this book was fundamental respect for diversity in the perspectives ...... picks and ploughs, and a knife rather than a scythe or .... of the same ethnic group as the lord; semi-free peasants ...... the right to transfer their heritage from generation to.
Viet Nam’s cultural diversity: approaches to preservation
Edited by OSCAR SALEMINK
Memory of Peoples
|
UNESCO Publishing
The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in this book and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization.
The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.
UNESCO wishes to express its gratitude to the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs for its support to this publication through the UNESCO/Japan Funds-in-Trust for the Safeguarding and Promotion of Intangible Heritage.
Published in 2001 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 7, place de Fontenoy F-75352 Paris 07 SP
Composed by Susanne Almeida-Klein Printed by Imprimerie Jouve, 41100 Mayenne
ISBN 92-3-103800-1 © UNESCO 2001 Printed in France
5
Preface OSKAR SALEMINK
This book results from the International Expert Meeting
outlook of researchers, scholars and officials is every bit
on the Preservation and Revitalization of the Intangible
as varied as that of the numerous ethnic groups and
Cultural Heritage of the Ethnic Minorities in Viet Nam
communities they describe. One could say that such
that took place in Hanoi in 1994. The meeting was co-
diversity reflects the multitude of experiences and con-
organized by UNESCO’s Unit of Intangible Heritage, the
texts that define what is desirable, acceptable and poss-
Viet Nam National Commission for UNESCO and the
ible in different countries. It also demonstrates that there
Viet Nam Ministry of Culture and Information. It
can in no way be a single solution when it comes to
brought together scholars and officials from Viet Nam,
adopting approaches towards preserving and revitalizing
other countries in the East and South-East Asia region,
the cultural heritage of diverse ethnic groups living in
and non-Asian countries. Many of the participants were
widely differing contexts. The present volume captures
scholars with considerable research expertise in Viet
this debate among researchers who, while subscribing to
Nam, or with valuable and rich experiences to share
the common aim of safeguarding the world’s cultural
with respect to the preservation and revitalization of the
heritage, propose to do so in different, not to say con-
intangible cultural heritage of the various ethnic groups
tradictory, ways.
and communities in the region. The book is divided into four parts dealing with differThe basic precept that guided the editors who compiled
ent aspects of the cultural heritage of Viet Nam’s ethnic
this book was fundamental respect for diversity in the
minorities. Part One, following the Introduction by
perspectives and approaches of the authors regarding
Georges Condominas, contains four chapters giving an
cultural preservation and revitalization. No attempt was
overview of aspects of the country’s cultural diversity. In
made to impose a single, uniform concept of culture, or
Part Two, seven authors present and elucidate national
to achieve conceptual unity based purely on theory. The
policies with respect to ethnic minorities and their
6
cultures in a number of countries, including Viet Nam.
This preface cannot conclude without a word of thanks
Part Three offers six case-studies of specific ethnic
to the many institutions and individuals who made this
groups or cultural regions in Viet Nam and – in a single
book possible. To begin with, the contributors are to be
instance – a group shared by the Lao People’s Dem-
thanked for sharing their experiences, as well as for
ocratic Republic and Viet Nam. Finally, Part Four con-
their patience in waiting to see their contributions
tains eight chapters on experiences in the preservation
appear in print. The spiritual mentor for the project is,
and revitalization of the intangible cultural heritage, the
of course, Georges Condominas, whose moral leader-
material culture, and culture in the context of tourism.
ship during the 1994 meeting was invaluable. Dang Nghiêm Van’s help in selecting and editing the original
Composing this book was a long and arduous task, due
papers in Vietnamese was crucial, while Tô Ngoc
in part until very recently to the difficulties in com-
Thanh’s decision to publish all of the documents in the
munications between Viet Nam and the rest of the world.
three different languages has made it possible to keep
As the book is in many ways a ‘joint venture’ between
the original presentations in the Vietnamese language.*
Vietnamese and international scholars, it is testimony to
Representing Viet Nam as Vice-Minister of Culture and
the fact that such problems are fast becoming a thing of
Information at the meeting, Nong Quôc Chan’s support
the past. It is especially gratifying to see that in the years
for the project has taken many different forms, most
that have elapsed since the international meeting took
recently as President of the Viet Nam Ethnic Minority
place, many efforts have been launched to preserve and
Culture and Arts Association. Nguyên Van Huy and
revitalize the rich variety of Viet Nam’s minority cul-
other staff of the Viet Nam Museum of Ethnology kindly
tures. Some of these have been linked to the UNESCO
contributed some of the thousands of photographs in
meeting, while others have not. Some have been in-
the museum’s collection. The Viet Nam National Com-
itiated by Vietnamese, and some by foreign or inter-
mission for UNESCO played an important role of liaison
national organizations or individuals. Worthy of mention
between UNESCO in Paris and the Vietnamese auth-
in this context is the beautiful Viet Nam Museum of
orities, including the former Premier, Vo Van Kiêt, and
Ethnology, which opened its doors in 1997 and has pur-
the former Minister of Culture and Information, Trân
sued active programmes since that time with support
Hoan. The excellent translations by Philippe Le Failler,
from many international partner institutions in France,
Gisèle Bousquet, Phan Ngoc Chiên, Helen Morrissey
Japan, the Netherlands, the United States and other
and Pham Thu Thuy enabled the work to appear in
countries. Other projects – too numerous to mention
three languages.
here – preserve oral traditions such as epics, poems, songs and customary law in published form, contribute
Finally, our thanks go most of all to the people to whom
to the revitalization of dance, music and rituals in village
this book is dedicated: the almost 15 million ethnic-
communities or other forums, or assist in cataloguing
minority people of Viet Nam, who, in sharing their
indigenous knowledge of agricultural practices, handi-
immense cultural wealth with the rest of the world,
craft production, and weaving and dyeing techniques, to
make it possible to better understand what is meant by
mention but a selection. Given the current interest in
cultural diversity in Viet Nam and beyond.
this matter in Viet Nam, there is little doubt that many more such projects will be launched in the future.
A last word: we were saddened to learn of the death of Vu Dinh Loi as this book was going to press, and we would like to add his name in particular to those to
* The Vietnamese edition is to be published at a later date.
whom the work is dedicated.
7
Contents
Preface Oscar Salemink 5 List of illustrations 9 Map of Viet Nam 13 Introduction Georges Condominas 15
Part One
THE CULTURES OF THE MINORITIES OF VIET NAM: AN OVERVIEW
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
Dang Nghiêm Van 33
The ethnic minorities and their languages Hoang Van Ma 63 Visual arts and creativity Phan Ngoc Khuê 71 The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam Phan Dang Nhât 85
Part Two
CONSIDERATIONS ON CULTURAL POLICIES IN VIET NAM AND ASIA
Safeguarding and promoting the traditional musical heritage of minority groups in Viet Nam Trân Van Khê 105 Cultures of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam: some problems and realities Nong Quôc Chan 111 The intangible culture of the Vietnamese minorities: questions and answers Tô Ngoc Thanh 121 Minorities, education and cultural identity in Thailand Suriya Ratanakul 127 Philippine indigenous cultural communities: a historical perspective Esteban T. Magannon 133 Legal and institutional guarantees for the protection of ethnic-minority cultures in China Shen Jingfang 149 Protecting minority cultures in India, Thailand, Malaysia and China Anthony R. Walker 153
8
Part Three
VIETNAMESE CASE STUDIES AND THEIR SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT
Inter-ethnic exchanges in the Tay Bac region La Công Y 161 Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality Vu Dinh Loi 169 The Ruc people’s cry for help Nguyên Ngoc Thanh 187 Intangible culture of the Bru: preservation, promotion and reassertion of values Gábor Vargyas 199 Who decides who preserves what? Cultural preservation and cultural representation Oscar Salemink 205 Intangible culture and development norms: the Katuic populations in the Annamese Cordillera Yves Goudineau 213
Part Four
PRESERVATION AND REVITALIZATION: THE EXPERIENCE OF VIET NAM AND OTHER COUNTRIES
Harmony in cultural projects: revitalization of the music and dance of the Vietnamese minorities Osamu Yamaguti 229 Transmitting music: towards a re-evaluation of the human body Yosihiko Tokumaru 233 Intangible cultural heritage: Tibeto-Burmese peoples and minority groups in Viet Nam William Lang Dessaint 239 Preserving and revitalizing Asian music José Maceda 255 The study of ethno-forms in Asia and Viet Nam Kazushige Kaneko 259 The intangible cultural heritage of two provinces of central Viet Nam – Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Po Dharma 265 The Canadian Museum of Civilization: the involvement of cultural players in the preservation and dissemination of their cultures Carmelle Bégin 271 Tourism and minorities Grant Evans 277
Contributors 281
9
List of illustrations
1.
Roasting the ceremonial pig for the ceremonies associated with ancestor worship (Gia Lai). 49
2.
Sharing the meat with the entire village: each family receives a piece of grilled meat during the ceremonies (Gia Lai). 49
3.
In the communal house during a ceremony (Gia Lai). 50
4.
Drinking rice alcohol during the grave-abandoning ceremony (Gia Lai). 50
5.
Liturgical offerings during the grave-abandoning ceremony (Gia Lai). 51
6.
The ceremony of buffalo sacrifice (Gia Lai). 51
7.
Putting the buffalo to death (Gia Lai). 52
8.
An offering to the forest spirit (Quang Tri). 52
9.
The scene following the ceremony (Quang Tri). 53
10.
A man playing a traditional two-stringed instrument (Quang Tri). 53
11.
Prayers with the mulah at the mosque (An Giang). 54
12.
Heating the water of the five perfumes to wash the body of the deceased before burial ceremonies (Ninh Thuan). 54
13.
Guests feign sadness at a wedding because the bride is leaving for her new life (Lai Chau). 55
14.
Making pottery in the traditional way (Ninh Thuan). 55
15.
The first meal in a new house (Lai Chau). 56
16.
Food being prepared for those helping to build a new house (Lai Chau). 56
17.
Building a new house (Lai Chau). 89
18.
Sipping rice alcohol through bamboo straws (Lam Dong). 89
19.
Traditional dancing on the day of the Gong Festival (Lam Dong). 90
20.
Striking the gong on festival day (Lam Dong). 90
21.
Gable ornaments (khan cut). Thai Den – Thuan Chau (Son La). Dien Bien (Lai Chau). 91
22.
Window screen ornaments. 91
10
23.
Boat with swallow-tail stern. Wood and bamboo superstructure. Thai – Lai Chau. 91
24.
Suspended flowerbed. Black Thai – Muong la (Son la). 92
25.
Floor and stairway decorations. Ede – Drong Ana (Dak lak). 92
26.
Selling conical hats. Tay – Trung Khanh – Cao Bang. 93
27.
Basket (left); cage (right); mat (behind). Co Ho, Lat District, Lam Dong. 93
28.
Picture with flowers. Tay, Cao Bang. 94
29.
Butterfly buttons. Thai, Tay Bac, Bac Bo, Viet Nam. 94
30.
Birds and flowers. 95
31.
Sample of hand-woven fabric. Ma, Bao Loc, Lam Dong. 95
32.
Woman weaving cloth on a loom held on the lap. Co Ho, Lat District, Lam Dong. 96
33.
Returning from the market (Ha Giang). 96
34.
A ceremonial table set with various offerings, ancestor worship (Ha Giang). 113
35.
The funeral cortege (Ha Giang). 113
36.
Offerings are made at the riverbank (Gia Lai). 114
37.
The officiant during the ceremonies for an initiation rite (Yen Bai). 114
38.
Rice offerings placed on the grave (Dac Lac). 115
39.
Initiation ceremony among the Dao: the lamp has just been hung from the ceiling (Yen Bai). 115
40.
Invoking the ptau pui (‘fire king’) to bring rain (Gia Lai). 116
41.
Sounding the trumpet during the elephant hunt (Dac Lac). 116
42.
Preparing ceremonial rice alcohol (Gia Lai). 117
43.
The Mask of the Ancestors in the grave-abandoning ceremony. (Gia Lai). 117
44.
Gong and drum players at the communal house (Gia Lai). 118
45.
During the invocation of the ptau pui (‘fire king’) to bring rain (Gia Lai). 118
46.
The prepared alcohol is placed in jars, ready for the month-long ceremonies for the ancestors (Gia Lai). 119
47.
Preparing the alcohol (Lai Chau). 119
48.
Making a coffin (Ha Nhi). 120
49.
A traditional dance takes place near the deceased during the wake (Lai Chau). 120
50.
Family mealtime among the Hmong (Lao Cai). 137
51.
Shaman celebrating the New Year’s ceremony before the altar of the ancestors (Lao Cai). 137
52.
New Year’s offerings to the ancestors (Lao Cai). 138
53.
A chicken is sacrificed before the ancestral altar during New Year celebrations (Lao Cai). 138
54.
A house under construction (Lao Cai). 139
55.
Playing khen during the Gau Tao Festival (Lao Cai). 139
56.
The Gau Tao Festival (Lao Cai). 140
57.
Playing indoor shuttlecock during New Year’s festivities (Lao Cai). 140
58.
The Ong Bon Pagoda on the fifteenth day of the lunar month (Ho Chi Minh City). 141
59.
Procession to bear incense to the ancestors’ altar, one hundred days after the person has died (Quang Ninh). 141
60.
Writing the names of guests on a piece of fabric as a wedding souvenir (Ho Chi Minh City). 142
61.
A wedding banquet; guests sipping alcohol through bamboo straws (Quang Ngai). 142
62.
Playing a pan pipe (Ninh Thuan). 143
63.
The Choa ritual (Quang Ngai). 143
11
64. Musicians playing the flute (Lai Chau). 144 65. Musician playing the baroc (Quang Ngai). 144 66. Religious ceremony in the new house (Lai Chau). 177 67. Music being played during a ceremony (Lai Chau). 177 68. People seated during a ceremony (Lai Chau). 178 69. Musicians playing at a ceremony (Lai Chau). 178 70. Drinking from buffalo horns (Ha Giang). 179 71. A traditional pipe is used for smoking (Ha Giang). 179 72. Making grain alcohol (Ha Giang). 180 73. Carrying firewood with a traditional backpack attached by means of a forehead strap (Ha Giang). 180 74. Winnowing rice (Ha Giang). 181 75. Pounding rice with a see-saw mortar (Ha Giang). 181 76. Fishing (Lam Dong). 182 77. Playing the kom buat, a traditional instrument (Lam Dong). 182 78. Making pottery (Dac Lac). 183 79. Offerings are made for the health of the elephants (Dac Lac). 183 80. Grinding rice using traditional tools (Dac Lac). 184 81. Traditional method for cooking rice to obtain a sticky consistency (Dac Lac). 184 82. Musicians playing at a funeral (Hoa Binh). 217 83. The son of the deceased customarily wears a hat made of straw and leans on a stick (Hoa Binh). 217 84. Meal during a wake, for guests and those who helped during the mourning ceremonies (Hoa Binh). 218 85. Making sticky rice cakes for the funeral (Hoa Binh). 218 86. Placing the cakes inside the symbolic house as offerings for the deceased (Hoa Binh). 219 87. The relatives wait beside the coffin while rice is being offered for the departure of the soul of the deceased (Thanh Hoa). 219 88. Building a house (Lang Son). 220 89. Basket weaving (Lao Cai). 220 90. Carrying bricks to build a house (Lang Son). 221 91. Building a house (Lang Son). 221 92. The bride’s arrival (Ha Giang). 222 93. The bridegroom puts incense on the ceremonial altar (Ha Giang). 222 94. Weaving (Tuyen Quang). 223 95. Preparing offerings for New Year’s ceremonies (Lao Cai). 223 96. A chicken is prepared as an offering (Lao Cai). 224 97. An ancestral altar set up near the wall of the main room of the house: there are three vases containing incense sticks, a lamp and a small cup. The table is covered with red paper (Quang Ninh). 224 98. The head of the family making an offering to the ancestors on New Year’s Day with his wife beside him (Lao Cai). 241 99. Offerings are made to drive away spirits thought to cause illness (Ninh Thuan). 241 100. Ceremony during an initiation ritual (Bac Giang). 242 101. A shaman conducts a ceremony (Bac Giang). 242 102. Shamans call on the spirits during an initiation ceremony (Bac Giang). 243
12
103. A communal altar, where offerings for the ancestors are placed (Ninh Thuan). 243 104. A shaman performs a rite before the coffin (Lang Son). 244 105. An effigy of the deceased person is burned before removing the coffin from the house (Lang Son). 244 106. The shaman searching for the right burial spot (Lang Son). 245 107. The priestess Then (Lang Son). 245 108. The priestess Un celebrating a ritual for good health (Son La). 246 109. A bride’s dowry (Son La). 246 110. An offering to call the spirits of the deceased (Nghe An). 247 111. An altar for the spirit of the house (Nghe An). 247 112. Swidden rice cultivation (Kon Tum). 248 113. Ceremony for a good harvest (Quang Ngai). 248
13
Viet Nam Languages 45 37
33
38 45
51 39 51
47 32 32 51
47 47 47 10 48 48 10 49 50
32
Lai Chau
54
Ha Giang 31
51
3
27
Lao Cai
34 49 46
Cao Bang
Lang Son
31 31 51 53
9
31
53
31
53
31
53 9 7 7 35 7
9 36
36
Son La
7
Hanoi
8 7
52
54
31 51
24
MON-KMER LANGUAGES Khmer Ro Mam (Rmam) Kho Mu (Khmu) Xinh Mun Khang Mang O Du Co Tu Brou-Van Kieu (Brou) Ta Oi Ba Na Xo Dang (Sedang) Gie-Trieng (Jeh-Trieng) Cor Brau Hre Mnong Co Ho (K’Ho) Ma Xtieng Cho Ro (Chro)
27
HMONG-YAO (MIAO-YAO) LANGUAGES Hmong Yao Pa Then
51 52 51 51
6 7 8 9 10 11
51
Haiphong
7 7 7
Thanh Hoa 11 7 7 51
3
3 3
19
Vinh
Dong Hoi
Hué Da Nang Quang Ngai
31
49
Kon Tum
6
Quy Nhon 15 48
32 33 34 35
Tuy Hoa 36 37 15
Ban Me Thuot
Nha Trang
38 39
30
23 29 24
Phan Rang
43
51
Phan Thiet
5 15
28 30
5
Ho Chi Minh City
45
My Tho
46
51
Can Tho Rach Gia
47 48 49 50
51
51
Vinh Loi Ca Mau (Quan Long)
TAY-THAI LANGUAGES Thai Tay Nung San Chay (Cao Lan) Giay Bo Y Lu Lao KADAI LANGUAGES La Ha Pu Peo Co Lao (Ge Lao) La Chi (Lati) AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES Cham Raglai Chu Ru Ede (Rhade) Jarai
Da Lat 5
VIET-MUONG LANGUAGES Viet Muong Tho Chut
51 52 53 54
TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUAGES Lo Lo Phu La Ha Nhi (Hani) La Hu Cong Si La SINO-TIBETAN LANGUAGES Hoa San Chi San Diu Ngai
15
Introduction GEORGES CONDOMINAS
The editor of a multi-author work usually takes the pre-
we know, the former has always seemed self-evident,
caution of indicating that authors are solely responsible
whereas attaching value to the products of orality goes
for the opinions they express. In this case, such a pre-
back only a few decades. No doubt a few pioneers
caution is imperative for, as will be seen, although on
already stood out three centuries ago, but the oral works
many points opinions converge, the texts assembled
they presented attracted attention only because they had
here nevertheless reveal some divergencies. Generally
been collected and arranged by well-known writers, and
tacit, sometimes merely hinted, these mainly concern
even then they were condescendingly set aside as mar-
the forms in which works of oral literature, music or the
ginal to ‘great literature’. They were thought to be
performing arts should be reproduced.
unworthy of consideration, for they bore traces of their origin, produced as they had been outside moral and
UNESCO’s efforts on behalf of the safeguarding and pro-
cultural norms (the norms of those in power); they
motion of the popular cultural heritage represent a great
stemmed from the imaginary world of the dominated
innovation, if only because they are in direct opposition
classes and minorities, who were deemed to be unedu-
to certain ambiguities that prejudice the attitudes of a
cated and vulgar. The élite of the ruling class or of the
large proportion of the élites in this field.
conquering people, convinced that they were the exclusive possessors of morals and culture, thus had to assim-
The considerable time-lag, centuries in length, between
ilate and recast these popular works to make them
the protection of what some considered as ‘major’ mon-
correct, suitable and presentable – and therefore intelli-
uments and written works, on the one hand, and the
gible to children or persons interested in the ‘quaint’
safeguarding of what the same group called ‘minor’ oral
manifestations of the human mind.
and craft works, on the other, has been repeatedly stressed at expert meetings organized by UNESCO. As
Except for a few pioneers who appeared at the turn of
16
the twentieth century, it was only between the two
these techniques is imperative. It should not be forgot-
world wars that serious research respectful of the works
ten, however, that another form of education is neces-
was undertaken, and only over the past two decades that
sary, an education in how to listen to others. This
UNESCO, having succeeded in the protection of the
applies to outsiders to the group under consideration,
physical heritage, monuments and works of erudition,
whoever they are, who come into contact with these
has been able to start on that of the heritage of oral tra-
fragile cultures that we want to preserve and promote
dition and popular cultures. It can therefore be seen that
for the good of the whole human community.
great strides have been made over the past three-quarters of a century, and these continue to be made. But it must also be admitted that condescending attitudes, frequently accompanied by negative value judgements,
A PILOT PROJECT IN VIET NAM
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
have by no means disappeared. Sometimes these are even adopted by those who have made it their duty to
Awareness of the need to protect and promote the intan-
‘look into’ the oral and craft works of minorities and
gible cultural heritage came rather late. This heritage –
folk environments. This explains the fact that alongside
in other words, folklore or traditional and popular cul-
the prevailing trend, which recommends leaving texts as
ture – was defined in the Recommendation adopted by
they were when they were collected, including leaving
the UNESCO General Conference at its twenty-fifth ses-
them in their original languages or dialects, there is still
sion in November 1989 as:
a contrary trend that recommends ‘restoring’ such texts only after their rearrangement in accordance with the
the totality of tradition-based creations of a cultural com-
ethical and aesthetic norms of the dominant group
munity, expressed by a group or individuals and recognized as
(sometimes even, in practice, only in translation into
reflecting the expectations of a community insofar as they
the national language). It was for this reason that it has
reflect its cultural and social identity. Its standards and values
seemed necessary to draw attention to the individual
are transmitted orally, by imitation or by other means. Its
authors’ sole responsibility for their texts.
forms are, among others, language, literature, music, dance, games, mythology, rituals, customs, handicrafts, architecture
From this wide range of opinions and experience some
and other arts.1
certainties emerge. One in particular is that we cannot claim to respect works if we do not respect the people
This relatively belated awareness in professional circles
who produce them, and, I would add, the very context
has had practical consequences, aggravated by the fact
in which they are produced.
that even in the industrialized countries, which were the first to realize the urgency of this task, the general
It is time for the cultural wealth inherited from many
public has barely begun to awaken to the problem.
generations of ancestors to cease being exploited by other, unrelated groups, which select just what they
The importance of the intangible cultural heritage is not
think fits in with the norms of their own culture. Now it
taken for granted, unlike that of monuments, whose
is up to the heirs themselves to decide and to make
usually spectacular scale, form and permanence impress
choices. It is they who should be the first to profit from
the observer who is struck not only by their continued
exchanges concerning their heritage or their production.
presence, but also by their deterioration. As early as the
All this entails first collecting, and then conserving and
Renaissance, people were concerned about preserving
preserving the heritage, which means that training in
the ruins of antiquity, trying to imagine what they
TABLE 1. THE CONSTITUENTS OF ORALITY
LANGUAGE
ORAL LITERATURE
Myths and prayers
History (epics, genealogies)
Tales and legends
Law and morals (maxims and proverbs)
Miscellaneous expressions (protection, welcome, magic)
Songs (lullabies, poems)
Word games and riddles
Speeches, aphorisms, etc. concerning the ecosystem (ethnosciences)
and BODY LANGUAGE (BODY TECHNIQUES) a Rituals
b Performing arts 1 (theatre, puppets)
Music
Performing arts 2 (mime, dance)
Sports and martial arts
Audio or visual or sign languages
and PRODUCTION and USE OF OBJECTS (SKILLS)
Production techniques (agriculture, stockraising)
Acquisition techniques (gathering, hunting, fishing)
Handicrafts and folk arts (weaving, basketware, smithery, sculpture, painting)
Dietary practices and culinary art
Curative techniques (pharmacopoeia, medicine)
N.B. Whereas in a, speech is a part of both teaching and performance, in b it is used only for training. Source: G. Condominas, 1998. 17
Introduction
18
looked like originally. In later times, interest shifted to
remote parts of the world. This is due to the develop-
monuments of more recent periods, and some attempts
ment of mass media – cinema, radio, television – which
at restoration were made with varying degrees of success
were unknown or in their infancy less than a century
(certain cathedrals, for instance). One of UNESCO’s
ago. Such media propose models which are seldom in
claims to fame, one of its great merits, has been the
good taste, but which are blindly imitated because they
preservation of monuments forming a part of the World
are powerfully promoted by media, acquired in certain
Heritage, such as the Nubian monuments at Abu Simbel
regions at great cost in access infrastructure investment
in Egypt, or the Borobudur Temple compound in
– who would dare to question their ‘authority’?
Indonesia. A Vietnamese site figures brilliantly in this successful programme: the complex of monuments in
In addition to the osmotic effects of the media, there is
Hué, the old imperial capital.
the deliberate influence of factors external to the groups
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
concerned: national and international tourism, religions Alongside this action to save monuments, which attracts
and political ideologies. Some people, ignoring the true
the attention of ordinary people, the intangible cultural
specific value of these intangible cultures, and others,
heritage does not arouse interest over the long term. It is
better informed but making light of it, want to reshape
not fixed in stone and its permanence is therefore not
them, either to make them correspond more closely to
apparent. What is more, its works are ephemeral, disap-
the leisure demands of other populations and so to
pearing with their last note, or last line. Such is the fate
increase profits, or to facilitate the spread, and hence the
of arts that exist only in a temporal context. Thus
power, of ideologies.
poetry, whether sung or less often recited, survives only in the memory unless it is written down. Its existence is
Owing to the extreme fragility of the intangible cultural
perceptible only for the duration of the song or the
heritage, due to its means of transmission – by word of
recitation. The same is true of music or theatre. As for
mouth (poetry, myths, tales) and/or by bodily action
the visual folk arts, it often happens that their materials
(music and the performing arts, including ritual) – its
are not resistant to climatic conditions. Architecture is
works are threatened with destruction or with evolving
affected by the prestige attaching to constructions bor-
towards a standardized international production. Those
rowed from foreign civilizations. This is to be observed
arts that exist only in a temporal context are in danger
not only in the majority population, but also in minor-
of losing all originality. The hybrid culture that is evolv-
ity populations, which copy ill-assimilated borrowings.
ing should not be neglected, nevertheless. It exists and
Very beautiful and soundly constructed works, bearing
constitutes a new creation, and as such it deserves to be
witness to the aesthetic sense and skill of earlier gener-
observed and studied too. However, the traditional cul-
ations of a group, are disappearing as a result of passing
ture must be given priority.
fashions, or merely because buildings in modern materials are considered – usually mistakenly – to be more economical. However, in addition to being at least as lacking in comfort as the old ones, these are remarkably
CONTEXT OF THE PROBLEM
ugly, often largely owing to the ostentation of their promoters.
Before outlining the ethnolinguistic features of Viet Nam, it seems essential to give some idea of the situ-
The above-mentioned fashions have spread at great
ation with regard to the intangible cultural heritage of
speed and gained a hold in what were until recently
the minority groups in a national context. Here, of
19
course, it is first and foremost a question of the territo-
eering work in the early twentieth century devoted to
ries of states belonging from the ecological and human
the study of the centres of origin of cultivated plants,
standpoints to mainland South-East Asia. This region
regards South-East Asia in the broad sense as one of
comprises, in addition to the countries of the Indo-
these centres. He called it the ‘Indo-Malayan centre’ and
Chinese peninsula in the broad sense, areas belonging to
he and the botanists who continued his research main-
states bordering it, such as southern China, on the one
tained that it is the richest region in the world in terms
hand, and India’s North-Eastern Frontier Agency
of arable plants. Nowhere else is its specific wealth
(NEFA) and the eastern part of Bangladesh on the other.
matched (Haudricourt and Hédin, 1943).
As Viet Nam seems to typify both the mainland and the insular parts of South-East Asia, the project presented
Whereas previously only the Fertile Crescent was recog-
might serve as an example to the countries of this
nized as being the cradle of the Neolithic, as the centre
region, or even as a basis for their inclusion in it.
of the domestication of Western cereals, Haudricourt considered that South-East Asia was the seat of a
For centuries, the importance of our part of the world
Neolithic culture based on the domestication of tubers –
was for practical purposes eclipsed by that of India and
the yam and the taro in particular – which preceded the
China, which fascinated first European navigators and
domestication of cereals.
onial ventures. It was reduced to an area in which India
Sauer (1952) took Haudricourt’s theory a step further,
and China met, as is shown by, among the region’s other
seeing in South-East Asia the earliest cradle of agricul-
names, the term ‘Indo-China’, which was coined at the
ture. Besides the domestication of tubers, this area was
beginning of the nineteenth century almost simul-
also the seat of the domestication of cereals such as rice
taneously by John Leyden, a British doctor and poet
(what Haudricourt calls ‘weeds in the taro fields’) and
living in Calcutta, and Conrad Malte-Brun, a French
Coix millet, or ‘Job’s tears’ (Coix Lachryma-Jobi). This
geographer of Danish origin and author of the eight-
latter cereal, together with millet, which came from the
volume Précis de géographie universelle, the first work of
north, supplied models for the adaptation of rice, an
this type. It should be remembered that for some eighty
aquatic plant, to dry land (Condominas, 1972, 1980;
years this term referred more particularly to the eastern
concerning contrastive environments, see Barrau, 1965).
part under French rule, and that with the return to independence it reassumed its full sense of mainland and
Concerning the sequence of periods of prehistory, where
insular South-East Asia – an expression that did not
once again the West has served as a model, mention
come into general official use until the Second World
might also be made of the remarkably abundant use of
War. These variations in terminology are illustrative of
different bamboos by the nomadic hunter-gatherers of
the very small role played by this region of the world
the Malayan peninsula, who live in the forests. This gave
until then, owing to its subjection to various colonial
the geologist Errington de la Croix the idea of a ‘Bamboo
conquests.
Age’ preceding the various Stone Ages in our region (1882).
The considerable progress made in recent decades in the different fields of research in both the natural and the
This exceptional wealth of plant resources for food and
human and social sciences has now revealed the out-
agriculture, which enriched all the other aspects of life
standing role played by South-East Asia in the history of
in society, is a feature common to the region, for which
humanity. The geneticist N. I. Vavilov, in his vast pion-
Gourou coined the apt term ‘plant civilization’.
Introduction
travellers, and then the instigators of the Western col-
20
It is beyond the scope of this article to review the abun-
administrative action. Nevertheless, the origin of this
dantly documented history of mainland and insular
tendency is to be found in the position of strength occu-
South-East Asia, in which there is a tendency to under-
pied by the majority group, which for historical reasons,
estimate the originality of this region of the world.
but also by reason of its demographic and economic
Suffice it to say that when the Indian merchant ships
weight, its technological superiority and its cohesion,
established trading posts along its coasts in search of
has managed over the centuries to predominate and to
spices, and when, some centuries before the Christian
impose its political power over the whole of the state.
era, Chinese armies surged southwards, massively
This tendency increasingly represents an extension of
invading what were to become present-day Guangdon,
the town/country antagonism that has emerged within
Guangxi and northern Viet Nam, they did not find
majority groups and is a worldwide phenomenon.
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
themselves in the presence of ‘primitive’ populations. Van Leur’s demonstration (1967) concerning the insular
Military and technological superiority do not necessarily
world also holds true for the mainland. The recent
imply cultural superiority, however: one has only to
discovery of the Ban Chiang complex will probably be
recall the Roman Empire’s absorption of Greece, or the
followed by others. Above all, however, it is now recog-
Mongols reduction of the Middle Kingdom to slavery.
nized, on the basis of the many excavations carried out, that the Dong Son civilization was considerably more
Power is said to make individuals blind. In the case of
widespread than could have been imagined when the
peoples, it can be said to strengthen the ethnocentric
eponymous site was discovered some seventy years ago.
tendency inherent in any group, however small. It should be remembered that many majority groups call
To revert to mainland South-East Asia, its rugged fea-
themselves by the word in their language meaning
tures, broken by powerful watercourses descending from
‘human being’. When one group assumes importance, all
the Himalayan foothills towards the south like the out-
others are lumped together in an indistinct mass – oi
spread fingers of a hand and running into the sea in
Barbaroi, the barbarians, Man in Vietnamese – which the
broad deltas, have for centuries been a determining
majority group believes it has to ‘civilize’. The colonial
factor in the demography of the region. The rice-grow-
period affords many examples of this. In the eyes of
ing deltas are very densely populated and are the seats of
most colonialists, there was the mother country and
great civilizations, whereas the mountain populations,
the colonies, and in the latter, the colonized peoples
very much cut off from one another, constitute widely
en bloc.
differing ethnolinguistic minorities, especially in the north, although in some cases they overlap.2
Counteracting this shortsighted collective view, there have been researchers and educated people who have
Situation of minority groups in a national context from the standpoint of the intangible cultural heritage
taken an interest in the languages and cultures of a particular country, discovered and appreciated their diversity, and attempted to preserve this heritage. Of course the attraction of the majority people, due to the abun-
As minority groups frequently lag behind technically
dance of its written works among other elements, led to
and economically and have little political influence, the
its being detached from the whole and to its civilization
populations of the majority groups tend to regard them
occupying a special place in studies. Take, for instance,
condescendingly as ‘backward’ or ‘primitive’, a tendency
Cadière’s monumental work and his Bulletin des amis du
which many states combat within the framework of
vieux Huê.3
21
Nevertheless, other ethnic groups, much less important
made up of an overwhelming majority of Kinh (or
numerically and in terms of their extant written works,
Vietnamese proper), who densely occupy the lowlands,
began to attract attention, as did those occupying a
together with a great many ethnic minorities. The latter
restricted social area and having no system of writing.
are, in the main, scattered in the forest-covered moun-
Such attention revealed unexplored fields and the coex-
tains and high plateaux, but some minorities are to be
istence of a wealth of diverse cultures. A considerable
found living with the Kinh in certain deltas and coastal
fund of ephemeral material was discovered, which
plains. Two factors more specific to Viet Nam have
showed little concern for norms. This material included
become apparent relatively recently, however: on the
languages and arts having a temporal dimension (mainly
one hand, the Kinh have increased massively in the
music, oral literature, mythology and ritual).
plateau regions over the past decades, and, on the other hand, the impact of the longest war of the twentieth
How is the problem viewed today in a modern indepen-
century has inevitably led to a strengthening of a policy
dent state? Today, it is no longer merely a question of
of national unity, in some cases to the detriment of the
general scientific interest, as it was in the preceding sit-
diversity of the component elements.
uation, but, more egoistically, a matter of a duty to preserve and hand on to future generations the treasures of
All the language families of South-East Asia are rep-
the nation’s cultural heritage. What is more, languages
resented in Viet Nam.4 They include:
intrinsic value, make it possible to go more thoroughly
into and understand better the linguistic and creative
other speakers: the Viet-Muong group, who, with the
evolution of the majority. The latter, in the same way as
Kinh, make up the majority population; the Muong and
all the other ethnic groups, can learn about itself from
small Proto-Indo-Chinese groups (Sach, Arem, etc.); the
knowledge acquired by studying any one of them. Then
Khmers and many Proto-Indo-Chinese (from north to
again, studies carried out on all the groups constituting
south: Mang, Khamou, Katu, the Bahnar-Sedang group
the nation – without preconceived ideas and without
and the Mnong-Maa group).
ethnocentric prejudices – enable the groups to know
and hence to understand each other better when such
of the ancient Kingdom of Champa) and Proto-Indo-
studies are widely disseminated, thus ensuring stronger
Chinese groups (Jarai, Rhade, Chru, or Curu, and
national cohesion. This is the ‘know thyself’ that the
Roglai).
Greek philosopher deemed indispensable to the har-
monious development of the individual. It is this basic
Kelao and Laqua), the Giay and the Cao Lan (who
precept that has to be extended to the nation as a whole.
maintain that they are Yao), and above all the Tay and
The Austro-Asiatic family, which includes among
The Austronesian family: the Chams (descendants
The Kadai family: the Kadai proper (Lati, Laha,
the Nung, as well as the Tay, or Thai (White, Black,
Viet Nam: a multi-ethnic state
etc.).5
The Miao-Yao family: the Miao group consists
The project proposed by the Vietnamese Government
mainly of Hmong, and the Yao group of Mien, all moun-
was all the more gladly accepted inasmuch as Viet Nam
tain dwellers.
is a representative example of this problem as it arises in
this part of the world.
proper, who live in the plains and especially in the
The Sino-Tibetan family: besides the Hoa-Chinese
towns, this includes various Tibeto-Burman (Lolo, From the standpoint of intangible cultures, Viet Nam is
Hani).
Introduction
and arts with a temporal dimension, apart from their
22
Similarly, all levels of technology represented in the
respect and not derision; there is a duty and a need
region are to be found in Viet Nam. In so far as crafts are
to preserve them; and the task is an urgent one.
concerned, it should be stressed that weaving and bas-
Over just a few decades we have seen a great many
ketry here attain the highest levels of perfection in the
intangible cultures deteriorate, as a result either of the
world, not so much in the old civilizations of the plains,
influence of international tourism, which has developed
but among the mountain minorities in the centre who
on a staggering scale and is offering an ever-increasing
live in restricted
areas.6
clientele cheap imitations of local handicrafts and exotic
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
travesties of local rites, or, using the pretext of a soRice is the staple crop of all Viet Nam’s populations with
called ideology of progress, of attempts to ‘civilize’ these
the exception of a few tiny groups of hunter-gatherers,
‘backward’ cultures by presenting their works in a
who are now extremely rare. All known types of rice
watered-down form that appeals more to outsiders.
production are in use, both slash-and-burn shifting cul-
tivation (rây), which involves a wide variety of agricul-
from the standpoint of the group which created it and
tural practices, whether integral (with a very high yield)
which keeps it alive. That culture in its turn keeps the
or complementary (associated with a ricefield), and rice-
group alive. It is not, therefore, a matter of setting up
field cultivation (ruông), where a variety of techniques
reservations, but of preventing ethnocide and the trau-
are used (such as the ‘primitive’ swamp, flooded, rain-
matic situation that results from this, and of restoring
fed, irrigated, etc.).
the group’s pride in its identity. If, on the other hand, its
A traditional popular culture should be considered
members lose their self-respect through victimization The same diversity is found in ‘social areas’ (restricted to
and despoilment, they will inevitably become second-
a single system of relations, intermediate, broad and
rate citizens. If they are proud of their traditional cul-
state), types of family organization (undifferentiated
ture, however, they will take pride in being Vietnamese.
relationship, matrilineal, patrilineal, bilateral descent,
As the vehicle of the intangible culture, language is the
etc.) and political organization (anarchic, with a chief-
first element to be preserved. This does not by any
etc.).7
means run counter to national unity. A multiplicity of
taincy, with classes, with a mandarinate, Marxist,
languages is not an obstacle to unity: Switzerland, with four national languages, has over the centuries managed to frustrate potential conquerors. Conversely, unity of
OBJECTIVES AND PROPOSALS
language did not prevent the terrible internal conflicts which have ravaged the countries of the former
Objectives
Yugoslavia.
Respect for people’s dignity should go hand in
It is only for the sake of clarity that I distinguish ob-
hand with respect for their works. Only too often the
jectives, for they are closely interlinked and have a four-
works of minorities are held to be mere curiosities of no
fold purpose: preservation, protection, respect and
importance that can be distorted at will. This is a repre-
promotion.
hensible and dangerous attitude, for if, through a lack of
Alerting the whole nation to the importance of the
respect for these works, the nation as a whole is given a
traditional cultures of the minority groups, which con-
slapdash presentation of them, it is likely to form a very
stitute one of the treasures of the national heritage and
mistaken idea of the culture in question. The works of
even one of the treasures of the human heritage, should
minority groups should not, for instance, be systemati-
be seen as a priority. This being the case, they deserve
cally transformed into folklore for tourists, or adjusted
23
in accordance with the changing norms of the majority
the common cultural heritage. They will also have the
population, or of those of the currently prevailing ideol-
difficult task of ridding the general public of the tenden-
ogy (which may also fluctuate a great deal).
tious, or even negative, clichés currently applied to minority groups.
Respecting such works implies recording them correctly
Giving the country’s cultural diversity a not
in their varying forms – not only in order to preserve
insignificant place in school curricula right from the pri-
them in their entirety (including if possible their local
mary level will enable pupils to become acquainted with
variations and stages in their evolution), but also as a
the customs of fellow citizens of different ethnic origins
reservoir and a source of inspiration for national artists
and thus to understand them better. It will also enable
to draw on. Providing adaptations of just a few artists
them to derive more benefit from newspaper articles and
would deprive present and future generations of artists
radio and television programmes on the same subject
of authentic sources (usually much richer than approxi-
addressed in the main to adults. This will necessitate
mate interpretations).
close co-operation between the Ministry of Culture and Information and the Education Ministry, with which the
Proposals
researchers should be associated to ensure the success of
As a preliminary measure, in order to ensure that such a
the pilot project is fully implemented, so that its impor-
project is carried out under the best conditions, it is
tance will be grasped. Subsequent dissemination of the
necessary to make a thorough evaluation of the present
most outstanding results of the project will supplement
situation.
the documentation used by the media and the schools. In so far as the peoples of the minority groups
The bibliography of books and articles dealing with Viet
themselves are concerned, it is suggested that if they and
Nam’s different ethnic groups should aim at exhaustive-
their intangible cultures are to be revitalized, or merely
ness and of course should include not only those in
kept up, they and their languages in particular should
Vietnamese, but also those in other
languages.8
A ju-
be given an appropriate place in the schools where they
dicious selection of the most important contributions
live and in the media available there. With the necessary
should be the first stage in this preliminary work, which
increase in school attendance, children now spend much
would be complemented by an audio-visual catalogue
of their time away from their homes, where their elders
prepared on the same lines. This documentation should
were able to pass on traditional skills and the works
serve as a basis for the future research library.
they had effortlessly memorized. The Kinh, in the localities to which they have moved up from the plains,
Of course such an undertaking can be carried out only
would understand and appreciate the intangible culture
by experienced researchers (ethnologists, linguists, ecol-
of their fellow citizens and neighbours better if this
ogists, etc.) and documentalists, that is, in close collab-
suggestion were followed.
oration with the Viet Nam National Centre for Scientific Research.
