Unraveling Cultural Threads - Springer Link

C 2006), pp. 393–407 Journal of Child and Family Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4, August 2006 ( DOI: 10.1007/s10826-006-9038-9

Unraveling Cultural Threads: A Qualitative Study of Culture and Ethnic Identity Among Urban Southwestern American Indian Youth Parents and Elders Laura E. House, Ph.D.,1,4 Arlene R. Stiffman, Ph.D.,2 and Eddie Brown, D.S.W.3 Published online: 11 July 2006

We utilized qualitative methods to explore ethnic and cultural identity among urban Southwestern American Indian youth, parents, and elders. Twenty-four respondents ranging in age from approximately 13 to 90 years were interviewed in focus groups divided by age. Six major themes and seventeen sub-themes related to tribal and pan-American Indian ethnic identity were identified. Two important findings emerging from our study were that common ethnic identity constructs can be validated and new identity constructs discovered through qualitative methods. These and other findings suggest the importance of qualitative methods in better understanding cultural and ethnic identity. Of particular significance was the notion that the most salient and relevant identity constructs can be learned from the voices and perspectives of ethnic identity members themselves across generations, age, tribal groups, gender, and reservation and urban residence. KEY WORDS: american indian youth; pan-American indian identity; ethnic and cultural identity; qualitative methods; intergenerational contexts.

Few studies have delved into ethnic and cultural identity among American Indian youth. Most studies that exist tend to be quantitative in nature and report 1 Public

Health Advisor, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Health and Human Services, Silver Spring, MD. 2 Barbara A. Bailey Professor of Social Work and Director of Comorbidity and Addiction Center, Washington University, St. Louis, MO. 3 Professor of Social Work and Director of American Indian Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ. 4 Correspondence should be directed to Laura E. House, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Health and Human Services, Organization and Finance Branch, 13702 Colgate Way, # 1033, Silver Spring, MD 20705; e-mail: [email protected]. 393 C 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc. 1062-1024/06/0800-0393/1

394

House, Stiffman, and Brown

findings of modest to no relationships between ethnic identity and well-being, mental health, substance abuse, and other health-related outcomes in this population (Byron, 1997; Christenson, 1999; Oetting & Beauvais, 1999; Rieckmann, Wadsworth, & Deyhle, 2004; Striley, 2002; White, 1999). Despite these findings and major gaps in the literature, theoretical and practical interest in ethnic and cultural identity among American Indian youth and other youth of color remains strong because of the assumption that culture matters and promotes higher levels of health, well-being and more positive outcomes (Aponte & Johnson, 2000; Carter et al., 1996; Sue et al., 1995). Widespread debate has continued about how best to define and measure culture and ethnicity in general and cultural, ethnic, and racial identity in particular. Ethnicity is closely related to culture and refers to “clusters of people who have common culture traits that they distinguish from those of other people” (Smedley & Smedley, 2005, p. 18). These shared group traits may include language, geographic location or place of origin, religion, sense of history, traditions, values, beliefs, food habits (Jones, 1997; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Ethnic identity is tied to ethnicity and has been defined as being connected to a person’s self-concept and knowledge of their social grouping. It can also be seen as the way in which a person responds emotionally to their group membership and is perceived as fixed but open, flexible and transmissible” (Tajfel, 1981).

