systems in Middle America. AgroEcosystems 13:291-302 Wormald TJ and Russell TD (1976) An account of the Salija Forest inventory. Lumle Agricultural Centre, Mimeo