Minority groups should be encouraged to take the initiative of setting up a museum and assembling the most elaborate examples of their traditional handicrafts
Media and schools. It is up to the media and the schools
– these are tending to degenerate, or even die out, under
to give a generous place to the intangible heritage of the
the impact of modernization and the inroads made by
country’s different minority groups so as to make the
manufactured goods. Besides playing an informative
whole nation aware of its wealth and of its belonging to
role, a museum would by its very existence serve as a
Introduction
the project. This wide dissemination should begin before
24
centre of attraction, and one which could be backed up
groups among which they have spent some time owing
by the holding of annual or occasional festivals.
either to their profession (teacher, educator, priest or
In this way cultural workers posted to remote sec-
monk of different religions, doctor, nurse, engineer, etc.)
tors would be able to break the monotony of provincial
or their leisure activities. Another category of persons –
life by devoting themselves to the preservation of tradi-
namely, cultural workers – will have to attend these
tional cultures. A course organized at the training centre
training courses, not, however, on a voluntary basis, but
set up for the pilot project would help them to appreci-
as a professional obligation. Such attendance would pre-
ate forms of expression previously incomprehensible to
pare them well for their duties in regions with minority
them.
populations – not to mention the tremendous benefits
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
they would derive for their work with people of their Legal aspects. It would be a great mistake to imagine
own cultures. People in charge of regional development
that programmes like this could be introduced and
plans and those who administer them would derive
smoothly run without effective legal and administrative
great benefit from even a crash course to alert them to
protection for minority groups. This is the only way to
the cultural origins of possible resistance to certain
reassure the bearers of a culture of their rights and to
stages of the projected programmes. This would help
shield them from victimization due to a lack of under-
them to find arguments to convince the population. The
standing, thus enabling them to keep up and revitalize
cost of an operation of this kind is such that only one
their intangible culture. If local authorities unfamiliar
centre can be set up in the near future. Consideration
with ethnic-minority customs are prevented from inter-
might therefore be given to the fact that it will have to
fering with their forms of expression or innovations, the
serve all the country’s minority groups, and, incidentally,
minority groups will be able to feel that they are in every
could receive trainees from neighbouring countries. In
way members of the national community.
view of all this, the choice of site is of the utmost impor-
Careful studies of customary laws and their circu-
tance. After the centre has been in operation for a few
lation should serve as a basis for the harmonious regu-
years and is running smoothly, it will be possible to set
lation of protection of this kind and should strengthen
up other regional centres.
cohesion within the state. Here again cultural workers will have an important
Once the first training courses are under way, an accom-
and stimulating role to play. Protection of the works
panying handbook could be produced. This could be
presupposes protection of the people who pass on the
useful in field surveys for non-academic trainees
intangible culture from which they derive their being.
enrolled in training centres, whether or not these are attached to a pilot project. Suggestions for further read-
Pilot project in observation. Training in the observation
ing will be supplied for trainees who want to learn more
and preservation of the intangible cultures of minority
about anthropology and folklore. The handbook, like
groups: the Pilot Project presented here is not intended
the course given at the centre, will have to be practical –
to replace a university course providing young people
and hence illustrated and clearly and simply worded. It
already in possession of a sound educational back-
should include a glossary that explains unavoidable
ground with a largely theoretical specialized training
technical terms without unnecessary jargon. The main
lasting several years and generally leading to a master’s
features of the course and the handbook would be their
degree or a doctorate. Initially, the project will be based
practicality and reliability. It is therefore necessary:
at a training centre and will be designed in principle for
persons taking an interest in the cultures of minority
researchers, above all fieldworkers, both nationals and
to entrust their development to experienced
25
foreigners. These are the only people with the necessary
NOTES
training and experience to enable them to give instruction in the relevant methods of observation and record-
1.
ing and to teach trainees how to collect data in the
ious aspects of orality very schematically without laying claim
ethnosociological context;
to exhaustiveness. They are presented according to their
to pay particular attention to the interviewer’s
nature, that is, solely oral, or involving body language (ideal
equipment and how to make best use of it, from chart-
field of ‘body techniques’) or again involving materials and
ing and measuring instruments to video equipment.
tools with a view to the production of utensils in the broadest
Recourse to professionals in these techniques seems
sense or objects in everyday use. Here skills are transmitted by
essential in view of the importance of the language of
the teacher, or by the person observed by word of mouth
the group studied and the need to note down in that
(advice and recommendations), and by suiting the action to
language not only the names of objects, living things,
the word. Language of course remains the original source of all
and actions (rituals in particular), but also concepts and
communication, and the vertical line in bold draws attention
oral literature. Trainees will be introduced to the no-
in its descent not so much to the derivation of each stage as to
tation of languages, the principles of the International
the acquisition at each one of new elements, usually supersed-
Phonetic Association being adapted to the local situ-
ing the dominant element of the preceding stage. It should be
ation. While quôc ngu (transliteration of Vietnamese
borne in mind that the production of oral literature is often
using the Latin alphabet) is perfectly suited to the no-
accompanied by gestures, usually unobtrusive and even invol-
tation of Vietnamese, it is not entirely satisfactory for
untary. Music, mime and non-verbal sign languages have been
that of many languages of the region;
placed separately in the second stage, although they are taught
to have recourse to a botanist with experience in
mainly through speech. The emphasis here is on the non-oral
ethnobotany, for example, to show trainees how to make
character of their production. In many rural cultures very brief
a herbarium and how to identify the various plants used
written notes of themes or recipes to jog the memory are used.
for food, medicines, crafts, and so on.
These have to be expanded orally by those who have them, so that we are still in the field of orality. 2.
In view of the large number of publications that have
appeared over the past decades, the notes to this Introduction
CONCLUSION
will be confined to guidance of a general nature for readers unfamiliar with South-East Asia. The works mentioned already
In the context of a multi-ethnic state, an undertaking of
include extensive bibliographies. The most up-to-date general
this kind will contribute effectively to the strengthening
work on mainland and insular South-East Asia (in French) is
of national cohesion, by facilitating mutual understand-
to be found in the Géographie universelle Reclus (1995), in the
ing between the minority populations and the majority
first part of the volume entitled Asie du Sud-Est, Océanie,
population and also among the minority populations
edited by Bruneau and Taillard. A trilingual publication in
themselves. A programme of this kind also ensures the
French, Vietnamese and English, An Atlas of Vietnam (1993),
preservation and enhancement of a great treasure that
by Taillard and Vu Tu Lâp, gives a comprehensive summary of
has been too long ignored and neglected. This is a trea-
the most recent and fullest information on the country, ac-
sure all the more valuable because it is an integral part
companied by maps. In regard to ethnography, there are the
of the cultural heritage of the nation, and of that of
volumes of the Yale Human Relations Area Files, the mainland
humanity as a whole.
part of which was edited by Le Bar, Hickey and Musgrave (1964), and, in French, the Encyclopédie de la Pléiade’s
Introduction
See Table 1 in which I have attempted to present the var-
GEORGES CONDOMINAS
26
Ethnologie régionale (1978) with my own contribution and, for
people. More significantly, the second ethnologist to be re-
the northern groups, that of Lemoine, in Volume 2. The in-
cruited by the École Française d’Extrême-Orient, a Vietnamese
sular part was dealt with by Cuisinier and de Josselin de Jong
who was to become famous, Nguyên Van Huyên, devoted
in Volume 1 of Ethnologie régionale (1972). Furthermore, Dang
almost all of his work to the Kinh (see, in particular, his com-
Nghiêm Van and his collaborators published a book on Viet
prehensive work of 1944), with only one book on a minority,
Nam’s minorities in Vietnamese (1983) that was subsequently
the one on Tay wedding songs (1941).
translated into French and English (1986). This popular work,
4.
intended for the local public, contains no reference to foreign
that of Haudricourt (see his compilation of 1972), adopted by
research, but presents helpful summaries on each ethnic
the CeDRASEMI (Centre de Documentation et de Recherche
group. See also the abundantly illustrated book edited by
sur l’Asie du Sud-Est et le Monde Insulindien), which, in
Nguyên Van Huy (1997). On ancient history, the two classic
1971–72, devoted three issues of its journal ASEMI to this
works by Coedès (1948 and 1962) may be consulted and, on
problem under the title, ‘Où en est l’Atlas ethnolinguistique?’
Viet Nam more particularly, those of Lê Thanh Khôi (1981)
The other major classification is that of Benedict (1975),
and Taylor (1983). On modern history, see the comprehensive
which strongly influenced Bradley’s study presented in Wurm
work edited by Steinberg (1971). The three volumes of
and Hattori’s Atlas (1983). For instance, apart from Sino-
Lombard’s Le carrefour javanais (1990) give an overall view of
Tibetan (Chinese and Tibeto-Burman), Benedict regrouped all
the Indonesian archipelago from the standpoint of the social
of these languages under the term Austric, including on the
and human sciences. In view of the vital importance of rice in
one hand Austro-Thai, which covers Miao-Yao, Thai-Kadai
the civilizations of South-East Asia, Abé’s book (1995) on wet-
and Austronesian, and on the other hand the Austro-Asiatic
rice production and Conklin’s study (1961) on slash-and-burn
family. In regard to the latter, the reader is referred to the most
or shifting cultivation [swidden] might be consulted, as also
recent classification given by Ferlus (1996) in his article on
might my essay in Études rurales (1983), in which, moreover, I
the Viet-Muong. As for the classification adopted by my
compare the yields of these two types of agriculture. See also
Vietnamese colleagues, it has served as a model for Dang
Gourou’s comprehensive work, which is still relevant despite
Nghiêm Van in his contribution. It should be borne in mind
the fact that it was published in 1940.
that the languages of South-East Asia pose the most complex
3.
Most people think that ethnologists devote their studies
linguistic problem in the world and have been the subject of a
solely to so-called ‘primitive’ peoples. Strange to say, this idea
large number of publications since the pioneering work of
was taken up by protest movements against anthropology in
Schmidt (1906) and Maspero (1911).
the 1970s. With his monumental work on the Kinh society,
5.
Cadière (1944) proves that this is not the case – all the more
called Tho, which they consider derogatory, the Vietnamese
so as, theoretically, he was very much ahead of his time
Government adopted the name which they use themselves,
(Condominas, 1984). It was not until just before the First
Tay. Those in the Son La region are differentiated by the name
World War that Kemlin’s three essays on the Proto-Indo-
Thai. However, they call themselves Tay (without the aspirate
Chinese Rengao began to appear. Around the same time there
‘h’). I have preferred to follow the principle established by the
were of course the studies of the explorer Henri Maître, but,
Vietnamese and use the name by which they denote them-
despite a wealth of material, they do not represent an equiva-
selves. The names of the two groups are distinguished by a dif-
lent scientific value, ethnographically speaking. Meanwhile,
ference in tones – low (for those of Cao Bang) and high (for
many authors apart from Cadière devoted themselves to the
those of Son La) – and not by the presence or absence of an ‘h’
study of Vietnamese society proper. It may be objected that
at the beginning of the word.
Bonifacy wrote many essays from 1904 onwards, but the
6.
‘Mans’ (that is, the Yao) who fascinated him are not ‘primitive’
mountain minorities may be gained from the exhibition cata-
The classification presented here is taken largely from
As the Tay speakers in the Cao Bang region refused to be
Some idea of the wealth of the crafts of Viet Nam’s
27
logue edited by Hemmet (1995) and the recent catalogue of
Wurm and S. Hattori (eds.), Language Atlas of the Pacific
the Hanoi Museum of Ethnography (1997).
Area. Part 2: Japan Area, Taiwan (Formosa), Philippines,
7.
Mainland
and
Insular
South-East
Asia.
Canberra,
erty of referring the reader to my work of 1980, in which it is
Australian Academy of the Humanities in collaboration
applied both to the Muong and the Tay and also to the Kinh
with the Japan Academy.
and Lao societies, among others. 8.
BRUNEAU , M.; TAILLARD , C. 1995. Asie du Sud-Est. In: N.
Many studies, monographs in particular (essentially to
Antheluie, J. Bonnemaison, M. Bruneau and Christian
explore the societies in which the authors spent some time),
Taillard (eds.), Asie du Sud-Est, Océanie. Montpellier/
have been published in other languages, mainly French. As
Paris. (Géographie universelle Reclus).
these societies have undergone rapid changes, local researchers
Bulletin des amis du vieux Huê. 1914–41. Hué.
ought to be able to know what they were like originally. The
C ADIÈRE , L. 1944. Croyances et pratiques religieuses des
Vietnamese ethnologist Nguyên Tu Chi (also known as Trân
Vietnamiens, Vol. I. Hanoi, Société de Géographie de
Tu) often quoted the work of Cuisinier. A knowledge of her
Hanoi. 245 pp. 2nd ed., 1958, Saigon, EFEO. Vols. 2
work will thus be helpful to the many specialists on the
and 3. 1955 and 1957. Paris, EFEO. 343 pp. and
Muong. Nor should it be forgotten that it was the Jarai who
286 pp. (Selection of articles and essays published
inspired Dournes to build up the largest collection of oral lit-
between 1901 and 1944.)
erature in the world. It should be possible to undertake a programme of translation of the principal studies.
C OEDÈS , G. 1948. Les États hindouisés d’Indochine et d’Indonésie. Paris, Bocard. ——. 1962. Les peuples de la péninsule indochinoise. Histoire, civilisations. Paris, Dunod. Maps. CONDOMINAS , G. 1972. De la rizière au miir. In: J. M. C.
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illus., tables, bibliog. (Reproduced in L’espace social, 1980, pp. 198–221.) ——. 1978. Asie du Sud-Est. In: J. Poirier (ed.), Ethnologie
BARRAU , J. 1965. L’Humide et le Sec: an essay on ethnobiolog-
régionale II, pp. 283–375. Paris, Gallimard. xvii +
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(Wellington, N. Z.), Vol. 74, No. 3, pp. 329–46. BENEDICT , P. K. 1975. Austro-Thai Language and Culture, with a Glossary of Roots. New Haven (Connecticut), HRAF Press.
——. 1980. L’espace social. A propos de l’Asie du Sud-Est. Paris, Flammarion. 541 pp., illus., maps, tables, bibliog. (Science.) ——. 1983. Aspects écologiques d’un espace social restreint en
BONIFACY , A. L. M. 1904. Les groupes ethniques de la Rivière
Asie du Sud-Est, les Mnong gar et leur environnement.
Claire. Revue indochinoise (Saigon), No. 12, pp. 813–28,
Études rurales (Paris), Nos. 89–91, pp. 11–76. Maps,
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——. 1906. Les groupes ethniques du bassin de la Rivière
——. 1984. Deux grands ethnologues pratiquement inconnus
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BRADLEY , D. 1983. Mainland South-East Asia (North). In: S. A.
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CONKLIN , H. 1961. The Study of Shifting Cultivation. Current
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(Studies and Monographs, 6.) CUISINIER , J.; D E J OSSELIN DE J ONG , P. E. 1972. Le Monde malais. In: J. Poirier (ed.), Ethnologie régionale I. pp. 1330–407. Paris, Gallimard. (Encyclopédie de la Pléiade.) D ANG N GHIÊM VAN ; C HU T HAI S ON ; L UU H UNG . 1986. Les ethnies minoritaires du Viet Nam. Hanoi, Éditions en Langues Étrangères. D OURNES , J. 1997. Patao. Une théorie du pouvoir chez les Indochinois Jörai. Paris, Flammarion. 365 pp., illus.,
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K EMLIN , M. J. 1909. Rites agraires des Reungao. Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 493–522; Vol. 10, No. 1, 1910, pp. 131–58. L Ê T HANH K HÔI . 1981. Histoire du Viet Nam des origines à 1858. Paris, Sud-Est Asie. 1981, 452 pp., bibliog., index, illus., maps, tables. L E B AR , F. M.; Hickey, G. C.; M USGRAVE , J. K. 1964. Ethnic Groups of Mainland South-East Asia. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press. xiii + 288 pp., bibliog., index, inset map. L EMOINE , J. 1978. L’Asie orientale. Les Chinois Han, les eth-
EHESS-CNRS. 1971–72. Où en est l’Atlas ethnolinguistique?
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L OMBARD , D. 1990. Le carrefour javanais. Paris, Éditions de l’EHESS (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales). 3 vols. M AÎTRE , H. 1912. Les jungles Moï, mission Henri Maître, 1909–1911. Indochine Sud-Centrale, exploration et histoire des hinterlands Moï du Cambodge, de la Cochinchine, de l’Annam et du Bas-Laos. Paris, Larousse. iv + 580 pp., maps, illus. M ASPERO , H. 1911. Contribution à l’étude du système phonétique des langues thai. Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient (Hanoi), Vol. 11, pp. 153–69.
graphiques de la sélection, d’après N. Vavilov. Revue de
——. 1912. Étude sur la phonétique historique de la langue
botanique appliquée et d’agriculture tropicale (Paris),
annamite. Les initiales. Bulletin de l’École Française
Vol. 16, Nos. 174–76, pp. 124–29, 214–23 and 285.
d’Extrême-Orient (Hanoi), Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 1–127.
(Summary in French of a work edited in Russian by
Musée d’Ethnographie du Vietnam. 1997. Hanoi. 123 pp.,
N. I. Vavilov on the theoretical bases of the selection of
photos, maps, plans. (Vietnamese edition: Bao tang Dân
plants, first published in May 1935.)
Tôc hoc Viêt Nam.)
——. 1972. Problèmes de phonologie diachronique. Paris, SELAF, 384 pp. (Langues et civilisations à tradition orale, 1.)
N GUYÊN T U C HI . La cosmologie muong suivie d’une étude sur le système agraire traditionnel des Muong. Preface by
H AUDRICOURT , A.-G.; Hédin, L. 1943. L’homme et les plantes
G. Condominas. Paris/Montreal, L’Harmattan. 251 pp.,
cultivées. Preface by A. Chevalier. Paris, Gallimard.
tables, photos. (French version by this author, who
233 pp. (new ed., Paris, A. M. Métailié, 1987).
signed his Vietnamese publications with his nom de
H EMMET , C. (ed.). 1995. Montagnards des pays d’Indochine,
plume, Trân Tu (see).)
29
N GUYÊN VAN H UY (ed.). 1997. Mosaïque culturelle des ethnies
peuples de l’Asie centrale et de l’Austronésie. Bulletin de
du Viet Nam. Hanoi, Maison d’Édition de l’Éducation.
l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient (Hanoi), Vol. 7, 1907,
204 pp., photos. (Vietnamese edition: Buc tranh van hoa
pp. 213–63; Vol. 8, 1908, pp. 1–35.
N GUYÊN VAN H UYÊN . 1941. Recueil des chants de mariage tho de Lang-Son et Cao-Bang. Hanoi, École Française d’Extrême-Orient. (Collection des textes et documents sur l’Indochine, Vol. 5.) ——. 1944. La civilisation annamite. Hanoi, Imprimerie d’Extrême-Orient. Bibliog., maps. (2nd ed.: La civilisation vietnamienne. Hanoi.) S AUER , C. O. 1952. Agricultural Origins and Dispersals. New
S TEINBERG , D. J.; C HANDLER , D. P. (eds.). 1987. In Search of Southeast Asia. Rev. ed. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press. TAILLARD , C.; V U T U L ÂP . 1993. An Atlas of Vietnam. Montpellier, RECLUS; Paris, La Documentation Française/ Reclus. TAYLOR , K. W. 1983. The Birth of Vietnam. Berkeley, University of California Press. xxi + 397 pp., bibliog., gloss, index, maps.
York, American Geographical Society, George Grady
T RÂN T U . 1996. Nguoi Muong o Hoa Binh [The Muong of Hoa
Press. Maps. (Bowman Memorial Lectures, Columbia
Binh]. Hanoi, Institut d’Histoire. xiii + 371 pp. + xiv +
University.)
xxi pp., 14 pl. drawings, 3 photos, inset tables. (See also
S CHMIDT , W. 1906. Die Mon-Khmer Völker, ein Bindeglied
Nguyên Tu Chi.)
zwischen Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens.
VAN L EUR , J. C. 1967. Indonesian Trade and Society. Essays in
Archiv für Anthropologie (Vienna), Vol. 5. French trans-
Asian Social and Economic History. The Hague, W. van
lation: Les peuples mon-khmer, trait d’union entre les
Hoeve.
Introduction
cac dan tôc Viêt Nam.)
31
PART ONE
The cultures of the minorities of Viet Nam: an overview
33
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage DANG NGHIÊM VAN
FORMATION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MINORITIES
on rice-growing and to commercial exchanges capable of assimilating influxes of cultures and peoples from other parts. These geographical features help explain why Viet
Though we are different members of the gourd family,
Nam was a pluri-ethnic nation from the outset. Over the
we must love and help one another,
centuries it has pushed its borders southwards, today
for despite our differences we share the same trellis.
becoming a country with clearly delimited and inviolable frontiers.
Present-day Viet Nam occupies the whole of the eastern part of the Indo-Chinese peninsula between the 23rd km2,
The Viet (Kinh), an ethnic group formed locally from
it
ethnic and cultural elements coming from different pop-
extends over 1,650 km from north to south, and this,
ulations in the region,1 are mentioned in history under
together with its some 100 islands and archipelagos –
the ethnonyms Ly, Lao, Man and Lieu. Later, other
Cat Ba, Hoang Sa, Truong Sa and Phu Quoc, among
ethnic groups came from China, Laos, Cambodia and
others – gives it an important geopolitical position. Viet
distant maritime regions to make Viet Nam a pluri-
Nam serves as a bridge linking mainland Asia to mari-
ethnic and multicultural country.2 These ethnic groups
time Asia, on the one hand, and the Indian Ocean to the
often settled in the mountainous regions of Viet Nam
Pacific on the other.
that form the country’s natural frontiers. Occupying
and the 8th parallel. Having an area of 331,600
two-thirds of the country, these consist of tropical junThe first parts of the country to be settled were the Bac
gles and rivers criss-crossed by a tangle of paths. They
Bo (Tonkin) delta and the Bac Trung Bo (North Annam)
cover a vast area, are sparsely populated and are rich in
plains. These are extensive areas, favourable to a seden-
natural resources.3 Recently, the mountain paths have
tary population, to the organization of a society based
been widened, facilitating everyday activities. Though
34
these regions have seen upheavals such as wars, revolts,
(Stieng); 12. Bru-Van Kieu (Bru); 13. Co Tu (K’tu);
natural disasters and epidemics, they seemed to suit
14. Gie-Trieng (Jeh-Trieng); 15. Ma; 16. Kho Mu
newcomers to Viet Nam better than their home coun-
(Khmu); 17. Cor; 18. Ta Oi; 19. Cho Ro (Chro);
tries did, for such immigrants were admitted and well
20. Khang; 21. Xinh Mun; 22. Mang; 23. Brau
treated by the Vietnamese court, which applied a flex-
(Brao); 24. O Du; 25. Ro Mam (Rmam).
ible policy known as Nhu Viên (ru
yuan)4
to the moun-
tain minorities. The object of this policy was to attract
26. Tay; 27. Thai; 28. Nung; 29. San Chay (Cao
minorities to the country and unite them under the
Lan-San Chi); 30. Giay (Yay); 31. Lao; 32. Lu;
authority of their chiefs against foreign invasions. It was
33. Bo Y (Pu Y).
largely due to Nhu Viên that the immigration of minorities to Viet Nam continued until the eve of the Second World War. The newcomers were thus able to escape the
IV. Hmong-Yao (Miao-Yao) languages: 34. Hmong (Miao); 35. Yao (Yao); 36. Pa Then. V. Kadai languages:
policy of forcible assimilation imposed on their com-
37. La Chi (Lati); 38. La Ha; 39. Co Lao (Ge Lao);
patriots in the land of their birth and coexist with the
40. Pu Peo.
inhabitants of the delta in a unified country adminisDANG NGHIÊM VAN
III. Tay-Thai (Kam-Thai) languages:
tered by a central court.
VI. Austronesian languages: 41. Jarai; 42. Ede (Rhade); 43. Cham; 44. Raglai; 45. Chu Ru.
This union and mutual respect between ethnic groups in
VII. Tibeto-Burman languages:
the mountains, the middle region and the plains of Viet
46. Ha Nhi (Hani); 47. La Hu; 48. Phu La; 49. Lo
Nam was important to each group. The mountain
Lo; 50. Cong; 51. Si La.
dwellers needed salt, brine, metal implements, orna-
VIII. Sino-Tibetan languages:
mental objects, jars and vases and sometimes even food-
52. Hoa or Han (Chinese); 53. Ngai; 54. San Diu.5
stuffs that were produced in the delta. Conversely, the inhabitants of the delta needed buffaloes, cattle,
Ethnic groups regarded as indigenous to the upland
bamboo, wood, medicine and forest products. As a re-
region include the Viet-Muongs, some of the Mon-
sult of such trading patterns and mutual respect, indi-
Khmers, Tay-Thai, Kadai and Austronesians. Later
vidual members of each ethnic group were able to retain
arrivals, who came to the area during the second millen-
their respective ethnic identities while also being citi-
nium of the Christian era, include Tay-Thais, Mon-
zens of one country.
Khmers, Kadais, Hmong Yaos, Tibeto-Burmans and Hans, and these groups adopted various strategies for
The languages spoken by Viet Nam’s fifty-four ethnic
occupying the terrain. Sometimes they infiltrated
groups belong to eight language families, each family
regions already inhabited by long-established popu-
containing a greater or lesser number of individual
lations, driving them out or splitting them up into small
ethnic minority languages. The Viet-Muong group of
units; sometimes they occupied fallow land near the
languages contains the following:
border; and sometimes they yielded to the tribal chiefs in control of the valleys or to the authority of the central
I. Viet-Muong languages:
court.
1. Viet (Kinh); 2. Muong; 3. Tho; 4. Chut. II. Mon-Khmer languages:
The presence of Tibeto-Burmans in Viet Nam is due to
5. Khmer; 6. Ba Na (Bahnar); 7. Xo Dang (Sedang);
the fall of the Nam Chieu (Nanchao) and Dai Ly (Ta Ly)
8. Co Ho (K’ho); 9. Hre; 10. Mnong; 11. Xtieng
states in the thirteenth century and to disturbances in
35
the border region of Viet Nam, China and Laos. The
Munda, which had not as yet been invaded by Aryans
arrival of the Thai in the north-west of Viet Nam was the
from the north of India, and it was to extend further
result of this group’s exodus towards South-East Asia
westwards.8 A number of the Chinese in the northern
from the ninth to the sixteenth centuries. The Nung
area had spent some time in the south of China.
arrived in Viet Nam after the fall of the Nam Thien (Nan
Similarly, the Tibeto-Burmans, originally from the
qian) Kingdom and the defeat of their prestigious chief,
Himalayas, once settled in the south-west of China and
Nung Tri Cao, in the eleventh century. As for the Yao,
the north-east of South-East Asia, lost almost all trace
the San Chay, the San Diu, the Giay and the Bo Y, their
of their ancestral past and created a new country, adopt-
emigration to Viet Nam, which began in the fourteenth
ing the toponyms of the region and the indigenous
(the Yao) or the sixteenth century and continued until
divinities.
disturbances. The Chinese, on the other hand, have
Over time, each newly arrived ethnic group divided into
been present in Viet Nam from the beginning of the
many local groups with their various dialects and patois,
Christian era, either later returning to their home coun-
in this way mixing with one another or breaking with
try or being assimilated in Viet Nam. Those Chinese
ethnic origins that they could no longer recognize. They
who arrived in the country following the fall of the
now live peacefully together despite the differences in
Ming dynasty in the seventeenth century, and who
languages and customs, and they have jointly created a
regarded themselves as Minh Huong, became Viet, how-
local way of life, each locality having high, middle and
ever, while others remained Hoa or Chinese. Yet by far
low regions. This union is evident from the mutual aid
the largest Chinese exodus took place during the Sino-
the groups offer each other, and from their commercial
Japanese wars. Immigrants to Viet Nam have also come
exchanges and resistance to foreign aggression. Never-
from the west, the Khmu, for example, coming from
theless, each ethnic and local group has managed to
Laos after the failure of their insurrection against Luang
retain its own identity while contributing to the
Prabang. Similarly, some of the Mon-Khmers, driven out
strengthening of a wider national identity. The history of
by Siamese and Laotian expansion, settled in the
Viet Nam shows both that the development of the coun-
Annamese Cordillera (Truong Son) and in the Central
try as a whole has had an influence on that of the ethnic
Highlands (Tay Nguyen) of Viet Nam, where they hoped
groups that compose it, and that the development of
to be beyond the reach of the slave trade which operated
each group has consolidated the national community.
from Phnom-Penh, through Attopeu, towards other
There have been stable and prosperous periods, during
points in Laos and towards Siam in the eighteenth and
which the mountain population developed peacefully, as
nineteenth centuries. This trade was interrupted by
happened under the reign of Le Thanh Tong in the fif-
French
intervention.6
teenth century, for example. And there have also been periods during which the weakening of the state led to
From the standpoint of physical anthropology, all these
disturbances and wars in the highlands. It should be
ethnic groups belong to the Austro-Mongolian sub-
noted that when Viet Nam was in conflict with its pow-
group, which is divided into two branches, the Austro-
erful neighbour, the mountain minorities always chose
Asiatic and the Indonesian, whose habitat was formerly
to remain loyal to the just cause of the weaker country.9
the south of the Yangtze – occupied by Man, Bach, Viet and Di populations among others – and the whole of Asia.7
Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities constitute either complete
According to
communities or partial communities, the latter belong-
Przyluski, this area included the territory even of the
ing to larger communities of the same group in other
mainland and insular South-East
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
recent times, was the result of famines, oppression or
36
countries, with which they retain links of consanguinity and language. The populations living on one and the
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE ETHNIC MINORITIES12
same territory may in some instances join together in a homogeneous group, in some cases splitting up into
Culture consists of everything that differentiates one
local subgroups, in other cases integrating with other
ethnic group from another (UNESCO).
ethnic groups or absorbing people from outside.10 However, only groups retaining links of consanguinity with
Some writers still maintain that South-East Asia has no
the larger ethnic community on the other side of the
culture of its own and that it merely harbours two larger
border have managed to preserve their culture in its
cultures, the Indian and the Chinese. Thus the term
entirety. Others, having smaller ethnic groups with small
‘Indochina’ is still applied even today to the countries of
scattered populations, have yielded to the domination
the region. However, since the discovery of the Hoa
of larger groups and have not been able to protect their
Binh and Dong Son cultures in the 1930s and 1940s, an
culture.
indigenous cultural substratum to which layers of
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
Indian or Chinese culture have over time been attached In the 1960s Vietnamese ethnographers found, as did
has been brought to light through scientific and ethno-
Poirier, that Viet Nam’s mountain minorities held a
graphic study. This indigenous cultural substratum
common memory in the form of a historical or mythical
seems to have occupied a large area, extending as far as
tradition and that they had common values giving rise
the most north-easterly point of Asia, to East Africa, and
to a common minimal culture and set of concepts, cus-
to Madagascar.13 We owe the idea of an Austro-Asiatic
tomary laws and symbols.11 They thus formed a single
culture first of all to authors such as Schmidt, Bishop
community, having a common name, a common aspir-
and Creel,14 as well as to Sauer, Solheim II and Gor-
ation to live together and a common sense of origin.
man,15 and to French archaeologists, geographers and
Members of this community are conscious of belonging
ethnologists such as Colani, Bonifacy, Maître, Gourou,
both to an ethnic minority and of being Vietnamese cit-
Robequain, Dumont, Haudricourt and Condominas.
izens. For those ethnic minorities or local groups that
Mention should also be made of the contributions of
have preserved their culture in its entirety or in part, the
Vietnamese
bond uniting their members is so sacred that it cannot
lorists.16
easily be broken. History, however, shows that tens of
‘men were cultivating plants, making pottery, and cast-
thousands of ethnic groups around the world have been
ing bronze implements as early as anywhere on earth’,
annihilated, and that in Viet Nam dozens have died out.
and these discoveries later spread northwards and
Therefore, those ethnic groups which have survived,
westwards.
archaeologists,
ethnologists
and
folk-
According to Solheim II, in South-East Asia
even with only a few hundred members, deserve our greatest respect. The human community, the state and
The vestiges of this indigenous cultural substratum are
the other ethnic groups have a duty to help them to
preserved not only in archaeological sites, but also in
exist and develop.
the memory of the populations living in remote regions, who have been little influenced by Indian and Chinese cultures. These populations, which were previously almost unknown, have now been studied by Vietnamese ethnologists whose work, unfortunately, has not been translated into languages spoken internationally such as English and French. Vestiges of the indigenous cultural
37
substratum are also to be found in developed ethnic
a garden of flowers of many forms and many different
groups that have been strongly influenced by Chinese or
colours.
Indian culture, these groups having absorbed Chinese or Indian elements and transformed them to create a new
The first major element making up the cultural heritage
culture better suited to a humid tropical region.
of Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities is the linguistic heritage,
Resistance to external influence, whether Indian or
according to some ethnographers, as long as language
Chinese, has not everywhere been the same, depending
exists, culture exists, and as long as culture exists, the
instead on locality and socio-economic level. Ethnic
ethnic group (or the nation) exists. Most ethnic groups
groups which settled in the Annamese Cordillera and in
in Viet Nam speak languages of an Austro-Asiatic origin.
the Central Highlands of Viet Nam have preserved their
These languages, originally polysyllabic, have become
original cultures better, and have been only indirectly
monosyllabic over the centuries and have lost their ini-
and superficially affected by Indian or Chinese influ-
tial or final consonants, which have been replaced by
ences through the Chams, Khmers, Lao and Viet. The
tones. They seem to have a common grammar, except
same can be said of populations in the north-west and in
for a few modifications coming from Chinese, in which
the mountainous regions of the provinces of Thanh Hoa
sentences are constructed in reverse order. This
and Nghe An, despite the fact that in some ways these
common origin explains the ease with which these lan-
populations resemble the mountain peoples of the Lao
guages have combined and have supplemented and bor-
People’s Democratic Republic and south-west China.
rowed from each other; it also explains the different
This holds, too, for populations living in the north and
ethnolinguistic classifications that have been put for-
north-west of the Annamese Cordillera. However, popu-
ward over the past half-century. These classifications are
lations settled along the Sino-Vietnamese frontier have
likely to be modified in future with the discovery of the
been definitely influenced by Chinese culture, and those
languages of isolated local groups and progress in lin-
who live along the coast of central Viet Nam and in the
guistic taxonomy. The definitive taxonomy may come
east of Nam Bo (Cochin-China) have been influenced by
from the study of the language spoken by small ethnic
Indian culture. In my opinion, the single factor that pre-
groups living in isolation in remote regions.
vented these groups from being dominated by Indian or Chinese influences was the existence of the original cul-
Certain ethnic groups living in the south-west of China,
tural substratum referred to above, which made possible
in the Lao P.D.R. and in Viet Nam – those speaking
the emergence of a cultural subzone specific to the trop-
Mon-Khmer languages in particular – still have a very
ical monsoon region to the east of mainland South-East
archaic vocabulary and are regarded as being the earliest
Asia. This was different from both the western region,
occupants of South-East Asia and antecedent to the
which was dominated by Indian culture, and from insu-
invasion of the Thai and to that of other ethnic groups.
lar South-East Asia, which was strongly influenced by
The languages spoken by the Viet-Muong groups have
Islam.17
While the different ethnic minorities express
aroused great interest in this regard, for they contain ele-
their identities through that of the country as a whole,
ments taken from neighbouring languages, whereas the
each retains specific features that distinguish its identity
influence of Chinese is dominant only among the Viets.
from that of others despite influences from the culture
For this reason these Viet-Muong languages have some-
of the delta. It is owing to these different cultural con-
times been classified as belonging to the Sino-Tibetan,
tributions that Vietnamese culture, while maintaining its
sometimes to the Austro-Asiatic, and sometimes to the
unity, has a variety of forms of expression comparable to
Mon-Khmer group of languages. The recent discovery
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
for language is the stable foundation of culture. Thus,
38
by Vietnamese ethnographers of the Laha or Khla Phlao
Tay and half Viet and differs from all others in the
ethnic group in the north-west of Viet Nam, and the in-
region. Insufficient attention has been given to the pro-
depth study of the Kadai language group, has compli-
nunciation specific to a village or a group of villages in
cated classification still further. It is not easy to classify
the border regions of the three countries concerned –
the Pu Peo and La Chi groups, which have not yet been
Viet Nam, Cambodia and the Lao P.D.R. There is no
well identified, nor is it easy to reconcile the diverging
doubt that a study of phonetics would help in reconsti-
opinions of linguists: Haudricourt and Benedict, for
tuting the archaic forms and evolution of the languages
example, classify the Lakkia ethnic group as belonging
of the Mon-Khmer, Bahnaric and Katuic groups.18
to the Kadai, whereas others prefer to include them with the Chuang-Dong, that is, with the Tay-Thai.
All the ethnic groups have contributed to the history of
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
Viet Nam. No one can deny their participation in the Although the ethnic minorities are very attached to their
common struggle against foreign aggression and for the
mother tongues, there is often a risk, especially in
independence of the country, which has on three oc-
border regions, of the mother tongue being spoken only
casions been overwhelmed by invaders – by the Chinese
in the home and being replaced outside by another lan-
from the second to the ninth centuries, by the Ming
guage that serves as a vehicle for regional or national
from 1414 to 1428, and from 1858 to 1954 by the
communication. There are now scarcely 200 members of
French. Even now, the country has foreign enemies.
the O Du, for example, and only a few couples still
However, the ethnic minorities frequently have their
speak this ethnic group’s mother tongue. Furthermore, it
own history and beliefs independent of that of Viet Nam
seems unlikely that some ethnic groups will be able to
as a whole. The Cham, for example, have their own his-
preserve their mother tongue, given their shrinking pop-
tory dating back before their integration into Viet Nam,
ulation. One source of optimism in this particular case is
and the Thai have the history of their feudal lords.
that it is customary for the O Du to learn their mother
Furthermore, the minorities often possess legendary his-
tongue when they are old in order to converse with their
tories concerning their ethnic origins, their migrations
ancestors in the other world when they pass on, and this
amid blood and tears and the tales or epics that relate
may be enough to preserve the language. However, in
the feats of arms of more or less imaginary heroes, as is
the case of local groups living in remote regions rich in
the case with the minorities of the Central Highlands,
natural resources, and hence likely to be exploited and
such as the Tay, the Thai, the Muong and the Kho Mu.
opened up to the outside world, the risk of losing their
The most widespread myths, however, concern the
languages is very real. There is an urgent need for them
Deluge and the origins of the ethnic groups, and
to be saved, at least in documentary form.
because of this the idea that most of the inhabitants of the Austro-Asiatic cultural area had the same origin with
What is more, bilingualism or plurilingualism is already
local nuances is tempting. These tales and legends of
widespread among the mountain populations. A hybrid
sacred character, handed down from generation to gen-
language even exists, which has been created by the
eration, are sometimes recited at community cere-
population of the present hamlet of Na Lu near Cao
monies, which afford an opportunity of asserting ethnic
Bang, which in former times was the administrative
identity. The venue for these ceremonies is typically the
centre of the Nam Thien region under Nung Tri Cao
communal long-house, or nha rong. It is found at the
(eleventh century), and later of the Mac dynasty (six-
entrance to the village or at its centre and is the place
teenth to seventeenth centuries). The Viet who took
where villagers traditionally met before going to war, the
refuge there became Tay and speak a patois which is half
men of the village being civilians in peacetime and
39
soldiers in times of war. This custom of reciting tales
north-east border region, villages are built following a
and legends is at the root of the will to fight for one’s vil-
closed, defensive model, surrounded by hedges of spiky
lage and for one’s ethnic group. Epics in prose or verse
bamboo, or by stone ramparts with narrow horizontal or
about real or imaginary heroes and courageous soldiers,
vertical slits or with loopholes. Every house in the vil-
such as Chuong Han, Roc, Xet, Dam San and Dam Di,
lage is enclosed within the walls, which have secret pas-
are referred to in history books or passed on orally from
sages and safety exits.20 In the north-west region every
generation to generation. Characters regarded as having
important village (chiêng) which is the centre of a region
supernatural powers, for instance Nung Tri Cao, Lan
(muong) usually has a citadel (viêng), the men gathering
Chuong or Chuong Han, have become cult figures.
here in times of unrest. Along the Central Highlands,
These tales and legends in prose or verse make up the
hedges and trenches planted with pikes and have a
minorities.19
single gateway. In other cases they are built on high sites
They reflect people’s awareness of their origins, their
with a clear view from which the arrival of an enemy
will to create a community in which powerful bonds
can be seen. Every village must have safe passages giving
attach the present to the past, and their existence as part
access to the jungle, where food or valuables can be
of a family, a village, an ethnic group or a country. At-
hidden.
main part of the literature of the ethnic
taching sacred value to one’s history, even if legendary, is a sign of the will to assert one’s own identity. For this
Viet Nam’s minorities gain their livelihood in the main
reason, the cults of heroes, of tribal chiefs, of founders
from rice-growing, the humid tropical climate having
of villages, of creators of crafts, and, above all, of the
forced the formerly nomadic stockbreeders to settle. No
ancestors are found among all of Viet Nam’s ethnic
ethnic group confines itself to grazing stock, since there
groups, this set of cults and beliefs constituting the tra-
is not enough livestock to provide animals for traction,
ditional religious system. In this system, the village of
religious rites and commercial exchanges. Meat (beef,
the living is in close contact with the world of the dead;
poultry) is reserved for children, women in childbirth
the ancestors still dwell under the same roof with
and old people. The ethnic minorities do not know how
the living, and there is no boundary between life and
to tan hides or how to use milk and dairy products.
death. This living-dead-living cycle is already a step
Several forms of rice-growing are practised, depending
– Buddhism has gone the whole way – in the direction
on the nature of the terrain. Rice is grown either on land
of metempsychosis, and it is the most important intan-
that has been cleared and burned, or in paddy-fields.
gible element that binds a community together.