Currently, there are approximately 561 federally-recognized American Indian tribes (Census, 2001). Among these tribes, nearly 210 distinct tribal languages are spoken (Yellow Bird, 2001). Most tribes maintain unique customs, traditions, social organizations and ecological relationships which contribute to diversity. Urbanization also contributes to diversity among American Indians with approximately 70% of American Indians in this country reported as living in urban areas. Negative and forced experiences with the dominant culture including oppression, discrimination, historical trauma, loss of language, and removal from traditional lands have been damaging and also greatly interfered with American Indian cultural experiences. Despite this, American Indian and tribal cultural traditions, values and practices continue to survive and provide resilience to this community (Goodluck, 2002; LaFromboise & Dizon, 2003). Various American Indian sociocultural characteristics and strengths have been documented in the literature and appear to set this group apart from other ethnic minority groups and the dominant culture (Meyer, 1977; Yellow Bird, 1995; Yellow Horse Braveheart, 2001). Some literature refers to these characteristics as pan-American Indian because they are commonly shared across a large number of tribal groups (LaFromboise & Dizon, 2003). The pan-American Indian values guide behavior and daily life in many American Indian communities and include the strong belief in spirituality, a respect for the earth and nature, a belief in the harmony between the individual and nature which is seen as essential for good mental and physical health (LaFromboise & Dizon, 2003). Goodluck (2002)

Unraveling Cultural Threads

395

validated these cultural values in a review and evaluation of 22 articles on American Indian cultural strengths from the social science literature and developed a well-conceived list of 42 cultural strengths that were later clustered into 10 major themes. Of these strengths, the most frequently cited were extended family, spirituality, social connections, cultural identity, child care customs, traditions, stories, and kinship and mutual assistance. Other literature also identified pan-American Indian and tribal values and strengths such as cultural pride, cooperation, control of self not others, sharing, noninterference, patience, group-centered orientation, humor, time for thought, nonverbal communication, avoidance of speaker and listener with little or no eye contact, and slower, softer speech (LaFromboise & Dizon, 2003; Meyer, 1977; Yellow Bird, 1995). The measurement of ethnic and cultural identity has generally been challenging and complex across ethnic minority communities. One primary reason is because most measures of identity follow assumptions of linear models of cultural identification that view individuals as operating on a continuum or in transition between cultures (Marin, 1992; Oetting & Beauvais, 1999). A literature search of these ethnic and cultural identity instruments found seven that focused on American Indian identity. While all seven instruments incorporated some aspects of American Indian culture identified in the literature such as language, values, behavior, and cultural attitudes, none seemed to capture all important elements. One of the instruments developed to measure American Indian identity was a scale by Mohatt and Blue (1982) which assessed tiospaye or the degree of traditionality among members of the Lakota Sioux nation. Morris, Crowley, and Thomas Morris (2002) also developed an instrument which measures traditionalism among American Indian children and families. This 96-item instrument for children and adults explores four dimensions of traditionalism: knowledge of language, traditional history, tribal lore, and identification with traditional healing ceremonies and life transition rituals. Another instrument is the Rosebud Personal Opinion Survey (Hoffman, Dana, & Bolton, 1985) that measures various dimensions of acculturation including language (preference and usage), educational and occupational status, blood quantum, social behavior, social membership and activities, value orientation, and cultural attitudes. The Orthogonal Cultural Identification Measure (Oetting & Beauvais, 1999) differs from the Rosebud instrument by assessing biculturalism and individual perceptions of American Indian culture, mainstream culture, or a combination of American Indian and mainstream culture. The Measure of Enculturation (Zimmerman et al., 1996) is another instrument that is most linked to Hoffman’s earlier measure and focuses on involvement in cultural activities and three other cultural dimensions: cultural affinity, identity, family involvement, and traditional activities. Another instrument assessing American Indian identity is the Native American Acculturation Scale (NAAS) (Garrett & Pichette, 1998) which measures acculturation along a continuum ranging from traditional American Indian