The land is exploited intelligently; it is regarded as a friend, as a part of the human or community soul, or as
In a country often attacked by foreign powers it is not
a mother (Mother Earth). If there are not enough wet-
surprising to see society organized in a semi-military
rice fields, people slash and burn, while observing the
fashion. The villages are often built in a fortified style,
customary laws designed to protect the forest.
the character peculiar to the south being represented by citadels surrounded by a single or double ring of earth-
The careful observer will be astonished by the variety of
work ramparts. The citadel of Tam Van in the district of
different forms of irrigation practised by the ethnic
Dien Bien in Lai Chau province is of this type, as is that
minorities. The simplest consist in raising the edges of
of Co Loa near Hanoi. These are quite different from the
the field to hold back the water, which is the practice of
northern-type citadels often to be found in the moun-
the Rhade, Jarai and Banhar, or in bringing water to the
tain regions in the north-east and in the delta. In the
paddy-fields for treading by human feet or by buffaloes,
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
the villages are in some cases surrounded by bamboo
40
which is the practice of the Sedang. This technique was
Certain ethnic groups identify heaven with the spirit of
mentioned 2,000 years ago in the Chinese annals of the
lightning; for others, heaven is regarded as the husband
later Han as dao canh thuy nau (ploughing with a blade
of the rice goddess, the toad being an intermediary
and harrowing under water), and vestiges of this form of
whose ‘gnashing of teeth’ heralds rain. Sometimes this
irrigation may still be seen at the archaeological site of
helpful animal is identified with the rice goddess since
Do Linh in Quang Tri province in central Viet Nam. The
its rough skin, like the rice husk, encloses a heart as
Thai, Tay, Nung and other ethnic groups of northern
pure as hulled rice. Heaven is also linked with the water
Viet Nam build canals and dams along the same stream,
goddess, because drought and rain are closely bound up
valleys permitting, and breed fish in it. The Cham irri-
together.24 Rice-growing, according to the linguistic heri-
gate their ricefields using channels. The ancestors of
tage, is the second element to have a close relationship
both the Hmong and the Bach Viet (Thai, Viet, Muong)
with the intangible culture of Viet Nam’s ethnic minori-
domesticated rice and made it their principal
crop21
at a
very early stage.
ties, literature, the arts and religion all drawing inspiration from it. For example, religions borrowed from
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
India and China, such as Buddhism, Confucianism and Slash-and-burn or shifting cultivation takes different
Taoism, have prospered because they were brought into
forms among the different ethnic groups. The burns may
the village festivals and the ancestor cult. Even
move along a straight line or they may go round in a
Catholicism has become more tolerant: it no longer for-
circle. In some cases the cycle is straight-circular-
bids ancestor worship, and it lets its parishioners take
straight.22
One is sometimes surprised, too, to come
part in village festivals. God, or Jesus Christ, is revealed
across hills that have been transformed into terraced
as one supernatural power among others. The Bahnar
ricefields and rock cavities that have been filled in and
Christians and other ethnic groups from the Tay Nguyen
planted with Indian corn and
soya.23
For each form of
cultivation the peasants know how to select appropriate
continue to practise the cult of spirits (yang) and the rite of abandoning the tomb (bo ma), for example.
seeds and efficient tools. With slash-and-burn cultivation, improved techniques sometimes cause the soil to
In a society in which people are often mobilized for
deteriorate, so it is better to use digging sticks than
defence and are continually occupied with rice produc-
picks and ploughs, and a knife rather than a scythe or
tion, women are not confined to household duties.
sickle to reap. A wide variety of tools for tilling, reaping
Their participation in food production is considerable,
and husking are also to be found.
especially in wartime when the men are at the front. The matrilineal system is still apparent among the Cham,
Rice-growing is often represented in the everyday lives
though they practise Brahmanism and Islam. Traces of
and beliefs of the ethnic minorities. In former times the
the matrilineal system are also to be observed to varying
year was divided into two periods – the production
extents among the ethnic minorities of the Annamese
season and the dead season. The festival of the Tet, or
Cordillera, the Central Highlands and the north-west
lunar New Year, was held either when reaping was fin-
region of Viet Nam, and can be seen in temporary
ished or when tilling was about to begin. Seasonal festi-
matrilocal residence, the role of the mother’s brother
vals lasted several months and were very much
(avunculate) and the dominant position of the maternal
community affairs. As rice-growing demands the efforts
and paternal grandmothers, not only within the family
of a whole community and also depends on the whims
but also in society. Confucianism, which is famous for
of the weather, people invoked heaven rather than a cre-
its sexual discrimination, has been toned down, and
ator god, heaven deciding which time was favourable.
parent/child and husband/wife relations are based on a
41
distribution of tasks according to age and gender and on
They had no social, economic or military power.
dialogue and guidance. Three matrimonial systems are
However, they represented their communities at the
to be observed – matrilineal, patrilineal and dual
Vietnamese or Cambodian courts of the time.
descent. Even in the patrilineal ethnic groups (which constitute the majority), the status of women is no less
In this society as yet unaffected by clear social differen-
favourable, with the exception of the Chinese-speaking
tiations, apart from the gap between rich and poor,
groups and a part of the Hmong-Yao. The important
people kept the goods they produced for their own use,
place occupied by women is particularly apparent in the
and accumulated goods they had not produced, such as
border regions, where the men are mobilized by con-
gongs, jars, copper cooking-pots, buffaloes, elephants
flicts and the women are obliged to replace them in
and ornamental objects. Labour was hired out at high
everyday tasks.
prices, and loans were obtained with little or no interest. Servants and slaves were allowed, but they were treated like the children of the family.
to have enjoyed considerable sexual freedom. Evidence of this is to be found in the persistence of fertility rites,
The mountainous regions of north Viet Nam and the
and in the sexual freedom, regardless of the social hier-
provinces of Thanh Hoa and Nghe An used to be ruled
archy but excluding incest, allowed members of a vil-
by feudal lords. The lord, regarded as the representative
lage, a region or an ethnic group on special occasions,
of heaven, watched over the living and the dead in the
such as the O po festivals among the Tay Nung and Yao
whole of the territory of which he was in charge. This
in Quang Ninh province, or the visit to the Tham Le
local lord had to pay dues to the central court and in
grotto among the Thai of Yen Bay and Thanh Hoa pro-
this can be seen the beginnings of an oriental system
vinces. Evidence is also to be found at ceremonies for de-
prior to the transition to a class society, Karl Marx call-
praved spirits, and in licentious games among the Viet.
ing this tributary system the Asian mode of production.26 The lord possessed both divine and temporal
In parts of the Annamese Cordillera and the Central
powers; he was in principle the owner of the whole ter-
Highlands, vestiges of an embryonic state, made up of
ritory. Unlike Western despots, however, the lord levied
several villages and known as Trinh, Kring or Krung, are
taxes on his local representatives, who in turn taxed not
to be found. This state is also represented among the
individuals but villages, the village being the basic
Chor of the district of Cheo Reo (now Ayun Pa) in Gia
administrative unit. It saw to the collection of taxes,
province.25
The king of water, Mtao Pui, and the
provided unpaid labour and military service when
king of fire, Mtao Ea, in Jarai territory, are mentioned in
required, and was entitled in exchange to allocate land,
the official history from the seventeenth to the nine-
ricefields and forest to each family. This method of oper-
teenth centuries. Actually these kings had more duties
ation made possible the persistence of communal rice-
to the community than they had rights, although they
fields and delayed the appearance of private areas. The
were venerated as tribal chiefs. They are rather reminis-
village was made up of individuals of different lineages
cent of the ‘kings’ of Africa and South India, who pos-
living on the same territory who were subject to the
sess a magic-cum-religious power and lead lives out of
same duties vis-à-vis the lord and were entitled to bene-
the ordinary. Thus, they made invocations annually
fit in common from the lands and ricefields. This Asian
before the rice was planted, and in times of flooding or
mode of production was widespread in almost all of Asia
drought. They lived on the edge of the forest, died in
(China, Viet Nam, and so on), and, as a result, these
some unusual way, and their bodies were cremated.
areas experienced neither slavery nor European-style
Lai
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
In the past, women from various ethnic minorities seem
42
feudalism. Ho Chi Minh observed in 1924 (with aston-
the tropical forest and swamps, and they offer proper
ishing insight) that the countries of the Far East had not
protection against reptiles, wild animals and enemies
gone through these two stages – of slavery and serfdom
with rudimentary weapons. Typically, such dwellings
– as had the countries of
Europe.27
have curved roofs and sloping walls that are wider at the
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
top than at the bottom; these can be seen in the scenes Under the Asian system, small tribes were subject to the
engraved on the Dong Son bronze tambour and carved
local chiefs of the larger ethnic groups and were obliged
on Sa Pa’s rocky hillside. Architectural style and interior
to pay tribute to them. These larger groups, in turn, pro-
decoration may vary from one ethnic group to another,
fessed their allegiance by paying tribute to the central
but an important symbolic element is either the buffalo
court. In the seigneurial domains of the Tay, Nung, Thai
horn fixed to the gables of houses in the west and north-
and Hmong, only the ruling class, consisting of lords
west regions, or a kind of fern leaf (called phiac cut by
and notables, received remuneration in the form of farm
the Thai, ksun by the Sedang) that has a variety of aes-
rents, unpaid labour and money. The rest of the popu-
thetic variations. Even more remarkable than the stilt
lation was divided into free peasants – those who were
dwellings are the nha rong long-houses of the Tay
of the same ethnic group as the lord; semi-free peasants
Nguyen ethnic groups, the houses of the local Tay and
– those who came from other ethnic groups; and domes-
Thai chiefs, and the funeral edifices of the Thai, Bahnar,
families.28
Research
Jarai, Rhade and K’tu chiefs. The framework of these
carried out before 1975 on the populations of the
buildings is held together by dowels and ties without
uplands of north Viet Nam further revealed the charac-
using metal parts (nails, bolts, etc.), and this is true even
teristics of traditional Asian society, which is quite dif-
for large buildings, such as the community halls, or
ferent from Western pre-industrial society. This research
dinh, of the Viet in the delta, or of the long-houses of the
helps us to understand, on the one hand, the backward-
Tay Nguyen minorities, which may be some 100 m long.
ness that weighs on the mountain regions of Viet Nam,
While mausoleums and tombs elsewhere are built of
and also on the Far East, and, on the other hand, the
bricks and stone, here burial-places are magnificent
diversity in the development of society from the advent
wood and bamboo pavilions, which the Thai surround
of social classes right up to the pre-capitalist industrial
with banners and the Tay Nguyen minorities decorate
period. Finally, it warns us not to apply conceptions
with the kind of axe-hewn wooden statues admired by
automatically to another pre-industrial society that are
many contemporary artists.
tics – the servants of ruling-class
specific to the West; there bourgeois democratic revolutions led to much speedier progress, particularly in
Bamboo is used for making working tools and domestic
science.
utensils, such as hods, trays and various types of basket decorated with geometrical patterns that are bought by
The use of local raw materials is characteristic of the
tourists as ornaments. It is also used in addition to
various ethnic groups, and such materials are to be
wood, for transport. Ethnic groups in the mountain
found not only in everyday life but also in the realm of
regions use means of transport suited to the rugged ter-
the arts and religion.
rain, such as bamboo hods and hand-barrows. Similarly, bridges, particularly suspension bridges across deep
Stilt dwellings built from such local materials with boat-
gorges, are made of rattan cane, wood and bamboo. For
shaped roofs may be regarded as the most typical feature
river navigation, boats, junks and rafts made of plant
of Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities, and also of South-East
materials are used. The fact that the ancestors of eth-
Asia as a
whole.29
They are well suited to the climate of
nic groups speaking Austronesian or even Mon-Khmer
43
languages came by sea, or, according to legend, dwelt on
Viet Nam and along the Sino-Vietnamese border wear
the coast, explains the navigational talents of Viet Nam’s
northern-type trousers; however, they express their orig-
mountain minorities. The writer Nguyên Tuân, in his
inality through decorative designs and colours and in
well-known work, Sông Da, vividly describes the re-
the way in which the trousers are worn.
markably skilful way in which the Thai shoot the rapids.30 According to legend, the Cham crossed the sea
Also characteristic of each culture are hairstyles, head-
by war boat as far as Thang Long (Hanoi), though today,
dresses, shoes and jewellery. Here, southern elements
no longer able to navigate the seas, they content them-
tend to prevail, although these are often combined with
selves with rivers and canoes and rafts. An in-depth
those of the northern culture. Beauty treatment also
study would reveal vestiges of insular South-East Asia in
varies: the Brau, Jeh and Sedang file their teeth, distend
the river transport of certain ethnic groups in Viet Nam
their ear lobes and tattoo their lips, while the Lao and
today.
Thai tattoo their bodies. Women like to wear necklaces
Plant materials are also very much used in clothing.
iniscent of those of the Dong Son and pre-Dong Son
Formerly, clothes and blankets were made of forest
periods are used as decorative borders on costumes,
materials, in particular the bark of the xui (Anharis toxi-
blankets, shawls and brocades, and as belts and skirt
caris moracoae). Later on, hemp, linen and cotton were
hems in particular.34 There are many different forms of
used to make materials that could be coloured with dyes
ornament including geometrical, twirled, scalloped, stars
obtained by mixing leaves and bark. Recently, however,
with eight points, moons, suns, real or imaginary ani-
people living in remote areas have again been seen using
mals (dragons, monkeys, deer, birds, fish) and plants. Of
clothing and blankets made of
bark.31
this last form, the leaf of the rau don, stylized to resemble a sun or a moon, is most often used. Geometrical
Techniques of cutting and dressmaking are southern
designs are preferred, except among some Nung and
when they use styles like a length of material wound
Tibeto-Burman groups. Ornaments of northern origin
around the body (e.g. a laguti, unsewn skirt, or sarong)
are used by ethnic groups of the north-east to decorate
or costumes made like a poncho. The latter is patterned
their clothes, blankets and mosquito-nets, as well as the
on a primitive model: a strip of bark is soaked in water
vestments worn by tao, or Taoist, priests.
and beaten, then folded and sewn up with three openings for the head and arms. This is a tunic-poncho, and
The diet of the ethnic-minority groups includes gluti-
it has developed into a kind of tunic with sleeves and
nous rice, ordinary rice, Indian corn (among the Hmong
today.32
Southern
in particular), tubers (taro, yam), vegetables, fish and
dress styles have been well studied by Hansen and
other seafoods. The northern ethnic groups often use fat
Izikovitz and differ from the northern model worn by
or vegetable oils for cooking, while others prefer
certain ethnic minorities in the north and north-east of
grilling, stewing or steaming. They have a common taste
flaps which the Thai and the Tay wear
Viet
Nam.33
Among the ethnic groups of the Central
for the sour, spicy and bitter flavours produced by
Highlands, people wear a kind of coat at night or when
condiments and spices such as onion, ginger, garlic,
it is cold. The men wear short jackets and trousers of
peppers and lemon. Alcohol distilled in the northern
the northern type, while most of the women wear skirts
manner is added to the local beer, ruou cân, which is
of various forms, whether cylindrical, cone-shaped,
made from millet, rice or maize, and in recent times
pleated, sewn or wound round the body in one piece.
from manioc, fermented by yeast obtained from the
The women of ethnic groups living in the north-east of
leaves.
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
and wrist and ankle bracelets. Ornamental patterns rem-
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
44
Most ethnic groups have regressed as a result of being
The ethnic minorities have musical instruments of
driven up into the mountains. Their ancestors often
bamboo or stone that are ‘played’ by the wind or water,
ruled kingdoms situated either in the south of China, or
producing pleasing sounds for those watching over the
in the centre of Viet Nam, the lower part of Laos, or
fields and frightening off birds and animals likely to
even in insular South-East Asia. However, ancestral
ravage crops. The lithophone scale is like that of Austric
techniques and crafts have been perpetuated; stone
music. They have their own methods of weighing,
engraving among the Cham, wood sculpture among the
measuring and counting, and they have their own way
Tay Nguyen groups, smithery among the Hmong and
of calculating years, months and days. Musical instru-
Sedang, and casting among the Khmu, for example, are
ments and certain ornamental designs are typical of the
still practised as they were of old, and as mentioned in
Dong Son culture, vestiges of it still being found in cer-
their legends. The Tay Nguyen minorities no longer
tain aspects of the seasonal festivals, for instance, in the
make bronze drums or gongs or cymbals, importing
costumes of ‘supernatural’ beings, in the figure of the
them instead from the delta, Myanmar or Thailand, and
ritual bird or kling klang of the Tay Nguyen populations,
adapting them to obtain the sounds they want. The
or in the eagle sacred to populations that speak Tay-Thai
forge used by the Hmong seems to have been inherited
or Mon-Khmer languages. This figure evokes the bird
from their ancestors, when these were still living in the
Lac, or Hong, that is often engraved on bronze drums
middle region of the Yangtze river and were renowned
and which the Viet regard as their first ancestor.
for their steel sword blades. Nowadays, using rudimentary bellows, they make the harquebus barrels, knives
No account of the traditional cultural features of the
and hatchets that are prized above all others by the
ethnic minorities would be complete without mention
Viets. The technical skill of the seventy Sedang villages
of the ancient writing system of the North-West Thai.
of the To Dra group is also admirable. Using open-air
Derived from Pali and dating back to the sixth century,
forges, they smelt local minerals, and in the slack season
this is regarded by Finot as the earliest of the Thai-Lao
produce enough steel to meet the needs of the north of
writing systems,35 and it has enabled the North-West
the Central Highlands and the lower part of the Lao
Thai, the Black Thai in particular, to conserve thousands
P.D.R. It was their forges which produced the weapons
of documents on fan-palm leaves and local paper36 that
used by the guerrilla patriots a few decades ago.
relate their history, literature and customs. Mention should also be made of the artistic and musical treasure
Early forms of money have been discovered among the
of Viet Nam’s minorities and their various dance forms,
ethnic groups in the mountains including the Cauris
narratives, songs and musical instruments such as litho-
Moneta (yellow cowrie) and dogs’ teeth, and these are
phones, drums, gongs, cymbals and khène. In addition,
now used in jewellery or as ritual objects. They were
ethnographic documents brought back from the field
replaced a long time ago by silver taels, and now people
provide a necessary supplement to archaeology and his-
use Vietnamese dong or objects of equivalent value,
tory. As we have seen, behaviour, ways of carrying and
lengths of fabric, for instance, or buffaloes. In some
transport and the ornamental designs observed among
places, blind purchases are still made in the following
Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities are strangely reminiscent of
way: the seller puts his or her goods in a place pre-
the engravings on stone and bronze of the Dong Son
viously agreed on and the buyer collects them and
period. Similarly, the custom of drinking through the
leaves in exchange his or her goods or an amount of
nose (ti am) mentioned in the Chinese annals of the
money equivalent to the agreed price. No one tries to
Han 2,000 years ago, and later noted by Lê Qui Dôn in
cheat.
the eighteenth century among the La Chi (Kadai), is still
45
current among the La Ha (Kadai) living in the northwest region of Viet
Nam.37
to development will find it difficult to enter a modern industrial society unless supported by other ethnic groups and by the world outside.
Having had the privilege of observing the populations of the mountain region for years, an ethnologist like myself cannot pass over the physical, moral and spiritual qualities of these men and women. They are sincere and generous people, animated by a great spirit of sacrifice.
PROTECTION OF THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE MINORITIES
They have a sense of honour and self-sacrifice, fully applying the motto, ‘One for all, and all for one’. They
Ethnocide is a continuation of genocide;
observe the religious prescriptions and customs of the
not with guns but with culture. (J. M. Azias)
being open to new ideas. One seldom hears insults, and
As we saw earlier, the culture of Viet Nam’s minorities is
brawls are rare occurrences. Relations between parents
in the main an Austric heritage enriched by Indian and
and children or husbands and wives are harmonious,
Chinese influences. However, these exogenous elements
and they respect the elderly. Meetings of neighbours or
have been so transformed and made an integral part of
family connections are very lively occasions. People are
the indigenous culture that the population cannot now
truly courteous to outsiders. At the same time they are
distinguish what is indigenous from what is imported,
courageous and ready to sacrifice their lives to defend
which is why such exogenous elements continue to
their homeland, where they believe they will live again
enrich the national cultural heritage. Elements bor-
after death. They know how to protect springs, avoid
rowed from the diet, dress and housing of the northern
killing female game animals during reproductive per-
culture coexist alongside those from the southern one –
iods, and plant a new tree when they fell one. In this
stilt dwellings alongside houses built on the ground, for
way they can continue to ‘eat the forest’ (Condominas).
example, and ‘Mongolian’ costumes (according to
Despite their simple standards of material comfort, these
Hansen) alongside southern ones. The Pali, Sanskrit and
populations endeavour to give beautiful shapes and
Chinese writing systems have been adopted, but their
attractive colours to their houses, clothes, working
phonetic values have been modified by local pronunci-
tools, utensils and ritual objects. In girls, they value the
ation. Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism and Brahmanism
feminine grace of the Thai phiac cut plant (a kind of
have been combined with local popular beliefs to give
edible fern that grows near streams); in boys, they value
them a more familiar aspect. The doctrinal character of
the air of a tiger devouring its prey. They are fond of the
Catholicism was softened when it was brought to the
figure of an old woman with white hair playing with
Bahnars of the Tay Nguyen towards the end of the nine-
children in a quiet spot, as well as that of a melancholy
teenth century; Jesus is now regarded as one spirit, or
old man with his pipe at sunset. Romantic dances, tragic
yang, among other local spirits. For a long time, even
stories recounting battles and stories telling the struggle
the coins, cars, and in some cases officials employed by
of human beings against nature are part of their tradi-
the French, were regarded as objects or beings inhabited
tional activities and they prefer to watch and listen
by spirits. Similarly, a Cham statue of Brahmanic origin
rather than to talk.
became the spirit Adroh for the Sedang, giving rise to a local legend. Incidentally, and in the same way, tobacco
Given all this, the ethnic minorities living in those
of American origin is called ‘Lao tobacco’ by the Viets in
mountainous regions of Viet Nam that are unfavourable
the delta because it was imported from the Lao P.D.R.,
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
community, while having a thirst for knowledge and
46
while this same tobacco, cultivated in the delta and then
ods and thus had sufficient time to select, transform and
sold to the Thai in the north-west, is called Keo (Viet)
assimilate them.
tobacco. If it returns to the Lao P.D.R. it will be called Kha (Mon-Khmer) tobacco, the Kha having been the
In the past, in fact, it was precisely because of this slow
first to grow it. Similarly, Indian corn is grown by all the
pace of change that an exogenous cultural element could
ethnic groups, but only the Hmong use it as their staple
be received differently by each ethnic or local group and
diet and regard it as a gift from heaven with mythical
transformed into a characteristic which seemed familiar
value. To the Viet of the delta, the banyan and the kapok
to them. These elements were then used as symbols dis-
tree are at once familiar and fearsome, because they are
tinguishing ethnic and local groups living together on
supposed to harbour spirits or genii. To the Sedang and
the same territory. Numerous examples of this can be
Jeh-Trieng, on the other hand, the banyan represents
found in the minorities’ various customs, lifestyles and
immortality and the kapok tree the vitality of the
religious beliefs. Many ethnic groups keep such symbolic
village.
elements secret, since they enable them to recognize one
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
another during migrations. Symbols are apparent in the French colonization undoubtedly introduced Western
intangible culture in the worship of the fire spirit or in
values, such as the beginnings of formal schooling and
the ancestor cult, in that of semi-legendary, semi-real
of Catholicism, but it did not deeply affect the lives of
heroes, for example, or in the choice of a name and in
the minorities or really disturb their culture. The two
social behaviour. The reason for this attachment of
later wars, on the other hand, first against France, and
sacred value to exogenous factors is that at first these
then, above all, against the United States, caused great
represented something new to the population and were
upheavals among the mountain minorities, destroying
introduced in the upper stratum of society. Nowadays,
villages and dispersing populations owing to the policy
however, the population has been engulfed by a multi-
of concentrating the inhabitants in strategic hamlets
form globalized culture, and it has neither the time nor
along with the American forces’ massive air raids. After
the capacity to discern what is of value in it, thus run-
the war it was difficult to find a Thai village intact or an
ning the risk of losing the best for the worst. Clinging at
authentic Thai house in the north-west region. Follow-
all costs to an antiquated past is not an option, but it
ing the war, the whole country went through a period of
would be better to develop harmoniously by striking a
instability, which was very difficult from the socio-
balance between the traditional and the new so as not to
economic standpoint. Then, in 1986, a new era began
lose cultural identity in a maelstrom.
with a policy of more open relationships with the rest of the world. As a result, because of the volume and vari-
Where there is a will there is not always a way, however,
ety of the new information broadcast by the media, the
for Viet Nam is undergoing radical socio-economic
cultural ‘dykes’ protecting the nation and each ethnic
transformation. Intensive farming and forestry are
group, which were thought to be resistant, now seem
spreading throughout the territories in which the ethnic
very vulnerable. Viet Nam wants to remain a full
minorities live. Factories and mines are taking over from
member of the international community, while retaining
cottage industries. Local markets are being flooded with
its own identity and multi-ethnic culture. The danger
cheap mass-produced products. Provision has been
now is ethnocide, committed not with guns but with
made for industrial centres, hydroelectric power stations
culture. This danger is all the more evident now, since
and a trans-Vietnamese highway crossing the Annamese
the indigenous population was formerly subjected to
Cordillera and the Central Highlands. Economic
outside influences in small doses spread over long peri-
changes of this sort lead inevitably to radical changes in
society. Brick houses built by Viets are gradually replac-
Vietnamese Communist Party. This is designed to recog-
ing the wood and bamboo stilt dwellings. Old story-
nize the country’s indebtedness to the minorities, many
tellers smoking pipes in the nha rong long-houses now
of whom dedicated themselves to the national resistance
draw very few people; their knowledge and experience
movement. The territories of the ethnic minorities
no longer interest members of the younger generations,
served as the cradle of the Vietnamese revolution, and
who prefer foreign radio and television programmes.
were the stronghold of anti-French and anti-American
The traditional travelling theatre troupes no longer
resistance, which is still inseparable from evocative
attract the masses: traditional music and dance cannot
names such as Dien Bien Phu, Ban Me Thuoc or the Ho
withstand the onslaught of foreign variety shows. Young
Chi Minh Trail. Yet, as the situation is now urgent
people are abandoning traditional games, such as throw-
regarding the threatened loss of the ethnic minorities’
ing cotton balls (tung con) or the stilts game, to take up
cultural heritage, practical solutions must be found –
football and other imported leisure activities. Some fam-
this can be done with the help of the Vietnamese state,
ilies do not hesitate to use foreign products for cult
with UNESCO’s contribution and with advice from
offerings, instead of the local ones such as taro, gluti-
friends in the international community. The ethnic
nous rice, violet rice, frogs, mice or fish. Faced with
groups concerned must also take the protection of their
such a complex situation, the political and cultural
cultural heritage in hand and propose solutions jointly
authorities are in a predicament, and a miracle cure will
with the appropriate state authorities and the scientific
not be discovered overnight.
community, and with the support of other ethnic groups and progressive organizations and individuals around
The radical industrial and economic changes taking
the world.
place in the Central Highlands and mountain regions are unavoidable, since they help to improve the material
At the root of any solution must be the improvement of
conditions of both the Viet and the minorities, though
the material conditions of the ethnic groups in the
no doubt unequally. For example, for some ten years
upland region in order to establish real economic and
now, to the surprise of the ethnologist Georges
cultural equality between ethnic groups. Experience
Condominas, members of the ethnic minorities in the
shows that once material needs are met, the population
Central Highlands have been abandoning slash-and-
will begin to care about spiritual needs and become
burn cultivation and going instead for flooded-rice cul-
aware of the fact that loss of cultural heritage leads to
tivation and large-scale plantations of, for example,
ethnocide. Alerted to this danger, it will then be able to
coffee and cashew, thus attaining a standard of living at
seek adequate answers, with the appropriate authorities,
least as high as that of the peasants in the delta, if not
to the challenge of protecting its cultural heritage in a
higher. Yet there are also examples that point in the
modern industrial society.
opposite direction. The big dam at Hoa Binh did great harm to ethnic minorities in the villages, for instance,
Results obtained in the economic, social and edu-
who were evacuated and obliged to seek employment
cational fields since national independence in the
elsewhere without being given any preliminary vo-
regions in which the ethnic minorities live have not
cational training.
been insignificant.38 Famine, for example, has been eradicated. However, poverty still affected 25 per cent of
The protection of the ethnic minorities and their cul-
families and between 50 to 60 per cent of people living
tural heritage has been a part of the state constitution
in remote areas in 1993. Even now, in regions favourable
since 1946, and it has been repeatedly restated by the
to intensive agriculture or to industrial development or
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
47
48
that are rich in mineral resources, one comes across
still have no university graduates among their members.
people who are wealthier than those in the delta. But
Some of these groups do not even have children enrolled
poverty is still found among the populations of the high-
at the secondary level. More than 60 per cent of the
land regions that are difficult to reach, affecting some
population are now literate, there being only a few
200,000 people, one-fifth of whom belong to small
isolated spots where illiteracy affects two-thirds of the
groups of fewer than 3,000 or 4,000 inhabitants.
population.
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
Though these people have been provided with the five staple commodities – food, salt, lamp oil, dress material
Great progress has also been made with regard to health.
and medicine – a lack of adequate transport makes it
In 1943 B. Roussel feared that the Rhade, the largest
difficult in some cases to get goods to them. Baskets for
ethnic group in the Central Highlands, would die out in
carrying such goods on the back have very limited
the following fifty years as a result of poor health care.39
capacities. In the social field, advances have been
In fact two-thirds of the names of villages in the moun-
encouraging, ethnic discrimination having been effec-
tainous region of Quang Nam province disappeared
tively ended. Local leaders are now drawn from the
from the map in the space of two or three generations,40
minorities and belong to the organs of the party, the
and only one of the twelve Rmam villages mentioned by
state or the National Front. This is the first time in the
Maître in 1912 still remains.41 Nowadays, however,
history of Viet Nam that representatives of the minori-
infant mortality has been reduced as a result of progress
ties have risen to the centre of power, officials from
in hygiene, and the occasional epidemic is soon brought
ethnic minorities never having risen above provincial
under control. The chief concern today is population
level under French rule. Similarly, under the monarchy,
growth, which in some places is twice as high as it is for
officers from ethnic minorities, after serving in the
the Viets in the delta. A comparison of the census fig-
national army, only became local chiefs in peacetime. At
ures for 1979 and 1989 shows that while the national
present, the minorities are better represented than the
average for the period was 2.1 per cent, for the Tay it
Viet in the different organs of power, accounting for 17
was 2.9 per cent, for the Thai 3.2 per cent, for the
per cent of the National Assembly, while constituting
Hmong/Yao 3.3 per cent, for the Rhade 3.4 per cent and
only 13 per cent of the country’s total population
for the Sedang 3 per cent.42 To prevent too great an
(1997). Heroes from the ethnic minorities are recog-
increase in population, bringing deforestation as a con-
nized as national symbols by the whole country.
sequence, the government has introduced family planning among the ethnic minorities. Mountain minority
Thousands of intellectuals, writers and artists come
families usually run to seven or eight, or ten, children.
from the minorities. Before 1945 only 1 university grad-
In future every effort will be made to restrict families to
uate and a few holders of the school-leaving certificate
three or four children. In general, many difficulties have
came from the minorities, and only 3 lower-secondary
yet to be overcome with regard to the economic and cul-
schools catered to them, leaving nearly all of them illit-
tural development of the mountain regions. Roads need
erate. Now the education system has been extended to
to be built and electricity extended, these being the de-
all the mountain regions: there are primary schools in
cisive elements in the development of a region.
the communes, lower-secondary schools in the districts and upper-secondary schools in the provinces. In 1992
Protecting and developing the cultural heritage of
there were more than 800,000 secondary-school stu-
the minorities means presenting it not only to each
dents, 22,000 university students and 200 doctors and
ethnic group but also to the population as a whole. The
teachers of minority origin. However, 12 ethnic groups
literature, ancient and modern, on Viet Nam’s minorities
49
1 1. Roasting the ceremonial pig for the ceremonies associated with ancestor worship (Gia Lai). © Luu Hung.
2. Sharing the meat with the entire village: each family receives a piece of grilled meat during the ceremonies (Gia Lai). © Luu Hung.
2
50
3 3. In the communal house during a ceremony (Gia Lai). © Luu Hung.
4. Drinking rice alcohol during the grave-abandoning ceremony (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
5. Liturgical offerings during the grave-abandoning ceremony (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
6. The ceremony of buffalo sacrifice (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
7. Putting the buffalo to death (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
8. An offering to the forest spirit (Quang Tri). © Mai Thanh Son.
9. The scene following the ceremony (Quang Tri). © Pham Loi.
10. A man playing a traditional two-stringed instrument (Quang Tri). © Pham Loi.
4
51
5
6
52
7
8
53
9
10
54
11
12
55
13 11. Prayers with the mulah at the mosque (An Giang). © Pham Van Duong.
12. Heating the water of the five perfumes to wash the body of the deceased before burial ceremonies (Ninh Thuan). © Pham Van Duong.
13. Guests feign sadness at a wedding because the bride is leaving for her new life (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
14. Making pottery in the traditional way (Ninh Thuan). © Pham Van Duong.
15. The first meal in a new house (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
16. Food being prepared for those helping to build a new house (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
14
56
15
16
57
is fairly rich, interesting information being found in
the t’rung, the krong but and the khen of the Hmong,
Chinese and Vietnamese annals and in the works of
have been presented in various parts of the country. The
eighteenth-century writers, in particular, Lê Qui Dôn,
National Museum and the provincial museums display
Hoang Binh Chinh, Phan Than Duât, Bui Duong Lich
minority objets d’art and craftware. Two museums are
and Duong Van An. Among the many writers of the
specifically devoted to the ethnic minorities.
Cuisinier, Guilleminet, Robequain, Nguyên Van Huyên
Studies on the minorities, in addition to enabling
and Trân Van Giap might be mentioned, and contem-
researchers to broaden their knowledge, also enable the
porary authors such as Dournes, Haudricourt and
groups concerned to understand their culture better and
Condominas. Despite this rich literature, however,
take pride in it. Cultural values identified by researchers
owing to the difficulty or insecurity of access to their
have been recognized by the state and introduced into
territory, a not insignificant number of ethnic groups has
the everyday lives of the population. Heroes of minority
never been researched, though Ho Chi Minh himself
origin are recognized in official history and have villages
encouraged researchers to study Viet Nam’s mountain
and city streets or squares named after them.
minorities thoroughly. Raising critical consciousness among the minorities also As a result, this situation remains an anomaly since for
implies helping them to understand the danger of eth-
some fifty years all aspects of ethnic-minority society
nocide and the need to turn to their own culture and
have been studied by ethnographers, historians, sociolo-
rediscover their identity. In practice this means helping
gists and economists, including dozens of authors of
the local authorities and cultural administrators to find
minority origin. Continuing the work of the earlier
ways of introducing modern reforms on the basis of the
authors, Vietnamese researchers have managed to prove
traditional culture, since it is no longer possible to
that Viet Nam is inhabited by indigenous populations of
remain forever attached to customs that are inappropri-
southern origin, speaking languages of southern origin,
ate in this day and age. To avoid ethnocentrism in all its
either Austro-Asiatic or Austronesian, and that their cul-
forms, wide expression must be given to progressive
ture, whether southern or Austro-Asiatic, has existed
views and to the notion of equality and fraternity
without interruption from the Hoa Binh period right up
between ethnic groups and between nations.
to the present, passing through the Son Vi, Phung Nguyen and Dong Son periods. The characteristics of
The most effective means of defence for the ethnic
this culture are still evident in the ethnic groups of Viet
minorities and their cultures is for them to open up to
Nam and South-East Asia.
the modern world and accept reforms, while preserving the essential values of their culture. The staunch defence
Thousands of books and articles have been devoted to
of the mother tongue within an ethnic group is not
the minorities, the oral literature, tales and legends of
inconsistent with the acquisition of other languages for
the ethnic groups having been collected and published
the purposes of communication. Protecting the culture
in dozens of volumes. Some works have been translated
of the ethnic minorities also means reforming traditional
into foreign languages, though few have been published
architecture, theatre and costumes, improving diets,
in the languages of the minorities themselves owing to
medicine, games and leisure activities and adapting
technical difficulties. Traditional music and dance, as
them to the modern world. These should also be pre-
well as musical instruments such as the gongs and cym-
sented on the international stage and given a chance to
bals of the Central Highlands, the gongs of the Muong,
become elements in the wider culture of humanity.
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
French colonial period, Guerlach, Bonifacy, Maître,
58
Sometimes an ethnic minority will not readily accept a
and training courses in connection with the preservation
reform or innovation that has not been properly
of the cultural heritage of Viet Nam’s minorities, and
explained. For instance, a model house built on the
other organizations around the world are taking part in
ground may not be accepted, as may a new variety of
research projects.
rice or high-yield plant, or even a house inspired by the nha rong long-house. Generally speaking, imposing
The minorities of Viet Nam have survived the vicissi-
reforms does not work, each minority having its speci-
tudes of history, and we are convinced that they will
ficity and its pride to defend. Therefore, the political and
never be lost, as so many other minorities have been, for
cultural authorities have to adopt an understanding and
they live in a country where the inhabitants recognize
patient attitude until such time as the minorities them-
their contributions, and those of their ancestors, to the
selves discover the wisdom and advantages of a par-
nation as a whole. They will thus be able to defend
ticular project.
themselves, relying on the policy of the party and the
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
state, the support of other ethnic minorities, and the Such an approach has begun to produce encouraging
assistance of international organizations. Despite the
results. The ethnic minorities are agreeing to open up to
many difficulties and the external and internal threat of
the modern world without losing their traditional
ethnocide, there is no doubt that the minorities will be
values. Lithophones and musical instruments made of
able to develop their cultural heritage and be in a pos-
bamboo are starting to interest Vietnamese and foreign
ition to make increasingly significant contributions to
audiences, and an ever-increasing number of works on
Viet Nam’s common culture, as well as to that of human-
Viet Nam’s minorities have been published in France,
ity, following the example of pre-Columbian America
Japan and the United States, as they were earlier in the
and of Africa in the fields of art and architecture. Such is
former Soviet Union. Costumes worn by minority
the wish of Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities, of all progress-
women, especially the Thai, have been the subject of
ive thinkers, and of UNESCO, an organization that con-
studies and exhibitions. Medicines and remedies used
cerns itself with the protection of the culture of all the
by minorities attracted the attention of doctors during
world’s ethnic groups, and of their intangible culture in
the national resistance movement, and now interest tra-
particular.
ditional Vietnamese medicine. People in the delta are discovering a very contemporary form of architecture and decoration in the new style of stilt dwelling. The wooden funerary statues of the Tay Nguyen populations
NOTES
and the decorated gables of their houses are bringing something new to the country’s artistic heritage.
1.
Vietnamese is considered as a mixed language, and the
Viet a mixed ethnic group.
Similarly, since the introduction of the country’s policy
2.
of more open relationships, minority handicrafts (stat-
Viet, the majority ethnic group, with the inhabitants of Viet
ues, jewellery, embroidery and fabrics) have become
Nam as a whole, calling them Vietnamese. In my opinion,
known throughout the country and all over the world as
these terms should be confined to designating all the ethnic
a result of tourism. The works of artists from the
groups of Viet Nam which are registered and recognized as cit-
minorities have been exhibited; troupes of actors have
izens of Viet Nam, or Vietnamese.
given performances in Viet Nam and abroad. Over a
3.
period of four years, UNESCO organized discussions
are to be found among ethnic groups descended from the
Some authors have made the mistake of identifying the
Long poems celebrating the natural wealth of the country
59
Jiang Nam (or Nan), such as the Yao, Hmong and Nung or
tinguish between tangible and intangible culture, for each per-
San Chay.
vades the other. The author merely emphasizes the intangible
4.
culture.
(eleventh century) onwards, was designed to serve the inter-
13.
ests of the court in the face of foreign invasion. It resulted in
Paris, Éditions Sociales, 1958; P. Boiteau, Contribution à l’his-
the establishment of good relations between ethnic groups,
toire de la nation malgache, Paris, Éditions Sociales, 1958.
allowing them access to the citizenship of the majority group.
14.
The state had the sense to respect the autonomy of local chiefs
entre les peuples de l’Asie centrale et de l’Austronésie’, Bulletin
and their customary laws, grant them tax exemption, attach
de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient, No. 7, 1907, pp. 213–63,
them to the mandarinate (by marital alliances and appoint-
and No. 8, 1908, pp. 1–35; C. V. Bishop, ‘Beginning of North
ments), and encourage their exploits.
and South of China’, Pacific Affairs, No. 7, 1937, pp. 292–325;
5.
See Notes towards the Study of Identity and Ethnic
H. G. Creel, La naissance de la Chine, Paris, 1937; W. G.
Characteristics in Viet Nam, edited by the Institut d’Ethno-
Solheim II, ‘New Light on a Forgotten Past’, National Geo-
graphie, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1980 (in
graphic, Vol. 139, 1971.
Vietnamese). D. Bradley considers that the Austro-Asiatic
15.
family of languages consists of two subfamilies, Munda and
Vol. 3, 1967; C. Gorman, ‘Hoabinhian. A Pebble Tool Complex
Mon-Khmer. The latter comprises the Viet-Muong languages,
with Early Plant Association in Southeast Asia’, Science,
the Mon-Khmer of the north, the Bahnaric and Katuic
No. 163, 1969. These two archaeologists discovered two sites
branches and the Mang and Khmer branches. The Tay-Thai,
in the north of Thailand, Non Noc Tha and Tham Phi, which
Kadai, Hmong-Yao and Austronesian languages are included in
provide evidence of early cultivation in South-East Asia.
the Austro-Thai family (see ‘East and South-East Asia’, in
16.
C. Moseley and R. E. Asher (eds.), Atlas of the World’s Lan-
been translated into other languages.
guages, London/New York, Routledge, 1994).
17.
6.
Dang Nghiêm Van, Interethnic Relations in a Multi-Ethnic
able. Not only did it absorb cultural elements from neighbour-
Society, pp. 94–133, Hanoi, Éditions de la Politique, 1993. (In
ing populations, but it assimilated nations which had defeated
Vietnamese.)
and enslaved China, such as the Yuan in the thirteenth century
7.
Nguyên Dinh Khoa, The Ethnic Groups of Viet Nam: An
or the Manchus in the seventeenth. Chinese culture did not,
Anthropological Introduction, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences
however, manage to assimilate Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities, or
Sociales, 1996. (In Vietnamese.)
the Vietnamese nation, which nevertheless endured 1,000
8.
years of Chinese domination.
J. Przyluski, ‘Kol and Munda: A New Aspect of the
N. N. Tchebokxarov, Les Chinois du Nord et leurs voisins,
W. Schmidt, ‘Les peuples Môn-Khmer, trait d’union
W. G. Solheim II, ‘Southeast Asia and the West’, Science,
It is to be regretted that none of their studies has as yet
The assimilating power of Chinese culture is remark-
Austro-Asiatic Problem’, JGIS, Vol. 4, No. 1, 1937.
18.
9.
Nam, Vols. 1 and 2, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales,
See History of Viet Nam, Vols. 1 and 2, Hanoi, Éditions
Institut d’Ethnographie, The Ethnic Minorities of Viet
des Sciences Sociales, 1985. (In Vietnamese.)
1978 and 1983. (In Vietnamese.)
10.
19.
Institut d’Ethnographie (ed.), Problems of Defining the
Dang Nghiêm Van et al., The Ethnic Minority Literature of
Ethnicity of the Minorities of North Viet Nam, Hanoi, Éditions
Viet Nam: Selected Works, 4 vols., Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences
des Sciences Sociales, 1975. (In Vietnamese.)
Sociales, 1992–93. (In Vietnamese.)
11.
20.
J. Poirier (ed.), Ethnologie générale, Paris, Gallimard,
La Van Lô, ‘The Tây’, in La Van Lô and Dang Nghiêm
1972. (Encyclopédie de la Pléiade.)
Van, A Study of the Tây-Thai Language Groups in Viet Nam,
12.
Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1968. (In Vietnamese.)
Here the minorities of the upland region are discussed.
The Chams, the Khmers and the Chinese have been abun-
21.
dantly studied and presented elsewhere. It is not easy to dis-
skilled in rice-growing’.
The Chinese name for the Hmong means ‘those who are
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
This Nhu Viên policy, applied from the Ly dynasty
60
22.
See J. E. Spencer, Shifting Cultivation in Southeastern
Asia, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1966.
Birmanie’, Journal Asiatique, 1912–13.
23.
Growing rice in rock cavities is called tho canh hoc da.
36.
See Dang Nghiêm Van et al., Documents on Thai History.
The peasants carry earth (on their backs) from the foot of the
37.
Garlic, peppers and fragrant leaves are crushed and
mountain to fill a cavity of between 3 and 15
DANG NGHIÊM VAN
plus ancien témoignage sur l’écriture du canon Pâli en
m3.
Each trip
mixed with water. The liquid extracted is collected in a gourd
may take several hours.
and poured into the nostrils. A doctor once observed that
24.
these are perhaps the first people to use garlic both to cure a
While the rice goddess (or the toad) is attending to the
rice granary, heaven comes down to live with the water god-
cold and as a tonic.
dess, which makes the water pleasant. With the coming of the
38.
tilling season, the rice goddess, or the toad, wakes up to the
Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1989 (in Vietnamese);
absence of her husband heaven and gnashes her teeth to make
Bê Viêt Dang (ed.), The Ethnic Minorities of Viet Nam in the
him return. Heaven comes back and calls his wife. This is the
Past Fifty Years, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1995
first thunder of spring.
(in Vietnamese); Bê Viêt Dang (ed.), The Ethnic Minorities and
25.
Development in the Highlands, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences
Dang Nghiêm Van (ed.), Tây Nguyên Developing, Hanoi,
See Dang Nghiêm Van (ed.), The Highlands Developing,
Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1989. (In Vietnamese.)
Sociales, 1995 (in Vietnamese).
26.
39.
Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Pre-Capitalist Economic For-
B. Y. Jouin, ‘Enquête démographique du Darlac,
mations, trans. F. Cohen, International Publishers, 1964.
1943–1944’, BSEI, Vol. 25, No. 3, 1950.
27.
40.
A. Ruscio, Hô Chi Minh. Textes 1914–1969, pp. 69–74,
Dang Nghiêm Van, Basic and Critical Socioeconomic
Paris, L’Harmattan, 1999.
Problems in the Quang Nam Mountain Region, Da Nang, Comité
28.
des Minorités de Quang Nam/Da Nang, 1987. (In Vietnamese.)
Dang Nghiêm Van (ed.), Documents on Thai History and
Society, Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1975. (In
41.
Vietnamese.)
present only one village remains where it was before. A group
29.
of 87 Rmam evacuated by the Americans at Kontum have now
Some minorities on the Sino-Vietnamese border live in
H. Maître, Les jungles Moï, Paris, Larousse, 1912. At
houses built on the ground like those of the Viet in the delta,
been assimilated into the Bahnar group (Dang Nghiêm Van).
but the community hall (dinh) is regarded as a vestige of the
42.
stilt dwelling.
ments and Solutions, p. 254, Hanoi, Éditions de la Politique
30.
Nationale, 1997. (In Vietnamese.)
Nguyên Tuân, Sông Da [The Black River], pp. 220–8,
Pham Xuân Nam (ed.), Changing Social Policies. Argu-
Hanoi, Éditions de la Littérature, 1960. 31.
See Nguyên Ngoc’s film, Tây Nguyên Culture, and P. L.
Seitz, Des hommes debout. Les montagnards du Sud Vietnam,
REFERENCES
Paris/Fribourg, Éditions St Paul, 1997. 32.
La Van Lô and Dang Nghiêm Van, A Study of the Tây-
B Ê V IÊT D ANG (ed.). 1995. The Ethnic Minorities of Viet Nam
Thai Language Groups in Viet Nam, Hanoi, Éditions des
in the Past Fifty Years. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences
Sciences Sociales, 1968. (In Vietnamese.)
Sociales. (In Vietnamese.)
33.
H. H. Hansen, Mongols costums, Copenhagen, 1955, and
——. 1995. The Ethnic Minorities and Development in the
‘Some Costumes of Highland Burma’, Etnologiska Studier,
Highlands. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In
No. 24, Göteburg, 1962; K. G. Izikovitz, ‘Quelques notes sur
Vietnamese.)
les costumes de Puli Akha’, Ethnos, No. 4, 1953. 34.
See Trân Tu, Muong Ornamental Patterns, Hanoi, Éditions
Dân Tôc, 1978. (In Vietnamese.) 35.
L. Finot, ‘Un nouveau document sur le Bouddhisme et le
B ISHOP , C. V. 1937. Beginning of North and South of China. Pacific Affairs, No. 7, pp. 292–325. B OITEAU , P. 1958. Contribution à l’histoire de la nation malgache. Paris, Éditions Sociales.
61
C REEL , H. G. 1937. La naissance de la Chine. Paris.
Van, A Study of the Tây-Thai Language Groups in Viet
D ANG N GHIÊM VAN (ed.). 1975. Documents on Thai History
Nam. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In
Vietnamese.)
Vietnamese.) M AÎTRE , H. 1912. Les jungles Moï. Paris, Larousse.
——. 1987. Basic and Critical Socioeconomic Problems in the
MARX, K. [before 1859]. Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen
Quang Nam Mountain Region. Da Nang, Comité des
Ökonomie. N.p. [first published in Russian, Moscow,
Minorités de Quang Nam/Da Nang. (In Vietnamese.)
1939–41; in German, Berlin, 1952; in English, Grundrisse
——. (ed.). 1989. Tây Nguyên Developing. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) ——. (ed.). 1989. The Highlands Developing. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) ——. 1992–93. The Ethnic Minority Literature of Viet Nam: Selected Works (4 volumes). Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) ——. 1993. Interethnic Relations in a Multi-Ethnic Society. Hanoi, Éditions de la Politique. (In Vietnamese.) F INOT , L. 1912–13. Un nouveau document sur le Bouddhisme et le plus ancien témoignage sur l’écriture du canon Pâli en Birmanie. Journal Asiatique. G ORMAN , C. 1969. Hoabinhian. A Pebble Tool Complex with Early Plant Association in Southeast Asia. Science, No. 163. H ANSEN , H. H. 1955. Mongols costums. Copenhagen. ——. 1962. Some Costumes of Highland Burma. Etnologiska Studier, Vol. 24. Göteborg. History of Viet Nam. 1971. Vols. 1 and 2. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) I NSTITUT D ’E THNOGRAPHIE (ed.). 1980. Notes towards the Study of Identity and Ethnic Characteristics in Viet Nam. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.)
– Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations, trans. F. Cohen, International Publishers, 1964]. M OSELEY , C.; A SHER , R. E. (eds.). 1994. East and South-East Asia. Atlas of the World’s Languages. London/New York, Routledge. N GUYÊN D INH K HOA . 1996. The Ethnic Groups of Viet Nam: An Anthropological Introduction. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) N GUYÊN N GOC . 1998. Tây Nguyên Culture. Film in collaboration with Lê Duc Tiên and Dang Nghiêm Van. (In Vietnamese.) N GUYÊN T UÂN . 1960. Sông Da [The Black River], pp. 220–8. Hanoi, Éditions de la Littérature. P HAM X UÂN N AM (ed.). 1997. Changing Social Policies. Arguments and Solutions. Hanoi, Éditions de la Politique Nationale. (In Vietnamese.) P OIRIER , J. (ed.). 1972. Ethnologie générale. Paris, Gallimard. (Encyclopédie de la Pléiade.) P RZYLUSKI , J. 1937. Kol and Munda: A New Aspect of the Austro-Asiatic Problem. JGIS, Vol. 4, No. 1. R USCIO , A. 1999. Hô Chi Minh. Textes 1914–1969. Paris, L’Harmattan. S CHMIDT , W. 1907. Les peuples Môn-Khmer, trait d’union
——. 1975. Problems of Defining the Ethnicity of the Minorities
entre les peuples de l’Asie centrale et de l’Austronésie.
of North Viet Nam. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales.
Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient, No. 7,
(In Vietnamese.)
1907, pp. 213–63; No. 8, 1908, pp. 1–35.
——. 1978, 1983. The Ethnic Minorities of Viet Nam, Vols. 1 and 2. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In Vietnamese.) I ZIKOVITZ , K. G. 1953. Quelques notes sur les costumes de Puli Akha. Ethnos, No. 4. J OUIN , B. Y. 1950. Enquête démographique du Darlac, 1943–1944. BSEI, Vol. 25, No. 3. L A VAN L Ô . 1968. The Tây. In: La Van Lô and Dang Nghiêm
S EITZ , P. L. 1997. Des hommes debout. Les montagnards du Sud Vietnam. Paris/Fribourg, Éditions St Paul. S OLHEIM II, W. G. 1967. Southeast Asia and the West. Science, Vol. 3. ——. 1971. New Light on a Forgotten Past. National Geographic, Vol. 139. S PENCER , J. E. 1966. Shifting Cultivation in Southeastern Asia. Berkeley, University of California Press.
Preservation and development of the cultural heritage
and Society. Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales. (In
62
T CHEBOKXAROV , N. N. 1958. Les Chinois du Nord et leurs
DANG NGHIEM VAN
voisins. Paris, Éditions Sociales.
T RÂN T U . 1978. Muong Ornamental Patterns. Hanoi, Éditions Dân Tôc. (In Vietnamese.)
63
The ethnic minorities and their languages HOANG VAN MA
THE LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE OF VIET NAM
situation is not quite the same and, in fact, might appear quite different, as follows:
In the spheres of sociological and anthropological study,
there are those who cannot see the difference between
village (Chiem Hoa, Tuyen Quang).
classifying ethnic communities in terms of linguistics
and in terms of ethnology. If a classification is based on
guage. Nowadays the Tong people in Truong Son (Yen
ethnology, then the main criteria are history and culture,
Son, Tuyen Quang) use the Dao language in their every-
though language is still an important factor. If, on the
day exchanges, and only elderly Tong people can
other hand, classification is made from the perspective
remember the original Tong language to any extent.
of linguistics alone, then linguistic standards alone are
used. All over the world ethnic groups use English and
(Lao Cai) today are regional groups of the Tay ethnic
French, yet the colonized people remain Algerians,
group. However, examined purely from the point of
Australians or Canadians with French or English roots.
view of linguistic classification, they speak independent
Some concrete examples follow that will allow us to
languages that have many aspects in common and are
compare the two methods of classification in use in
closer to the Thai language than to the Tay.
Viet Nam.
The Thuy language is still used in Thuong Minh The Tong language is about to become a dead lan-
The Pa Di and the Thu Laos in Muong Khuong
The San Chay ethnic minority consists of two
ethnic groups, the Cao Lan and the San Chi. The Cao In the Tay-Thai (Kam-Thai) groups, an examination
Lan speak a language belonging to the Tay-Thai group,
from the ethnological angle shows that there are eight
while the San Chi speak one belonging to the Han.
ethnic groups – the Tay, Thai, Nung, San Chay (Cao Lan-San Chi), Giay, Lao, Lu and Bo Y. However, an
Thus, although there are eight ethnic groups in the Tay-
examination from the linguistic angle shows that the
Thai group, there are thirteen languages present.
64
Many of the Viet-Muong group researchers, including
Gie language, the rate of commonality between the Ha
foreigners, have paid particular attention to these
Lang and Gie languages being 81 per cent, while that
languages because of their closeness to the Vietnamese
between the Ha Lang and the Xe Dang is only 63 per
language. However, to this day no one has been able to
cent.1 Likewise, there are situations where the language
confirm the number of languages in this group.
of a group ‘creates’ an ethnic-group identity, as is the
Currently, there are four ethnic groups in the Viet-
case with the Gie-Trieng, Co, Xo Dang, Co Tu, Ta Oi
Muong group – the Kinh, Muong, Tho (sometimes
and Bru-Van Kieu, due to their historical situation and
referred to as the Cuoi or Pong) and the Chut. Linguisti-
to the fact that they live in close proximity to each other,
cally speaking, some researchers also recognize the exis-
and here linguistic identity does not correspond exactly
tence of four languages, with others asserting that there
to ethnic-group identity. This is without mentioning
are seven, the Chut having three different languages in
those groups that have lost their mother tongue but still
this calculation: Arem, Sach (which consists of both
acknowledge their origins, as is the case for a number
May and Ruc) and Ma Lieng. For its part, the Tho ethnic
of ethnic-minority groups in Tay Bac and in western
group is divided into the Cuoi and the Pong. These fac-
Nghe An.
HOANG VAN MA
tors, which concern the Viet-Muong group alone, raise enough issues to warrant a re-examination of the com-
An examination of the number of people who speak the
position of languages in Viet Nam.
various ethnic-minority languages in Viet Nam presents us with these different classes:
The Hoa and Ngai ethnic groups belong to the Han
group, it being generally believed that ‘Hoa’ was a name
500,000: the Tay, Thai, Khmer, Muong, Hmong and
originally used to distinguish people of Chinese descent.
Dao;
These days many people living in the cities and in the
Mekong delta are called Hoa, while those living in the
ween 100,000 and 500,000: the Gia Rai, Ede, Cham, Xo
countryside in northern Viet Nam (usually in the moun-
Dang and Hre;
tain regions) and in the south are called Ngai or Xa
Phang, perhaps because their lifestyles are different to
speakers: the Co Ho, Raglay, Mnong, Tho, Ha Nhi and
those of city folk. The question remains as to whether
Xinh Mun;
the Ngai and the Hoa speak one language or two.
languages where the number of speakers exceeds
languages where the number of speakers is bet-
languages with between 10,000 and 100,000
languages with between 1,000 and 10,000 speak-
ers: the La Chi, Phu La, Khang, Mang, Co Lao, Bo Y, La The languages described above have been studied to a
Ha and Co ong;
certain extent by way of the social sciences. But there
are many languages in Truong Son-Tay Nguyen (primar-
Pupeo, Ro Man, Brau and O Du.
languages with fewer than 1,000 speakers: the Sila,
ily in Gia Lai and Cong Tum provinces and in the mountainous province of Quang Nam-Quang Ngai) where the
Statistics show that as many as twenty-six ethnic groups
situation is more complicated still. The languages there
possess their own scripts. However, from a historical
have yet to be examined and understood, and, from the
point of view, each script is on a different rung of the
point of view of linguistics, there are still many unan-
ladder with regard to function and status. It is therefore
swered questions. The people we call Ha Lang in Dac
possible to divide them into a number of types.
Sut, for example, might be regarded as a regional group of the Xe Dang from the point of view of ethnicity.
There are traditional systems that follow the Sanskrit
However, the Ha Lang language is closely related to the
form, such as the systems of the Cham and the Khmer
65
in the south and the Thai Tay in the north. These scripts
for primary-school teaching and for the recording of
have existed for centuries, and have been part of the cul-
cultural texts.
tural foundations and beliefs of these ethnic groups for countless generations. Writing systems following the
Besides the writing systems discussed above, no doubt
Han (Chinese) form, such as the Tay, Nung, Dao and
others have also been created for use by other ethnic
San Diu, came into being later, but still made their mark
groups. However, in general, this has not been the case.
on the ethnic groups’ way of life.
Yet there is no need to create writing systems for each of
At the beginning of the last century, the French created
solution. After investigating all the languages of the dif-
scripts for the Ba Na, Ede, Gia Rai and Co Ho using the
ferent groups, linguistic experts could perhaps develop a
Latin alphabet, and these were used in schools to an
common alphabet for use by each. Though each ethnic
extent for years, as well as for various cultural activities
group wants a writing system, we only need to choose
within the ethnic communities themselves. Similarly, the
one satisfactory symbolic system that can be adapted to
Vietnamese state created writing systems based on the
denote the tonal systems and vocabularies of the various
Latin alphabet for a number of ethnic groups, such as
languages.
the Tay Nung, Hmong and Thai in the north in the early 1960s. For a decade or two, these had an enormous impact in many areas of life, such as education, culture
LANGUAGES AND THEIR TRANSCRIPTION
and broadcasting, although they are now no longer used. Because language policy is a part of ethnic policy, the When Viet Nam was divided, issues surrounding written
Government of Viet Nam has given strong backing to
and spoken languages were sometimes not given the
the issue of linguistics. This includes commitment to
attention that they had previously enjoyed. This situ-
the equal rights of all languages; aid for all the ethnic
ation especially affected ethnic groups having written
groups to develop linguistically and culturally; and
languages, such as the Ede, Gia Rai and Ba Na. The war
encouragement to each ethnic group to study the official
played a role in attempts at conserving the written cul-
national language as well as its own language.2
ture, however, since the written languages were seen as useful tools in foreign proselytizing. Wherever Cathol-
In other words, the language policy has two fundamen-
icism, and especially Protestantism, went, ethnic cul-
tal points – ‘equality’ and ‘free volition’. Equality here
tures sank into oblivion, but representatives of the
obviously does not mean that every language be
Linguistics Institute would go into the Western High-
accepted as fully equal; such a policy would not be real-
lands over the summers and swiftly create writing sys-
istic, since the reality of each is different, and the
tems for tens of ethnic groups, which would then be
number of speakers of each language, their dispersal and
used for primary-school books and for editions of the
cultural depth, needs to be considered. The Cham, Hre
Bible. Languages for which writing systems were created
and Co Ho have similar population figures, for example,
in this way include Co Tu, Mnog, Bru-Van Kie, Xtieg,
and therefore their languages enjoy rough equality. But
Raglay, Churu, Ma, Paco, Xo Dang, RoNgao, Hre and
the Cham language, which is linked to the Champa cul-
Gie. Generally speaking, such methods of writing these
ture, has also influenced many neighbouring ethnic
languages lasted only a short time, and the scripts did
groups, and therefore should perhaps be accorded prece-
not make a lasting impression on people. However, they
dence in any official language policy. Because of Cham’s
are being revised today in order to make them suitable
major cultural role, it is more important than the other
The ethnic minorities and their languages
the country’s fifty-four ethnic groups: there is an easier
66
languages. Similarly, whereas the Tay have a population
ties – their legends, poems and folk-songs, as well as the
approaching 1 million and live concentrated in the Viet
stories associated with funerals, weddings, religious festi-
Bac region, the Sila and Pupeo ethnic groups have small
vals and other ceremonies. Though ethnic-minority liter-
populations and live interspersed with other ethnic
ature was collected and popularized to some degree in
groups. Therefore, though the languages spoken by
the past, and though this was a valuable achievement,
these ethnic groups all enjoy formal equality, realistically
such projects usually aimed to translate the works col-
some have greater potential than others. On the basis of
lected into the official national language, with the result
these considerations, and drawing on experience of past
that there are today few works published in the minority
successes and defeats in language policy, we need to
languages. Yet no matter how well a translator may know
develop an awareness of what needs to be done and of
a language, a part of the author’s work will inevitably be
what should or should not be done with the spoken and
lost in translation, especially when it comes to comic sto-
written minority languages.
ries, or stories where the main point is their poetry. Furthermore, the fact that works are only available in translation obviously does not allow researchers the opportunity to identify linguistically interesting pieces.
HOANG VAN MA
WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE
Therefore we need to publish both translations and the originals of texts in ethnic-minority languages, in order
We need gradually to investigate, according to available
that these texts may be preserved.
resources, all the ethnic-minority languages of Viet Nam. This is fertile ground for research and attracts
Furthermore, there need to be incentives to encourage
researchers from all over the world. We need to present
people to use and preserve the minority languages, since
the questions to be researched by the various institutes
language constitutes culture. The language of a minority
and researchers proactively, a task that has been growing
group is a tool of interaction; being the expression of the
and that continues to grow in size, since we cannot
‘spirit’ of a people, a language is a sacred legacy passed
afford to lose even one of these precious natural
on from generation to generation. Every language is
resources.3
There is, however, an asymmetry here
used both in everyday life – in the family, the village, the
between our aims and those of foreign researchers. For
market – and in wider circles such as school where
whereas foreign researchers tend to take the languages
teaching can take place in the minority language, in cul-
of Viet Nam as a base from which to develop a theoreti-
tural activities, in the arts (for example in oral tradi-
cal system of linguistics, or to perfect whatever linguis-
tions) and in all political work, both at the communal
tic theory they subscribe to, our research aims are more
and district levels. Here, while documents tend to be in
pressing, since they aim at practical outcomes, even
the official national language, they are communicated
though they do not overlook important theoretical ele-
and debated in the minority language, such bilingualism
ments. For us, the main aim of studying the ethnic
having an important reach.
minorities’ written and spoken languages is to serve bilingual education – as a means of teaching, of raising intellectual standards and of conserving the original cultures of the ethnic groups concerned.
WHAT IS MOST URGENT
Parallel to this work of linguistic research is that of
This concerns in particular those minority groups that
recording the cultural and literary heritage of the minori-
have a written language or will shortly have one. The
67
first issue to be discussed is the relationship between the
how that language should be studied. These questions
official national language and the minority language in
are difficult to answer, and they are generally answered
terms of unity and equality. Regarding unity first of all,
in the same way. They are complementary questions in
every citizen of Viet Nam, whatever his or her ethnicity,
the sense that if the first has not been answered satisfac-
has one common language, Vietnamese, which is the
torily, then merely answering the second and instituting
official national language. The Vietnamese ethnic-minor-
the study of minority languages in the school environ-
ity groups all recognize its privileged role and regard its
ment solves nothing; no one is better off if no one
study as a matter of urgency. The second issue concerns
knows why it is thought necessary to study this or that
equality among the country’s written and spoken lan-
minority language. The teaching of minority languages
guages, but ‘equality’ does not imply egalitarian advo-
in school should aim, we think, at the preservation and
cacy. Proportionate choices need to be made between the
development of minority culture, including languages,
official national language and the minority languages so
and at helping minority students to achieve a better
that the demands of progress may be met. Although such
level in Vietnamese.
based on an analysis of past experience. There are some
The introduction of minority languages into schools is,
functions that only the minority languages can perform;
therefore, done principally for cultural rather than edu-
others can be performed by both languages, although
cational reasons. To understand a language fully and to
duplication should be avoided; yet others should be per-
master it, it must be systematically studied using study
formed in the official national language.
aids, and there is a need for research to be done on these. Only through study can one appreciate the sub-
Once this awareness is in place, we can examine the
tleties of language that come to us out of the past. The
functions played by the minority languages and scripts.
Tay people say, ‘Po xac phing fây an po chan phing fây
As outlined above, within a given community the func-
com,’ meaning that whereas a hardworking person who
tions of the language of that community are not limited
warms him- or herself by the fire turns away from it, a
to any single function, and the role of the written lan-
lazy person will turn towards it, their respective pos-
guage is more complicated still. This is all the more true
tures indicating whether they are hardworking or lazy.4
in that no mention has been made thus far of the exist-
To express the idea of doing something which is unnec-
ing twenty-six written languages, discussion having
essary, the Vietnamese say ‘taking wood to the forest’
been limited mainly to attempts to design writing sys-
and the Tay say ‘carrying water to the well’. Those work-
tems for those that did not have a script. While it is true
ing on a minority culture should be fluent both in
that these twenty-six languages answer important social
Vietnamese and in the minority language. Otherwise
needs, and that they are consonant with the linguistic
they cannot be entrusted with the task of preserving
policy of the state, nevertheless the role of the minority
and developing minority culture, including minority
written languages is a concern for the authorities, as it is
language.
for educational and cultural specialists. Some concrete examples of their possible role are presented below.
We should remember some issues from the rather recent past. In northern Viet Nam, minority languages were
Education
introduced at primary-school level as part of three literacy projects. However, following an experimental
When it is desired to introduce a minority language into
period, a number of parents and cadres expressed con-
the school curriculum, questions arise as to why and
cern that the policy seemed to be slowing down the
The ethnic minorities and their languages
choices are made without constraint, they should be
68
minority children’s progress.5 Accordingly, the exper-
Literature, the arts and the mass media
iment was brought to an end. Minority pupils, using their own transcription, now study in the official
The transcription of minority languages is a matter of
national language. However, the quality of study has not
some concern. The main task is to rehabilitate, preserve
improved and standards are falling. Planners should
and develop minority culture: collectors and researchers
now find a way to overcome these difficulties, as minor-
must know a minority language in order to do this.
ity children wishing to study have to learn Vietnamese as early as they can.
Hence the importance of recording the folklore of these population groups is quite understandable. Cultural
Given such difficulties in areas where children enter
leaders should be encouraged to write poems in minor-
school unable to speak Vietnamese, teachers must be
ity languages in view of the importance of literary works
conversant in both Vietnamese and the minority lan-
for the communities. The development of minority lan-
guage, for the language barrier can only be overcome by
guages should thus contribute to promoting minority
language. Only the teacher can help and teach minority
culture and literature.
pupils in their own language, helping them to underHOANG VAN MA
stand works in Vietnamese. Teachers now have to
Other areas
explain an increasing number of Vietnamese words, and the minority languages come in useful here. But if the
The transcription of minority languages could also be
pupils themselves have no writing system for their own
useful in spreading basic scientific knowledge. Little has
language, how will they be able to write down equiv-
so far been done to enrich minority languages with
alents for Vietnamese terms? For all these reasons, extra
scientific terminology. Existing terms should be bor-
time is needed to teach minority languages in order to
rowed from Vietnamese, or new ones created, with an-
meet these cultural and educational aims. The study of
notations in Vietnamese or else in foreign languages for
minority languages can help pupils to learn the official
purposes of precision, which is of course essential in the
national language more quickly.
field of medicine.6
However, a certain number of conditions have to be met.
Minority languages have rarely been used for adminis-
The education system today is nationally uniform. But
trative purposes. Rather, they have been applied to cul-
the educational conditions for each of these groups of
tural ends for the minorities and the protection of their
pupils – minority and majority – are quite different. For
cultures, as in the case of the national culture. If the
the minorities, schools are generally far from home,
minority languages prove to be operative and easy to
children need to work to help their families, and there is
use, the government may well use them in legislation
no electricity, so they cannot study after sunset. School
and information programmes.
equipment is lacking and the standard of teachers is generally quite low. Bilingual textbooks should be designed for minority pupils and special teaching aids prepared for teachers in minority areas.
NOTES 1.
This is because from the ethnological perspective the Ha
Lang people of Dac Sut acknowledge Ha Lang people from other regions as their kin, even though they live with the Gie.
69
During the wars of resistance and campaigns in which
study languages that Vietnamese researchers have not studied,
the people fought the enemy, revolutionary cadres who were
such as Tong, Thuy, Co Lao, La Chi, Ruc and Sec.
not themselves members of the minorities were usually expert
4.
in the language of the region. At the end of the war, the study
wood and thus can have a big fire that warms the faces of
of minority languages lapsed, something which is to be regret-
people around it. For this reason, they turn away from the fire.
ted. The state should encourage cadres from the majority
The lazy person, on the other hand, does not collect firewood,
groups working with the ethnic groups to speak the language
and so the fire consists mostly of ashes, and he or she has to
of the regions.
bend down to it to get warm, and even then cannot do so.
3.
5.
In the 1970s and 1980s, scientists from the former
This is the case because good workers collect a lot of
Because the minority language did not have the neces-
Soviet Union spent much time and money investigating the
sary vocabulary, advancing to secondary education meant
ethnic languages of Viet Nam. To date they have studied sev-
changing to the national official language. Furthermore, since
enteen languages, most of which remain unknown to the
each minority has regional groups and each language many
world at large. European and American researchers have also
dialects, it would be very difficult for all the children to use
spent an enormous amount of time studying the languages of
the same set of textbooks.
ethnic groups in the remote areas of Tay Bac, Ha Giang, Tua
6.
Thieh and Quang Binh, and currently they are also keen to
and sometimes from the English, French or Latin.
Sometimes these are taken from the source language, The ethnic minorities and their languages
2.
71
Visual arts and creativity PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
From the foot of the Fan-si-pan, Indo-China’s highest
either end with sculptured motifs, lending the upper part
peak (the Hoang Lien Son range in the north of Viet
of the house the aspect of a domed tortoise-shell.
Nam), to the Di Ling plateau, a tangle of mountains, forests and streams extends along the border between
Further south, in the Central Highlands (Tay Nguyen),
Viet Nam and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic.
a land of forests, mysterious mountains and gongs, the
This area is the home of various ethnic minorities, such
big long-houses on piling (nha rong, nha guol) to be
as the Khomu, Xinh Mun, Khang, Mang, Odu, Ro Mam,
found in every indigenous village are splendidly monu-
Brau, Cor, Ta Oi, Xo Dang, Bahnar, Bru/Van Kieu, Gie-
mental in appearance. It is in these community centres
Trieng, Co Tu, Hre, Chu-Ru, Co Ho, Ma, Khmer (Mon-
that the rich creativity of the local architects and sculp-
Khmer linguistic family), Muong, Tho, Chut (Viet-
tors is given full rein. The sculpted ornamental motifs
Muong family) and the Tay, Thai, Lao, Lu and Cao-lan
decorating the entire ridge of these meeting-places are
(Tay/Thai family). All of them live in stilt dwellings,
typical of the tradition and originality of the wood carv-
which set the architectural style peculiar to this zone and
ing of the minorities. Everywhere north and south, the
form the backbone of the Indo-Chinese peninsula with
sculpted motifs adorning the entire ridge or gables of
its mixture of ancient cultures of mainland and insular
long-houses and homes are therefore an original form of
South-East Asia. A very wide variety of types of stilt
decoration, still current in our time and closely bound
dwelling are to be found. While the commonest have
up with the cultural and spiritual life of people who
roofs of four surfaces – two of which are wide and two
lived by hunting and gathering before they turned to
narrow – the types of stilt dwelling peculiar to the Black
farming.
Thai and to the Kho Mu in the Tay Bac region (northwest of Viet Nam) are more characteristic. The sloping
The theme of these motifs was usually a vegetable, rau
surfaces of the roofs are curved and the ridge rises at
don, used for human food from prehistoric times, or a
72
pair of buffalo horns. These two familiar everyday
ment of the folk architectural ensembles of the Thai vil-
objects, which are nevertheless sacred symbols, are an
lages. These little gardens are the aesthetic expression of
integral part of the cultural and spiritual life of the
people inspired by the immensity, depth and profusion
indigenous populations. These motifs, which underwent
of the forests and mountains. Only the Black Thai have
changes over succeeding generations, reveal the pro-
the gift of adding these original happy touches to their
found reality of the creative inspiration of these popu-
homes.
lations and the great artistic value of their work. The architecture and decorative arts of mainland South-East
As well as the wealth of ornamentation on the ridge-
Asia may have accomplished here the first stages on the
pieces of their dwellings, the Black Thai have created
road of artistic creation, before being influenced by
decorative elements to equip their windows with arm-
India and China.
rests (tang coi). There again, the end of the ridge-piece, the apex above the entrance of the house, is surmounted
Around the Mekong Delta I have observed the existence
by the khau cut, a decorative object in wood consisting
of a transitional art. In fact, what one finds when admir-
of two crossed branches representing a buffalo’s horns.
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
ing the pagodas of the Khmer phum and soc (villages and communes) – the Khleang pagoda among others
With their khau cut and tang coi motifs, as highly refined
(Quartier 6, Soc Trang, built in 1533 and restored some
today as in the past, the Thai make their contribution to
eighty years ago) – is a tapering three-storied roof
the architectural heritage of Viet Nam’s ethnic minori-
adorned with the sacred serpent Naga, its coils unfold-
ties. These motifs of Thai sculpture, symbolizing pros-
ing high into the sky. The projecting edges of the roof
perity and family happiness, bring out the lyrical and
surfaces represent dragons (phu chong in Cambodian),
humanistic features of their cultural and artistic life.
with their heads and dorsal fins protectively uplifted skywards. This is a transitional art, for in it there is a
It is worth noting, too, that the Thai manage to combine
combination of decorative motifs peculiar to the culture
beauty and utility in the boats, as elegant and light as
of South-East Asia and others showing Hindu influence.
swallows, that ply the River Da (from Lai Chau province
It reflects the characteristic originality of Indo-Chinese
to Hoa Binh province) and the River Nam Na in Lai
architecture, taking its inspiration from the architectural
Chau. While these piraguas resemble those to be found
decoration of the indigenous ethnic minorities, which is
in many parts of the world, they are unique by reason of
still to be seen today.
their delicate carving and their slender, airy lines. The result is a graceful form with a soaring tailpiece at the
Also to be observed are the refined interior and exterior
stern. If the Thai have given their boats the lines of a
decoration of the homes and, especially, the magnificent
swallow, it is no doubt to adapt them to the tortuous
architectural ensemble of the muong (villages) of the
waterways with their swirling currents and abrupt
Black Thai in the Tay Bac region. Setting off the har-
cascades.
monious beauty of the roofs in the form of a tortoiseshell, the Black Thai customarily make suspended
The Thai vessels resemble the swallow in its flight above
flower-beds called xum hom bua in the recesses of the
vast expanses of water reflecting sky and clouds. They
front floor (quan in Thai) and the back floor (chan). In
thread their way through narrow valleys and big rocks,
these xum hom bua (long tree-trunks hollowed out and
then flit down from the top of a mountain to the depths,
planted with onions and aromatic vegetables) lush green
just as a swallow (con chim en) with outspread wings
leaves and tiny flowers enhance the beauty and refine-
flits between clouds and waves. In other parts of Viet
73
Nam, boats take the form either of a dragon (phu chong),
features, the carved lines, the constraints imposed by the
such as the Khmer boats and the curved boats (tuk ngo)
dimensions of one small tree-trunk, do not prevent the
of the Mekong delta, or of a fish, such as in the Red
statues from being lifelike and natural. Folk artists in the
River plain and in regions irrigated by large waterways
Tay Nguyen (Central Highlands) prefer to represent in
such as the Red River and the Perfume River (Thu Bon).
characteristic cubic forms, rather than describe in detail, the simple pleasures of everyday life. The profundity and delicacy of Tay Nguyen wood sculp-
SCULPTURE
ture are apparent too in homes, furniture and everyday
In the Central Highlands in Viet Nam, the religious
adorned with female breasts, a pair of elephant tusks or
buildings – tents for offerings (sang esei) and tombs (puk
a crescent moon, all sculpted. These decorative motifs
msat) – reflect the talent and creativity of the local folk
are again to be found engraved at the ends of columns –
artists. The tents for offerings, with their walls rounded
in particular, main columns (kmeh kpan) and columns
at the top and tapering down, have rows of sculpted
to which tambours (kmeh hgor) are attached – as they
wood columns. As for the tombs, they are surrounded
are at both ends of benches (kpan), on the arms of
by columns (gang klao, gang kut, gang moong, gang
chairs (knui), on all manner of tambours or drums, on
mrai), each of which serves as a pedestal for a statue.
crossbows, hunting spears, tobacco pipes, the edges and
These statues represent different themes – the tree of the
legs of trays, and so on. The same motifs recur almost
universe, the banana flower, an earthenware cooking-
everywhere, finely sculpted on hods of interwoven
pot, boats, a water gourd, a mortar for pounding rice, an
bamboo cane, smoked or unsmoked, varying widely in
elephant, a tortoise, a monkey, etc. The most remarkable
form and size, and displaying the originality and skill of
of these statues represent a human figure or a group of
the Tay Nguyen basket-makers. There may be a relation-
figures, partly undressed, or even naked, or wearing tra-
ship between the sculpture of the Central Highlands of
ditional costumes, the faces expressing a wide variety of
Viet Nam and that of certain ethnic groups living in the
emotions or traits – grief, meditation, melancholy, pla-
Indonesian archipelago and the Malayan peninsula.
cidity – and the attitudes denoting different activities. The figures may be seated or standing, dancing, beating
In the performing arts, rod and string-operated puppets
a drum, carrying a baby or a hod, riding an elephant or
on water were created chiefly by the Bahnar. The head
a horse. A characteristic feature of all of them, however,
and face are sculpted. Shoulders, arms and legs are
is that both statue and pedestal are hewn with an axe
jointed, and are painted and attached to the trunk,
from a single block of wood. They none the less express
which is woven from bamboo cane. The puppets are
the physical or moral features of the people, animals or
used in ceremonies held when bones are exhumed.
objects they represent. The Cor, too, have richly decorated string-operated pupThe gestures and movements are particularly well sug-
pets. They illustrate lively and realistic everyday scenes,
gested. By means of a few subtle details – the slight bend-
such as ‘A woman pounding rice’, ‘A cock caught by a
ing of the drummer’s knee, the placing of the child’s hand
fox’, ‘The eagle spreading its wings’, ‘A sparrow taking
on its mother’s breast – the sculptor gives the figures life
flight’, ‘A flying squirrel climbing the banyan’.
and energy, in short, breathes life into apparently inert and soulless statues. The roughness of the wood, of the
With so many art works sculpted in the round or in low
Visual arts and creativity
objects. Staircases (enhan plaang), for instance, are
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
74
relief, or in bronze, stone or earthenware, the architec-
years ago. The vestiges of Cham towers, temples and
tural and sculptural heritage of the localities, temples
stupas (pagodas) stand as proof of this. At present, the
and towers provides ample evidence of the powerful cre-
traditional techniques of black pottery are kept alive in
ative urge of the sculptors of the ancient Kingdom of
Bau Truc (My Nghiep, Ninh Phuoc district, Ninh Thuen
Champa and the wide influence of the millennial Cham
province). Black pottery is a speciality of this region, as
civilization.
it is of the Chu Ru, who have their own techniques.
It can truly be said that the treasure of Cham art works
The Buddhist-inspired Cham sculpture disappeared with
outweighs the legacies of the other peoples, especially in
the Champa civilization. It is in the Thuan Hai region of
respect of statues representing the female form. These
the country that most of the present-day Cham are to be
date back to the early days of Tra Kieu (fourth–ninth
found. They fall into two groups, the Brahmanic Cham
centuries), but they continued to be produced right up
(Ba Cham) and the Islamic Cham (Ba Ni). Religious
to the sixteenth century. They were discovered in large
drawings are a speciality of the region. They are used on
numbers within the sacred precincts of My Son and
the occasion of traditional popular festivals such as the
other archaeological sites along the coast of central Viet
Kate or the Cha Va (Rija), a periodic religious ceremony
Nam. These statues evoke the sacred charm and strong
which occupies a special place in community life since it
vitality of the women of the apsaras (sacred dancers) in
concerns all the families in all the Cham villages, big
particular, and give the impression that female beauty
and small. In this ceremony, rites are celebrated for wel-
linking ‘divine gift’ and ‘artistic creation’ has attained
coming the divinities on their return to their birthplace,
perfection, be it human or divine. What a secret beauty
so that they will bring happiness and prosperity, health
there is in these very finely sculpted works of art, which
and fertility. The divine world is multiform, numbering
are so evocative and alive that no creation of later gen-
up to eighty entities – from the supreme trinity
erations has been able to equal them!
(Brahman, Vishnu, Shiva) to the alvatas (gods) of fire, of water, of the wind, (goddess) of fertility, of the dawn and
I had occasion to study a few dozen hollow tiles discov-
of thunder. Representations of the divinities are drawn
ered in the substrata of the old imperial capital of
by the village master painters (pasek gru). While not
Shimhapura (capital of the Lion, Champa Kingdom,
having the mysterious appeal of the old Cham works,
from the fourth to the ninth centuries), situated at Tra
these drawings have a mystic quality. It is to be regretted
Kieu (now Duy Xuyen district, Quang Nam province). I
that the pasek gru masters in drawing can now be
was particularly interested in the sea monsters sculpted
counted on the fingers of one hand. In their absence, the
by hand at the end of each brick. Despite great diversity,
villagers have had recourse to modern ‘painters’, whose
these motifs seemed at first glance to represent a single
works show a certain aridity and have less artistic
style and a single theme. I was surprised to learn that
value.
the Cham artists had to sculpt these thousands of baked clay tiles by hand before they were used in the con-
Formerly, Khmer sculptors took their themes chiefly
struction of imperial and religious buildings. This is a
from Buddhism or from Hindu mythology. The Buddhist
brilliant illustration of the originality of ancient Cham
statues usually represented the Buddha Shaka (Sakya-
sculpture.
muni) in one of the following eight attitudes:
The Buddha is seated cross-legged with hands
Ancient pottery, derived from that of Sa Huynh, reached
joined and resting on thighs, palms facing upwards, in
its peak during the Cham epoch some 2,000 or 2,500
an attitude of meditation.
75
If one hand is stretched out downwards over the
leg, the Buddha is calling the earth to witness against
life of the Khmer in the Mekong delta. Wood is usually the basic material employed.
Mara, the spirit of evil.
When both hands are joined in front of the chest,
The most famous of these works are the Khleang pagoda
one behind the other, with thumb and forefinger touch-
sculptures (in Soc Trang province in the Mekong delta).
ing each other, then the Buddha is preaching the law.
These represent the clash between the immortal Kennar
The Buddha seated on a sacred dragon with three
(the embodiment of Good) and Year (that of Evil), such
coils, its seven or nine heads forming a parasol above
motifs being present on all the porches leading to the
the Buddha.
main sanctuary and to the outbuildings of the Khleang
pagoda. In combination with other ornamental motifs
The Buddha standing with a bowl in his hands
begging for alms.
sculpted in other parts of the pagoda, they constitute a
model of the mythological world, and thus recreate the
The Buddha entering Nirvana is depicted lying on
his side, his head resting on his folded right arm.
sacred atmosphere of Buddhism and give a quite unique
The Buddha seated on a lotus throne.
sensation of splendour.
The Buddha saving mortal beings.
Khmer sculpture also took inspiration from Hindu
(spirits), apsaras, phu-chong (dragons) and the sacred
mythology, which it adapted to Khmer culture. This is
serpent Naga are common themes that still inspire
true with regard to colours, for instance.
Khmer artistic creation. With their gift for sculpture, the Khmers turn it to full account in their handicrafts, such
The head of Brahman, the Hindu supreme being (Kabil
as in the making of tools like reaping hooks or sticks for
Maha Prum in Khmer), represented as having four faces,
bedding out rice, as well as all manner of musical instru-
is a widely found ornamental motif and is often to be
ments used in folk music, not to mention thrones,
seen at the top of stupas. The four faces are turned to
altars, wooden or metal offerings and, above all, curved
the four cardinal points – east, west, south and north.
boats (tuk-ngo).
The statue symbolizes the exclusive reign of this divinity over the universe.
In Ro Bam theatre the players wear masks and hats of papier collé or of finely sculpted wood. These faithfully
Other subjects sculpted by Khmer artists include the
represent the characters of the Re am Ker (a long epic in
Harihara (an associate form of Vishnu and Shiva, the
the Ramayana). Each mask can be regarded as a work of
two other divinities of the Hindu trinity), the sacred
art in itself without reference to other supports such as
bird Garuda or Krud (bird-man), the immortal Kennar,
interpretation, lighting and music.
the Year (Boa), the Reihu (monster), the reach chasei (sacred horse), the neak (serpent), the phu-chong
In the ornamentation of fabrics, too, Khmer decorative
(dragon), Hanuman (the king of the monkeys), and
motifs represent the same themes as those found in tra-
Neang Hingthorni (earth goddess), as well as various
ditional sculpture.
theravada (spirits) and the apsaras (sacred dancers). All serve as decorative motifs in the round, in low relief or
Apart from statues made for pagodas for religious pur-
in frescoes, or they are used on masks for Ro Bam and
poses, the Khmers do not produce tagratas with
Yuke (two Khmer forms of theatre). These visual art
Buddhist or Brahmanic themes for sale. One little group
works are an essential part of the cultural and spiritual
of figurines is particularly noteworthy: these are the
Visual arts and creativity
Lotus flowers, apricot blossom, styrax leaves, theravada
76
devatas, either humans or animals, perched on the back
orative wooden item is the nhip (a reaping knife in
of a tortoise, the origin of which is to be found in a
the form of a bird) to be found among the Thai, Muong
famous episode of Hindu mythology, the legend of the
and Tay.
Sea of Milk. In this story, the demons (asuras) are in quest of a potion that will render them immortal (amrita) and that is to be found in the depths of the ocean. To obtain it, the divinity churns the sea of milk,
PAINTING
using as a churning stick the sacred mountain Meru, the Hindu Olympus, while resting on the back of Kiec ma, a
Rija designs are found on fabrics of large dimensions
sacred tortoise that is the incarnation of Vishnu.
(2 m wide in lengths of 1.40–1.50 m) with borders dec-
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
orated with red or gold materials (20 cm × 15 cm) and In the northern Bac Bo in Lao villages along the border
intended for hanging from a bamboo rod or a cord in
between Viet Nam and the Lao P.D.R., such as Muong Va
places of worship. These designs are painted with pig-
(Song Ma district, Son La province) and Muong Sang
ments or water-colours. Some contemporary painters
(Moc Chau district in the same province), Buddhist
also use oils.
pagodas contain a number of bronze statues of Lao origin used in the cult of the Buddha. Likewise, among
A good example is the work of a pasek gru (Bac Binh
the Tay, the pagoda statues along the border between
district, Binh Thuan province). It will be observed here
China and Viet Nam – Giang Dong pagoda (commune
that the Hindu supreme trinity and other divinities,
of Hong Viet), Da Quan pagoda (commune of Hung
such as the god of thunder (Indra), the god of fire (Tun
Dao) and the Ky Sam temple (Vinh Quang commune,
Anhi), the goddess of night (Varuna) and the god of the
Hoa An district, Cao Bang province), for instance – rep-
day (Mitra), the sphinx (Nara Simha), the sacred tor-
resent not only Buddhas but also divinities and saints of
toise (Kiec ma) and the apsaras all show characteristics
different popular beliefs, such as Ngoc Hoang, the
of the culture and everyday life of the Chams. The
august Jade Emperor, Nam Tao and Bac Dau (Taoism)
apsaras, for example, are wearing Cham costumes.
and Tu Phu and Tam Phu (the cult of the Holy Mother).
Anhi’s chariot, instead of being drawn by seven horses,
These came from the Red River delta before the estab-
is drawn by two buffaloes, resembling those to be seen
lishment of the feudal Mac dynasty in the seventeenth
on the local village roads. Varuna is throwing a reel of
century. In this region the statues are not the work of
cords with several knots up into the sky, each knot of
the local minorities.
which represents a star symbolizing the goddess herself. The dancers are small boys beating the baranung (a kind
There is little to say about the sculpture of the ethnic
of drum) and the ghinang and playing the kanhi (a
groups living in this region, although it shows some
stringed instrument) and the trumpet (saranai). The
originality. Local artists manage to give their furniture
three gods are sitting astride a dragon above Cham-style
and everyday wooden objects attractive forms using just
towers and stupas. On altars for the cult of the divinities
a knife, and they decorate them with refined motifs.
we find cake-trays woven from rattan (nah tkai), or large
Take, for instance, the water scoops and ladles made by
trays with legs (kh’lao kloong), and others decorated
the Hmong, which include the wooden duong (a kind of
with betel leaves (thon hla). Beyond the picturesque and
mortar for pounding rice and at the same time a musical
animated scenes of the Cham festivals, these paintings
instrument). Examples of this are to be found among
testify to a certain sacred mystery. Unfortunately,
the Kho Mu, Thai, Muong, Tho and Tay. Another dec-
modern painters have not managed to capture the
77
essence of Rija painting, for, unlike their predecessors,
a multitude of Taoist saints and of human figures and
they do not understand the mythology very well.
demons. The pictorial space is divided into different planes symbolizing many different worlds, such as Sky,
In the Mekong delta, the Khmer pagodas are all dec-
Earth and Humanity. The polyptychs too – of up to four
orated with beautiful frescoes, mainly of Buddhist inspi-
panels – provide the panorama of an immense universe
ration and relating to the life of the Buddha. They show
with superimposed worlds, each of which has one
the prince and heir Siddhartha watching scenes rep-
strongly portrayed representative. The laws of perspec-
resenting the stages of human life – birth, old age, ill-
tive lend specific features to paintings of this type,
ness, death – as well as Siddhartha entering religion. In
which are different from those of Buddhist paintings.
the main, they reproduce the decorations that figure in the big pagodas of Ho Chi Minh City, so there is nothing
The picture representing ‘The Ten Palaces of Hell’,
original here.
which are familiar to these ethnic groups, depicts the
In the northern Bac Bo, the San Chay, San Diu, Tay,
against family or society when alive. The moral of this
Nung and Dao minorities also make use of Buddhist and
picture is to do good to others and to cultivate the
Taoist illustrations in religious rituals celebrated by the
virtues. It is designed to contribute to the building up of
tao, put, then or ‘masters of
ceremonies’.1
family happiness, of an orderly and stable society, and to a modern, humanitarian and generous way of life.
As a rule, models are entirely of Buddhist or Taoist inspiration and are taken from artists from Hang Trong
The Dao, Hmong, Tay and Nung minorities make paper
(Hanoi) or Guangxi (China). As time went by, the min-
for writing and painting. Their traditional art is very
ority artists took inspiration from them, and then gave
original: it consists of cutting up paper of poor quality
them a local colouring in accordance with popular
into large (1 m × 40 cm) or small (60 cm × 20 cm) for-
beliefs: ‘Mother Flower’ (Me-Biooc), the goddess of fer-
mats to make decorations. More often than not, black
tility, health and beauty in women and the ‘Ancestor’,
India ink is used. A mixture of red pine resin serves as a
which is dedicated to the Taoist saints governing rela-
paste. Another mixture, consisting of grapefruit-tree
tions between the universe and human life and destiny.
resin and blue or yellow gouache, is used for colouring. The borders of the picture are first drawn then painted a
According to whether events are happy or unhappy, the
deep indigo blue with a preparation made from the
masters of ceremonies can also use other models,
leaves of the indigo plant.
including the following: the ‘Tam Thanh’, which represents the three forms of ‘pure Eden’, i.e. Thai Thanh Cung, Ngoc Thanh Cung and Thuong Thanh Cung, respectively, to pray for peace, happiness and prosperity;
ORNAMENTAL FORMS IN CEREMONIES
the ‘Tam Nguyen’, which illustrates the three immortals – Chu Lang, Cuu U and Thai At – at funeral ceremonies
The art of papier découpé as practised by the Dao,
for the salvation and release of mortals; the ‘Longevity’,
Hmong, Tay and Nung is worthy of interest. The dec-
which is offered to people over 60 years of age; and the
orative motifs used show great diversity and include the
‘Inauguration of the New House’.
sun (for the Hmong New Year), the forces of hell (in the Then or Mo Then rite of the Tay), children and flowers
A feature of the painting of this region is the presence of
(in Tay and Nang fertility rites) and birds and flowers
Visual arts and creativity
tortures inflicted in hell on those who committed crimes
78
(at Tay funeral ceremonies). These paper ornamental
in the architecture or in the decoration of tombs or tents
elements are the expression of popular beliefs that are
for offerings, banana flowers are reproduced as if to
an integral part of the lives of the unsophisticated.
symbolize people’s return to their origins after death.
‘Models of the universe’ also constitute the premises of
This process illustrates a law that is characteristic of
artistic creation. Nature, the mountain and forest con-
artistic creation, namely, that it must sublimate our
tinuum and the cradle of humanity are presented in a
thoughts, vanquish our ‘uncertainty’ and help us attain
conventional way in the form of a representation of the
‘illumination’.
world, or of the ‘tree of the universe’, such as that of the Pon pong of the Muong, or the xang bo (pergola) of the Thai and the Kho Mu. On the occasion of important and solemn community ceremonies, these Pon pong and xang
BASKETRY
ba are set up in order to obtain health, happiness and prosperity.