396


to assimilated mainstream American and covers language, identity, friendships, behaviors, generational and geographic background and attitudes. The Navajo Cultural Identity Measure (NCIM) (White, 1998) is based on the ideals, values, and standards of the hozhooji nahagha (“Beauty Way Ceremony”) and covers three dimensions of Navajo cultural identity, family, spirituality, and environment. Finally, the Bicultural Ethnic Identity Scale (Moran, 1999) assesses bicultural dimensions of identity and incorporating other cultural factors such as family cultural activities, language use, spiritual traditions, and involvement in cultural events. Despite the existence of these American Indian ethnic identity instruments and the continued belief in the importance of cultural and ethnic identity, various studies showed insignificant relationships between culture and ethnic identity and health, social, and behavioral outcomes. Therefore, the purpose of our study was two-fold. First, we wanted to confirm the ethnic identity constructs in these American Indian ethnic identity instruments in a population of American Indian youth, parents, and elders using qualitative methods. Second, we wanted to discover new ethnic identity constructs articulated by American Indian youth, parents, and elders that may be absent from the literature or instruments but nonetheless important aspects of identity. The primary research questions that guided the present study included: (1) What are tribal and pan-American Indian ethnic identity articulated by American Indian youth, parents and elders?; (2) How are tribal and pan-American Indian identity constructs similar and different based on generational context and age?; and (3) How are these ethnic identity constructs preserved, practiced, and handed down to new generations?. METHOD Participants A sample of 24 American Indian youth, parents, and elders from a Southwestern state were interviewed in three focus groups. Of the participants, 10 were youth, 6 were parents, and 9 were elders from a senior day program on the reservation. Some elders lived on the reservation; others lived in the nearby urban area or had previously lived in the urban area thereby providing insight from their urban and reservation experiences. The ages of the participants ranged from 13 to 90 years. The local American Indian project coordinators recruited participants for the focus groups by telephone and letter explaining the purpose of the groups. They selected youth, parents, and elders who were articulate, open, and willing that would provide rich information. The interested participants were sent letters further providing information about the focus groups and consent forms. Participants were asked to sign and return the consent forms prior to their participation in the focus groups.


397

Three focus groups were conducted with Southwestern American youth, parents, and elders from a senior day program on the reservation. The groups were divided by age and included a group of urban youth, urban parents, and reservation elders. Two other groups were conducted with reservation youth and parents. However, the tape recordings from the groups were inaudible and not included in the analyses for the present study. Two preliminary focus groups were conducted with 6 to 8 American Indian graduate students in the American Indian Center at the university of the primary researcher to pilot test the proposed focus group questions and elicit feedback. In addition, two American Indian program administrators at the university and several local project coordinators in the area where the study was conducted reviewed the questions, findings, and final manuscript and provided feedback and recommendations. A Ph.D.-level researcher and two field coordinators conducted the three focus groups. The coordinators who co-facilitated all of the groups were American Indian and enrolled members of tribes to increase levels of comfort and familiarity. The youth and parent focus groups were conducted at a community center or the local senior center. Each group lasted approximately one hour. Pizza was provided for the youth group and snacks and soda were given to the parent and elder groups. All participants also received $20 for their participation and the seniors were also given small gifts as a sign of honor and respect. Focus Group Questions The participants were asked four open-ended questions in the focus groups with some participant-driven questions and comments. The focus groups were initiated with a fixed set of questions and participants added new comments and questions as the discussions proceeded (Morgan, 1993). The focus group questions explored the participants’ perspectives and feelings about their American Indian and tribal ethnic identity and included the following: 1. What does it mean to be American Indian or a member of your tribe? 2. What was one of the first events in your life that informed you that you were American Indian, a member of your tribe, or however you identify yourself? 3. What makes you proud to be American Indian or a member of your tribe? 4. How and what have you learned from your parents and grandparents or taught your children or grandchildren about what it means to be American Indian or a member of your tribe? Data Analyses The audiotapes were transcribed into Microsoft Word and then entered into NVIVO Software (QSR, 2000) for analysis to assist in the general process of

398

House, Stiffman, and Brown Table I. Number of Statements per Research Theme by Group Themes and sub-themes Traditions 1 Ceremonies and rituals 2 Food 3 Beliefs Legacy 4 Mixing of cultures 5 In-out culture 6 Urban-reservation tension 7 Stories and legends Physical/language characteristics 8 Language 9 Physical features Values 10 Christian values 11 Respect, hard work, sharing 12 Respect 13 Pride 14 Humor Hardship 15 Confusion, shame, Trauma 16 Discrimination and limited resources Community 17 Family and community support Total