Members of the ethnic minorities are very attached
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
to their dense, rich forests and excel in handicrafts, Long branches with flowers facing outwards are fixed to
using all kinds of plants of the bamboo and cane
a bamboo pole. Also attached to it are coloured cubes
families.
made of plaited herbaceous plants and symbolizing the square egg from which the divinities and human beings
In order to create attractive two-tone motifs, they smoke
are born. Attached too are oval-shaped eggs, symboliz-
certain fibres to turn them black, or else tint them with
ing the birth of birds, animals and insects. The tree is
polychrome colour before plaiting them with natural
then embellished with banana flowers and young buds.
white fibres. Colouring techniques allow diversified
At the same time, cataphylls of bamboo and areca-palm,
motifs to be used among most ethnic minorities, and
slices of manioc and sweet potatoes and cut-outs rep-
they constitute a prerequisite to the technique of weaving
resenting birds, animals and boats are used to symbolize
fabrics decorated with motifs. The minorities of the
the two ends of the universe, the world of humanity and
Central Highlands plait simple but strong large screens,
the world of darkness. Finally, after the tree has been
which are adorned with geometrical designs and carry a
decorated, agricultural products are spread out beneath
wealth of decorative elements. These are used to embell-
it, and the villagers form a circle around it in order to
ish the roofs of the nha rong long-houses and the tombs
dance and sing and celebrate the phon thuc rites.
and to serve as mats, or as drying floors for paddy and other agricultural or silvicultural products. A wealth of
An original feature here is the strong attachment to the
decoration is also to be found on the hats worn for pro-
wild banana-plant that inspires this representation and
tection against sun and rain. The Hre wear flat rectangu-
models of the universe. Ethnographic data – legends,
lar hats, the White Thai and the Mang (Lai Chau
customs and rituals – show that the ethnic minorities
province) round hats with brims curved inwards. The
have from time immemorial venerated this plant as
Gia Rai and the Ede have hats plaited in black and white,
having given life to the human species. The flower of
while the Black Thai, the Tay, the Giay, and the Ha Nhi of
the forest banana-plant has inspired many artists.
the Tay Bac region wear cone-shaped hats varnished with
Though initially quite simple, this art, which imitates
brilliant red pine lacquer and fitted with wide brims. As
models of the universe, became quite complex and rep-
for the ethnic minorities living along the border between
resentative of the Central Highlands sculpture. Whether
China and Viet Nam, these prefer plaited hats consisting
79
of two layers of fibres and adorned with cataphylls of
WEAVING
bamboo or palm leaves in the middle. A wide variety of shapes and motifs are used for utili-
poster bed and has treadles and many rows of warp.
tarian objects such as the big lidded hods, or shoulder
Using this type of loom, widths of 40 cm can be pro-
baskets, and the plaited cube-shaped hods used as
duced for the making of skirts, slightly larger widths
receptacles by the Kho Mu, Mang, Muong and Thai. The
being produced by the Lao and the Thai in the west of
same is true of various other objects – clothing, baby
Nghe An province. According to experts, Indonesian-
slings, small hods and bags – used by the Hmong, Phu
type looms seem to be preferred in the Central
La or Kho Mu when going to distant markets. All these
Highlands region. With these, the spool winding off the
carefully plaited and richly decorated articles show the
material is placed behind the weaver’s back, and, though
great dexterity and creativity of the minority popu-
their productivity is low, they can produce larger widths
lations. The plaited rattan straps of the Muong quivers,
(from 50 to 90 cm), the length being fixed at 1.20 m.
the sword scabbards, crossbows and sword hilts of the
Using this type of loom it is also possible to weave
Xo Dang, the round hats of the Gia Rai and the Ede, the
narrow strips (1 cm, 2 cm, 10 cm, 20 cm) for the backs
rectangular hats of the Hre, the rattan tobacco boxes of
of quivers, knife sheaths, apron belts, skirt panels and
the Gia Rai are all decorated with a great variety of orna-
waistbands, aprons, coat trimmings and jacket collars.
mental motifs. Their general appearance is always governed by one and the same law, however: all these
The Black Thai grow a brownish variety of cotton as
objects have borders and are adorned with beading. In
well as a white. Those living in the Central Highlands
the case of circular motifs, the borders and beadings are
and the Hmong grow flax and spin fibres from its bark.
double; in the case of strip shapes – scarves, ribbons and
The Muong, Thai and Tay grow mulberry trees and
belts – fringes and beading are placed at either end.
breed silkworms for weaving silk and producing textiles of many colours.
All these articles are adorned with rows of geometrical motifs, such as Java almonds, triangles, broken lines and
These colours are mainly of vegetable origin. The resin
variations on these different basic patterns. Thus, the
of the indigo plant gives a very wide range of indigo
rows of elements that adorn fringes and beadings form
blues; the sap of the Cu nau gives a brownish colour; red
concentric circles, as on the circular or cylindrical Dong
is obtained from the bark of the Nhâu, orange from the
Son bronze drums, or else form double parallel lines
Tsu dang. Straw-yellow is produced by the Hmong. The
equidistant from a median line on belts and ribbons.
Muong, Thai, Lao, Lu and Tay, in particular, have a tech-
These decorative motifs are used not only in basketry,
nique for extracting carmine and crimson pink from
but also in wood and bamboo engraving and to orna-
benzoin. These natural and indelible products are far
ment clothes made from bark fibres or fabric by certain
superior to synthetic ones.
ethnic minorities. All this goes to show that the Vietnamese people, through the development of the dec-
Several processes are involved prior to weaving a dec-
orative arts, have preserved the artistic heritage illus-
orated fabric for making skirts, jackets, shirts, curtains,
trated on the bronze drums of the Dong Son civilization
mattress covers and baby slings. First, the fibre must be
that died out nearly 2,000 years ago.
prepared, spun and dyed. Weaving demands, in addition to great dexterity and real creativity, mathematical skills, for the number of threads to be stretched lengthwise and
Visual arts and creativity
The loom widely used in the north resembles a four-
80
crosswise has to be calculated for each motif before the
scarves that are offered as gifts to relatives. Making a
threads are mounted on the loom. Weavers therefore
costume may take up to a year, which is also the case
have to set up the threads in advance, since up to 100
among the Hmong.
rows may be required to produce these intricate geometrical designs.
The same skill is found among all the women of the ethnic minorities of the north. In style, their embroidery
Using only straight horizontal or vertical lines and
resembles their weaving and consists of geometrical pat-
broken lines, weavers create any number of original pat-
terns. As embroidery is not subject to the constraints
terns with a wealth of decorative, evocative and stylized
imposed by the loom, themes and treatment are much
elements having nature as their theme, as well as the
freer. Hence there is more colour and diversity.
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
various activities of everyday life. The talent of these native craftspersons is a valuable and inexhaustible
The Ma and Mnong ethnic groups living to the south of
reserve that brings a note of beauty to people’s apparel
the Central Highlands have a technique for embroider-
and hence to their lives, enhances the cultural and
ing material while it is still on the loom. The outlines
family life of the minorities, and broadens the aesthetic
are hand-embroidered even while the cloth is being
values of Vietnamese society as a whole.
woven. Once this meticulous work has been completed, the weaving of dress materials resumes. The Thai in
The Hmong, Dao, Thai and Lao produce decorative pat-
Tuong Duong and the Qui Chau in the west of Nghe An
terns by means of batik. A white fabric is soaked in
province use the same method for embroidering the
indigo dye after the areas to be protected have been cov-
hems of women’s dresses. This combination of embroid-
ered with melted wax. When the colour is deep enough,
ery and weaving is influenced by the technique of the
the fabric is placed in hot water to remove the wax. This
Lao people. In the Tay Nguyen, the Ko Tu use small
gives patterns in white, or a bluish white, which con-
pierced metal buttons (of aluminium or lead) to produce
trast with a dark indigo blue ground. The material can
glittering decorative designs on black material while it is
then be embroidered; pieces or strips of coloured fabric
still on the loom. The technique is sophisticated and the
can be added to it; or it can be edged with other decor-
result is a product of quite remarkable artistic value.
ative elements. These materials are used to make skirts and other garments, and also baby slings.
Apart from this embroidering technique, mention may be made of the creation of decorative designs by assembling pieces of material of different colours with indigo blue or black material. The geometrical designs may consist of triangles, squares or diamonds, but most are
EMBROIDERY
accompanied and offset by curved borders, much appreciated by connoisseurs. Take for instance the embroid-
The most skilful embroiderers are the women of the
ery of a flower in several layers. The first layer consists
ethnic minorities living in the north of Viet Nam – the
of a representation of a flower in a colour different from
Dao, Hmong, Thai, Lao and Lu.
the ground; the second and smaller layer is in another colour, and this alternating arrangement continues for
The Dao embroider almost all their costumes: turbans,
the third and fourth layers. Garments decorated by
tops, turned-down collars, smocks, blouses, pinafores,
means of this patchwork technique therefore tend to be
trousers and belts, as well as handbags, handkerchiefs or
much thicker.
81
This technique is reminiscent of that used to assemble
spared to enhance physical beauty and make dress more
hides by the nomadic peoples living in the northern
becoming. The shirt buttons of the Thai are adorned
hemisphere, and it must have reached the far north of
with a pair of butterflies, antennae harmoniously inter-
Viet Nam by way of cultural and commercial exchanges
laced. The buttons of the Dao and the Kho Mu are dec-
over the centuries. The Sila, Ha Nhi, La Hu (Tang-Mien)
orated with a star having eight radiating points or a
and Pu Peo (Kadai) ethnic groups living along the
many-petalled flower. The scarves of Pu Peo and Lo Lo
border between China and Viet Nam just assemble
women are studded with various other metal motifs on
pieces of fabric. To decorate their garments they use
which Taoist saints are engraved.
snail-shells, glass beads, dogs’ teeth and pieces of metal. On the other hand, the Lo Lo (Tang-Mien), Hmong and
The people of the Central Highlands, instead of decorat-
Dao (Hmong-Dao), as well as the Thai, Nung and Tay
ing their garments with beads or the seeds of fruit,
(Tay-Thai), are highly skilled both in assembling materi-
prefer to stud them with diamond-shaped or rectangular
als and in embroidery.
pieces of metal leaf that glitter and twinkle in the light. There are a wide variety of necklaces. These are gener-
METALWORKING
circle and those that are open, with a knob turned outwards at either end, and decorated with a two-headed
The minorities lack know-how in metalworking. Rare
snake or bird. This very ancient motif is specific to the
are those who know how to forge and transform metal.
culture of South-East Asia, symbolizing as it does yin/
Only a few of them can forge agricultural tools, domes-
yang duality.
tic utensils, horseshoes or weapons (such as shotguns, swords, knives and hunting spears). The articles pro-
Bracelets fall into at least three categories, according to
duced by the Hmong in the north and the Xo Dang in
their form – circular, triangular or semicircular. They are
the south are the ones most in demand on the inter-
engraved with the leaves of trees. Those of the Kho Mu
ethnic market.
represent twelve animals symbolizing the twelve months of the year in accordance with their calendar.
The Ede and Gia Rai, for their part, are reported to be good metalworkers. They make musical instruments
Examination of the jewellery of the minorities indicates
such as the cong or chiêng (gong) and women’s jewellery
that they are influenced by the ancient Dong Son civi-
(necklaces, bracelets, etc.). The Tay, Dao and Nung forge
lization, now vanished, or the Bronze Age whose fea-
and work copper in repoussé style to make musical
tures they retain.
instruments: small gongs, cymbals and bells, as well as copper steamers for cooking glutinous rice. The bronze drums of the Lo Lo are also noteworthy. The Cham and Khmer are renowned for metal engraving on jewellery,
COSTUME DECORATION
votive objects and funeral urns. It cannot be denied that knitting, embroidery, weaving The making of silver ornaments, such as ornamental
and jewellery all contribute to the art of decorating and
pins, necklaces, earrings, rings, bracelets and silver but-
diversifying dress. They also provide a key to the cul-
tons, is widespread among the minorities. No effort is
tural identity of each ethnic group.
Visual arts and creativity
ally regarded as being of two types – those that form a
82
It is customary for novices when elephant hunting to
Among the Cham (Malayo-Polynesian) groups, the
wear a loincloth and poncho; they are not allowed to
panels are longer and are slit front and back in the same
wear the same richly decorated garment as trained
way as the dresses. A later style of dress, consisting of a
hunters until they have caught at least five elephants
waisted bodice with a neckline slit at the centre and a
and are confirmed as hunters in their turn. The most
wide skirt in one piece, is still worn today. Thai dress is
practical hunting outfits are the ao cung (keoh in the Ede
similar to that of the Cham, only the decorative motifs
and Mnong languages). These are made of bark fibres
differing. The Black Thai, for their part, retain the tra-
from the Sui tree, which are thick and resistant enough
ditional style. Dresses are not taken in at the waist while
to protect the hunter’s chest and abdomen when pursu-
lines and right angles alone are sewn.
ing a prey astride an elephant. This sleeveless garment, with its round neck slit down the front, consists of two
The north
PHAN NGOC KHUÊ
panels, a short one in front and a longer one behind. It is fixed to the body by a leather strap or a creeper tied
The vay quân have given way to skirts (vay ông), but tra-
around the waist, and is worn by the populations living
ditional plaids are still found in the vay nêp gâp of the
in the tropical zone.
Muong and the Thai, although they are longer. Among the Muong, the upper part of the dress is longer, while
The wealthy may on occasion wear a double kho (sash):
the lower part is longer among the Lao, Lu and Kho Mu
this is worn over the shoulders, with the ends hanging
and the Thai minorities of Thanh Hoa and the west of
by the sides and hips. When it is cold, the men wear
Nghe An province.
ponchos, which reach down to the feet. Such garments are pulled over the head with a short panel in front and
Among certain Viet-Muong minority groups, the bodice
a longer one behind. Strips of leather or ropes made of
has a longer slit and is fastened with a row of richly dec-
plants are used as belts. These costumes are part of an
orated buttons. It has a bodice beneath, while the
ancient tradition. They were worn all over the country
former leather belts or laces have been replaced by two
by ethnic minorities and by the Kinh up to 1945.
silk ribbons, which are more practical. Dress is becoming increasingly elegant and refined. Bodices similar to
People in the Tay Nguyen still wear traditional dress
those worn by Kinh women are also found among the
with their distinctive motifs according to ethnic group.
Dao, Cao Lan, San Chi and San Diu in the middle
However, the dress of the people of the south, especially
regions of the north.
those of the women, has continued to change to some extent throughout the course of history.
The Muong and the Kinh have for some years been making tunics with four panels, the men’s reaching to
The Central Highlands
the knees, the women’s to the ankles.
It is quite common for women to wear the vay quân,
In the course of cultural exchanges, the Vietnamese –
which is the equivalent of the Cham or Khmer sarông,
mandarins, intellectuals, city people – were increasingly
although the latter has of late been replaced by a skirt
influenced by Chinese culture. The five-panel tunic with
with the same designs and a wider range of colours. The
a high collar in the form of a lotus leaf is buttoned down
poncho (an overgarment with two panels) has long
the right side from collar to hip via the armpit. Experts
sleeves, a neckline slit down the front, and hem-like
believe it is of Mongolian origin and is common among
borders.
the peoples living further north.
83
Shoes are not worn in this region; only bamboo and
making clothes or decorating everyday items such as
wooden clogs with a rattan fastening are used. Cloth
pillows, bags and blankets. Besides mixing contrasting
turbans are used as head-dress (influence of the Viets).
ranges of colours, it adds to their elegance and refine-
Embroidered hats and shawls are rarely seen. Com-
ment. The many motifs used in decoration convey a cer-
binations of colours and designs make clothes more dis-
tain conception of the universe: those used on bodices
tinctive. Despite the colour contrast, the technique of
include the sun, the moon and the stars, as well as dew-
weaving motifs on a dark indigo ground also conveys a
drops, drops of water, sun-rays and divinities which are
sense of harmony. The costumes of the Thai, Muong,
also metal objects and shells, thereby increasing their
Gia Rai and Ede women, however simple their colour-
sparkle and symbolizing the universe. Trousers and
ing, are particularly elegant. Those of the other ethnic
skirts feature designs involving nature and life, includ-
groups are pleasantly coloured and carefully stitched to
ing trees, waves, birds, animals and human beings.
make them more attractive. The visual folk arts are an integral part of the cultures
The provinces along the border between China and Viet Nam
and arts of Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities. Each in its own way brings out the cultural identity of each ethnic
The garments most commonly worn by the Hmong,
and diversity of Vietnamese culture that goes back thou-
Dao, Pa Then, Lo Lo, Ha Nhi, Cong, Sila, San Diu,
sands of years.
Nung, Giay and Bo Y are a wide-sleeved bodice with a lotus-leaf collar or V-neck, double shoulder-pads and narrow waist; a cone-shaped skirt with several pleats, and wide-legged trousers. In view of the climate – tem-
NOTE
perate, cold and dry – these garments are made in several thicknesses and cover the body from head to foot.
1.
Women wear a turban or shawl on their heads and an
or talismans to drive out demons, cure the sick and enable the
under-bodice beneath several articles of clothing. The
dead to gain access to paradise; put, another appellation of the
dress consists of two panels, front and back (dây xê in
Buddha: a master of ceremonies who helps the sick to recover
Hmong), to cover skirt or pants. Leggings and grass or
and the dead to reach the Buddhist paradise; then (religion of
jute slippers are also worn.
the Tay): the master of ceremonies uses the Tay language in a
Tao: a master of ceremonies who uses magic incantations
ceremony accompanied by folk music played on a then (a Tay
Assembling pieces of coloured cloth is a common way of
stringed instrument).
Visual arts and creativity
minority while contributing in a real sense to the scope
85
The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam PHAN DANG NHÂT
BACKGROUND TO THE COLLECTION AND STUDY OF VIETNAMESE EPICS
pared the way for the collection and study of the epics
The collection of Vietnamese epics began in the fifteenth
Since the 1970s, researchers have collected a large
century with the publication of Linh Nam Chich Quai
number of epics and have begun to study them. To date,
[An Anthology of Strange Tales from Viet Nam]. Written
the epics collected include one from the Muong, two
in nom, or demotic characters, by Vu Quynh and Kiêu
from the Thai, one from the Cham, thirty-four from the
Phu, the book contains a tale entitled The Story of the
Mo Nong, eleven from the Ede, five from the Ba Na and
Demon King, which is a shorter version of the Indian
three from the Gio Rai, making a total of fifty-seven.
epic Ramayana that had spread to Viet Nam through the
Though this represents a major effort, nevertheless the
Kingdom of
Champa.1
of north Viet Nam.
Centuries later, a Frenchman,
publication rate of such works needs to be improved.
L. Sabatier, translated, annotated and wrote an introduc-
They should be published both in Vietnamese and in the
tion to the Ede epic Dam Xan for a first printed edition
language of the ethnic minority concerned, for example.
of the work published in Paris in May
1927.2
Sabatier’s
Information on the circumstances in which the epics
work prepared the way for the collection and study of
were collected, on their performance background and on
the epics of the Western Highlands and aroused interest
their artists and collectors should also be made available.
in them. However, despite these needs, the proper study of the A third early effort in this endeavour to publish the
Vietnamese epics has started. Scholars have written on
Vietnamese epics came with the publication of Genesis
them in textbooks and in works of history and of litera-
of Earth and Water (1975 and 1976) by members of the
ture, and material exists on the epics in scientific jour-
Muong people and by the
Vietnamese.3
Their work pre-
nals. There are also the published proceedings of
86
conferences devoted to the epics.4 Thus, the study of the
The following are the chapters in the great epic of the
epics has made progress. However, there are still many
Mo Nong ethnic minority: 1. The birth of Tiang; 2. The
issues needing further discussion, such as their proper
flood; 3. Fishing; 4. The animals of Tiang’s village;
classification, authenticity and evaluation.
5. Going to fetch the Nring guitar; 6. Attacking Bing Jian; 7. The swiddens7 of Bon Tiang are destroyed by a tornado; 8. Ting and Mbong Kon Kop slaughter the buffalo to offer it to the gods; 9. The magic serpent eats Bon Tiang;
DISTINGUISHING FEATURES OF THE EPICS
10. Lêng takes Bing Jong from Bon Kon Jri; 11. The magic leech eats Bon Tiang; 12. Retrieving the gongs of Som So;
For historical reasons, in addition to aspects that are
13. Lêng takes Bing Jong from Kon Phan; 14. Lêng is kid-
common to all epics, Vietnamese epics have unique fea-
napped and sold; 15. Yang sells the gongs; 16. Wild boar
tures of their own. Viet Nam possesses all the classical
destroy the crops; 17. Bon Tiang is killed; 18. The giant
types of epics:
caterpillar bites the breast of Djan; 19. Djan commits sui-
Genesis epics, such as Genesis of Earth and Water
PHAN DANG NHÂT
(Viet-Muong) and Am Êt Luông
(Thai).5
cide by taking poison; 20. Bamboo grows fruit; 21. Bon Tiang retrieves his forge bellows; 22. Bing Jong of Bon Jong
Epics on social institutions, such as: Dam Xan and
Prak takes Yang; 23. Bing Jong of Bon Kon Bih takes Kong;
Xing Nha (Chi Lo Kok); Khinh Du, Dam Di, Dam
24. Yang takes Kong; 25. Taking the lady Bing Kon Yang;
Doroan, Mohiêng, Mo drông Dam, Hojin Holong, Hodung
26. Fishing at the swamp of Bu Bui Kon Klang; 27. Filing
Ythu, Dam Thi and Kchi Gri (Ede); Dam Noi, Giông
Yong’s teeth; 28. Taking the bronze Mbuat trumpet;
Wiwin, Poor Giông Ana’s Eight Wives, Tre Vat’s Jealousy of
29. Taking goat from the earthen jar; 30. Fishing at the
Giông and Xing Chi Ôn (Ba Na); Mo Nong Archaic Epics,
Lach swamp; 31. Taking the Rlung bird; 32. The white
Mythical Epics of the Mo Nong, The Harvest of Bon Tiang,
monkey swallows Yang; 33. Ndu sells the lady Se;
The Magic Bamboo and Retrieving the Gongs of Som So
34. Tiang sells the god statue.
(Mo Nong); Chuong Han (Thai); Têwa Munô (Cham) and Chin Chiêng, Diêu (Gio Rai).
In most countries, the number of epics is not very great, though each epic can be of considerable length. The
Aside from the above, a number of epics have not yet
Iliad (Greece), for example, consists of 24 cantos and
been collected. For example, 34 further Mo Nong epics
15,693 lines, the Odyssey (Greece) of 24 verses and
discovered6
which describe the creation of the
12,110 lines, the Mahabharata (India) of 214,000 lines,
cosmos, of the land and water and of all living things,
the Ramayana (India) of 10,500 verses and the Kalevala
humankind included, and recount the lives and heroic
(Finland) of 50 chapters and 22,750 lines. However, in
deeds of more than 150 characters, including the great
Viet Nam, while some ethnic groups possess a large
leader Tiang Kon Rong. The central focus of these epics
number of epics, generally speaking these are not very
is the history of Bon Tiang (the village of Tiang) from its
long. The longer ones include Khinh Du, which is some
foundation through to numerous efforts to defend it
5,880 lines long, and Chi Lo Kok, 5,500 lines. Shorter
from other tribes. According to the epic story, at one
epics include Dam Di, 2,456 lines; Chang Mohiêng, 2,162
stage the village fell to the enemy, was later retaken, and
lines; and Dam Xan, 2,077 lines. The shortest of all is Ho
finally was completely destroyed. There are estimated to
Diêu, 570 lines. Comparing epics in terms of their
be around 9,000 pages of material telling the story of
length is not, of course, a measure of their relative
this village, and its story may be regarded as one of the
quality.
have been
world’s long epics.
87
Such figures reflect the fact that the formation and
Mo Nong, eleven from the Ede, five from the Ba Na, and
development of the epics is closely linked to the early
three from the Gio Rai, giving a total of fifty-three. Such
history of the ethnic group from which they come. The
a figure is high enough to warrant the region being
dispersion of ethnic groups into smaller local groups
referred to as an ‘epic region’, since such a concentration
living isolated from each other in remote villages meant
in the same place is a rare phenomenon.
Later, with the alliance of tribes and ethnic groups, the
While quantity and density are no doubt important cri-
epics were gradually put together, and, when the tribal
teria for demarcating a folklore area, they are not the
alliances further coalesced into state formations under a
only ones. More important are the characteristics of
central government, intellectuals began to appear, some
epics, such as their content, performance style and gen-
of whom became well-known throughout the country.
eral aesthetic character. In this respect, the epics of the
Thus intellectuals such as Homer (Greece) and Vyasa
Western Highlands have aspects in common, while
(India) appeared (the word ‘Vyasa’ means collector).
remaining diverse in form and style.
These intellectuals and writers collected many short epics from different regions, arranging them to create
Thus the epics from this area usually centre on the lives
larger ones. Thus, a dispersed collection of many short
of heroic characters, from their birth to the accomplish-
epics was transformed into one larger one representing
ment of their various historical quests. (Genealogical
the whole nation.
epics usually relate the stories of different generations of heroes.) The heroes’ quests are diverse, but they fall
In Viet Nam, the Mo Nong epic is a unique example of
mainly into the categories of work, warfare and the
such a process and such a larger epic form. Among the
search for a wife, which is sometimes achieved by
Thai in particular, Vyasa-style intellectuals have belat-
abducting a woman.
edly begun to make their appearance, resulting in the Mo Chang. Among the Ede, writers have started to com-
Concerning the first of these categories, ‘work’ includes
pile shorter epics into a larger one called Khinh Du.
the tasks usually encountered in the mountains of the
However in reality the Thai are dispersed throughout
Western Highlands, the epics describing cutting down
the country’s sixteen muong, or territories, while the Ede
trees, swidden agriculture, trapping wild boars, carabaos
are divided into dozens of different branches. Hence,
or elephants, and fishing. Such everyday tasks are, how-
instead of a few substantial epics, we still have a large
ever, exaggerated and transformed into magical quests.
number of short, distinctive ones.
It should also be noted that while pigs and carabaos are domesticated animals in the mountainous regions, in the forests they are often let loose, in some cases becoming wild animals. As a result, they can only be caught by
AN AREA OF EPICS
strong and brave heroes.
Many of the epics listed above come from the same
The marriage of the hero in the epics is described in the
region which, according to the criteria for their classifi-
following main ways. In the creation epics, the taking of
cation by place of origin, is known as the Western
a wife is seen as defining the principles of marriage in
Highland epic region. There is a high density of epics
primitive societies as they pass through a transitional
here. Listing only those of which we have certain
period from free sexual relationships to marriage
knowledge, to date they include: thirty-four from the
between people of different families. In social-institution
The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam
that their epics came to display marked local variations.
88
epics, on the other hand, the wife of the hero is usually
ting them apart from those of other regions. Western
abducted by an enemy, and, consequently, the hero must
Highland epics are not part of a religious rite or cer-
go on a quest in order to win her back. Sometimes the
emony, but can be performed and sung at any large gath-
hero himself abducts the daughter or wife of another
ering such as that following a ceremony or a celebration,
character.
at a wine party, after a hard day’s work, or at a party to welcome guests. The person singing or performing the
Of the three types of quest motif, warfare is, however,
epic can be either sitting or lying down, and is not
the central type. From the day of his birth, a typical epic
required to wear special attire.
PHAN DANG NHÂT
hero is prepared for warfare, work also being a kind of training to prepare a young hero for war. Similarly, the
These features help to distinguish Western Highland
abduction and rescue of women or wives is also meant
epics from the mo epics of the north. Mo is an important
to demonstrate epic male prowess. Aside from battles in
funeral ritual, the aim of which is to prepare the
which the hero engages with the aim of gaining, or res-
deceased for the long journey ahead in which the soul
cuing, a bride, the epics include two other kinds of
travels to Muong Troi (heaven) to obtain absolution
battle. The first of these is a battle to reclaim property
from Tuong so that it will ‘live’ in eternal peace with the
belonging to the hero’s family. Here, either the hero him-
ancestors. In mo epics, the bo mo, or performer of the
self or his ancestors are the owners of some precious
epic, must wear a special head-dress and religious cos-
object, such as a gong, earthen jar, a magic guitar or
tume and hold a bell in his hand to keep the rhythm.
trumpet, or a forge bellows, and somehow this object
The epic is sung in front of the coffin because people
has been stolen. The hero therefore raises an army and
believe that the spirit of the dead person is also an
leads villagers into battle to reclaim the object. The
important guest and participates in the performance of
second type is a battle of revenge. Here, either the ances-
the epic. A banquet is prepared, as is, most importantly
tors or parents of the hero have been killed or enslaved,
of all, the altar of thanh su (the guardian spirit of the
and the hero fights in order to avenge the death of his
performer). On a few rare occasions, the mo epic is also
family or free them from slavery.
sung at a party or informal gathering, but funerals remain its principal performance setting.
Some epics include both types of battle, the theme occupying a central position in Western Highland epics and
The epic is a special genre of the Western Highland cul-
distinguishing them from those of other regions, such as
tural area, and it is one that is also closely related to
the north and north-west. In the latter regions, epics
many other aspects of ethnic cultures in the Western
usually revolve more around the creation of the world
Highlands, such as gong playing, the grave-abandoning
and of humankind, the discovery of water and of fire,
ceremony, rice wine, and yang religious beliefs. The cul-
new varieties of plants and the domestication of ani-
tural characteristics of the Western Highlands help
mals. Unlike the epics found in the Western Highlands
define the epics of this region, giving them their unique
the main subject of epics from these regions is not war-
features. There are two main ways in which these cul-
fare, with the exception of the epic of Chuong Han
tural elements are present in the epics.
(Thai), which originated from Thai regions in Thailand and Laos.
The first is through the realistic portrayal of everyday life and activities. Gongs, the sounds of gongs and wine
A common performance setting is also a unifying char-
parties feature in almost every epic, and without them
acteristic of the epics from the Western Highlands, set-
the epics of the Western Highlands would lose much of
89
17 17. Building a new house (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
18. Sipping rice alcohol through bamboo straws (Lam Dong). © Vo Thu Giang.
18
90
19
20
91
21
22
23
92
24
25
93
26
27
94
29
19. Traditional dancing on the day of the Gong Festival (Lam Dong). © Vo Thu Giang.
20. Striking the gong on festival day (Lam Dong). © Vo Thu Giang.
21. Gable ornaments (khan cut). Thai Den – Thuan Chau (Son La). Diên Biên (Lai Chau). © Phan Ngoc Khue.
22. Window screen ornaments. © Phan Ngoc Khue.
23. Boat with swallow-tail stern. Wood and bamboo superstructure. Thai – Lai Chau. © Phan Ngoc Khue.
28
95
30
31
24. Suspended flowerbed. Black Thai – Muong la (Son la).
29. Butterfly buttons. Thai, Tay Bac, Bac Bo, Viet Nam.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
25. Floor and stairway decorations. Ede – Drong Ana (Dak lak).
30. Birds and flowers.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
26. Selling conical hats. Tay – Trung Khanh – Cao Bang.
31. Sample of hand-woven fabric. Ma, Bao Loc, Lam Dong.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
27. Basket (left); cage (right); mat (behind). Co Ho, Lat District, Lam Dong.
32. Woman weaving cloth on a loom held on the lap. Co Ho, Lat District, Lam Dong.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
28. Picture with flowers. Tay, Cao Bang.
33. Returning from the market (Ha Giang).
© Phan Ngoc Khue.
© Mai Thanh Son.
96
32
33
97
their unique character. However, other cultural activities
Behind the village, the Krong Pa flows sluggishly
are also portrayed, such as tomb-building, songs and
like a boa.9
dance, mourning during the grave-abandoning ceremony, and young men and women singing love
Similarly, they carry associations of a rich and comfort-
songs: these give the epics of the region their special
able existence:
character. The wind sees out the corn season, The second is through the world-view and animist
and the clouds bring the rice season;
beliefs of the local people. They believe that every living
Millet and rice thrive; the ground is covered
thing, and every inanimate object, has a soul or spirit
with marrows, and the hills with manioc;
called yang. The ethnic minorities of the Western
On the hills curved tortoise-shells, teeming buffaloes
Highlands have a profound belief that everything from
and cows graze like ants and termites.
phants possess a yang spirit, which gives inner life to
Apart from providing natural settings, the Western
every animate and inanimate object in the world. Thus,
Highlands also provide an important source of social
whether writing, singing or performing the epics, or
background, and this is a major factor in the epics of
merely participating in their performance, the people of
this cultural region. Indeed, Western Highland society
the Western Highlands feel that they have become part
forms the basis for the discussion of two key issues
of the epic spirit world. Hegel called this belief ‘a
regarding these epics, namely the theme of war and the
world’,8
sort of life that successfully combines individual bravery
refreshing and lively belief in the supernatural
and, without this spirit world, he thought that writers
with social harmony.
and poets for all their literary talents would only be able to produce false epics, being so many ‘poets’
When the epics were created, Western Highland society
tricks’.
had reached the last stage of a society without class differentiation. Although the gap between rich and poor
The reason why these themes and artistic characteristics
was widening, clearly defined social classes did not yet
have become representative of the region is that they
exist, nor as a rule did exploitation and oppression. The
originate from the geographical and natural conditions
village was the basic social unit (plei, bon, buôn); within
of the Western Highlands and from the mountains of the
it, people were united and worked together, and it was
western part of Viet Nam, which form a spectacular
on the whole closed to outsiders. Wars frequently broke
wilderness and have abundant natural resources. For the
out between different villages. There were many reasons
local inhabitants, familiar trees and animals awaken in
for this, a minor event sometimes leading to a major
them aesthetic perceptions of the majestic and the
war. Most often, such wars would only end when the
heroic.
victors had enslaved the vanquished, taking their possessions and lands.
The natural setting of the Western Highlands is the source from which poets and writers have drawn their
Such spoils added greatly to the prestige and power of
perceptions of spectacular scenery, writing for example:
the victorious village and that of its chief. Victory led to stability and peace for the community, it being said that
The Chu Pro mountains wear a green cloak
‘from now on, there will be no more enemies in the
And lie across the path of the setting sun.
east and invaders from the west’. In terms of historical
The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam
gongs, earthen jars and houses to carabaos and ele-
98
development, war is the ‘midwife of history’ in that it
The economic basis of society was the communal owner-
puts an end to incessant skirmishing, consolidating
ship of land and of forest, wealth being distributed
small tribal groups into larger alliances that gradually
according to the principles of equality and compassion.
result in the establishment of a nation-state.
Thus, the kill from a hunting expedition was divided up according to the principle that ‘large families get a larger
Historical quests are also a central theme in Western
share, small families a smaller one. Widows and unmar-
Highland epics, these being first and foremost the
ried women with many children get a larger share.’11
responsibility of the hero. Every hero is born to lead his people into war, it being considered usual for a hero to
The spoils of war were also divided along similar lines:
conquer at least one or two enemies and sometimes as
‘give the largest share to the poor, a smaller share to the
many as six (Dam Xan). Following such actions, war
rich, and if any buffaloes and cows remain, slaughter
ends, and people live in peace and prosperity:
them and offer their meat, together with some che tuc
PHAN DANG NHÂT
wine, to the shield god and the sword god.’12 These The ponds are full of ducks; the geese
social conditions formed the basis for an aesthetic of
make the banks of the river white;
heroism, extraordinary courage and nobility that is the
The buffaloes pack the river;
chief feature of the epics of the Western Highlands.
the cows make the hill red with the colour of their hides; The elephants are as numerous as the dust in the clouds; The chickens are like falling leaves in August; The pigs are like watermelons in
VIETNAMESE EPICS ARE LIVING ONES
May.10 Most of the world’s famous epics were written many mil-
The main aesthetic feature of the epics lies in their hero-
lennia ago, historical documents from ancient times
ism and harmony rather than in tragedy, for this is
showing that Homer’s two epics were written down
linked to social conflict between the rulers and the
during the reign of Pigitrade in the sixth century B.C.
ruled. Heroism and harmony, on the other hand, are the
The Ramayana epic appeared in the fourth century B.C.
two outstanding traits of the epics of the Western
However, the poet Homer and the Indian epics are only
Highlands, since they spring from the social reality of a
known in their written forms; the nature of their pres-
region that has a high degree of social harmony and
ence in the everyday lives of the peoples from which
unity.
they came cannot be known with certainty. Important factors such as their authorship, public and performance
At the time the epics were created, the members of the
are the subject of some mystery.
same village loved and cared for one another, sharing each other’s joys and sorrows. An affront to one member
However, the study of folk culture has recently uncov-
was avenged by the whole community. At the head of
ered the phenomenon of ‘living epics’; it is believed that
the village was the village elder, who was elected by the
this is a major discovery that could transform estab-
people; and the villagers solved conflicts according to
lished views about epics, which are based on knowledge
customary laws that came down from the ancestors. It
of the literary epics composed in ancient and medieval
was a society whose members followed the principles of
times. For Vietnamese epics include a large number of
unity, love and mutual assistance.
living ones, so that we can still witness epics being per-
99
formed in front of a captivated audience. Sabatier many
Vietnamese epics and their development can readily be
years since wrote, ‘At sunset a person in the house
observed because they still exist as a living, popular lit-
began to tell epic stories. Everyone listened intently. At
erature. When singing or performing, the artist is
sunrise the following morning the whole house was still
allowed to draw on his own repertoire of folk literature,
listening. No one had
moved.’13
as well as improvise and change the order of the verses. This lends a new vitality to the epics, and is linked to
Ka Sô Liêng made a similar observation in 1993. ‘I have
the process of their development, which takes place
many times witnessed people of the Cham ethnic
through their absorption of local elements and their
minority in Hoi village, Phu Mo district, listen to Ma
geographical and generic spread.
Phui singing the epic of Xing Cho Ôn throughout the night,’ he wrote. ‘The audience sat or lay down all over
Concerning this latter point, during the epics’ golden
Ma Phui’s house and listened as if it were swallowing
age, the larger epics moved through different regions, absorbing smaller, local ones as they did so, while themselves becoming ever larger and more elaborate. Smaller
There are two environments for the performance of
epics were thus ‘reborn’ into larger ones, or tended to
epics. The first is a cultural and artistic environment
overlap with one another. As a result, one or two epics
designed for entertainment and education, in other
of a national scale were formed which corresponded to
words one similar to that in which fairy tales are told.
the historical development of the nation. When the state
Typically this environment is itself a part of the season
itself came into being, the archaic epics became antique,
of rest and celebration (ning nong) and follows religious
thus marking the birth of the antique epics.
ceremonies, or is a part of festivities taking place after a meal to welcome guests when everyone has become slightly drunk (the ethnic minorities of the Western
VIETNAMESE EPICS AT HOME AND ABROAD
Highlands do not drink wine during meals). Here the epics are recited in a dreamlike atmosphere that is
Viet Nam consists of the Viet people and of fifty-three
imbued with popular beliefs about the yang, giving what
ethnic minorities belonging to the Viet-Muong, Tay-
we might call the illusion of realism. Epic stories in all
Thai, Tibeto-Burman, Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian
cases are performed in settings that are primarily cul-
linguistic groups. As a result of the state’s territory con-
tural and artistic and are not the religious ones familiar
taining these different linguistic groups, Vietnamese
to the performance of a mo epic.
people have had cultural relations with a wide variety of countries. Since epics are a significant form of cultural
The second setting is this religious one, and it is famil-
expression worldwide, when considered in generic
iar from the mo epics of northern Viet Nam. Here, epics
terms, Vietnamese epics too have connections that ex-
are sung during a funeral over the coffin containing the
tend beyond the political boundaries of the country.
body of the deceased, and in the presence of offerings, an altar to the guardian spirit of the performer and the
To date, we have been able to establish the following
mourning family (as described above). Major differences
links:
exist in the attire worn by artists singing or performing
the epics. In the first performance setting, the singer
Indian epic the Ramayana was summarized by Viet-
does not wear a special costume and can sit or lie down;
namese Confucian scholars in a compilation of fairy
in the second, he wears a special costume.
tales and legends that appeared in Viet Nam entitled
Vietnamese-Indian: Some five centuries ago, the
The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam
each word and each
line.’14
PHAN DANG NHÂT
100
Linh Nam Chich Quai [A Compilation of Strange Stories
Chuong Han and his army leave heaven in order to be
in Viet Nam]. This contains a story entitled The Legend
reborn into the human world. Subsequently Chuong
of the Demon King, or A Story from Champa, which is
Han marries the beautiful Ngom Muon; defeats Tao
really a shorter version of the Ramayana.
Qua; liberates the Thai territory of Ngan Giang and mar-
This version of the Indian epic faithfully preserves
ries the beautiful Ua Ca; launches an attack on the terri-
the characters, characteristics and main plot of the orig-
tory of Pah Can and marries U Keo; rules Ngan Giang
inal. The Demon King of the title, named Truong Minh
territory and brings peace to the land; defeats the lieu-
Vuong or Thap Dau Vuong (the King with Ten Heads),
tenants of Pha Huon, a territorial lord, and marries the
corresponds to the demon racxarca, or ravana, who also
bright-eyed Kham Dat, and is killed in a fight with the
has ten heads. The crown prince in the Vietnamese tale
one-eyed demon man. His soul, together with those of
is called Vi Ba (corresponding to Rama), the son of Thap
his soldiers, then goes to heaven, where Chuong Han
Xa Vuong (the King with Ten Chariots) or King
defeats the gods in battle and conquers the land. He
Decaratha, which also means ten chariots in Sanskrit.
then takes his revenge on the one-eyed demon, becom-
Similarly, in the Vietnamese epic Xita, the wife of Vi Ba,
ing the Lord of the Twelfth Territory in heaven. Finally,
is abducted by demons and brought to the island of
Tao Hung, the son of Chuong Han, invades Tum Hoang,
Lanka (i.e. the country of Dieu Nghiem). With the help
and becomes king on earth. People everywhere live in
of an army of monkeys led by Hanuman, Prince Vi Ba is
peace, harmony and prosperity:
able to cross the ocean and rescue his wife. The influence of the Ramayana epic is also widely
There are no more major enemies who dare attack us;
felt in other Asian countries such as Tibet and Mongolia,
The whole world lives in peace and happiness;
and occupies an important position too in the cultures
Everywhere people pay tributes in gold and silver;
of Cambodia, Champa, Indonesia, the Lao People’s
No one dares to neglect their duties.
Democratic Republic and Thailand. In fact it was from Champa that the Ramayana spread to Viet Nam and was
In the Lao P.D.R., there is an epic entitled Thao Hung-
summarized under its new title. This is an excellent
Thao Chuong whose contents closely resemble that of
example of the long-standing cultural exchange and
Chuong Han. The similarities between the main charac-
relations existing between Viet Nam and
India.15
ters in each are most striking, both epics sharing the
Vietnamese-Malaysian: ‘Dêwa Munô has been
characters of Chuong Han and Thao Hung, Thao
handed down from one generation to the next, has
Chuong, Eng Ka, Pha Huon and Ngom Muon, for
always been highly valued and continues to be recorded
example. The two epics also have many other character
people’;16
‘The Cham adore Dêwa Munô:
and place names in common, though these sound
they speak Dêwa Munô, analyse Dêwa Munô and sing
slightly different due to variations in pronunciation. Tao
by the Cham
Dêwa Munô in a voice that is purely Dêwa
Munô’.17
This
Qua becomes Thao Qua, for example, while An Khai
epic originated in Malaysia and was exported to Cham
becomes Am Khai, Hun Vang becomes Hun Bang, the
areas towards the end of the sixteenth and beginning of
Quang frontier pass becomes Khoang, Ngan Giang
the seventeenth centuries. This is the conclusion of
becomes Ngon Nhang, Tum Hoang becomes Tum Vang,
G. Moussay, who made a detailed comparison between
and so on.
one.18
However, the main theme and content of both
Vietnamese-Lao: Chuong Han is a celebrated and
epics – the battles between the heroic characters – is
well-loved epic (11 chapters and 2,940 lines) among the
identical in each. In each the battles mostly take place
Thai in the north-west of Viet Nam. In it, the heroic
on earth, and in each Chuong Han and Thao Chuong
the Cham version of Dêwa Munô and the Malaysian
101
respectively defeat almost all their enemies, but are
audiences; they are a product of folk culture moving
finally themselves killed by the one-eyed demon. Like
across ethnic-minority boundaries. They also have a
Chuong Han, Thao Chuong also goes to heaven, defeats
multifaceted relationship with epics from other coun-
the gods and finally carves out his own kingdom there.
tries, especially those in South-East Asia, the Far East
Thus, it can be said that Chuong Han and Thao Hung-
and South Asia. This accounts for their common origins
Thao Chuong share the same origin and come from the
and the fact that they bear witness to the age-old cul-
same cultural background, namely that of Thai culture.
tural exchanges that have taken place between the vari-
Vo Quang Nhan made a similar observation when he
ous ethnic groups.
torical legend absorbed by Lao and Thai poets.’19
However this vast and unique treasure house of epics is
Vietnamese-Chinese: Epics popular among the
in urgent need of collection and study. They are fast dis-
ethnic minorities of southern China, such as Lang Chinh
appearing with the older generation of artists. A greater
Shot the Sun, Dac Lôc Shot the Sun, Dinh Lac, The Bile of
effort is needed on the part of Vietnamese folklorists,
the Camel, The Song of the Creation of the World and so
assisted by researchers from other countries.
on, are closely linked with the epic Giving Birth to the Land and the Water (Viet-Muong) and Am Êt Luông (Thai). These have been handed down from one gener-
NOTES
ation to the next and remain very much alive in areas that once formed the centre of Bach Viet culture.20
1.
Phan Dang Nhât, Su thi Ramayana co o Viêt Nam cach
dây khoang 5 thê ky [The Ramayana Epic has Existed in Viet
In short, as well as being the most important works of
Nam for some Five Centuries], Revue des Sciences Sociales,
popular culture, epics represent the cultural values of
No. 32, 1997, pp. 62–3.
their respective countries, as well as the deep bonds
2.
existing between them. Such connections came about
Trautman, 1927.
because the ethnic groups either share the same roots or
3.
have long participated in mutual cultural exchange.
Genesis of Earth and Water, Thanh Hoa, 1975; Bui Thiên,
L. Sabatier, La chanson de Damsan, Paris, Le Blanc et
Vuong Anh and Hoang Anh Nhân (eds. and trans.),
Thuong Diêm and Quach Dao (eds. and trans.), Genesis of Earth and Water, Hanoi, 1976.
CONCLUSION
4.
Proceedings of a Conference on Genesis of Earth and Water,
Thanh Hoa Office of Culture, 1974; Proceedings of a Conference
Thus it may be said with certainty that a treasure house
on the Epics of the Western Highlands, Hanoi, Éditions des
of epics lives in the hearts of the ethnic minorities of
Sciences Sociales, 1998. Recent editions of the epics include:
Viet Nam. Such epics are both rich in number and
Genesis of Earth and Water, Introduction by Dang Van Lung,
diverse in genre; among them are works of great distinc-
Hanoi, 1988; Nguyên Van Hoan (ed.), Dam San, Hanoi, 1988;
tion. The present chapter has discussed an area that has
Phan Dang Nhât, Ede Epics, Hanoi, 1991; Truong Si Hung,
favoured the production of epics, namely the Western
Mythical Epics of the Muong, Hanoi, 1992; and Dô Hông Ky,
Highlands, thus contributing to the cultural character of
Mythical Epics of the Mnong, Hanoi, 1996.
the region.
5.
The themes of these epics can be divided into two cat-
egories: (1) Creation epics whose main theme is the birth of the
Vietnamese epics are a living, popular art form that tal-
cosmos, the earth, water, humans and other creatures. Chinese
ented artists continue to recite every day to captivated
researchers classify the following as creation epics: Lang Chinh
The timeless epics of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam
wrote that ‘the epic of Chuong Han was originally a his-
102
Shot the Sun, Dac Lôc Shot the Sun, Dinh Lac, The Bile of the
18.
Moussay, op. cit.
Camel, The Primeval Song, The Birth of the World (see Nông
19.
Vo Quang Nhon, The Folklore of the Ethnic Minorities of
Quan Phâm, Essays on Ethnic Cultures, Quang Tay, 1993). In
Viet Nam, p. 373, Hanoi, 1983.
Viet Nam, the following can be classified as creation epics:
20.
Nông Quang Phâm, op. cit.
Genesis of Earth and Water (Mo nong) and Am Êt Luông (Thai). (2) Epics on social institutions, which focus on social organ-
REFERENCES
PHAN DANG NHÂT
ization, especially the defence of the community, the expansion of the realm, an increase in population and property in order
La chanson de Damsan. 1927. Collected and transcribed in
to have a rich and strong community, and an end to incessant
French by L. Sabatier. Paris, Le Blanc et Trautman.
warfare in order to bring about a stable and prosperous society.
De dât de nuoc [Genesis of Earth and Water]. 1975. Text col-
In Viet Nam, Dam Xan, Xing Nha (Ede) and Chuong Han
lected, translated and annotated by Vuong Anh and
(Thai) belong in this category. These two types are closely con-
Hoang Anh Nhân. Service de la Culture de la Province
nected, creation epics being influenced by social-institution
de Thanh Hoa.
epics and vice versa. Moreover, some epics contain elements
De dât de nuoc [Genesis of Earth and Water]. 1976. Text col-
from both types. One example is the Ot Nrong of the Mo Nong.
lected and translated by Bui Thiên, Thuong Diêm and
6.
Quach Dao. Hanoi, Éditions de la Littérature.
The collection of Mo Nong epics continues; this is a pro-
visional figure. The total number of Mo Nong epics extant may be higher. 7.
H EGEL , G. W. F. 1971. Esthétique, Vol. 3. Hanoi, Éditions des Beaux Arts. (Trans. by Nhu Thanh.)
[The Anglo-Saxon term swidden is used in this article
I NRASARA . 1994. Van hoc Cham, khai luân – van tuyen [Cham
and elsewhere to designate a field cultivated by the slash-and-
Literature: Overall Survey and Selected Works]. Hanoi,
burn method without any form of irrigation. The term was
Éditions de la Culture Nationale.
revived in 1951 by the Swedish ethnographer and anthropologist K. G. Izikowitz. Nowadays it is widely used by anthropol-
M OUSSAY, G. 1989. Akayet Dêwa Munô. Kuala Lumpur, École Française d’Extrême-Orient.
ogists to designate fields used by successive cultivators,
N ÔNG Q UANG P HÂM . 1993. Luân tâp van hoa dân tôc [A
especially those in the tropical zones of Africa, the Americas,
Study of National Culture]. Éditions de l’Éducation de
Asia and Melanesia, including New Guinea. – Ed.]
Guangxi.
8.
G. W. F. Hegel, Esthétique, Vol. 3 (trans. by Nhu Thanh),
P HAN D ANG N HÂT . 1997. Su thi Ramayana co o Viêt Nam
p. 434, Hanoi, 1971.
cach dây khoang 5 thê ky [The Ramayana Epic has
9.
The Epic of Chi Lo Kok, p. 8, Hanoi, 1987.
Existed in Viet Nam for Some Five Centuries]. Revue des
10.
Ibid., p. 9.
Sciences Sociales (Ho Chi Minh City), No. 32.
11.
Epics of the Western Highlands, p. 325, Hanoi, 1963.
12.
Ibid., p. 356.
13.
Sabatier, op. cit., p. 143.
14.
The Epic of Xing Chi Ôn (ed. and trans. by Ka Sô Liêng),
p. 4, Hanoi, 1993.
Truong ca Chi Lo Kok [The Epic of Chi Lo Kok]. 1987. Hanoi, Éditions de la Culture Nationale. Truong ca Tay Nguyên [The Epic of the Central Highlands]. 1963. Hanoi, Éditions de la Littérature. Truong ca Xing Chi Ôn [The Epic of Xing Chi Ôn]. 1993. Text
15.
See Phan Dang Nhât, op. cit., p. 63.
collected by Ka Sô Liêng. Hanoi, Éditions de la Culture
16.
G. Moussay, Akayet Dêwa Munô, p. 25, Kuala Lumpur,
Nationale.
École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 1989. 17.
V O Q UANG N HON . 1983. Van hoa dân gian cac dân tôc it nguoi
Inrasara, Cham Literature: Overall Survey and Selected
o Viêt Nam [The Folklore of the Ethnic Minorities of
Works, Vol. 1, p. 114, Hanoi, Éditions de la Culture Nationale,
Viet Nam]. Hanoi, Éditions de l’Éducation Supérieure et
1994.
Professionnelle.
103
PART TWO
Considerations on cultural policies in Viet Nam and Asia
105
Safeguarding and promoting the traditional musical heritage of minority groups in Viet Nam TRÂN VAN KHÊ
Viet Nam’s population of more than 72 million – 74 mil-
liberation which lasted for nearly half a century, the
lion according to some recent official figures – includes
melting-pot of peoples, the meeting of cultures, the
about 13 million minority peoples belonging to over
development of new means of mass communication, the
54 ethnic groups. In this chapter only those aspects of
changing ways of life, the assault on popular traditions
the cultural heritage pertaining to these will be dis-
by new forms of music and dancing imported from the
cussed. Views will be put forward on the problems of
West with its substantial technical and financial
preserving, promoting and revitalizing the intangible
resources have all come as a violent shock to the cul-
cultural heritage of the minority peoples of Viet Nam.
tural heritage of the Vietnamese of the Kinh or Viet ethnic groups, and also to that of the minority groups. This has resulted in the decline, weakening and some-
IMPORTANCE OF PRESERVATION
times even the disappearance of traditional forms of music and dance.
Each people has its own particular way of life and, in the course of its history, has created works of art, pieces
However, the heritage must be safeguarded because: (a)
of music, dances and other forms of performing art. This
it is a vital component of the cultural identity of the
heritage, handed down from generation to generation,
minority peoples of Viet Nam; (b) it is of undeniable
has stood the test of time, and, enriched with new cre-
artistic value; (c) it is a cultural treasure not only for the
ations, now constitutes a priceless treasure of unde-
groups directly involved, but also for the whole of Viet
niable artistic value.
Nam and, on a wider scale, for humankind at large; and (d) it is vital for a comparative study in the spheres of
However, the new political, sociological and economic
ethnomusicology, choreography and the performing
conditions prevailing in Vietnamese society, the wars of
arts.
106
MEANS OF PRESERVATION
Collectors must be trained to perform this scientific
TRÂN VAN KHÊ
work, beginning with bibliographical research into the The term ‘safeguard’ is used to denote the intention to
documents to be recorded and the preparation of data
preserve something precious which, for one reason or
sheets on the musical genre, its instruments and per-
another, is liable to disappear. There are two ways of
formers. In the field, they should be familiar with pre-
ensuring preservation: passive and active. Passive
cautions to be taken during recording sessions, with
preservation consists of recording by audiovisual means
questioning methods used of the persons providing
all aspects of the cultural heritage of a people and con-
information, and with the right way to take notes and
serving these documentary records in the sound
draft field notebooks using suitable terminology, record
archives of museums. Active preservation consists not
sheets, etc. Technicians should have a good knowledge
only of collecting documents concerning the cultural
of recording techniques using modern audiovisual
heritage but also: circulating recorded materials chosen
equipment. A short workshop should be organized to
for their interest, originality and artistic value; handing
train field researchers and technicians; these, in turn,
on skills in the practice of traditional music, dancing
would then be able to train other collectors across the
and theatrical art to the younger generation; and finding
country. Recorded documents should be classified and
favourable conditions in order to give certain musical
conserved in archives with accompanying data and lis-
genres, forms of theatre and forms of dance a new func-
tening sheets. They should be the subject of analytical
tion in contemporary society – in other words to revital-
and comparative studies. A second workshop should
ize the cultural heritage.
also be held on musical terminology and on notions of musical expression and methods of analysis.
Active safeguarding therefore implies several different operations: the collection, archiving, analysis and circu-
Circulating audiovisual documents
lation of audiovisual documents dealing with the cultural heritage, as well as the handing on to young people
Once the recorded documents have been classified and
of skills in the practice of traditional music, dance and
indexed, they should not be locked away in the sound
the performing arts, and the revitalization of the cultural
archives of museums or research institutes that are inac-
heritage. These may be done in a number of ways.
cessible to the general public. On the contrary, they must be widely circulated in the form of records and
Collecting and archiving audiovisual documents
audio- and videocassettes. They should be the subject of cultural and artistic programmes on radio and televi-
This work calls for harmonious co-operation between
sion, and should be discussed in press articles, publica-
the cultural officials who finance the operation, the
tions in Vietnamese and foreign languages and in
musicologists or ethnomusicologists who direct the
communications at international conferences. It is there-
preparatory work in libraries and sound libraries and
fore essential to arrange regular radio and television
who conduct field studies, the technicians who make
broadcasts of such material at prime time. Regional,
recordings on audio- or videotape, and the informants –
national and international festivals should also be or-
the performers and possessors of the traditions them-
ganized.
selves. As far as possible, field studies should be carried out by native specialists and technicians to whom the
Transmitting musical traditions
doors of people’s houses and the hearts of artists from the same ethnic group are more readily opened.
When a good audio document is widely circulated, it
107
attracts the attention of the general public. Consider-
Nam, made by French researchers and ethnologists such
ation should therefore be given to the possibility of
as Georges Condominas, the Countess of Chambure and
transmitting traditional music and dance to young
Madame de Hautecloque, are conserved in the sound
people wishing to become familiar with them, so as to
archives of the Musée de l’Homme and the Musée
prepare the task of revitalizing the cultural heritage. The
Guimet in France. In Viet Nam, other recordings of the
cultural centres of the Central Highlands (Tay Nguyen)
music of the minority peoples of the region have been
region, for example, might organize regular courses in
made by researchers at the Musicology Institute of Viet
playing traditional instruments, or at least workshops
Nam. Reports by Vietnamese researchers on the present
held during holidays or at certain times of the year.
state of documentation of the music of these peoples,
Revitalizing the cultural heritage
to be made concerning what needs to be recorded before it disappears once and for all.
Revitalization can be achieved when the function of a particular type of music in a given society is restored
At all events, the following should be recorded:
and when a substantial percentage of the population
agrees to take part in, listen to or watch the event con-
individuals from the cradle to the grave. These include
cerned. The work of revitalization must be accompanied
lullabies, which are the first lessons in musical edu-
by that of gathering, analysing and selecting audiovisual
cation that a baby receives from its mother. While the
documents, while at the same time stimulating an
mother’s milk nourishes the body of the infant, a popu-
awareness among political and cultural leaders, the pos-
lar melody or poem is implanted in its memory, and
sessors of traditions and the general public, of the need
later the child will associate the love which it felt for its
to safeguard, promote and revitalize the intangible cul-
mother with the lullaby. It should be noted that some
tural heritage of the minority peoples concerned. With
popular songs from particular regions reproduce the
this in mind, the last part of this chapter will propose
musical structure of lullabies from the same region.
practical action to be taken.
They also include the alternating songs sung by boys
Music and dance forms that accompany the life of
and girls during courting which are encountered in nearly all Asian countries and are accompanied by specific customs. These songs include the luon, the phuoi
WHAT TO SAFEGUARD
pac, the luon coi of the Tay, the sli of the Nung, the phi pha, the gau phenh of the Hmong, the khap of the Thai,
Everything should be safeguarded that gives a people its
the rang cap and the bi of the Muong.
true cultural identity, that has genuine artistic value and
that is liable to disappear in the near future. Of course,
Highlands of Viet Nam, such as the A-took of the Jorai,
information on the current state of the cultural life of
the Khan of the Rhades, the Hmon of the Bahnar, as well
the minority peoples will help us to make a choice
as those of other peoples, including the Nung, the Tay
among the forms of expression that are to be collected,
and the Cham.
conserved, studied, circulated and reintroduced into
contemporary Vietnamese society.
luon then of the Tày, the but tao of the Nung, the mo moi
The epics of the minority peoples of the Central
Ritual songs, such as the khap sen of the Thai, the
of the Muong, etc. A great many recordings of the music of the minority
peoples of the region of the Central Highlands of Viet
with a raised central boss. The Gong Ensembles
Gong ensembles that include flat gongs and gongs
Safeguarding and promoting the traditional musical heritage of minority groups in Viet Nam
and on musical life in this region, will enable a decision
TRÂN VAN KHÊ
108
Festival, held in Gia Lai-Kontum in March 1995,
them). In addition, not only the bearers of the musical
brought together fourteen groups from the provinces of
traditions, but, above all, political leaders, prominent
Darlac, Phu Khanh and Gia Lai-Kontum; there was also
figures in the cultural world and the general public must
the opportunity to hear the gong groups of the Muong
be convinced of the artistic value of the cultural heritage
people from the province of Hoa Binh. One observation
and hence of the need for it to be safeguarded and pro-
of particular interest to emerge from the festival was the
moted. They must be cured of their inferiority complex
fact that the ciang ensemble of six flat gongs of the Ma
in relation to music and dance imported from the West.
people, where the gongs are struck with the fist of the
This inferiority complex is an illness shared by peoples
right hand or by a wooden baton, is comparable to the
throughout Asia and Africa. The remedy is not to treat
gangsa ensemble of six flat gongs of the Kalinga people
the symptoms, but, rather, to attack the underlying
who live in the northern region of the island of Luzon in
causes. The following might be proposed:
the Philippines.
Vietnamese babies first lessons in musical education.
Mouth-organs, such as the mbuat, which consists
The singing of lullabies should be revived to give
of a bundle of six pipes divided into groups of four and
two pipes, and the ding nam of the Rhade people, which
songs based on popular songs. They must also be taught
is a mouth-organ consisting of a bundle of six pipes
new songs composed in the traditional style before they
divided into two groups of three. There is also the khen
are introduced to songs written in the Western idiom or
of the Thai people, which resembles the instrument of
to the popular songs of other countries. After all, chil-
the same name played by the Thais of Thailand and by
dren are taught their mother tongue before they learn
the Lao people, and instruments of the Tay and Nung
foreign languages.
people, which resemble the keluri dayak of Borneo, etc.
Sounding-stone ensembles resembling the litho-
those of universities, should include music-training
phone were discovered by Georges Condominas at Ndut
periods to enable students to become familiar, at least in
Lieng Krak in 1949 and are now conserved in the Musée
broad outline, with the wealth of their cultural heritage.
de l’Homme in Paris. The Khanh son lithophone, a set
of twelve acoustic stones, is conserved in the Phu
ing companies should ensure the wide circulation of
Khanh Museum.
basic features of the cultural heritage for the benefit of
the general public.
Drum ensembles, such as the gi nang and barinung
of the Chams of Thuan Hai province.
Children should be given fresh access to children’s
Primary- and secondary-school curricula, and even
The press, radio and television stations and record-
Music, dance and traditional theatrical perfor-
mances, together with competitions for traditional instruments and popular arts festivals, should be given moral and financial support by the government, by commercial and industrial firms in Viet Nam, and by inter-
PROPOSALS FOR PRACTICAL ACTION
national organizations.
The possessors of national traditions who have
The purpose of this section is to highlight conditions
devoted their lives to the transmission of the cultural
favourable to the work of safeguarding, promoting and
heritage to the younger generation deserve to be hon-
above all revitalizing the cultural heritage of the min-
oured at both national and international level.
ority peoples of Viet Nam. For that to be possible, the essential features of the cultural heritage must, as we
Working on the basis of these ideas, the following con-
pointed out earlier, be recorded (so as to safeguard
crete measures can now be proposed:
Organization of a workshop to train trainers:
illustrations. This meeting would be attended by promi-
selected from among musicians or musicologists who
nent Vietnamese political and cultural figures and would
have already acquired some experience of fieldwork,
be televised at prime viewing time. It would discuss
these trainers will be able to train others to perform
measures to be taken to revitalize the intangible cultural
simple tasks after a brief course. Attention has already
heritage, such as the introduction of a compulsory musi-
been drawn to the need to equip persons engaged in
cal education period in the general school syllabus,
fieldwork (ethnomusicological research or the collection
financial aid for popular arts festivals, the creation of an
of audiovisual documents) with at least a minimum of
honorary title for the possessors and masters of the tra-
practical knowledge, such as the preparation of survey
ditional arts, etc. Declarations of intent by political and
sheets, record sheets, and listening sheets, and the oper-
cultural leaders would be recorded. Members of the
ation of audiovisual recording machines. This would
public would be able to phone in or write to the tele-
allow them not only to film and record sounds, but also
vision station to give their opinions.
to produce audiovisual documents that lend themselves to use in an ethnomusicological study.
To enable the safeguarding, promotion and revitalization
Creation of sound-recording archives and video-
of the cultural heritage of the minority peoples to be
libraries in the Dalat region: given its very high humid-
consolidated, the latter should be allowed to conserve
ity, the climate of Viet Nam is not favourable to the
their languages, ways of life, customs and beliefs, and
conservation of documents. Without air-conditioning,
teaching in primary and secondary schools in the
magnetic tapes are liable to rot. However, the Dalat
provinces where they live should take account of the
region, which borders on several provinces in which
special features of these ethnic groups.
minority people still live, lends itself as a place for archiving recorded audiovisual documents, as the climate there is more propitious.
Comparative study of gong ensembles in Viet Nam
CONCLUSION
and other countries of South-East Asia: this would begin with the systematic recording of performances by gong
Safeguarding the cultural heritage of a people is vital to
ensembles in Viet Nam, and would continue with bian-
the preservation of its cultural identity. The minority
nual festivals with national and international partici-
peoples living on Vietnamese territory contribute differ-
pation. These festivals might be organized alternately by
ent flowers to the musical garden of Viet Nam. The spe-
each of the countries of South-East Asia taking part.
cific culture of a people is not an ivory tower with
Organization of popular arts festivals: encounters
hermetically sealed doors; on the contrary, it must be
between musicians, dancers or actors from different
open to other forms of culture. A foreign culture may be
ethnic groups at a regional or national festival would
a fruitful addition to the national culture, but it can
strengthen the desire of all participants to perpetuate
never replace it. Safeguarding does not mean turning
their national art. In some cases, as in the regions bor-
our backs on the past, forgetting the present and disre-
dering Thailand or China, these festivals could be or-
garding the future. Safeguarding is the point of depar-
ganized by an international committee.
ture for a new process of development, setting out from
Organization of an international televised meeting
the solid basis of the cultural heritage. Preservation
on the artistic value of the cultural heritage for special-
should not be confused with conservatism. Develop-
ists, who would explain the specific and artistic features
ment is never synonymous with Westernization and
of the music of the minority peoples with accompanying
acculturation.
Safeguarding and promoting the traditional musical heritage of minority groups in Viet Nam
109
111
Cultures of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam: some problems and realities NONG QUÔC CHAN
Each ethnic group in Viet Nam has its own traditional
preservation and renewal of their cultures, while pro-
culture, though the socio-economic level of each is dif-
moting cultural exchange between ethnic Vietnamese
ferent. From those that have preserved their traditional
and the country’s various ethnic minorities. An exhi-
cultural forms, to those that have adopted the culture of
bition on the cultural life of ethnic groups took place in
modern civilization, each ethnic group faces huge prob-
1956, for example. Since 1960, Schools of Culture and
lems. Some are running just to stay in place, and getting
the Arts have operated in the regions of Viet Bac, Tay
nowhere; others have been assimilated against their will
Bac and Tay Nguyen, and in Cham, Khmer and Hoa dis-
and are losing their values and identity. This situation
tricts, and between 1987 and 1990 cultural festivals for
and the cultural issues facing ethnic minorities in Viet
ethnic groups were organized at local level, culminating
Nam should be evaluated in order to develop awareness
in Hanoi and in Ho Chi Minh City. At the University of
and policies for cultural preservation, development and
Culture, a Faculty of Cultural Management designated
exchange.
for the children of ethnic minorities has been opened. Ethnic cultural villages are being built.
What is the reality of the cultural life of the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam? Since they live in the same
Language
country, each Vietnamese ethnic group realizes that its members are Vietnamese citizens: Vietnamese culture is
The written and spoken languages of a number of ethnic
a culture of many ethnic groups. The relationship
groups exist side by side with the Vietnamese language
between ethnic groups in Viet Nam is one of equality,
(also called the Kinh language), which is the official
each helping the other to defend and build up the coun-
national script. Their languages are also used in literary
try. In this spirit, the government has created the condi-
works and in the performing arts. However, among
tions for ethnic groups gradually to progress in the
young people in small towns and provincial centres, the
112
spoken and written languages of the ethnic minorities
Conservation, development and exchange
are gradually disappearing. The reason for this is the way in which ethnic groups are distributed, making it
How is a culture to be maintained, revitalized and sub-
difficult for the mass media to popularize activities in
jected to exchange at home and abroad in the modern
each linguistic community, even though a number of
world? This is no easy task at a time when information
ethnic languages are used.
is moving ever faster. If the ethnic minorities could learn to make use of the dynamic laws of the market economy
Points in common and distinguishing features
to develop economic strong points, such as in the use of forest resources, indigenous flora, minerals and animal
In general, the lifestyles and customs of the ethnic
husbandry, for example, then their awareness and their
minorities retain many traditional traits, such as kinship
ability to preserve and revitalize their own cultural iden-
ties, beliefs, communal language, closeness to nature
tities could be increased.
NONG QUÔC CHAN
and person-to-person relationships that are rarely characterized by self-interest. How can these values resist the
The collection, study and classification of cultural arte-
onslaught of market forces? The ethnic minorities are
facts with a view to the continuation, revival and
still poor, yet each group maintains its distinctive
exchange of cultures among the ethnic groups should be
values, identity and character, as revealed in folk-songs,
pursued with a sense of urgency. The elderly, who are
musical instruments, the richness of the dances and the
the custodians of the valuable cultural heritage, are
designs and colours of the traditional costumes. The
passing on, and development and construction, whether
minority groups have contributed throughout history to
inadvertently or deliberately, is destroying many beauti-
building the country in a spirit of tolerance, dignity and
ful customs.
courage, yet each one honours its own distinctive cultural identity. For instance, the traditional stilt houses of
Each person in the country should realize the need to
the Tay people are different in architectural style to
continue with the work of preserving traditional ethnic
those of the Thai. Ethnic groups in different areas have
cultures through research, film and sound recording,
their own ways of organizing festivals, weddings, funer-
and through the translation and publication of written
als, death anniversaries and New Year celebrations by
works. With this in mind, the Cultural Museum of
way of figurative language, dance movements, folk-
Ethnic Minorities in Viet Nam and the Museum of Fine
songs and music.
Arts of Viet Nam are putting into effect plans that will contribute to the collection and display of the cultural heritage of the ethnic minorities.
113
34
35
114
36 34. A ceremonial table set with various offerings, ancestor worship (Ha Giang). © La Công Y.
35. The funeral cortege (Ha Giang). © Mai Thanh Son.
36. Offerings are made at the riverbank (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
37. The officiant during the ceremonies for an initiation rite (Yen Bai). © La Công Y.
37
115
38 38. Rice offerings placed on the grave (Dac Lac). © Chu Thai Son.
39. Initiation ceremony among the Dao: the lamp has just been hung from the ceiling (Yen Bai). © La Công Y.
39
116
40 40. Invoking the ptau pui (‘fire king’) to bring rain (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
41. Sounding the trumpet during the elephant hunt (Dac Lac). © Tân Vinh.
42. Preparing ceremonial rice alcohol (Gia Lai). © Tiên Dung.
43. The Mask of the Ancestors in the grave-abandoning ceremony. (Gia Lai). © Vo Thi Thuong.
41
117
42
43
118
44 44. Gong and drum players at the communal house (Gia Lai). © Thi Thuong.
45. During the invocation of the ptau pui (‘fire king’) to bring rain (Gia Lai). © Nguyên Ngoc.
46. The prepared alcohol is placed in jars, ready for the month-long ceremonies for the ancestors (Gia Lai). © Vo Thi Thuong.
47. Preparing the alcohol (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
48. Making a coffin (Ha Nhi). © Mai Thanh Son.
49. A traditional dance takes place near the deceased during the wake (Lai Chau). © Mai Thanh Son.
45
119
46
47
120
48
49
121
The intangible culture of the Vietnamese minorities: questions and answers TÔ NGOC THANH
VIET NAM’S MULTI-ETHNIC CULTURE
In the case of Viet Nam, the existence of a national, multi-ethnic culture can be affirmed. Yet this is not
Not all multi-ethnic countries have a national, multi-
simply the sum of the different Vietnamese ethnic cul-
ethnic culture. In some countries, each ethnic culture
tures, but an overarching culture having its own charac-
occupies a relatively separate domain, and in spite of
teristics. This being so, many cultural zones in our
intercourse between cultures, a common culture rep-
country retain their own local colour. As a result, the
resenting the best of all the ethnic groups has not
richness and multifariousness of Vietnamese culture
emerged. In these countries, in certain historical circum-
derive not from the number of ethnic groups living in
stances, ethnic groups may easily grow apart and
Viet Nam, but from the fact that the fifty-four ethnic
become hostile to one another under the pretext of pro-
cultures that exist there have long entertained relations
tecting their ethnic culture and their particular interests,
with each other, contributing to the formation of cul-
or in the name of a religious belief. In other countries,
tural zones apart from the national multi-ethnic culture.
such as Viet Nam, ethnic culture does not induce chau-
This phenomenon has frequently been discussed, and a
vinism; on the contrary, it shares common features with
few examples of this cultural intercourse between the
the national, multi-ethnic culture. This common culture
different Vietnamese ethnic groups will underline its
is the crystallization of the cultural values of the various
salience.
ethnic groups; at the same time, it lays the foundations for a more dynamic and extensive intercourse between
According to linguistic studies, especially those by
different ethnic cultures, thus enriching and developing
Pham Duc Duong, the Vietnamese language, though
each one. However, it is not easy to achieve this cultural
built on a Mon-Khmer substratum, contains elements
concord and mutual understanding and respect, and it
taken from the Thai-Tay family of languages. Today we
requires certain historical conditions.
find Thai-Tay elements in Vietnamese vocabulary.
122
Similarly, the Cham contribution to the development of
These observations bear out the view that the different
the musical style typical of the Viet people of central and
cultures of the Vietnamese minority peoples, together
southern Viet Nam cannot be denied. Furthermore,
with that of the Viet, are organic parts of a Vietnamese
when the north-western region of Viet Nam was con-
multi-ethnic culture. They also show that Vietnamese
quered by the Black Thai a millennium ago, the local
ethnic groups have an age-old tradition of mutual inter-
Austro-Asiatic
subordinated.
course. Thus, if we speak of the role of a ‘capital’ cul-
However, the Black Thai later absorbed many Austro-
ture in a region or in the whole country, we should bear
Asiatic elements, so much so that Black Thai culture is
in mind the fact that this ‘capital’ culture is itself the
now distinct from that of other Thai groups living in
result of a process of intercourse between other ethnic
Viet Nam and elsewhere. Conversely, in the culture of
cultures. Though the different ethnic groups settled in
Austro-Asiatic groups living in north-western Viet Nam,
Viet Nam at different periods, this tradition of mutual
many Black Thai elements may be found.
influence has enabled them to integrate speedily into
ethnic
groups
were
TÔ NGOC THANH
the culture of the Vietnamese community as a whole. Such good cultural relations do not come out of the
As a result, while each ethnic identity is confirmed and
blue. On the contrary, they are the result of a long-term
spread more widely through its recognition by other
historical process in which Vietnamese ethnic groups
ethnic groups, each becomes richer and more devel-
have shared a common destiny and a common cultural
oped in the process. This is why in Viet Nam the size of
denominator. The ethnic groups of Viet Nam share the
its population, or the level of its social development, is
same ancient cultural substratum at least as far back as
not taken as the basis for an appreciation of the value of
the Bronze Age Dong Son culture, for example. At that
an ethnic group’s culture. The gong music of the
time their ancestors lived together in an environment
Central Highland minorities, for example, is highly
made up of monsoon tropical jungles; the northern
regarded.
Vietnamese delta did not come into existence before the Late Holocene Epoch. By the same token, the Vietnamese nation came into
MINORITY CULTURES IN DANGER
being very early. According to historical tradition in Viet Nam, the first Vietnamese king – King Duong Vuong –
The cultures of the Vietnamese minority peoples in gen-
acceded to the throne in 2878 B.C. and the country’s his-
eral, and their intangible aspects in particular, are in
tory therefore dates back close on 5,000 years. At this
danger of withering away. Sociological fieldwork has
early stage, Viet Nam was a multi-ethnic nation called
shown that this has various causes, including the war,
‘The Hundred Viets’ by the Han, and, in my opinion,
which lasted several decades and hindered the minority
this ‘Hundred Viets’ community probably included at
peoples in the conduct of their traditional cultural activ-
least the ancestors of the present-day Austro-Asiatic,
ities. It is also the result of a reluctance among some
Viet-Muong and Tay-Thai groups. The community prob-
local officials to accept the policy of the Vietnamese
ably joined in efforts to exploit the valleys and, after-
Government, which has always advocated the safeguard-
wards, the dike lands were reclaimed from the sea for
ing and promotion of the minority peoples’ culture. In
agriculture. Apart from that, the ‘Hundred Viets’ would
addition, an industrializing and urbanizing society is not
also have had to resist frequent foreign invasions, such
favourable to the safeguarding and revitalization of
sociohistorical factors all leading in due course to the
cultural activities that originated in a traditional farm-
emergence of a national, multi-ethnic culture.
ing society and in a village community. Similarly, an
123
‘externalist’ trend, i.e. one which confuses ‘civilization’
heritage. For example, between 1991 and 1993, two
with ‘culture’, has meant that members of both the
nationwide movements were organized – the Movement
majority and the minority populations, and especially
for Lullabies and the Movement for Children’s Songs
the younger generations, have regarded the national cul-
and Games. Lullabies and children’s songs, we believe,
ture as something backward and outdated. For them,
constitute each person’s first basic cultural activity and,
being ‘civilized’ and ‘modern’ means imitating Western
through it, children in the 3–11 age-group can be influ-
and urban ways of living.
enced. As a result, in the future a new generation that is more aware of its ethnic identity and culture will come to maturity. This generation will also be interested in other movements we are organizing, such as those conthose concerning research on ethnic customs and tradi-
Faced with the danger of the intangible culture of the
tional festivals.
Vietnamese ethnic groups dying out, I submitted, as a member of the National Commission for the Inter-
As part of this effort to revitalize the intangible culture
national Decade for Cultural Development initiated by
of the minority groups, the calendars of vernal and
UNESCO and as a representative of the Association of
autumnal festivals have been restored and festivals held
Vietnamese Folklorists, a proposal for a nationwide pro-
over the last few years in various Vietnamese villages. In
gramme entitled the ‘General Inventory of the Cultural
some regions with special traditions, such as the Quan
Heritage of Vietnamese Ethnicities’. This proposal,
Ho region, annual competitions for children and young
accepted by the Committee, was examined for approval
people have been organized by the local authorities.
by the Vietnamese Government and met with a warm
These activities, as yet infrequent, have shown that the
response in some provinces. Each provincial branch of
revitalization of the intangible culture and its revival in
the Association of Vietnamese Folklorists received a sum
people’s lives is welcome to the public. They have thus
of around $10,000 from the respective local authorities
enjoyed enthusiastic backing and have become part of a
to conduct the inventory, the work to be carried out
national movement carried out by the people them-
in conjunction with the provincial Department of
selves. In addition, we have also been organizing artistic
Culture and Information. Beside Son La, Yen Bai,
festivals periodically in each region and social group.
Yen Phu and An Giang, other provinces too looked
For instance, every two years we have been holding
into the situation in order to participate in this pro-
such festivals in three north-western provinces (Lai
gramme.
Chazu, Son La and Hoa Binh). Gong festivals have been held three times for the Central Highland minorities
However, the collection and safeguarding of the intan-
living in Lam Dong, Gia Lai, Daklak and Kontum with
gible cultural heritage by audiovisual means or in writ-
the participation of minority people from other pro-
ten archives is a ‘passive’ method, because it only allows
vinces. Artistic festivals at district-level are now held at
such heritage to survive in ‘textual’ form. We
least once a year.
wish
instead to revitalize it as a part of each ethnic group’s cultural life. The Ministry of Culture and Information, therefore, in co-operation with the Association of Vietnamese Folklorists and the Society of Minority Peoples’ Culture, has been endeavouring to ‘revive’ the cultural
The intangible culture of the Vietnamese minorities: questions and answers
cerning alternating songs sung by boys and girls, and
SOME EXPERIENCES
124
PROPOSALS
ensembles from the minority peoples to perform their cultural and artistic heritage from district-level upwards,
The Vietnamese Government should finalize without
specializing in subjects, age-groups, genres, social
delay the national programme entitled the ‘General
groups and so on.
TÔ NGOC THANH
Inventory of the Cultural Heritage of Vietnamese Ethnicities’ which was put forward originally by the
As far as the ‘General Inventory of the Cultural Heritage
National Commission for the International Decade for
of Vietnamese Ethnicities’ is concerned, four main pro-
Cultural Development. Following government ratifica-
jects areas may be outlined. The first of these is the set-
tion, the programme would become a state-supervised
ting-up of both local and central institutions for the
one, to be carried out by the various local authorities in
collection and preservation of the cultural heritage of
the country as a whole. In order to highlight the impor-
the ethnic-minority peoples. The second is the holding
tance and urgency of the programme, the Ministry of
of workshops and the establishment of collection teams
Culture and Information and the Ministry of Education
in organizations such as the Association of Vietnamese
and Training should be given the task of organizing
Folklorists and the Society of Minority Peoples’ Culture,
workshops for leading officials from the provinces and
as well as in the Department of Culture and Infor-
districts, especially for the provinces’ vice-presidents in
mation. The third project area is the founding of
charge of sociocultural matters. These workshops would
regional or local museums in addition to the existing
be designed to enhance these officials’ awareness, and
Museum of Minority Peoples’ Culture in Thai Nguyen.
they would enable them to draw up projects to carry out
And the fourth is the selection and production of low-
the programme at local level.
cost video- and audiotapes concerning minority culture and art. Such tapes could also be introduced into the
At state level, the policy of the safeguarding, promotion
programmes of the 500 mobile district-level information
and revival of the intangible cultural heritage of the
teams.
minority peoples should be turned into concrete projects. These might include: calendars of popular festi-
In general, priority should be given to small ethnic
vals; oral folk literature; folk music and folk-dance;
groups with populations under 2,000 and to ethnic
various kinds of folk art; customs, village charters, as
groups living in poor or far-flung regions. Oral culture
well as know-how and handicrafts. However in addition
should be emphasized, such as that which is often pre-
to such project areas, attention should also be paid to
served only in people’s minds such as music, dance,
introducing classes on the culture of the ethnic groups
epics and expertise in handicrafts. As far as collection
of Viet Nam into the school curriculum. The teaching of
methods are concerned, priority should be given to
minority scripts, which was halted by the wars in
audiovisual means and to writing; but, in parallel to
schools attended by minority children, should be
these, various movements such as those mentioned
resumed. Scripts for illiterate minority groups should
above should be organized in order to bring the cultural
also be devised. Such state-level projects designed to
heritage back into everyday life through festivals and
safeguard and promote the culture of the minority peo-
through exposing children to different expressions of
ples might also include the collection, archiving and dis-
their cultural heritage, such as songs and lullabies suit-
semination of texts written in ancient Thai, Tay, Zao,
able for each age-group.
Chao and Khmer, and the broadcasting of TV and radio programmes on minority cultures and in minority languages. They might, similarly, aim to encourage artistic
125
CONCLUSION
ment and personnel, these are greatly in need of inter-
Many Vietnamese institutions and organizations are
and experts is highly desirable. Much closer regional co-
already formulating and implementing programmes for
operation within South-East Asia, where the same or
the safeguarding and promotion of the intangible cul-
similar ethnic groups are often to be found in more than
tural heritage of Viet Nam’s minorities. However, as a
one country, would be greatly welcomed, and here
result of the unfavourable terrain and the lack of equip-
UNESCO could play a co-ordinating role.
The intangible culture of the Vietnamese minorities: questions and answers
national help and co-operation with foreign institutions
127
Minorities, education and cultural identity in Thailand SURIYA RATANAKUL
INTRODUCTION
1955 with the Border Patrol Police Programme, and was intensified in 1964 with the establishment of the Hill
Thailand is situated in the Golden Peninsula in South-
Tribe Research Centre attached to the Department of
East Asia with Myanmar, Cambodia, the Lao People’s
Public Welfare at the Ministry of the Interior. This
Democratic Republic and Malaysia as its immediate
centre was set up to conduct research on the hill tribes
neighbours. Compared to other countries in the South-
in the fields of education, health, economics, sociology,
East Asian region, Thailand is a rather homogeneous
and anthropology. Since its inception the centre’s re-
country with a population of 58 million that speak Thai,
search has been directed towards the socio-economic
together with approximately 600,000 people from vari-
and ethnological study of these hill peoples in order to
ous ethnic
minorities.1 These
minorities consist mainly
of hill tribes, such as the Hmong, Yao (Mien), Lisu,
improve the formulation and implementation of government policy towards them.
Lahu, Akha, Lawa, Mal, Khmu and the ‘Phi-tong-luang’ or Mrabri in the mountainous areas in the north, Sakai
While the impetus for the creation of the Hill Tribe
in the deep forests in the south and the forest-dwelling
Research Centre was political, the impulse which gener-
Karen scattered from the north to the south in provinces
ated the establishment of the Research Project for South-
near the Myanmar border.
East Asian Languages and Cultures at Mahidol University in 1974 came from academic interest, i.e. to
The relationship between these ethnic minorities and
advance Thai scholarship in the study of the languages
the Thai majority has until recently been characterized
and cultures of the country’s minority groups. These
by mutual tolerance and non-interference. The Thai
include speakers from different language families (e.g.
Government’s serious involvement with these minori-
Sino-Tibetan, Austro-Asiatic, Hmong-Yao, and Malayo-
ties, particularly with the northern hill tribes, started in
Polynesian) who claim different cultural heritages. The
SURIYA RATANAKUL
128
Sino-Tibetans, the Hmong, the Yao and the Karen, for
field, study has focused not so much on aspects of cul-
example, migrated from China, Laos and Myanmar
ture such as dance, weaving and rites; rather, it has been
around 150–200
while the Austro-Asiatics, such as
concerned with the world-views, myths, religious beliefs
the Mal, the Lawa, the Khmu and the Malayo-
and cultural values that underlie the various cultural
Polynesian, are all indigenous to the Golden Peninsula.
manifestations, attitudes and behaviours of these peo-
At first, due to the limited number of researchers, the
ples. The institute began this kind of cultural study by
project focused on the study of the languages of the
studying the culture of the Karen, the largest ethnic
Hmong, the Karen and the Lawa. Later, with the estab-
minority in Thailand, numbering 275,615, and the
lishment of the Institute of Language and Culture for
Lawa, a small minority with a population of 9,435.2 Its
Rural Development (1981) and its Graduate Programme
findings have made us more appreciative of their cul-
in South-East Asian Linguistics, more researchers were
tures. For example, the Karen’s holistic world-view,
recruited, thus enabling the institute to extend its work
which sees the world as an integrated whole and recog-
to other minorities, including the Yao, the Lahu, the
nizes the interdependence of all phenomena and the
Mal, the Khmu, the Mrabri and the Sakai. Nearly all the
embeddedness of individuals and societies in the cycli-
linguistic data collected in this study are now being used
cal processes of nature, offers us an alternative paradigm
as materials for courses in the Graduate Programme in
of perception to replace the old anthropocentric world-
South-East Asian Linguistics. The institute also plans to
view that has led to today’s environmental crisis, in
use these data as a basis for the compilation of dic-
which both the survival of the earth and of ourselves is
tionaries of all the minority languages, though up to
threatened. The belief in the interdependence of all phe-
now only dictionaries for the Karen, Lawa and Khmu
nomena and the values of harmony, which is much
languages have been produced due to the shortage of
emphasized in the Karen world-view, can also serve as
funds.
the basis for the environmental ethics we have been
AD,
looking for: for example, the Karen belief that a person Co-operation with universities in the United States and
who is wicked or cruel for no reason is unlucky. It is evi-
Australia over some years has enabled the institute to
dent that such beliefs have pragmatic value, bringing
intensify the study of minority languages. Each year
peace and harmony to Karen society. Moreover, they
researchers and graduate students are encouraged to
protect not only human beings but also animals and
undertake further research to advance scholarship in
nature from exploitation.3
South-East Asian linguistics in the country. Graduates from the institute are now working in different govern-
Another example from these cultures is the subtlety of
ment agencies and educational institutions around the
Lawa oral poetry, as used by Lawa youth when courting.
country, with M.A. theses dealing, for example, with
This poetry, composed by anonymous Lawa and handed
anthropological linguistics, phonology, orthography, and
down from generation to generation, exists in six differ-
the contrastive study of the dialects and languages in
ent types, each with a theme for different occasions. One
use among different communities in Thailand and in
is to be recited only at funerals, while others are recited
those of its neighbours.
during social visits and courtship. Such subtleties in Lawa culture are an indication of the refined culture of
While the study of minority languages at Mahidol
this indigenous ethnic minority whose kingdom once
University was initiated twenty years ago, the study of
dominated the Golden Peninsula. Poor as they are at
their cultures began only in 1990 with the opening of
present, in northern Thailand they still carry their long-
the Graduate Programme in Cultural Studies. In this
lasting traditions within their hearts. Some of these
129
living traditions are expressed in the subtle nature of their customs and
manners.4
children in the hills. The family is therefore no longer an occupational unit and the parents no longer transmit
Such examples from the research have convinced us of
children. The traditional role of father and mother in the
the value and importance of the minority cultures,
education of their children disappears. This breaking up
together with the contributions they may make to the
of the relationship between parents and children may
enrichment of human lives. With this belief in mind, the
eventually lead to the more serious problem of the ‘gen-
institute has begun to undertake further research on the
eration gap’ witnessed in our contemporary societies.
myths of creation among different minority peoples to
With the breaking up of the family structure, the old tra-
find out the way in which these myths address the ques-
ditions of communal life and activity, mutual assistance,
tions of value and meaning we are facing today, such as:
community solidarity and collective group behaviour
Who are we? Why are we here? What is the purpose of
patterns as the basic social norms and cultural values of
our lives and our deaths? How can we understand our
the hill tribes are now being challenged in every tribal
place in the world in time and space? Ongoing research
village where there is development. By adopting a new
also deals with concepts from these minorities regarding
lifestyle similar to that of the lowland people, the cul-
health, disease and healing and attendant practices.
tural values of community life are disappearing. Building houses, for example, is no longer communal work. Rather, it has become individual, paid work. Individualism is making itself felt more and more, and it
DEVELOPMENT, TRADITION AND CULTURAL VALUES
may be attributed to the population’s desire to follow the lifestyle of the lowlands as a result of economic pressure and the pace of life brought about by development.