Elders

Parents

Youth

Total

19 10 9 3 9 7 0 2

9 9 0 4 16 5 4 6

8 3 5 3 25 9 3 6

36 22 14 10 50 21 7 14

0 22

1 3

7 15

8 40

18 4 13 4 3

3 0 12 2 4

9 6 10 2 2

30 10 35 8 9

2 1 3 3 0

2 2 2 17 10

2 2 2 3 0

6 5 7 23 10

3

7

3

13

4 4

8 8

9 9

21 21

74

70

72

216

sorting the data into domain categories and hierarchical relationships. The analysis then developed through an iterative process involving members of the research team. First, members of the research team examined separately the data to identify categories or themes from the youth, parents, and elders. The team then compared categories and defined consensus categories or informant-expressed categories (Patton, 2002). Team members coded the data into consensus categories. Inter-rater reliability was established by examining proportion of agreement out of total non-negative coded for each category (# agreement/total # of statements coded) for each of the groups (youth, parents, and elders). Coding differences were resolved by a consensus process among the coders. Six primary categories and 17 sub-categories were identified with inter-rater reliabilities ranging from 88 to 93% (88% for youth; 90% for parents; and 93% for elders). Table I presents the categories established through this process.


399

RESULTS The findings from the focus groups with youth, parents, and elders are reported first, and followed by the results of the three open-ended questions to the youth. A total of 6 major themes and 17 sub-themes were identified. The six major themes that emerged were traditions, legacy, physical and language characteristics, values, hardship, and community (see Table I). The frequency of statements made in each major category was examined and indicated the following: legacy (n = 50), physical characteristics and language (n = 40), traditions (n = 36), values (n = 35), hardship (n = 23), family and community support (n = 21). The six categories were defined for the purpose of this study. Traditions referred to the handing down of beliefs and customs by word of mouth or by example and focused on rituals, ceremonies, food, and beliefs. Legacy focused on historical information and inherited things such as land, the mixing of cultures, expectations and rules, in-out group cultural issues, urban-reservation tension, and stories and legends. Physical characteristics and language involved understanding and speaking tribal languages and the common physical traits of American Indian people. The values highlighted principles and ideals that were considered desirable such as how to treat self and others. These essential values included respect, resistance, Christian values, hard work, sharing and helping, pride, spirituality, and humor. Humor referred any responses about the value of laughter and humor among American Indian people. Hardship focused on confusion and shame, limited resources, and discrimination and trauma. Finally, community encompassed references to family and community support and belongingness. The data from youth, parent, and elder focus groups indicated a number of interesting patterns in tribal or American Indian cultures. Table II presents

Table II. Ranking of the Most Frequent Themes and Sub-Themes by Group Major themes

Elders

Parents

Youth

Total

Traditions Ceremonies/rituals Food Legacy Urban-reservation tension Mixing of cultures Stories and legends Physical and language characteristics Language Hardship Confusion, shame, trauma Discrimination and limited resources Family and community support

19 10 9 7 0 7 0 18

9 9 0 0 6 5 0 n/a

5 0 5 0 0 9 7 9

33 19 14 7 6 21 7 27

18 0 0 0

0 16 10 6

9 0 0 0

9 16 10 6

0

6

8

14

400


the major themes and the frequency to which they were mentioned in the focus groups. One pattern was the importance of certain values to American Indian people regardless of age group. For example, youth, parents, and elders indicated that cultural values such as respect for elders, responsibility for passing on history to new generations, hard work, and sharing and helping were critical elements of what it means to be American Indian. Participants also stated that other values were vital including language, humor, resistance, and community and family support.