While working in the hill-tribe villages in Chiengmai, Chiengrai and Mae Hong Son provinces in northern
This adoption of materialist values by the hill tribes has
Thailand we noticed various negative impacts of the
led not only to the breaking up of the family but also to
government’s development project on the cultural values
the loss of the traditional value of tribal integrity, as can
of the hill tribes in different areas of life such as the
be seen in the loss of a sense of pride in tribal customs
family. Family in the traditional, agrarian communities
and dresses. The people of all the hill tribes like to wear
of the hill tribes takes the form of what is called the
beautiful clothes, especially for New Year celebrations,
extended family, which includes not only parents and
each tribe having its own unique traditional designs. By
children but also close relatives all living in a sort of
the design on the dress of a man or a woman we can tell
communal
house.5
However in the villages where we
the tribe he or she belongs to.
worked, many of the Hmong, the Yao and the Lisu no longer uphold the traditional value of large families.
Of all the hill tribes, the Yao have been best known for
They do not want children to work as farm-hands as
their beautiful dress designs. Yao traditional embroidery
they did in the past, and in addition to this new value,
is not just a static art of copied patterns passed from
these groups have adopted the materialist values
generation to generation, but a living and growing art
brought in by development. Dissatisfied with their non-
going back to the Yao’s early history. The costume of
affluent lives, they are interested in money and in what
young Yao women is an integral part of their lives and
money can buy. To earn more income some of them stop
plays an important role in attracting a future husband.
farming and go to work in the lowlands, leaving their
The art of embroidering the Yao designs is taught from
Minorities, education and cultural identity in Thailand
hereditary or traditional knowledge and skills to their
SURIYA RATANAKUL
130
when a girl is 6 or 7 years old; when all the traditional
pride in manual work. In the past, the Karen used to
designs have been mastered, she creates her own designs
cultivate the land by hand and with simple tools. Since
and begins the creation of the garment that may eventu-
the introduction of modern machinery, however – i.e.
ally help her to win a husband. The precision and
tractors – the Karen have begun to disdain making a
quality of the designs, the originality of the colour com-
living by manual labour, and they do not want to toil
binations and the manner in which colour is applied are
with their hands. For them tractors seem to solve all
all deciding factors in a girl’s marriageability, the quality
farming problems. One Karen told me that without the
of the embroidery telling much about the personality of
tractor he could not cultivate, his cultural and tradi-
the girl who has done the work. However, seeing the
tional values of manual work having been replaced by
Yao dress as something with commercial potential, the
the ideal of mechanized work, which relieves him of his
lowland people who have come to the villages along the
previous heavy workload. Yet, in our view, the tractor
modern roads – a result of development – hire the Yao
does not help much in solving the farming problems of
girls to work in textile factories in the lowlands that
the Karen. The tractor turns up the soil, but the quality
tourists frequently visit. Though the girls seem to enjoy
of the soil itself is ruined. The tractor is not an answer
working there – it does not take long to make dresses
in itself; the answer to agricultural development is the
for the factory owners, since the girls do not have to
close and careful examination of the needs of the soil
weave the cloth, nor do they spend time embroidering
and the land and the use of appropriate technology.
the clothes – such clothes are made not to express tribal integrity or the personality of the maker, but as ‘souvenirs’ for tourists. In such a way, the girls are lured by materialist values, which they have adopted in the process of development, to debase their designs, use cheap materials and abandon traditional techniques.
EDUCATION, CULTURAL IDENTITY AND DEVELOPMENT
They make embroidered clothes to suit outside tastes, which are not necessarily their own, and these commer-
Ethnic minorities represent diverse patterns of language
cialized designs are now replacing the beautiful tra-
and culture that need to be studied and preserved. Thus
ditional ones.
far it has been national policy to teach the Thai (national) language in primary schools, and indeed edu-
As a result of this loss of a sense of tribal integrity, the
cational institutions have an important role to play, for it
Yao girls prefer to buy dresses made from printed cloth
is through research and teaching programmes that the
rather than weaving and embroidering them by hand. As
languages and cultures of minorities can be preserved.
for Yao men, they are no longer interested in the girl’s
This research and teaching should also be used as a
artistic ability, but only in her ability to earn money. Yao
means of promoting understanding and respect for the
girls with high incomes thus have more chance of getting
cultural rights of minorities, as well as improving inter-
married, and this has left the preservation of the cultural
group understanding. The work of our institute is es-
heritage largely in the hands of the older generation. It is
pecially intended to meet such needs. It could serve as a
possible, however, that younger people may some day
basis for easing the conflicts and tensions between
reach back to recover their lost values and roots.
minorities and the dominant majority in our region, for example, and thus make South-East Asia – the land of
In one Karen village in Chiengmai we noticed that the
cultural pluralism – a place of peace and tolerance in
adoption of modern technology has meant a loss of
today’s troubled world.
In bringing development to minorities, the government
order to increase our knowledge of the languages and
should recognize their traditional and cultural values
other aspects of the minority cultures in our region,
and steer the development programmes in such a way
there is a need for educational institutions such as ours
that they will secure for the minorities the undoubted
to join efforts in our study of the languages and beliefs
benefits of the modern age without the disruption of
of these minority peoples. Fruitful co-operation among
existing values. However, what we have found in our
us will enable us to gain general insights into the pat-
study of the cultures of the hill tribes is that many
terns of minority cultures that underlie their concrete
changes brought by development have occurred haphaz-
manifestations. Data collected by our concerted efforts
ardly, causing the disappearance of cultural values and
should be used as educational materials for our students
traditional beliefs that previously yielded benefits for
and for the wider public to sensitize them to the cul-
these people. Before development programmes are
tures of these people, as well as to cultivate healthy rel-
launched in the tribal villages, therefore, we should
ations with them. If Viet Nam or Thailand is to be a
carefully weigh the pros and cons of the effects these
model of a constructive cultural pluralism, students and
programmes may have on them. There should be a bal-
the public at large must receive fully informed teaching
ance between the preservation of what is good in their
about minority cultures within their own countries and
heritage and the advantages such programmes could
outside. This informed teaching may eventually lead to
bring them. We should also recognize the right of the
respect for the cultural rights of the minority peoples,
tribal people to maintain their own traditions and cul-
which is so much needed nowadays in our pluralistic
tures and ask whether the changes introduced give the
societies.
people a sense of direction and vitality, and whether the process of change is one of the healthy assimilation of new ideas and cultural values. In this connection, national policy concerning minorities needs to be es-
NOTES
pecially sensitive to the fact that these people are very vulnerable, and a slight miscalculation of the possible
1.
effects of the development plan can easily harm them.
Statistics. In addition, there are undetermined numbers of hill
From an official 1988 estimate by the Office of National
tribespeople dwelling in remote areas unvisited by government officials, and those who have illegally moved into the hills of northern Thailand in recent years.
MINORITY CULTURES, EDUCATION AND CO-OPERATION
2.
Estimated figures.
3.
For further discussion of the Karen’s insights, see my
article entitled ‘A Prolegomena on Traditional Wisdom in
As is the case in Thailand, the numerous ethnic minori-
Karen Folklore’, Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 72, 1984,
ties that still exist in Viet Nam have their own languages
pp. 1–13.
and cultures. The population of these groups lives in
4.
more than one country in the South-East Asian region,
Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 73, 1985, pp. 183–204.
and some of them (e.g. the Hmong, the Mien, the Bru,
5.
the So and the Black Thai) are found in Thailand. In
structure is more nuclear in type.
For Lawa poetry, see my article, ‘The Lawa? Poetry’,
The Karen are an exceptional case since their family
Minorities, education and cultural identity in Thailand
131
133
Philippine indigenous cultural communities: a historical perspective ESTEBAN T. MAGANNON
THE INDIGENOUS CULTURAL COMMUNITIES
THE EVOLVING PHILIPPINE STATE AND ITS POLICIES TOWARDS THE MINORITIES
Historically, minorities appear in nation-states with the coming to power of politically dominant groups that use
For more than three centuries, the Spaniards undertook
sociocultural, economic and political attributes as objec-
to transform their Philippine colony, as they did those in
tive bases for differential treatment. Today in the
the Americas, through a process of reducción. In its clas-
Philippines those groups considered to be minorities
sic form, this involved military conquest, the political
include about 2.5 million Muslims, predominantly in
submission of the indigenous population, its Christian-
the southern islands of Mindanao, Jolo, Sulu and
ization, cultural Hispanicization, and permanent resettle-
Palawan, and some 5 million non-Muslims distributed
ment in towns and cities. While this enterprise was
elsewhere in the archipelago, the most numerous of
highly successful among the coastal and lowland popu-
these being the Igorots of northern Luzon. Together, the
lations of the islands of Luzon and of the Visayas, it was
minorities comprise about 12 per cent of the national
stymied by the resistance of the Islamized societies of the
population and represent, according to recent counts, 68
southern Philippines, by that of the Igorots of northern
ethnolinguistic groups: 32 in Luzon, 5 in the Visayas,
Luzon and by that of the other inaccessible mountain
and 31 in Mindanao. How did they acquire such a status
peoples of the archipelago. Thus, Spanish colonization
and merit different treatment? The distinction between
had the effect of dividing the population of the archipel-
majority and minority groups is the direct effect of
ago into two: a demographic majority of Hispanicized
Spanish colonization, while the differential treatment of
and Christianized lowlanders and a minority of Muslims
the two derives from policies undertaken by the United
and pagan mountain dwellers. The hallmark of minority
States regime and continued by the independent
status thus became being a Muslim or pagan among
Republic of the Philippines.
fellow natives who were acculturated Christian converts.
134
By the Treaty of Paris of 10 December 1898, which
it was intended to relate to degree of civilization . . . to geo-
ended hostilities between Spain and the United States,
graphical area, and more directly to the natives of the
Spain ceded the Philippines to the latter for the hand-
Philippine Islands of a low grade of civilization. [Circular
some sum of $20 million. Upon taking possession of the
No. 37, 1927.]
ESTEBAN T. MAGANNON
islands and assuming the administration of its inhabitants, the United States sought to transform them after
That the subject populations of the Philippines had
its own image by what President McKinley called a
imbibed much from Hispanic Catholic civilization
policy of ‘benevolent assimilation’. This involved the
during the more than three centuries of Spanish rule is
establishment of United-States-style civil government,
evident enough. However, it is open to debate whether
popular education for the formation of efficient citizens
in the process the non-colonized groups were left
and the construction of a basic infrastructure to initiate
behind on a lower level of civilization, therefore merit-
and support the development of a commercial capitalist
ing different treatment. Another of those self-aggrandiz-
economy (see Report of the Philippine Commission,
ing expressions of the so-called ‘White Man’s Burden’, in
Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1900,
substance the policy barely camouflaged the colonial
(1) 11). The policy was not to be implemented uni-
strategy of divide and rule. The United States adminis-
formly throughout the archipelago, but was applied dif-
tration fully realized that a population that they had
ferently to the colonized and to the non-colonized, or
only recently defeated and that was under the sway of
the Christian and non-Christian tribes, as official termi-
Catholic religious and political influence could not be
nology put it. While both were to be assimilated, non-
relied upon for loyalty and support. Indeed, the threat of
Christians and their lands were to be administered
revolt was ever present. Moreover, even with the pro-
under a special reservation system by the Bureau of
mulgation of new land laws (the Torrens Titles system),
Non-Christian Tribes whose duty was:
not to mention the confiscations of Church lands, they did not expect to change so easily, and within so short a
to continue the work for advancement and liberty in favor of
period of time, the system of landownership and tenure
the regions inhabited by non-Christian Filipinos, and foster by
that supported the entire social structure of the former
all adequate means, and in a systematic, rapid and complete
Spanish colony. Therefore, to maintain a manageable
manner, the moral, material, economic, social and political
balance of power between the new regime on the one
development of those regions, always having in view the aim
hand and its former enemies and the powerful Catholic
of rendering permanent the mutual intelligence between and
Church on the other, the non-Christian tribes and their
complete fusion of, the Christian and non-Christian elements
ancestral lands had to be ‘reserved’ as grounds for win-
populating the provinces of the Archipelago. [Revised Admin-
ning political allies, for Protestant evangelization and for
istrative Code of 1917.]
the implantation of agrarian capitalism.
Objections were raised early on against both the distinc-
The Republic of the Philippines, which succeeded the
tion between Christian and non-Christian tribes and the
United States Colonial Government upon independence
minority status that this de facto conferred on the non-
in 1946, undertook to evaluate the success of the policy
Christian groups. The United States administration
in 1955. It is related that the Philippine president was
replied by issuing a circular on the subject of the ‘mis-
astonished when he received the report of the commis-
representation of the term, non-Christian’, pointing out
sion formed to undertake the evaluation, since it had
that the word, from its point of view, carried none of the
been found that, although the non-Christian groups
senses objected to, since:
were enthusiastically going to school to become literate
135
in English, they still lived on communally owned land
most effectively resisted Western colonization, they lost
and conducted their lives according to Muslim or pagan
their political independence with that of the Philippines,
customary law, as they had in pre-Hispanic times. As a
and their status was further degraded under the new
result of this finding, a decision was taken to accelerate
republic. Now they officially became cultural minorities.
not their assimilation but their integration. In the words of Law No. 1888, which set up the Commission on
It must be said from the outset that the so-called min-
National Integration to implement the decision:
orities never accepted their attributed status, nor did
It is hereby declared to be the policy of Congress to foster,
their abandoning their centuries-old social organizations,
accelerate and accomplish by all adequate means and in a sys-
political systems, customary laws – in general, their tra-
tematic, rapid and complete manner the moral, material, eco-
ditional ways of life – to assume those of the colonized
nomic, social and political advancement of the Non-Christian
and Christianized Philippine majority population. On
Filipinos, hereinafter called National Cultural Minorities, and
the contrary, they seem to have long appreciated the
to render real, complete and permanent the integration of all
value of political plurality and cultural diversity. For, at
the said National Cultural Minorities into the body politic.
the 1935 constitutional convention that drafted the con-
[Section 1 of the Act, 1957.]
stitution of the independent Republic of the Philippines, delegates from the minority populations had proposed
Attention must be drawn to the shift in terminology
the formation of a federal state. They thought then, as
here because of the change in awareness, both historical
now, that the Philippine state should not and could not
and political, that it implied. The United States’ policy of
be a carbon copy of the United States, or indeed of any
assimilation had considered Philippine society to be
other state. Instead, they proposed that a federation be
composed of a majority of culturally evolved Christian
set up guaranteeing relative local and regional autonomy.
Filipinos and a minority of non-Christians who were
However, this proposal was not accepted by the majority
‘lower’ in civilization. Both of these needed to be assim-
of the delegates to the convention.
ilated into American civilization, and there was no question of dealing with minority groups. The policy of
In the newly constituted Republic of the Philippines, the
national integration carried out by the Republic of the
minorities had to fight for their very survival. As the
Philippines, on the other hand, viewed society, though
Americans had clearly seen, the minority lands were the
still characterized by the same dichotomy, as having fur-
‘final frontier’ for the colonial venture. In the immediate
ther evolved. The majority population now were not
post-war period, social unrest in the minority areas of
only Hispanicized and Christianized but Americanized
Luzon and the Visayas, the cause of the almost success-
as well. Indeed, as a popular expression has it, many
ful HUK communist rebellion in the 1950s, was only
Filipinos imagine themselves to be the beneficiaries of a
put down with military aid from the United States, pre-
unique civilization that developed for over ‘three cen-
cipitating the opening up by the government of minor-
turies in a Catholic convent and then for fifty years in
ity lands for their systematic colonization. Thus, besides
Hollywood’. In terms of this new way of viewing
granting logging, mining and plantation concessions in
Philippine society, the minority groups stood apart from
all minority territories to both national and multi-
the majority, who had taken political power from their
national companies and to individual homesteaders, the
American colonial masters, by virtue of their supposedly
government resettled those members of the communist
lower degree of civilization and political distinctiveness.
HUK movement who had surrendered in Mindanao. A
Paradoxically, even though it had been they who had
government advertisement of the time invited every
Philippine indigenous cultural communities: a historical perspective
they understand integration to be a one-way process of
136
young man to go to Mindanao, the land of promise, pro-
The mandate of the former reads:
claiming, ‘Go south, young man, to Mindanao!’ It is the policy of the state to recognize and promote the rights
As immigrants to minority areas increased in number,
of Indigenous Cultural Communities within the framework of
and disputes over land became more frequent, the
national unity and development; to protect the rights of
minorities clamoured for more participation in the con-
Indigenous Cultural Communities to their ancestral domains
trol and governance of their affairs. However, it appears
to ensure their economic, social, and cultural well-being; and
that the Commission on National Integration, which
to provide for the applicability of customary laws governing
was abolished in 1975, did almost nothing to solve these
the ownership and extent of their ancestral domains. [House
conflicts. Its only visible accomplishments were, first,
Bill No. 33881, Section 2.]
the passing of a number of laws protecting minority lands for the period of ten years up to 1972, the date by
The mandate of the latter provides that:
ESTEBAN T. MAGANNON
which full minority integration was considered to have been accomplished, and, second, permission for a good
The Regional Government shall recognize, respect, protect,
number of Muslim students to receive a Muslim edu-
preserve, revive, promote and enhance the culture, customs,
cation, the commissioner himself then being a Muslim.
traditions, beliefs and practices of the people in the area of
This, however, exposed the commission and its Muslim
autonomy and shall encourage and undertake the recovery,
commissioner to accusations of corruption, since, in the
collection and collation of historical and cultural properties
eyes of the non-Muslim minorities, the imbalance in the
and posterity. [Section 15, Article XV of Republic Act
allocation of scholarships between Muslim and non-
No. 6734.]
Muslim students was unjustified. These new bodies, and the policies they were mandated This clamour for greater participation in the control and
to carry out, reflected certain developments in the con-
governance of their own affairs grew into an open rebel-
sciousness and attitude of the Philippine state in relation
lion led by the Moro Liberation Front in Mindanao and
both to its very nature and to its minority populations.
the Cordillera People’s Liberation Army in northern
Firstly, regarding the nature of the state, a fundamental
Luzon during the dictatorship of President Ferdinand
change of attitude seems to have taken place: from a
Marcos (1972–86). Partly to calm these revolts, the pres-
dualist conception of the state, i.e. one constituted of a
ident created two new government agencies – the
culturally dominant majority on the one hand and con-
Presidential Arm on National Minorities (PANAMIN)
geries of demographically small cultural communities
and the Southern Philippines Development Authority
(the minorities) on the other, to that of a culturally
(SPDA) – where the functions of the former Commission
plural national society. Secondly, regarding the min-
on National Integration were given over to members of
orities themselves, in accordance with this transformation
the minority groups. Both of these agencies were later
in conceptions of the state, there was a change in policy
replaced, after they had been declared obsolete and cor-
towards them that meant integration was abandoned in
rupt, like their creator, by the People’s Power Revolution
favour of autonomy. This granting of autonomy, which
and the new 1986 constitution. The PANAMIN was
was obviously the state’s answer to the minorities’ clam-
replaced by the Commission on Indigenous Cultural
our for participation in the management of their own
Communities and Ancestral Domains, and the SPDA by
affairs in line with the principles of equality, authenticity
the Autonomous Regional Government within the
and efficiency, signalled the minorities’ full, and real,
Autonomous Region of Mindanao.
political integration. Thirdly, and still regarding the
137
50 50. Family mealtime among the Hmong (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
51. Shaman celebrating the New Year’s ceremony before the altar of the ancestors (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
51
138
52 52. New Year’s offerings to the ancestors (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
53. A chicken is sacrificed before the ancestral altar during New Year celebrations (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
54. A house under construction (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
55. Playing khen during the Gau Tao Festival (Lao Cai). © Museum of Ethnography, Hanoi.
53
139
54
55
140
56 56. The Gau Tao Festival (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
57. Playing indoor shuttlecock during New Year’s festivities (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
58. The Ong Bon Pagoda on the fifteenth day of the lunar month (Ho Chi Minh City). © Lê Duy Dai.
59. Procession to bear incense to the ancestors’ altar, one hundred days after the person has died (Quang Ninh). © Lê Duy Dai.
57
141
58
59
142
60
61
143
62 60. Writing the names of guests on a piece of fabric as a wedding souvenir (Ho Chi Minh City). © Lê Duy Dai.
61. A wedding banquet; guests sipping alcohol through bamboo straws (Quang Ngai). © Luu Hung.
62. Playing a pan pipe (Ninh Thuan). © Vu Hông Thuât.
63. The Choa ritual (Quang Ngai). © Vu Hông Thuât.
63
144
64 105 64. Musicians playing the flute (Lai Chau). © Mai Phuong.
65. Musician playing the baroc (Quang Ngai). © Pham Loi.
105 65
145
minorities, there was a development in the terms used
The recent policies of the Republic of the Philippines,
to designate them – from moros, infidèles and ‘non-
while they reflect a progressive decolonization of con-
Christian tribes’ and ‘cultural minorities’ to ‘indigenous
sciousness and attitudes leading to cultural pluralism,
cultural communities’ – which revealed a measure of
still appear to maintain the hope that the indigenous
positive, mental decolonization. The emphasis placed on
cultural communities will eventually be assimilated to
the modifying adjective ‘indigenous’ is significant, since
the culturally more evolved culture of the majority pop-
it seems to imply that, whereas political integration has
ulation by the sheer historical evolution of the national
now been achieved for all ‘cultural communities’, the
society.
majority is a community apart that maintains its status because it is not ‘indigenous’ in the same way as are the minorities, who maintain theirs because they are still on
In connection with the question of the safeguarding and protection of the cultural heritage, two moments in the
POLICIES AND LEGISLATION ON THE SAFEGUARDING AND PROMOTION OF THE CULTURAL HERITAGE
historical development of the consciousness and attitude of the Philippine state are discernable, firstly the
This section does not intend to list all the Philippine
colonial period and secondly the independent era.
laws relative to the safeguarding and promotion of the
During the colonial period, it was not in the interests of
cultural heritage. Rather, it seeks to highlight the devel-
either the Spanish or the United States administration to
opment of a way of political thinking traceable in terms
safeguard and promote the native cultures. Colonization
of policies promulgated and legislation passed since
imposed Western civilization, destroying in the process
independence:
the cultures of the conquered peoples. This process needs no further elaboration as it has been described in
many historical accounts by more competent authori-
Section 4, Article XIV, General Provisions of the 1935
ties. What may be useful to remark upon here is that
Constitution, states:
The state is patron of the arts and of letters.
those elements of the indigenous cultures that were preserved during the colonial period by way of accident
The State shall promote scientific research and invention; Arts
were those elements that were deemed useful to the
and Letters shall be under its patronage. The exclusive rights
advancement of colonialist activities or that provided
to writing and invention shall be secured to authors and
justification for them. For example, since the Spanish
inventors for a limited period.
language was not taught to Filipinos, as they were not regarded worthy of it, missionaries charged with con-
verting them to the gospel were forced to learn the
heritage is necessary for the preservation and develop-
native languages, writing, in so doing, grammars and
ment of national identity. Section 9, paragraph 2, Article
dictionaries for them that now constitute the only
XV, General Provisions of the 1975 Constitution,
remains of these languages. Another example is the
phrases this idea thus:
The safeguarding and promotion of the cultural
American administration’s conservation of negrito communities for reasons of scientific study, it being believed
Filipino culture shall be preserved and developed for national
that these communities represented a ‘missing link’
identity. Arts and Letters shall be under the patronage of the
between animals and humanity.
State.
Philippine indigenous cultural communities: a historical perspective
a lower level of civilization.
146
The safeguarding and promotion of the cultural
folklore and literature in schools and universities and
heritage is a prerequisite for human liberation and
the setting up of local, provincial, and city museums.
development. In the words of Section 17, Article II,
Indeed, since its creation in 1992 the commission has
Declaration of Principles and State Policies of the 1986
tried to pursue all these programmes, soliciting ever-
Constitution:
widening participation from all sectors of national society.
The State shall give priority to education, science and technology, arts, culture and sports to foster patriotism and national-
With respect to the participation of the indigenous cul-
ism, accelerate social progress, and promote total human
tural communities in this national effort to safeguard
liberation and development.
and promote the cultural heritage, the 1986 constitution entrusts them with the responsibility of safeguarding
The safeguarding and promotion of the national
and promoting their own respective cultures:
ESTEBAN T. MAGANNON
cultural heritage is achieved better through co-ordinated effort and active participation than through the actions
The State shall recognize, respect, and protect the rights of
of the state institutions concerned. All sectors of the
indigenous cultural communities to preserve and develop their
national community need to be involved.
cultures, traditions, and institutions. It shall consider these rights in the formulation of national plans and policies.
State institutions whose responsibilities bear directly on
[Article XIV, Section 17.]
the safeguarding and promotion of the cultural heritage include the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport,
It should be observed that the Philippines has passed
the National Museum, the National Archives, the
few laws specifically designed to safeguard and promote
National Library, the Institute of National Language and
the cultural heritage of its minorities. This would seem
the National Historical Institute. The National Museum
to imply that in its eyes their cultural heritage merits
of the Philippines has the specific task of implementing
much the same kind of safeguarding and promotion as
the provisions of Republic Act No. 4846, as amended by
does that of the majority. With respect to this, a decol-
Presidential Decree No. 374, entitled the Cultural
onization of political thinking, parallel to that found in
Properties Preservation and Protection Act.
policies governing state–minority relations, has been discernible. Indeed, the 1986 constitution and subse-
To carry out this concerted national enterprise of safe-
quent legislation affirmed that the safeguarding and pro-
guarding the cultural heritage effectively, the Congress
motion of the cultural heritage was a prerequisite for the
of the Philippines on 5 February 1992 passed Republic
forging of national identity, total human development
Act No. 7356, called the Act for the Creation of the
and liberation.
National Commission for Culture and the Arts, for the Establishment of a National Endowment Fund for Culture and the Arts, and for Other Purposes. This was a very comprehensive text, for not only did it create an
CONCLUSION
endowed national commission for the Arts, but it also spelt out in detail the programmes that the National
Anyone watching a presentation, whether of dance,
Commission should pursue. These include basic ethno-
music, fashion or theatre, by schoolchildren in any
logical research, the revival of traditional festivals with
barrio or town of the Philippines, or a similar presen-
their rituals, music and dance, the teaching of native
tation of Philippine culture by the world-famous
Bayanihan Dance Troupe in the Grand Theatre of
national identity: extreme nationalists object to it
UNESCO in Paris, will notice an invariable arrangement
because they feel that the national culture should be
of the development of Philippine history and civiliz-
some kind of ‘native thing’ washed clean of all foreign
ation. Typically, the programme will begin with Muslim,
influences, while communists reject it for want of some-
Igorot and other minority groups’ dance, music or dress,
thing more Maoist. However, the truth of the matter is
underscoring a first stage of civilization. A second part
that the country’s wealthy economic and political élite
then follows, underlining civilizational and cultural
(which makes up 2 per cent of the population) fears that
progress into modernity through the assimilation of
it will lose its monopoly over economic influence and
Christian-Spanish and North American cultural influ-
political power. Made up largely of wealthy landowners
ences. Finally, the presentation concludes with dance,
who have inherited encomiendas and plantations from
music and fashion from Philippine traditional peasant
their Spanish and United States forebears, this élite con-
and fishing communities, as a flashback to what the
trols the rural economy of the country as well as the
now colonized and Christianized populations were like
votes of the tenants and sharecroppers who till their
before their colonization. The Filipinos, the programme
land. Made up also of moneyed capitalists, who control
seems to be saying, were civilized by the Christian
banking, commerce and industry to perpetuate their
West, and this process of ‘Filipinization’ is still going on
economic and political dominance, members of this
since there are still Muslims, Igorots and other minori-
class intermarry or form joint manufacturing corpora-
ties who have yet to be integrated into mainstream
tions, going into joint ventures with foreign partners to
national life.
expand their banking, commercial and industrial enterprises. Since the country’s independence in 1946, this
This view was not only contested from the start by the
class has become the agent of modern capitalist expan-
minority groups, but has also been the cause of revolts.
sion, carrying this into the minority areas, which had
The minorities early on realized that the attribution to
been the final frontiers for colonization. These incur-
them of minority status and a lower level of civilization
sions, often formulated in terms of or in the guise of
were simply justifications for their Spanish and United
national development programmes, are the immediate
States colonial masters to pursue their aims of the socio-
cause of the continuing conflicts.
political assimilation and economic exploitation of minority territories. It is to be observed further that
In the shadow of this continuing historical process of
despite the granting of political autonomy to the minori-
economic colonization and sociocultural assimilation,
ties – an act on the part of the Philippine state that
hardly any legislation has been passed specifically
seems to have been made in response to the minorities’
designed to safeguard and promote the minority cultural
long clamour for some kind of federal state system that
heritage, giving the impression that cultural heritage
would guarantee their equal participation in govern-
receives the same protection and promotion as does that
ment and in the state’s cultural pluralism – their status is
of the majority. However, when looked at in the context
nevertheless still that implied in the use of the adjective
of the previously mentioned development of Filipino as
‘indigenous’. Why does this concern to maintain the
the proper definition of national culture and identity,
Muslims and the other non-Christianized groups in
then the minorities may be right to consider efforts at
their minority status persist? At issue is the definition of
cultural safeguarding and protection to be not so much
Philippine national identity, for the Philippine state
real contributions to a growing national culture of plural
insists that it is Filipino. Even among members of the
expression and forms, but rather as museological and
majority group, quarrels still rage over this definition of
archival activities designed only to collect artefacts and
Philippine indigenous cultural communities: a historical perspective
147
ESTEBAN T. MAGANNON
148
souvenirs of cultures that are fast disappearing with the
but we have nothing to roast’ or ‘Yes, we have autonomy,
onslaught of change.
but we are roasted.’
The minorities feel, in fact, that the state, in maintaining
In sum, for the minorities in the Philippines, the safe-
them in their minority status, is relying on its view that
guarding and promotion of their cultural heritage
inevitably they will have to assimilate to the culture of
depends on the protection of their lands from the incur-
the majority population as a result of natural historical
sions of greedy homesteaders, illegal plantation owners,
development, and that they will have to agree to
forest loggers, the holders of mining concessions and all
Filipinization. Thus, they are aware that even with
other unwanted outsiders, in so far as they are the
autonomy and the cessation of hostilities their fight for
agents of uncontrolled change. The minorities are as
their ancestral domains goes on. The peoples of the
conscious as anyone else of the inevitability of change,
Cordillera of Luzon say, ‘Wen, adda autonomi, ngem awan
but it must not bring poverty, subjection, acculturation
met ti itunu mi’ – meaning either ‘Yes, we have autonomy,
and, above all, ethnocide.
149
Legal and institutional guarantees for the protection of ethnic-minority cultures in China SHEN JINGFANG
INTRODUCTION
they reside, within the limits laid down by that territory’s autonomous jurisdiction.
Most countries contain more than one single ethnic group. There is thus a need for them to solve ethnic problems. However, the means utilized by each state are different, especially because of differences in history,
CHINA: A MULTI-ETHNIC STATE
development and cultural patterns. But, generally speaking, it seems necessary to put ethnic equality and auton-
To illustrate these ideas, let us take a closer look at
omy into effect in the legal and institutional structure of
China, which is a multi-ethnic state where the govern-
the country in order to ensure mutual respect and har-
ment has striven to resolve ethnic problems by legal and
mony among the various ethnic groups.
institutional means. It was in 1949, the year of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, that the two
According to the principle of equality, all ethnic groups,
principles of ethnic equality and autonomy were estab-
whether in the majority or the minority, have the right
lished in the Common Programme of the Chinese
to maintain their cultural values and their ways of
People’s Political Consultative Conference. According to
living, to practise their religious beliefs, to use their own
these principles, autonomy and local self-rule were per-
language and writing systems, to choose a different lan-
mitted in the regions inhabited by ethnic-minority
guage for external communication and to express their
groups under the 1954 constitution. Later, institutions
own cultural and traditional heritage. According to the
of self-government at different levels were established
principle of autonomy, ethnic-minority groups should
on the basis of these rules and regulations.
have the right to organize their social lives and their economic and cultural activities in the territory where
The early autonomous institutions were incomplete
150
before the 1980s. For example, part of the state’s
jurisdiction. Moreover, they have the right to self-deter-
national minority policies still needed to be realized
mination in the organization of local social, economic
through organs of self-government, and autonomous
and cultural life under the general direction of the state.
jurisdiction needed to be improved. But these institutions nevertheless gave the ethnic-minority groups the possibility of self-determination in the organization of their social, economic and cultural lives in the regions where they lived in compact communities. They provided them with an important guarantee for the exercise
PROTECTION AND PROMOTION OF ETHNIC CULTURES
SHEN JINGFANG
of their rights, and enabled them to use their languages and writing systems, to practise their religious beliefs
With respect to cultural protection and promotion,
and to maintain their customs and cultural traditions.
ethnic-minority groups may: use textbooks written in
Thus, although the concept of intangible cultural heri-
their own languages and give education in their lan-
tage was then unknown in China, in practice the cul-
guages in those schools where ethnic-minority students
tural expressions of the various peoples were protected
are in the majority and conditions permit; diffuse and
under the autonomous regulations as cultural heritage.
promote their culture and art through the media, including radio, films and television, newspapers and
Moreover, the 1982 constitution and the 1984 Law on
other publications; collect, collate, translate and publish
Regional National Autonomy improved the situation
their literatures; protect their scenic areas, historical
considerably. These two legal documents reaffirm the
sites, precious relics and other valuable items of cultural
principle of equality and the rights of national minori-
heritage; develop their traditional medicine; and develop
ties, and they contain a set of regulations and rules that
their traditional sports.
set out the administrative divisions, organs of selfgovernment, autonomous jurisdictions and the relation-
Due to the application of the Law on Regional National
ships between national majority groups and ethnic-
Autonomy in the province of Yunnan, to take an exam-
minority groups.
ple, the autonomous area includes 8 prefectures and 29 counties, covering 276,674 km2, or about 70 per cent of
According to the above-mentioned documents, the coun-
the total area (394,139 km2) of the province. Here 16
try is divided into autonomous divisions, taking the
ethnic-minority groups, or 10.4 million (1993) inhabi-
three forms of the region (at the provincial level), the
tants (about 82 per cent of the total ethnic-minority
prefecture and the county. According to the 1990 census,
population), enjoy autonomy.
there are 5 autonomous regions at the provincial level (Xizang, Xingjiang, Ningxia, Neimenggu and Guangxi),
In general, each autonomous prefecture has its own spe-
30 prefectures and 124 counties in the country as a
cific regulations, decrees and rules on the exercise of
whole. Organs of self-government are made up of local
autonomy. Moreover, flexible and adaptable policies in
People’s Councils, and in government itself leading posi-
accordance with special local circumstances are permit-
tions are held by members of dominant ethnic-minority
ted in social life. For instance, the Mosuo are permitted
groups. The organs of self-government have legislative
to maintain their particular marriage arrangements in
power, and they may autonomously enact special regula-
accordance with their matrilineal institutions. Further,
tions, decrees and rules in accordance with special local
as regards family planning, for ethnic-minority groups
circumstances within the limits of their autonomous
with small populations, each family is permitted to have
151
two or three children, instead of only one. Moreover,
children following this curriculum are more competent
respect for the freedom of religion gives ethnic-minority
than those not following it in their studies. In a number
groups such as the Dai the spiritual, cultural and social
of institutes of higher learning, courses in ethnic-minor-
living space to practise their Buddhist religion.
ity literature, history, art, music and dance have been organized. At the Institute for Ethnic Minorities and at
Evidently, in order to safeguard and promote in a sus-
Yunnan University, two departments of ethnology were
tainable and human manner the cultural heritage of the
created in 1987 where students can study up to a
ethnic-minority groups, it would be best to give them
Master’s degree or doctoral level.
generation, in other words, to let them maintain their
Thirdly, in the daily lives of ethnic-minority groups, the
own cultural identities. However, this undertaking
round of feasts, festivals and diverse rites and customs
would be long and difficult. Therefore, autonomous
takes place following the traditional calendar of each
institutions that are guaranteed in law and that guaran-
group. Since the mid-1980s, cultural organizations and
tee ethnic equality are needed, since such institutions
researchers have begun to gather and arrange docu-
can give an essential social background to the expres-
ments that were previously scattered across various
sion of diverse cultures. They can also provide the legal
ethnic-minority villages with the aim of rescuing their
and administrative guarantees necessary for the protec-
cultural heritage. By 1988, these collections amounted
tion of the cultural heritage and to promote the prosper-
to 1,300 volumes on the Yi, 4,000 volumes on the Dai,
ity of diverse cultures. To illustrate these arguments, I
5,000 wood-engravings by Muslim people in the
would like to summarize what has been done in Yunnan
Chinese, Arabic and Persian languages, 6,000 volumes
under the autonomous institutions.
of the classic pictogram Dongbajing of Naxi, as well as many oral poems and traditional myths. In the Yunnan
Firstly, the use and propagation of ethnic-minority lan-
Museum, the collection of ethnic-minority artefacts is
guages is encouraged among all ethnic-minority groups.
estimated to contain about 10,000 tools, items of cloth-
With the help of the local authorities and researchers,
ing, works of art or religious objects, everyday utensils,
twelve kinds of alphabetic writing systems have been
musical instruments and sports articles.
created for those groups that lack them, such as the Va, Hani, and so forth. Six kinds of script have been
It is particularly necessary today to safeguard the Naxi
improved for groups such as the Dai and the Lahu.
pictograms. This is very important, since the Dong ba, or
Books, magazines and newspapers have been published
Naxi priests, are gradually dying out, and now only a
in some ten languages. Between 1979 and 1988, books
few older priests can decipher the original meaning of
and writings in 604 categories were produced, totalling
the pictograms; without successors to these, some pic-
more than 4 million copies. Moreover, since the end of
tograms may remain uninterpreted for ever. To safe-
the 1980s, radio programmes have been broadcast in
guard this form of cultural heritage, the collaboration of
eleven languages (Dai, Lisu, Jingpo, Lahu, Hani, Yi,
all those concerned is highly desirable.
Zhuang, Miao, Yao, Bai and Zaiwa). Finally, in order to safeguard and promote the intangible Secondly, in the educational domain, bilingual edu-
cultural heritage of the minority groups living in the
cation in ethnic-minority languages and in Chinese is in
common border area between Viet Nam and Yunnan,
use in about 1,000 schools, including primary, sec-
collaboration should be established between China and
ondary and high schools. According to research, school-
the Vietnamese institutions.
Legal and institutional guarantees for the protection of ethnic-minority cultures in China
the right to transfer their heritage from generation to
153
Protecting minority cultures in India, Thailand, Malaysia and China ANTHONY R. WALKER
Throughout my professional life in social anthropology,
in order to gain a better understanding of the ancestral
I have been principally involved, as fieldworker and
homelands of the Lahu people whom I studied in
writer, with peoples whose lifestyles and/or world-views
Thailand, and to learn from personal experience as
are ‘in the minority’ from the perspective of the majority
much as I can about China’s Lahu population itself.
populations of the nation-states in which they live. I began my anthropological career in 1962 by studying
A major focus of my research interests in ethnic-minor-
the traditionally pastoral Toda people (now just over
ity peoples is the multi-ethnic sociocultural and political
1,100 strong) of the Nilgiri hills in Tamil Nadu, South
matrix in which their own cultural traditions are embed-
India. Next, I moved to the mountains of northern
ded. I feel little enthusiasm for the romantic idealization
Thailand where, from 1966 to 1970, I lived and re-
of some golden, culturally less-‘contaminated’ past. My
searched among the Tibeto-Burman-speaking, swidden-
academic interest in the Toda thus lies principally in
farming (see Note 7, p. 102). Lahu people whose present
challenging the popular conception (not entirely unjus-
population in the Kingdom of Thailand numbers
tified, I must admit) of a remote and exotic community,
between 40,000 and 50,000. Then from 1972 to 1979,
and projecting instead a picture of a people who, despite
I taught social anthropology at the Science University of
their past physical isolation and the unique characteris-
Malaysia in Penang where I supervised (in the field as
tics of their sociocultural lives, are clearly rooted in the
well as on campus) student research among the Orang
wider ideological background that we may loosely term
Asli, the approximately 60,000-strong aboriginal peoples
‘South Indian Hinduism’. With respect to the Lahu, also,
of the Malay peninsula, who include gatherer-hunters,
I wish to highlight the way in which the great socio-
swidden-farmers, sea fishermen, tree-croppers and vari-
cultural diversity to be found among these people is so
ous combinations of the above. More recently – since
obviously the consequence of centuries of interaction
1990 in fact – I have been visiting Yunnan each summer
with several different Dai traditions, as well as with that
154
of the Han Chinese. Then again, the Orang Asli, the
a pathetic attempt to stem the inevitable and, in the long
indigenous peoples of the Malay peninsula, I see not as
run, not necessarily detrimental, tide of history. For
being uniquely different from the Malay majority, but
example, when I first lived among the Toda, they were
rather as sharing with the latter a common pre-Islamic
almost exclusively a pastoral people, tending large herds
cultural heritage, and reacting, in a number of different
of magnificent, semi-wild, long-horned mountain water-
ways, to the ‘new’ (relatively speaking) Islamic world-
buffaloes. Because so much of Toda social, cultural and
view of the majority of Malay-speaking peoples of the
religious life was (and still is) bound up with these ani-
peninsula.
mals, government attempts to make farmers out of this
ANTHONY R. WALKER
proudly pastoral people seemed preposterous, culturally All this is to say that, although I prefer to focus my own
damaging and doomed to failure. Thirty years on, as
anthropological studies on Asian minority peoples, I
more and more of their former pasturage has been
believe that sociocultural traditions like those of the
turned into forest, water reservoirs and farming land to
Toda, Lahu and Orang Asli are inextricably bound, not
meet the needs of a hugely expanded non-Toda popu-
just politically (in terms of the tenets of modern nation-
lation, the great majority of Toda households possess
states) but also ideologically, to the majority populations
insufficient buffalo stock to support themselves. Ever-
on whose peripheries they live. Indeed, part of the
increasing numbers of Toda are planting potatoes, cab-
uniqueness of Toda culture lies precisely in its being a
bage, carrots, tea and so on. Even though, emotionally,
variant of South Indian Hinduism, just as part of the
I much preferred the ‘good old days’, I must own that
uniqueness of Lahu culture lies precisely in the way gen-
the change is inevitable. The Toda number only
erations of Lahu in Yunnan, Myanmar, Thailand and the
1,000 people in a country with a population in excess of
Lao People’s Democratic Republic have adapted their
800 million that has to be fed, clothed and housed and
own world-views to those of their Dai and Han neigh-
is still growing fast.
bours. Similarly, part of the uniqueness of the Orang Asli lies in the way they have adapted their political,
When I return to the hills of Thailand to meet my old
social and religious ideologies to life on the peripheries
friends from the middle to late 1960s, I see their houses
of the maritime-oriented and, for several centuries now,
with ugly aluminium roofs in place of the much more
Islamic culture of the peninsular Malays.
pleasant (if less efficient) thatchwork of old, I see less and
less
of
traditional
dress,
more
jeans
and
I should mention also, however, that commitment to
T-shirts, more shorts, shirts and blouses of cheap com-
long-term, participant-observer field research more or
mercial manufacture. I notice what to me is a rather
less ensures that an anthropologist will develop a per-
sterile Baptist chapel in place of the old temple, and I
sonal, often quite emotional, bonding to the people he
hear more, and louder, sounds of popular Thai film
or she studies. I do not claim to be an exception. An-
songs, and so on. But, unless I wish (as I most certainly
thropologists sometimes feel morally bound, along with
do not) to be charged with that old anthropologists’
the people they study, to oppose unwanted cultural
cavil of ‘keeping people in zoos’, it is better I keep emo-
imperialisms, from whatever source they emanate: gov-
tion under control and not decry what, for the most
ernment, religious or commercial organizations, and so
part, my Lahu friends themselves have chosen –
on. Admittedly, the line between moral commitment and
whether from personal preference or historical necessity.
romanticism can sometimes be a very fine one. And the anthropologist’s cries of ‘cultural imperialism’ may, with hindsight, prove to have been unfounded, no more than
155
SOCIOCULTURAL CHANGE AND THE PRESERVATION OF MINORITY CULTURES
provincial, prefectural and county bureaux of minority nationalities affairs appear to be far in the lead as regards the acceptance of minority peoples working as
While the rate of sociocultural change varies, all human
fully equal participants in their respective organizations.
societies and cultures evolve over time: the process is
Here, more likely than not, one will find a Lahu, Wa,
basic to our human condition. If a society manifests no
Miao, Dai or Bulang as head of the local organization,
change at all, it becomes fossilized and places itself in
with several other minority officials, as well as some
serious danger of dying out, especially if circumstances
Han under his supervision.
cally more sophisticated and culturally more vibrant
Initially, of course, it is not easy to achieve the kind of
peoples. Therefore, it is hard to imagine any social sci-
multi-ethnic representation that I have so frequently
entist who is worthy of the name decrying the phenom-
found in Yunnan. There are simply not enough or, more
enon of change per se. And yet, as the well-known
accurately, not enough qualified, minority people to take
American anthropologist Franz Boas insisted at the
up positions of high responsibility in administration
beginning of the twentieth century, each human culture
(e.g. Malaysia’s Department of Aboriginal Affairs) or
is unique and, more than that, uniquely precious. The
research (e.g. Thailand’s Tribal Research Institute, or
loss of any one of these manifestations of our humanity
Tamil University’s Tribal Research Centre). Yet initial
impoverishes us all. Thus, the topic of the preservation
difficulties can and should be overcome. To my knowl-
of minority cultures, even as they change, is one of fun-
edge, after a quarter of a century of operation, there is
damental importance in our modern world.
still no Hmong, Yao, Lisu, Lahu, Akha or Karen person acting as a research officer at the Tribal Research
It is quite possible that much of what I have to suggest
Institute in Chiang Mai, nor, after more than forty years,
about the preservation of minority cultural traditions is
does a single Orang Asli occupy any really senior posi-
already in place in Viet Nam. I have not had the oppor-
tion (director or deputy director at federal or state level)
tunity to know this country at first hand, as I do the
in Malaysia’s Department of Aboriginal Affairs.
others of which I speak. What I have to say is based on my own personal, hands-on experience in India,
If there is one thing of which I am convinced, however,
Thailand, Malaysia and China’s Yunnan province.
it is this: the major responsibility for preserving traditional cultures must ultimately rest with members of
In Thailand, I held the position of research officer (for
those cultures themselves. It is not enough, I suggest,
the Lahu people) at the Tribal Research Centre (now
for governments and other organizations, representing
called Institute) in Chiang Mai. This institution is part
primarily the majority populations, to set up special
of the Department of Public Welfare at the Ministry of
research and administrative organizations that target
the Interior. In Malaysia, as a locally based academic at
minority peoples, and then proceed to staff them, at
the Science University of Malaysia in Penang, I was able
least at the highest levels, entirely with members of the
to establish close relations with the Jabatan Hal Ehwal
majority ethnic group. It may be necessary to do just
Orang Asli, the Federal Government’s Department for
this for a few years, but the minority peoples themselves
Aboriginal Affairs. In the Nilgiri hills of South India,
should be brought in from the start. This is not only
where the Toda people live, I have had some contact,
because doors and hearts are more likely to be opened
albeit very limited, with the Tribal Research Centre set
to indigenous than to non-indigenous researchers, but
up there by the postgraduate Tamil University. China’s
also because, in the final analysis, it is both a right and
Protecting minority cultures in India, Thailand, Malaysia and China
beyond its control bring it into contact with technologi-
156
an obligation for the minority peoples to safeguard their
cultural change, another, indubitably, is to be interested,
own cultural traditions.
thoughtful and concerned about our past. Every effort,
ANTHONY R. WALKER
therefore, should be made to obtain the most extensive When I was research officer for the Lahu at Thailand’s
written, visual (film, video and material artefacts) and
Tribal Research Centre, I had a Thai counterpart who
sound archives of the living traditional cultures of the
took over from me as soon as he had obtained the nec-
minority peoples. These will be a goldmine for the
essary practical experience of fieldwork and academic
future inspiration of minority intellectuals and artists.
qualifications in anthropology to be able to do so.