Traditions Youth, parents, and elders identified a number of traditions, ceremonies, and rituals that were integral parts of American Indian and tribal cultures. The youth mentioned rituals like coming out ceremonies, tribal dancing, songs, and arts and crafts like jewelry and basket weaving as critical aspects of their experiences with their tribal and American Indian cultures. They indicated that they often learned about these rituals and traditions through elders in their families like grandparents and uncles. One urban youth indicated that he primarily learned traditions and rituals when he visited the reservation where his family originated. He said his family expected him to carry on their traditions and teachings and the obligation he felt to carry out these family responsibilities even at the expense of his personal goals and dreams. “I learned from my uncles and my grandfather, a little bit from my grandmother, but mainly from my uncles and grandfather. My uncles are in charge of teaching me. They know all the things that happed in our clan”—Urban youth. Both parents of the youth and elders discussed the benefit of having rich cultural traditions in American Indian and tribal cultures. They said they felt a sense of empowerment and connection from having traditions. Some discussed how traditions, rituals, and ceremonies helped future generations in American Indian communities.

Legacy The importance of the legacy to American Indian and tribal people was a recurring theme among participants. Participants spoke of how they felt grounded and connected to a secure and stable home or place of origin. The effects of oppression and colonialism and subsequent loss of land also seemed to contribute to collective trauma and loss in this group. “At least I have a place . . . I call it home. I have a home” – Urban parent. Participants gave examples of other important parts of American Indian legacy such as the passing on of culture, differences between urban and reservation people, in-out group tension, and the privilege of slipping in and out of culture as


401

needed. An elder indicated feeling a sense of pride about the fact that American Indian people were the first inhabitants in America. “We were the first ones here . . .the first Americans. Way back, I’ve always felt glad that God made me . . . thought of us”—Elder.

Physical/Language Characteristics Youth, parents, and elders also identified language and physical features as distinctive characteristics in tribal and American Indian people. Facial features were one indicator of tribal membership along with tribal languages, tones and accents of voices.

Values Values, beliefs, and norms have been taught and reinforced in American Indian and tribal cultures. The participants expressed that family, sharing and helping, being responsible, spirituality, pride, and resistance were important values. Among these values, respect was the most highly regarded articulated by youth, parents and elders. Respect was primarily directed towards elders in the community who held special roles and positions. However, respect for children, others, and nature was also a critical value. “Respecting your elders. That was one of the first things your mother and father taught”—Urban youth. Interestingly, another value that was considered integral to American Indian and tribal cultures was humor. One participant indicated that humor helps American Indian people from different tribes to come together, get to know each other, establish connections and develop a sense of comfort. “We can laugh about something. No matter where I go, this country or even Canada, get a bunch of Indians together even from different tribes, we start laughing and joking with each other . . .something is connected . . .we feel connected to each other “ —Urban parent.

Hardship Various participants talked about the difficult and discriminatory experiences they had confronted as American Indians. One urban youth spoke of her bewilderment about negative stereotypes, and prejudices from non-American Indian people. “Just these lame comments. I’m like oh, so you’re Native American. Do you party? I’m like no, you know, just because I’m Native American, I’m a drunk. I just open a can every day after school and drink”—Urban youth. The majority of comments about hardship however came from the parents of the youth and the elders. The parents of the youth talked about traumatic

402


experiences and discrimination they had confronted in their lives due to their American Indian identity. One spoke of her experience as a child when her grandparents were mistreated by a white family at a gas station in her town. The white family treated them as exotic and asked to take a photograph. The woman felt very angry even as a child because her family was objectified and humiliated. “I still remember that they pulled up in a station wagon. Look at the Indians. Can we take a picture of you guys? Can we stand up next to your truck? . . . It’s like me driving downtown and seeing this white couple and saying, hey white people let’s take a picture, you know. Stand by your Mercedes”—Urban parent. Another parent spoke of the difficulty she and her children confronted as a result of their American Indian identity. She also spoke of the beauty of having a culture and traditional beliefs that provided strength when facing adversity. “Being Indian has been hard. Has been really hard—you know, racism, social issues. I hear my kids talk about the men with long hair . . . And just the issues you deal with in your family—multigenerational trauma. And yet at the same time, we’re unique, in that we have our culture and our traditional beliefs to provide strength for us”—Urban parent. The elders focused on hardship as a result of discrimination and trauma as they did on hardship as the result of limited resources. A few talked about the limited resources within their families and communities as children and the importance of young people appreciating and taking advantage of the greater opportunities and resources. “I’m proud to remember as a young girl my parents worked all the time.. They were always planting cotton, vegetables, and I’ve seen them thrash the wheat or bean or whatever they planted . . .they used horses to do that work. I’ve seen all that cause I grew up with my grandma”—Elder.

Community The community category dealt with responses about family and community support and belonging and participants talked about the value of being connected to blood and non-blood people who are considered family. “You may not be related by blood but you still consider them your family”—Urban youth.

Ranking of Themes Across and Within Groups Major differences in the cultural themes were evident across the youth, parent, and elder groups. Participants across groups discussed discrimination, trauma, and shame however the parent group provided more detail and depth about childhood experiences. In contrast, the youth focused a great deal on issues regarding being of mixed heritage and its effects on their lives, differences in reservation and urban living, and the importance of respecting elders. Elders focused primarily


403

on traditions, ceremonies and rituals, food, language, and values like respect, hard work, and sharing. Finally, youth, parents, and elders stated that knowledge about tribal and American Indian traditions is learned on reservations through adult relatives and passed to children through storytelling, ceremonies and rituals, humor, history, language, and cultural values. The most frequent themes expressed in the groups were ranked. The tradition category was the most frequently mentioned theme across the groups (n = 33), followed by ceremonies and rituals (n = 19), physical and language characteristics (n = 27), mixing of cultures (n = 21), and hardship (n = 16). Among the youth, the highest number of statements was made about physical and language characteristics (n = 9), mixing of cultures (n = 9), and family and community support (n = 8). In contrast, for parents, the most statements were made about traditions (n = 9) and confusion, shame and trauma (n = 10). The elder group resembled the patterns among the larger group with the most statements made about ceremonies and rituals (n = 10), followed by food (n = 9), and language (n = 18). Open-Ended Questions The youth were also asked three open-ended questions: (a) what makes them most proud of being American Indian or a member of their tribe, (b) some of the unique things about being American Indian or a member of their tribe, (c) and if they were blind, how they would be able to identify an American Indian or a member of their tribe (see Table III). Almost half of the youth (46%) were most proud of the traditions, ceremonies, and ritual and 14% of language which paralleled the focus group data. Perseverance (12%) and pride (7%) of their people, and land (8%) were also aspects of American Indian culture that made them proud, even though neither was ranked as highly in the focus group data. Forty-percent of the youth stated that the most unique aspects of American Indian and tribal identity were the traditions, rituals, and ceremonies. Legacy (9%), history (9%), language (9%), and a high level of community support (7%) were also named as unique aspects of American Indian identity. Other important aspects of American Indian identity were spirituality, responsibility, food, creativity, and family support. The majority of youth (67%) stated that they would identify an American Indian person or member of their tribe by their accent, voice, or speech, which was also mentioned in the focus group data. Fifteen percent of the youth said they would identify an American Indian by asking them to describe their cultural identity. Another six percent said they would identity members of their cultural group by facial features and hair which was mentioned in the focus group data.

404

House, Stiffman, and Brown Table III. Responses to Open-Ended Questions for Youth Reports

Total sample (N = 401)

n

What makes you proud about being American Indian? Traditions/ceremonies/rituals 143 Language 40 Land 24 Don’t know 66

%

Highest ranking given to theme by focus groups

46 14 8 21

1,2 2 2,5 n/a

What is unique about American Indians or members of your tribe? Traditions/ceremonies/rituals 136 40 Legacy/history 31 9 Language 31 9 Community support 23 7 Land 18 5 Don’t know 85 24

1,2 2 3,9 5 2,5 n/a

If you were blind, how would you know an American Indian? Accent/voice/speech 235 67 By asking 52 15 Facial features/hair 22 6 Actions 11 3 By them explaining their culture 6 2 By asking the creator 2 1 Don’t know 43 12

3 n/a 3 n/a n/a n/a n/a

DISCUSSION We utilized qualitative methods to explore ethnic identity themes and constructs among Southwestern American Indian youth, parents, and elders. Existing themes and constructs were validated and new themes emerged for further investigation. Despite the heterogeneity in age, residence and tribe of youth, parents, and elders, participants expressed similar themes. One significant theme was the importance of traditions as reflected in ceremonies, rituals, and food. Because traditions are important aspects of cultures and help members stay connected with their cultural group, this was not particularly surprising (Yellow Bird, 2001). Factors such as respect, responsibility, and sharing and helping have been critical values in American Indian communities and parallel with those reflected in the literature (Yellow Bird, 2001). Recognizing oneself as a part of the community and valuing the community over oneself was viewed as important to American Indian and tribal ethnic identity in all three groups. One youth like other youth expressed some concern about giving up his own personal goals to fulfill family and community obligations. Parents and elders had greater understanding of the importance of community and family and community obligation. The age differences of participants influenced the types of themes and ethnic identity constructs that emerged as important. For example, the parents and elders


405

discussed hardship the most they were aware of and a part of the collective and historical struggles of American Indian people for political, economic, educational, and social equality. Weaver and Yellow Horse Brave Heart (1999) discuss the negative and traumatizing experiences of American Indians in the boarding school movement. Speaking and understanding traditional languages was also associated with American Indian and tribal ethnic identity. Elders were the most familiar with traditional languages but some elders, parents and youth had negative experiences learning or speaking tribal languages. Weaver and Yellow Horse Brave Heart (1999) found in a study of historical trauma and grief for 45 Lakota human service providers that over half of the respondents reported (55%) reported negative boarding school experiences reporting physical abuse (58%), racism (71%) and punishment for speaking native languages (57%). Although youth and the parents were mostly unfamiliar with native languages, they still valued them. Another theme discussed in all groups was legacy however its meaning appeared to vary in each group. To youth, legacy related to urban and reservation differences and the mixing of cultures, while stories and legends were ways that youth made connections with traditional culture. To parents, legacy seemed to refer to the ability to move in and out of tribal and pan-American Indian cultures. To elders, legacy seemed to mean the mixing of culture and land and land was likely more important to elders than youth and parents because of its sacredness and implications for survival. Current American Indian ethnic identity constructs were confirmed in this study including bicultural identity, cultural practices and traditions, and ability to speak and understand tribal language, and spirituality (Hoffman et al., 1985; Moran, Fleming, Somervell, & Manson, 1999; Oetting & Beauvais, 1991). New ethnic identity constructs not widely used in existing instruments were also identified including hardship, limited resources, discrimination and historical trauma. With the exception of pride and spirituality, none of the identified American Indian ethnic identity instruments included several values such as respect, hard work, sharing, responsibility, and humor (Garrett & Pichette, 1998; Moran et al., 1999). Our study had several limitations. The first was the small sample of American Indian participants. The second was the exclusion of two focus groups from the analysis because of technical problems which meant the absence of the perspectives of reservation youth and parents. The third limitation was lack of focus in the focus group questions on the process of cultural transmission.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was funded by the following grants: NIMH K02 MH01797-01A1, and NIDA R24DA13572-0, and R01 DA13227-01.

406


REFERENCES Aponte, J., & Johnson, L. (2000). The impact of culture on the intervention and treatment of ethnic populations. In J. Aponte & J. Wohl (Eds.), Psychological intervention and cultural diversity (2nd ed., pp. 18–39). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Garrett, M., & Pichette, E. (1998). Red as an apple: Native American acculturation and counseling with and without reservation. Journal of Counseling and Development, 78, 3–13. Goodluck, C. (2002). First Nations’ children and youth well-being indicators: A strengths perspective. Unpublished manuscript. Hoffman, T., Dana, R. H., & Bolton, B. (1985). Measured acculturation and MMPI-168 performance of Native American adults. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 16, 243–256. Jones, J. M. (1997). Prejudice and racism. New York: McGraw-Hill. LaFrombroise, T., & Dizon, M. (2003). American Indian children and adolescents. In J. T. Gibbs & L. Huang (Eds.), Children of color: Psychological interventions with culturally diverse youth (pp. 45–90). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Marin, G. (1992). Issues in the measurement of acculturation among Hispanics. In K. F. Geisinger (Ed.), Psychological testing of Hispanics (pp. 235–251). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Mohatt, G., & Blue, A. W. (1982). Primary prevention as it relates to traditionality and empirical measures of social deviance. In S. Manson (Ed.), New directions in prevention among American Indian and Alaskan Native communities (pp. 91–116). Portland: Oregon Health Sciences University Press. Moran, J. R., Fleming, C. M., Somervell, P., & Manson, S. M. (1999). Measuring bicultural identity among American Indian adolescents: A factor analytic study. Journal of Adolescent Research, 14, 405–426. Morgan, D. L., & Krueger, R. A. (1993). When to use focus groups and why. In D. Morgan (Ed.), Successful focus groups: Advancing the state of the art (pp. 3–19). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Morris, C., Crowley, S., & Thomas Morris, C. (2002). A measure of traditionalism for American Indian children and families: Psychometric properties and factor structure. American Indian Alaskan Native Mental Health Research, 10 (3), 33–55. Oetting, E. R., & Beauvais, F. (1991). Orthogonal cultural identification theory: The cultural identification of minority adolescents. The International Journal of the Addictions, 25, 655–685. Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. (3rd ed.) Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks, CA. QSR. (2000). NVIVO Procedures Guide, (Version 2.0). Cary, NC: Author. Rieckman, T., Wadsworth, M., & Deyhle, D. (2004). Cultural identity, explanatory style and depression in Navajo adolescents. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10, 365–382. Smedley, A., & Smedley, B. (2005). Race as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is real: Anthropological and historical perspectives on the social construction of race. American Psychologist, 60, 16–26. Stiffman, A. R., Striley, C., Brown, E., Limb, G., & Ostmann, E. (2003) American Indian youth: Southwestern urban and reservation’s youth’s need for services and whom they turn to for help. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 12, 319–333. Striley, C. (2002). Culture in congruence and substance and mental health treatment access. Unpublished Doctoral dissertation, Washington University, St. Louis, MO. Sue, S., Chun, C., & Gee, K. (1995). Ethnic minority intervention and treatment research. In J. Aponte, & J. Wohl (Eds.), Psychological intervention and cultural diversity (2nd ed., pp. 266–282). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Tajfel, H. (1981). Human groups and social categories: Studies in social psychology. London: Cambridge University Press. U.S. Bureau of Census. (2002). American Indian and Alaska Native population for the United States: 2000. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce. Weaver, H. N., & Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (1999). Examining two facets of American Indian identity: Exposure to other cultures and the influence of historical trauma. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 2, 19–33.


407

Yellow Bird, M. (2001). Critical values and First Nations People. In R. A. Fong & S. Furoto (Eds.), Culturally competent practice: Skills, interventions, and evaluations (pp. 61–74). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2001). Culturally and historically congruent clinical social work assessment with Native clients. In R. A. Fong & S. Furoto (Eds.), Culturally competent practice: Skills, interventions, and evaluations (pp. 163–177). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Zimmerman, M., Ramirez-Valles, J., Washienko, K., & Walter, B. (1996). The development of a measure of enculturation for Native American youth. American Journal of Community Psychology, 24, 295–310.