The safeguarding of a people’s cultural heritage should
Indeed, it was necessary to have foreign research officers
not be seen as a romantic groping for the past at the cost
only because, in the first half of the 1960s, there were
of present or future development, but as a buttress to the
no more than two trained Thai anthropologists, both of
structure of an ongoing and vibrant cultural tradition
whom were committed to university teaching in
that survives in the modern world. But the decision
Bangkok. Now, just as foreign nationals such as myself
whether or not to place all this traditional cultural heri-
had Thai counterparts in training to take over from
tage on open display, I suggest, must rest with the
them, I suggest it is high time that ethnic Thai research
minority peoples themselves. That is one reason why it
officers had minority counterparts to take over as prin-
is so important to take minority representatives into the
cipal researchers in due course.
research enterprise as early as possible. Care should always be taken not to offend minority sensibilities by
I believe that research institutes, vigorously engaged in
projecting their cultural heritage in such a manner as to
hands-on fieldwork, actively involved in publication
enhance negative views among the majority ethnic
and, whenever possible, associated with museums and
group. Again, in the final analysis, the choice of what is
well-stocked libraries, are powerful tools for the preser-
to be put on public display should remain with the
vation of traditional cultures. But such institutes should
minority peoples themselves. On no condition should
not be allowed to develop as the closed preserves of aca-
researchers record selectively and according to precon-
demics belonging to the ethnic majority (i.e. the
ceived notions based on present-day aesthetic standards
observers) from which they venture forth to investigate
or currently fashionable notions of moral, philosophical
the ethnic minorities (i.e. the observed). If such a situ-
or political correctness.
ation were to develop, the whole enterprise of preserving minority cultures might one day face the same severe
Change involves not only giving up some of the old
criticism as has sometimes been levelled against the
ways but also the acceptance of new ways, ideological
entire Western anthropological enterprise, in other
and/or technological. A major question must surely con-
words that of being handmaiden to Western colonialism.
front those who are the principal projectors of innovation, frequently (though not exclusively) the various
Let me return, briefly, to my observation that all cultures
organs of the national government. In what direction
– at least, all healthy cultures – change. Change, inevi-
and at what speed should minority cultures be encour-
tably, means the loss of some of the cultural traits much
aged to change? Such questions cannot be avoided. The
esteemed by past generations, and the adoption of new
minority will change, though not necessarily in the
ones which some people, whether inside or outside the
direction or at the speed that some outsiders feel is most
culture, may find objectionable. Whatever is lost re-
desirable. They will not permit themselves to become
mains part of a people’s cultural heritage. And, however
fossilized, zoological specimens for the titillation of the
true it is that one facet of our humanity is to embrace
majority. To answer the fundamental questions concern-
157
ing direction and speed, once again, I put my faith in the
do not know it all) and as advisers on the directions for
research process and in the minority peoples them-
cultural change. In brief, then, my advice is simply this:
selves. Ignorance breeds prejudice. Understanding
learn as much as possible about minority cultures and
through knowledge is vital. But, of course, knowledge
then listen very carefully to those ‘voices in the minor-
and understanding are neutral. They can just as well be
ity’ to identify what they feel are the most important ele-
used for exploitative purposes as they can for welfare
ments of their culture by which they should continue to
and developmental ones. This again is why it is so
order their lives and in which directions they wish to
important to have minority peoples actively involved in
innovate. But always record, and thus preserve, every
the enterprise, both as collectors of traditional knowl-
detail of their cultural heritage. For each and every
edge (my work with Indian, Chinese and Malay students
detail, as Franz Boas taught us so long ago, is a precious
of anthropology studying their own communities has
reflection of our humanity.
Protecting minority cultures in India, Thailand, Malaysia and China
shown me – and convinced them – that they certainly
159
PART THREE
Vietnamese case studies and their socio-economic context
161
Inter-ethnic exchanges in the Tay Bac region LA CÔNG Y
The north-western region of Viet Nam, located on the
province and a third of those in Lai Chau in the dry
right bank of the upper reaches of the Red River, groups
season. This development of communication and trans-
the provinces of Lai Chau, Son La, Lao Cai and Yen Bai.
port, together with the transformation of the economic
Since time immemorial the area has been a favourable
system, growth in commercial production and promo-
site for cultural contact and communication between
tion of economic exchange between different areas, has
different ethnic minorities. Today representatives of
further increased cultural contact among the ethnic
more than twenty ethnic minorities live here, belonging
minorities.
to many different linguistic groups, such as the TayThai, Hmong-Dao, Viet-Muong, Mon-Khmer and Tibeto-
At the same time, an ever-expanding radio and televi-
Burman. These ethnic groups are scattered over the
sion network, especially one that broadcasts in ethnic-
entire region and reside close to each other. In Lai Chau
minority languages such as Thai, Hmong and Dao, has
province alone, there are as many as twenty-one ethnic
introduced the majority of local residents to a new indi-
minorities, while the districts of Phong Tho, Muong Te
rect form of cultural contact through the mass media.
(Lai Chau), Van Chan and Van Yen (Yen Bai) have ten or
Cultural contact and communication among the ethnic
more groups. Most communes have representatives of at
minorities of the north-western region have taken many
least two ethnic-minority groups. Such diversity in
active forms.
ethnic make-up is very favourable for communication between ethnic groups in the form of direct personal
With regard to economic activities, because of the need
contact. Socio-economic development brings with it an
to expand production and increase labour productivity,
ever-expanding communication system. Roads are slowly
ethnic minorities have rapidly learned cultivation meth-
reaching remote and inaccessible areas, so that cars are
ods from each other, as well as sowing and planting
now able to reach two-thirds of the communes in Son La
techniques. They now know which animal breeds and
162
which crop varieties give the highest yields. In the past,
among different ethnic groups is also quite apparent.
for instance, the majority of local residents followed the
The marriage customs of the Kho Mu, for instance,
traditional sowing method in which a man used a
require the groom’s family to pay a kmull kha rua, which
wooden staff to make holes in the soil while a woman
is a payment for the ‘purchase’ of the girl. However, the
walked behind him putting seeds into the holes.
term kha rua does not have a meaning in the Kho Mu
However, today the Khang ethnic minority has also
language, and is a transliteration of ca hua, a word in the
learned to use the carabao to pull the plough and a
Thai language meaning price per head. Dang Nghiêm
harrow to break up the soil thoroughly before sowing.
Van believes that, since the business aspect of marriage
Following the sowing, the women use a type of hoe
is still weak among the Kho Mu, the idea of payment
called a chôp to loosen the soil so that the seeds will fall
may have been borrowed from Thai and Lao societies.4
into cracks in the ground, which protects them from being eaten by birds and animals and helps the roots to reach deep under the
soil.1
A further example concerns the Ha Nhi people in Bat Xat (Lao Cai), who do not practise matrilocality. After the
LA CÔNG Y
wedding, the bride immediately moves in with her husThe Xinh Mun too plough their hillside fields, using
band’s family. However, due to their proximity to the
Hmong ploughs that are sturdy and easy to manoeuvre.
Thai people, the Ha Nhi in Muong Te (Lai Chau) have
For flat fields they use improved ploughs and the highly
adopted a different custom.5 Similarly, matrilocality as
effective ‘51’ ploughs. For weeding and breaking up the
practised by the ethnic groups in this region on the
soil, they use the type of hoes made by the Thai. When
whole does not include the khuoi quan, or waiting period.
sowing in flat fields, the Xinh Mun people still use a
When they move in with their in-laws, young men are
wooden staff to make holes in the soil. However, when
allowed to sleep in the same room as their brides right
sowing a hilly field, they use a shovel hoe; the person
away. However, the La Ha people in Thuan Chau (Son
who makes the holes in the soil also plants the seeds.
La), influenced by the Thai, require the groom to
While in the past, the Xinh Mun used to strip the rice
undergo a ‘test period’ during which he has to sleep in a
grains from the stalks with their hands, or pick the
separate room for a few months, or up to a year, before
grains off one by one with tweezers, nowadays they har-
gaining permission to enter his bride’s bedroom.6
vest with a sickle and thresh the paddy using gripping sticks like the ethnic Vietnamese. Apart from their hill-
While for any ethnic minority, marriage between mem-
side gardens and vegetable farms, the Xinh Mun also
bers of the same ethnic group is preferred and occupies
plant a few terraced ricefields, where their farming
a central position, the practice of mixed marriage has
methods are similar to those of the
Thai.2
also begun to develop. For instance, mixed marriages among ethnic minorities belonging to the Tibeto-
The Mang Le live in low-lying areas near the Thai and
Burman linguistic group are very common, and, to a
have therefore learned Thai techniques of hoe farming.
lesser degree, so are marriages between ethnic minori-
A few settled hamlets have recently taken up intensive
ties belonging to different linguistic groups, such as
farming, cleared new land, built an irrigation system and
Cong-Thai, Phu La-Giay, Phu La-Thai and Phu La-Hoa
planted industrial crops. Inhabitants of hamlets located
marriages. Recently, mixed marriages between Ha Nhi
in mountainous areas near the Hmong and the Ha Nhi
and ethnic Vietnamese, and between Phu La and ethnic
peoples have learned to plough their
fields.3
Vietnamese, have also taken place.7 In the hamlets of the Thai, Khang, La Ha, Xinh Mun and Kho Mu, there are
In social life, the mutual influence and borrowing
quite a few families whose members belong to different
163
ethnic minorities. However, this is still relatively rare in
Among the La Hu, though many ancient names have
the hamlets of the Hmong.
been preserved and handed down, these are no longer in use, having been replaced by names bearing the influ-
As a result of mixed marriages and of living together
ence of the Han, Ha Nhi, Hmong and Thai. For exam-
over long periods of time, in some ethnic groups, there
ple, the family names Po and Vang in the hamlet of Pa u,
are clans that can trace their origins back to other ethnic
as well as the family name Phan in the hamlet of Xa Ho,
minorities. For example, among the Mang people, apart
have Ha Nhi origins. La Hu people still call a branch of
from the five original clans of To o, To gi uang, Van no,
the Po family Ale Lô Po, which means the Po family
Lot and Eng, clans of Hmong origin such as Vang, Sung,
name of the Ha Nhi. The family names Giang and Lu are
Thao and Trang are also found, or clans of Ha Nhi origin
of Hmong origin, whereas the family name Lo may have a Thai origin.10
The members of some ethnic groups have two names.
Ethnic-minority clans of the north-western region usu-
The Kho Mu, for instance, as well as having names in
ally have only one totemic object, which is the object of
their own language that are used at home, also have
tabu for the whole clan. However, among the Cong,
Thai names for administrative purposes. For example,
people belonging to the same clan live in different ham-
Rvia, a Kho Mu family name, is Quang in the Thai lan-
lets and therefore observe different tabus. The Lo clan in
guage, with the family name Tva becoming Luong. In
the hamlet of Bo Lech, for instance, avoids eating tiger
some cases, a Kho Mu name is even converted into
meat, as well as ha na, or blackbirds, while members of
many Thai versions, such as the family name Tmoong in
the same clan in the hamlet of Nam Khao do not eat
Kho Mu becoming Lu (Dien Bien, Tuan Giao), Leo (Van
birds called xeo tu nhin or lo. According to Nguyên Van
Chan) and Me (Mai Son). There are also instances of
Huy, this may be due to the influence of tabus from
several Kho Mu family names becoming a single Thai
neighbouring ethnic groups, especially the Thai.11
family name. For example, the family names Thrang,
Traces of direct cultural contact can be found in the
Tgooc and Slooc in Van Chan, Dien Bien and Thuan
daily activities of any ethnic group. Moreover, in any
Chau, and the family name Ôm in Dien Bien, are all con-
domain of ethnic cultural life one can point to hybrid
Vi.9
Similarly among the
values. Let us examine place of settlement first. The
Phu La: besides Phu La names such as Xây pa, Mu xu pa,
Xinh Mun people, for example, once called their small-
A ha pa, A ca pa, Ma no and A kha mô, they also have
est unit of settlement col, as did a number of Mon-
Chinese or Chinese-Vietnamese family names such as
Khmer ethnic groups in the north-western region.
Hoang, Lo, Sung, Sao and Giang which appear on their
Nowadays, however, they use the word ban, or hamlet,
birth certificates. In the commune of Gia Phu, Bao
as do the neighbouring ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the
Thang district, some Phu La people even have
spirits believed to protect the hamlet are still called sul
Vietnamese names such as Ngô and Dao.
col, and when members of the Xinh Mun ask each other,
verted into the family name
‘Which hamlet do you live in?’, the elderly usually say Similarly, the Ha Nhi people, apart from the tradition of
‘mi cui col mo’ and only rarely ‘mi cui ban mo’.
taking the father’s family name, or the name of the day on which they were born (days are named after twelve
As they belong to the muong organization of the Thai
animals) plus the first name, have now adopted the Han
ethnic group and thus fall under the tight control of
custom of calling their eldest child Ta, their second
Thai territorial overlords, the Mon-Khmer minority
child A luy, and their third child A sa.
groups in the north-western region usually give their
Inter-ethnic exchanges in the Tay Bac region
such as Ma, Pha, and so
forth.8
164
hamlets and villages Thai names. Examples of this are
Ca, Go Cu, Ma Ky and Xi Ne, and the La Hu have Co
the Kho Mu hamlets of Co Chai, Pu Ten, Phieng Phau
Lo, Xa Ho, U Me, Tho Ma and A Mai. All these hamlets
and Noong Ngua; the Xinh Mun hamlets of Hua Dan, Pa
are located high in the mountains far from urban centres
No, Na Cai and Con Huot; the Khang hamlets of Bon,
and are completely separated from the Thai and the
Hoc and Noong O; and the Mang hamlets of Huoi
Han. Cultural influence from these groups is therefore
Coong, Muong Mo and Pa
Xap.12
negligible.14
Some hamlets of ethnic minorities belonging to the
The Man-Khmer population in the north-western region
Tibeto-Burman linguistic group also bear Thai names.
mainly live in houses built on stilts. Besides the tradi-
This is true of the hamlets of Nam Lo, Nam Ha and Nam
tional house with two straight gables, there are also
Khum of the Ha Nhi people, for example, as well as of
many houses constructed in the style favoured by the
Nam Cau and Nam Xa of the La Hu, Nam Khao and Bo
Black Thai, which has two curved gable roofs in the
Lech of the Cong and Seo Hay and Nam Sin of the Si La.
shape of a tortoise-shell. In some hamlets of the Kho Mu
According to Nguyên Van Huy, the names of the hamlets
and Xinh Mun, a number of houses have been built
Thai.13
using Vietnamese techniques and roof tiles. In the past,
of the Xinh Mun, the Cong and the Si La are all in
LA CÔNG Y
the houses of the Khang people did not have walls; howMany hamlets bear Han names, such as the hamlets of
ever, nowadays in many places they have been parti-
Lao Chai, Sin Chai, Mo Pho Chia, Ngai Cho, Sin San,
tioned into separate rooms like those of the Thai.
Hong Ngai and Ta Di Thang of the Ha Nhi in Bat Xat, or
Generally speaking, the internal structure of the houses
the hamlets of A Pa Chai, Thao Lao San and Chang Chai
of the Kho Mu, Xinh Mun, Khang and La Ha is similar
Pa of the Ha Nhi in Muong Te. In the commune of Y Ti
to that of the Thai.
in particular, where there is the highest concentration of Ha Nhi people in all the Bat Xat district, all the hamlets
The houses of the Mang Le people also follow Thai
have Han names.
architectural style. These houses have an elevated floor and windows in bamboo walls, and are therefore cleaner
While the Phu La also give their hamlets Han names,
and better ventilated than traditional houses. The Mang
within their own communities they call them by differ-
Gung, on the other hand, live in earthen houses built
ent ones. For instance, the Phu La people in Bat Xat call
after the fashion of the neighbouring Hmong people.
Khu Chu Lin hamlet Ma To Minh Kha or Di Pa Thang
Communal houses, and those of other ethnic groups, are
Di Pheng, and Ta Chai hamlet San Lo Ba. Perhaps this is
built in the Vietnamese style. Nevertheless the words
because the Phu La, while they resided in this region
for ‘house’ and for parts of a house are in the Mang
long before other people, because of their small popu-
language.
lation were forced to use Han names, as is the common custom. Among the ethnic minorities belonging to the
The traditional house of the ethnic minorities of the
Tibeto-Burman linguistic group, a few hamlets with
Tibeto-Burman linguistic group is the earthen house. At
Vietnamese names have also appeared, such as An
present, part of the population on the Sino-Vietnamese
Thanh (Gia Phu commune), Bac Cong (Hop Thanh
border and on the Viet-Laos border still live in earthen
commune) and Doan Ket (Chung Chai commune).
houses, form separate settlement areas or reside among the Han, the Hmong and the Dao, who also live in
Nevertheless many hamlets still bear ethnic-minority
earthen houses. Minorities who build houses on stilts
names. For example, the Ha Nhi have hamlets called Mu
reside deep inside the country, far from areas with high
165
concentrations of their own ethnic groups, and settle
linguistic group and La Ha women used to twist their
among the Thai and the Tay, who also live in houses
hair into a high chignon at the top of their heads, start-
built on stilts. The La Hu in Nam Cau, and the Ha Nhi
ing from an early age. Nowadays, the women of some
in Can Ho, for example, live in houses on stilts. As these
small groups of the Khang, the Xinh Mun Nghet in
ethnic groups move deeper inside the country, further
Chieng Chung and the La Ha on the banks of the Da
from their own people and nearer to ethnic groups also
river still dress their hair in this fashion. But the vast
living in houses on stilts, their shift from earthen houses
majority of the Khang, the Xinh Mun and the La Ha in
becomes greater. The Phu La people in Bao Thang, for
Thuan Chau now follow the custom of the Black Thai
instance, at first switched to houses on stilts. However,
among whom only married women wear high chignons.
as they have come into contact with Vietnamese people,
Thus the way women wear their hair has become a sign
and as building materials have become scarce, they have
indicating their marital status. The Khang in Quang Lam
gone back to building earthen
houses.15
(Muong Te) and the La Ha who live in communes on the
The Hmong have always lived in earthen houses, but
hand, are influenced by the custom of the White Thai;
today one can detect the influence of Vietnamese archi-
here, all women, young girls and old ladies alike, wear
tectural styles in many recently built houses. This is most
their hair in low chignons at the back of the neck.16
obvious in the technique they have adopted of joining different parts of the house frame together by means of
The dress of some ethnic minorities in the Tibeto-
dovetails and in their habit of decorating the rafters and
Burman linguistic group, such as that of the Cong and
squared beams with intricate patterns and carvings or
the Si La, is also similar to that of the Thai. Cong
sometimes with the date of construction, slogans and
women, for example, only wear traditional costumes
rhyming couplets in the Vietnamese language.
during New Year celebrations and other festivals. For everyday dress, they wear short-sleeved blouses and
In the dress of many ethnic minorities, we can also see
tube skirts, the way they wear their hair indicating their
the influence of other ethnic minorities, especially in
marital status. The men dress just like the Thai or wear
that of the Thai. Highly skilled in knitting, but lacking
Western-style trousers and shirts.17
weaving skills, the ethnic minorities of the Mon-Khmer linguistic group usually exchange baskets, bamboo mats
Meanwhile, many Thai do not like to wear their tradi-
or cotton with the Thai for cloth and garments. As a
tional costumes. In Phong Tho, the young and some of
result, their clothes have become the same as those of
the middle-aged wear shirts and cotton T-shirts.
the Thai, which means that women wear the pieu, or tra-
Weddings also now take place at which the bride wears
ditional headgear, together with a short-sleeved blouse
modern dress.
with buttons and a tube skirt. However, the Kho Mu wear their headgear differently from the Thai, and the
In the past, the women of the Giay and of the Bo Y ethnic
Mang add a cape to their outfit. Among the Mon-Khmer
minorities wore pleated skirts just like those of the
population, only the Xinh Mun of the Ma river area
Hmong. Nowadays, however, Giay women wear indigo
know how to weave cloth and make their own clothes.
or black trousers like those of the Tay and the Nung,
However, their garments are still not very different from
while Bo Y women dress in the Han fashion. In many
those of the Thai.
places, Hmong women have also switched from wearing skirts to wearing trousers. Some of the men are starting
In the past, ethnic-minority women of the Mon-Khmer
to wear Western clothes. However, as they are still
Inter-ethnic exchanges in the Tay Bac region
banks of the Nam Mu stream (Than Uyen), on the other
166
fairly isolated from outside influences, the Hmong have
on Thai territory, the Kho Mu participate in the
generally managed to keep their traditional costumes.
common rituals of the hamlet and of the muong and practise the Thai religion and beliefs to a certain extent.
Decorations on the clothing of the ethnic-minority
The Kho Mu concept of h’rôi, for example, as well as
groups also show their mutual influence. Among the
k’xul of the Xinh Mun, m’ngat of the Khang and k’da of
Phu La (Bo Kho Pa), for example, embroidered flowers
the La Ha, is not very different from the Thai, Tay and
and patterns have become the principal method of dec-
Lao concept of phi. Due to profound Thai religious
oration. Women artisans of the Phu La have created
influences, the Kho Mu in some places even regard Then
their own unique embroidery patterns and have incor-
Luong, the Thai god, as their supreme deity.20
porated patterns from neighbouring ethnic groups to create striking embroidery patterns for their clothes.
However, perhaps nowhere are influences and borrow-
Commonly used patterns, such as those of the pine tree,
ing stronger than in the realm of language. Thai is the
of three people holding hands, of the hoe and of the
most common language in the north-western region,
Chinese character for 10,000 may have been imported
and bilingual systems, in which Thai is one of the two
from the Red
Dao.18
languages spoken, are everywhere to be found. Many
LA CÔNG Y
ethnic minorities of the Mon-Khmer linguistic group The cultural influence of one ethnic group on another is
use Thai in their everyday lives. There are Thai words in
also clearly discernible in eating and drinking habits,
the vocabulary of many groups, especially that of the
where ethnic identity tends to be rigorously preserved.
Khang. In relatively isolated and remote places, such as
The Giay and the Hmong Hoa, for example, have dishes
in the hamlets on the banks of the Da river, the Khang
that are heavily influenced by the Han, especially dishes
still count to five in their own language. From the
for festive occasions.
number six on, however, they use Thai numbers. In some places, such as Chieng Bom (Thuan Chau), the
In the field of oral culture, mutual influence among dif-
Khang people can only remember their word for one.
ferent ethnic-minority groups is clearly evident. For
Some people have even forgotten all their own numbers
instance, since the Kho Mu lived in Laos before migrat-
and count only in Thai.
ing to Viet Nam, they have retained many memories relating to the ancient history of Laos. Their customs
The Xinh Mun language has borrowed Thai words in
still show traces of Lao culture, and they resemble the
similar fashion, the Xinh Mun people having managed
Kha groups in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic
to retain only the first four numbers in their own lan-
more than other groups of the same language in Viet
guage. From number five on, they use the Thai counting
Nam.19
Nevertheless, after nearly two centuries of living
system. At present, both the Xinh Mun and the Khang
with the Thai, paying tribute to and performing corvée
speak fluent Thai; in many Xinh Mun hamlets, such as
labour for Thai ethnic officials, Kho Mu hamlets have
Pen, Co Hay, Hin Dan, Pa No, Ket Na and Ket Hay (Mai
become part of Thai social organization. They are
Son), the influence of the Thai language is so profound
divided up into muong (Thai territories) and are under
that people have to use Thai in everyday activities
the control of Thai a-nha, or officials. Consequently, the
because they can no longer speak their native language.
spiritual life of the Kho Mu has been influenced not
Many young people cannot even understand their own
only by their own religious beliefs but also by those of
native language.
the Thai minority. Here, borrowing seems inevitable. Since they are one of the many ethnic groups that live
The situation is similar among the La Ha. While in
167
remote places, such as the hamlets located on the banks
result, among ethnic minorities that have always main-
of the Nam Mu stream (Than Uyen), people can still
tained close relations, such as the Thai, the La Ha and the
count to ten in their own language, in Thuan Chau,
Xinh Mun, the influence they have on each other is still
people use Thai numbers from the number five on. The
stronger than is the mutual influence of the ethnic minori-
La Ha in Thuan Chau even speak Thai in their popular
ties that live far from each other and rarely come into contact, such as the Thai, the Hmong and the Ha Nhi.
Among the Han who live near the Sino-Vietnamese
To speak about cultural contact between different ethnic
border, increasing numbers of people are bilingual. The
minorities is to speak about a process of ‘giving’ and
Hmong and other ethnic groups, such as the Dao, the Ha
‘receiving’ cultural values. However, in this process of
Nhi, the Phu La and the Bo Y, use the Han language in
cultural contact, the positions and roles of each ethnic
different situations and to varying extents. The Hmong
group are not the same. Those ethnic minorities that are
and the Dao also speak Quan Hoa in their dealings with
more numerous and have reached a higher level of socio-
other ethnic groups, and the Phu La in Bac Ha, the
economic development, such as the Thai, the Vietnamese
Muong Khuong and the Bo Y (Tu Di) also use this lan-
and the Hmong, can be considered a strong ‘broadcast
guage on a regular basis in their everyday lives instead of
source’. Their influence on other ethnic minorities is
their native languages. Even among the Phu La, only a
quite palpable. Smaller and less-developed ethnic
few elderly people remain who can remember more than
minorities, on the other hand, exert a far weaker influ-
a few words in their own
language.22
ence. While a process of ‘Thaiization’ is continuing in the north-western region at present, Vietnamese influence is
There are Vietnamese words in the vocabularies of all the
more restricted, though it is increasing day by day.
ethnic minorities of the north-western region, especially in the areas of society, politics, science and technology.
Cultural contact between different ethnic minorities can
Although bilingual systems, in which Vietnamese is one
lead to two outcomes. On the one hand, it is a process
of the two languages spoken, are less common and devel-
by which different cultures can enrich each other.
oped than they are in the north-eastern region, they are
Through cultural contact, each ethnic minority can
gradually forming, at least in areas where ethnic minori-
absorb and assimilate the achievements of world civi-
ties have settled near Vietnamese people. For example, in
lization, as well as the cultural values of other ethnic
a number of hamlets under the umbrella of Muong So
minorities, in order to enhance its own cultural heritage.
(Phong Tho) in the territory of the White Thai, some
Cultural contact between ethnic minorities, as exemp-
ethnic minorities can now speak relatively fluent
lified in the exchange and borrowing of cultural values,
Vietnamese as a result of contact with Vietnamese people
promotes diversity in each culture and shortens roads to
who have come to clear new land.
development and prosperity. At the same time, cultural contact between ethnic groups is also a result of their
Thus, though they reside in the same historical and cul-
relationships and their specific circumstances and helps
tural zone, the ethnic minorities can easily communicate
to promote cultural communication and co-operation
and borrow certain cultural values from each other to
between ethnic groups. Through cultural contact, ethnic
enrich their own cultural heritage. Indirect cultural con-
minorities learn of their similarities and differences, and
tact through the mass media is ever increasing at present,
in some cases these give rise to the common values of
but in the north-western region direct contact between
the whole national community or of the ethnic groups
individuals remains the principal form of contact. As a
inhabiting the same local area.
Inter-ethnic exchanges in the Tay Bac region
dramatic
performances.21
168
On the other hand, cultural contact can also lead to a
6.
loss of identity, harming the cultures of the ethnic
p. 246.
minorities. Through cultural contact, people sometimes
7.
receive new values, not through any conscious effort to
Nhi–Lô Lô, p. 126, Hanoi, 1985.
select and adapt these to their existing systems, but
8.
through wholesale importation. In such cases, tradi-
p. 344.
tional cultural values bearing special ethnic characteris-
9.
Ibid., p. 97.
tics are replaced by new ones that are entirely foreign.
10.
Nguyên Van Huy, op. cit., pp. 108–11.
11.
Ibid., p. 116.
An ethnic minority can survive only when its culture is
12.
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., op. cit.,
protected and preserved as ethnic culture. Preservation
pp. 266–8.
is not synonymous with immutability, however. Fur-
13.
Nguyên Van Huy, op. cit., p. 69.
thermore, the culture of every ethnic minority com-
14.
Ibid., pp. 69–70.
prises some traditions that are still relevant and others
15.
Ibid., pp. 79–80.
that are outmoded.
16.
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., op. cit.,
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., op. cit.,
See Nguyên Van Huy, Culture and Lifestyle of the Ha
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., op. cit.,
LA CÔNG Y
pp. 182, 243, 291.
Yet, as everyone knows, culture by its very nature
17.
Nguyên Van Huy, op. cit., p. 81.
should remain open to exchange; in fact, this openness
18.
Ibid., pp. 93–4.
is an inherent characteristic of all human beings as well
19.
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., op. cit., p. 39.
as of their societies. Ethnic groups stand to gain from
20.
Ibid., pp. 115, 116, 119.
exchange far more than they might risk losing. Thus
21.
Ibid., pp. 162, 215, 256, 278.
respecting and preserving the traditional values of each
22.
See Handbook on Ethnic Minorities . . ., op. cit., pp. 149,
ethnic minority must go hand in hand with the creation
215.
of conditions that will encourage interethnic cultural exchanges.
REFERENCES NOTES
DANG NGHIÊM VAN; NGUYÊN TRUC BINH. 1972. Nhung nhom dân tôc thuôc ngu hê Nam A o Tây Bac Viêt Nam [Some
1.
Dang Nghiêm Van, Nguyên Truc Binh et al., Ethnic
Austro-Asiatic Ethnic Groups of the Tay Bac Region of
Minorities Belonging to the South Asian Linguistic Groups in
Viet Nam]. Hanoi, Nha Xuat ban Khoa hoc Xa hoi
North-Western Viet Nam, Hanoi, p. 167, Éditions des Sciences
[Social sciences publishing house].
Sociales, 1972.
NGUYÊN VAN HUY. 1985. Van hoa va nêp sông Ha Nhi–Lô Lô
2.
Ibid., pp. 260–1.
[Culture and Way of Life of the Ha Nhi and Lô Lô].
3.
Ibid., p. 331.
Hanoi, NXB Van hoa [Culture publishing house].
4.
Ibid., p. 109.
Sô tay vê cac dân tôc o Viêt Nam [Notes on the Ethnic Groups
5.
See Handbook on Ethnic Minorities in Viet Nam, p. 211,
Hanoi, 1983.
of Viet Nam]. 1983. Hanoi, Hanoi, Nha Xuat ban Khoa hoc Xa hoi [Social sciences publishing house].
169
Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality VU DINH LOI
The Brau and Romam are the two ethnic minorities with
Members of the Brau and Romam ethnic minorities also
the smallest populations in the Central Highlands of
live in Cambodia and the Lao People’s Democratic
Viet Nam. In 1992 the Brau numbered 202 persons and
Republic, from the Xe San (Xe ca mang) basin to the
the Romam
212.1
banks of the Nam Khoong. Those Romam living in Cambodia call themselves Romam Kdo or Ro Tchor to
The Brau have always lived only in the village of Dak
distinguish themselves from the Romam Ale who live in
Me, which is in Bo Y commune, Ngoc Hoi district in
Viet Nam.3 Both Brau and Romam maintain kin and
Kon Tum province. This village is about 20 km from the
marriage relations with these members of their own
frontier with Cambodia and about 100 km from the
ethnic groups living outside Viet Nam. Although local
provincial capital of Kon Tum. Apart from this com-
customs for members of both ethnic groups are impor-
munity, some members of the Brau ethnic minority live
tant in choosing their place of residence after marriage,
scattered among a few Xo Dang, Romam and Gie Trieng
whether they live in Viet Nam, Cambodia or the Lao
villages, being obliged by local custom to live there after
P.D.R. is a matter of personal preference.
marriage. The Brau and Romam languages belong to the MonThe Romam live in the village of Le, in Moray com-
Khmer linguistic group. The Romam language in partic-
mune, about 60 km from Kon Tum. Besides these, there
ular is heavily influenced by Khmer, and hence is
are also 100 or more Romam who call themselves Rmal.
slightly different from the languages of neighbouring
Following a raid in the 1970s, these people were relo-
ethnic minorities such as the Xo Dang, Gie Trieng, Ba
cated by the United States military forces to the village
Na and Brau. Because of their small populations and fre-
of Rnor in Doan Ket commune, where they now live
quent contact with their neighbours, however, both the
among the Ba
Na.2
Brau and the Romam speak many languages, including
170
Vietnamese, Gia Rai, Xo Dang, Lao and Cambodian.
Cambodian and Xo Dang people for things which they
According to the writer Vinh Quyên, the reason why the
cannot make themselves, such as knives, axes and salt.
Brau and Romam live in abject poverty and why their populations are declining ‘is because they live isolated
All Brau and Romam women wear skirts, with Brau
from the outside world and cannot speak the official
women wearing short-sleeved tops and Romam women
national
language’.4
This is quite untrue.
preferring sleeveless ones. The skirts are made of pieces
VU DINH LOI
of cloth wrapped around the waist. For ornamentation These minorities make their living from slash-and-burn
they wear bronze bracelets and earrings made of
cultivation, preferring old woodlands and bamboo
bamboo or wood, wealthy women wearing ivory ear-
forests where the soil is loose and has fewer weeds.
rings. The Brau and Romam people believe that the
Cleared land is planted mainly with glutinous rice, with
larger such earrings are – especially if they are made of
a part being set aside for plain rice, corn and manioc.
ivory – the more beautiful and wealthy are the women.
Apart from these crops, vegetables, melons, pumpkins,
The men wear only a loincloth, covering themselves
sugar cane, bananas, sesame and tobacco are also grown.
with a thin blanket to keep warm in winter.
The planting schedule, farm implements and cultivation
In the past, both Brau and Romam had the custom of
methods used are similar to those of neighbouring Mon-
filing the four or six front teeth of the upper jaw, the
Khmer ethnic minorities in the northern part of the
ceremony taking place at the age of 14 or 15. This orig-
Central Highlands. Usually, land clearance begins in the
inal coming-of-age ritual still survives among the indige-
third month of the lunar calendar, with burning begin-
nous peoples who inhabit the Central Highlands and the
ning towards the end of the fourth or early in the fifth.
Truong Son mountain ranges, and, according to the aes-
Around the sixth month, as the cicadas first start their
thetic standards of the Brau and Romam peoples,
vibrant song, the sowing season commences. After
anyone who did not file their teeth was subject to
sowing has taken place, the Brau ban all strangers from
ridicule by their friends for lack of courage. It was
their village for three days, a custom peculiar to them.
believed that the souls of people refusing to file their
During this time, they make offerings to the deity
teeth would not be admitted to the world of the ances-
Brabum, praying for the rice to grow and not be
tors after their death. This meant that in the past this
destroyed by birds and wild animals. Harvesting begins
custom was generally followed.
in the eleventh month, followed by the lunar New Year. Hunting and gathering, however, still play an important
Face and body tattoos are very common among the
role in the lives of both these ethnic minorities. For the
Brau, with a village tattooist, the bru trâm rac, making
Romam especially, catching fish on the Sa Thay river is
very diverse and elaborate tattoos. These can be geometri-
a regular source of food.
cal in shape, or they can picture plants and animals, or be in intricate dot patterns. According to the village
In the past, both Brau and Romam grew cotton and
elders, this custom of tattooing the face and body is
wove their own cloth, each family having a plot specifi-
another remnant of an ancient coming-of-age ritual.
cally for cotton. However, both practices have now ceased. As both Brau and Romam rely mainly on slash-
The Brau village is called sruc and the Romam dê, as are
and-burn subsistence farming, commerce and trade have
Ba Na villages in some areas of An Khe. At the head of
been left virtually undeveloped. They produce almost all
the village are the village elders or masters, who are
their own necessities, bartering with Vietnamese, Lao,
called kra de in the Romam language. The village is built
171
on a gentle hill near a water source, the gates of the Brau
ables, household appliances, rice and foodstuffs. A small
village being decorated with elaborate wreaths of leaves
family, or sometimes a large one made up of several cou-
called ruung. Beside these gates, the Brau have planted
ples and many different generations, lives in each house,
sharp bamboo spikes to ward off evil spirits and intrud-
shares the produce of its labour and eats together in the
ers. Since in former times it was quite common for there
same kitchen. A large family will sometimes live
to be wars and fighting between the different villages,
together under one roof, or will spread out into the
they were also protected by strong fences. While the
smaller buildings beside the main house. However,
Brau village has only two or three gates, the Romam has
whether large or small, the head of the family is always
six: the main gate which faces north, two gates in the
the husband or father.
east which open out to the Sa Thay river, two gates in the south to let people go out to the fields and one gate
Houses in the Romam village, on the other hand, are
in the west which opens on to the graveyard.
arranged in an oval pattern. In the centre of this is the
The arrangement of houses in the Brau village differs
lage affairs, welcome guests and make offerings to the
slightly from that in the Romam. Houses in the Brau vil-
spirits. This is also where young unmarried men sleep at
lage are arranged in a perfect circle, in the centre of
night. The Romam follow the long-house system. Each
which is the communal house. Around this are trees
long-house shelters many families and can be large or
called sooc rooc where buffaloes are tied before being
small. Inside, each is divided into two parts with a cor-
slaughtered as a sacrifice to the yang. Today these are
ridor in the middle serving as a hallway running the
large, healthy trees. Each family lives in a house built on
length of the building. The front and back parts are
stilts and positioned in such a way that one of its gables
divided into small sections for families, while the middle
is turned towards the communal house. The main door
part of the house serves as the living area where families
is usually at this end, while the back door is at the other
gather for social activities, to welcome guests and
gable. The roofs of Brau houses are quite steep; roofs are
observe religious rites. In this communal area, there is
made by weaving bamboo lattices that are then laid
also a fire for guests and even a mortar for pounding
along the ridge-pole. At both ends of the roof decorative
rice.
motifs of birds’ heads, rattan baskets, the sun and the blades of a fan are to be found.5
Families related by blood or marriage usually live together in these long-houses. This can be viewed as a
The floor plan of a Brau house is divided into many sec-
step towards the dissolution of the so-called one-village-
tions, the outermost of which is made up of two differ-
one-roof house system, which still exists among some
ent floor levels: the lower floor, or tir, where the family
ethnic groups in the north of the Central Highlands.
keeps the mortar for pounding rice, and the raised floor,
Here, there is also a communal section in the middle of
or po tu, which is the living area where members of the
the house for public activities, welcoming guests and
family sit, rest or sew. The main section of the house is
offering worship to the village deities.
also divided into two uneven parts. The raised part is for sleeping, and the lower part, which is on the same level
However, like the societies of many other ethnic minori-
as the tir, is used for cooking and storing water contain-
ties living in the Truong Son mountain ranges and in the
ers. There are also small auxiliary buildings connected
Central Highlands, Brau and Romam society is currently
to the main house which serve as living spaces for the
at a stage in which the primitive commune is breaking
elderly or as storerooms where the family keeps its valu-
up and giving way to class distinctions. While the Brau
Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality
communal house where villagers gather to discuss vil-
172
and Romam villages could in the past have been consid-
helps them determine kinship and family relations. For
ered to be primitive neighbour communes, there are
the Brau, porgot includes family members and relatives,
now typically three different social classes in their vil-
and is similar to the concept of ktum of the Ba Na
lages. The wealthiest class is usually very small – only
people.7 Individuals belonging to the same porgot are
two or three households – and this the Brau call bnu kra
related by blood through both the paternal and maternal
(the rich people). There are many stories about the most
lines, and are absolutely forbidden to marry each other
famous bnu kra family of Dak Me village, the kra Nu,
if not separated by more than five generations. Brau
which was wealthy for generations. When kra Nu died,
elders can remember ten generations back in the geneal-
his son, kra Aroong, and then his grandson, kra Dno,
ogy of their porgot.8 According to Brau customs, people
became the richest people in the village in their turn.
who descend from the same great-grandparents (ya
However, the vast majority of villagers are independent
chang), through either the paternal or the maternal line,
peasant farmers who aim to produce enough to feed
are not allowed to marry each other.
VU DINH LOI
themselves and their families, and who have just a few possessions, such as gongs, earthen jars, buffaloes and
The generation before the ya chang is the ya chê, and
bronze pots. These are called the bnu ta met kto, or ordi-
after it is the chau generation (grandchildren) and the
nary folk. The lowest class in Brau and Romam societies
chau chê (great-grandchildren). Members of the chau chê
are the kto, or slaves, whom the Ba Na call dich or dam,
generation are allowed to intermarry, but marriage
and the Gia Rai and Ede hlun. These are either people
between people separated by less than five generations is
who cannot pay their debts or fines, or they are the
regarded as ta a krang, or incest. Should they marry, they
descendants of prisoners of war. The kto can be sold by
will be severely punished by the village, since, according
their owners or transferred to another owner, and they
to local beliefs, incest causes rivers to flood, mountains
do not have any rights. Nevertheless, their owners treat
to collapse and crops to fail (bre blu blac). Because of
the kto as they would their own children, and the kto are
these marriage laws, and because of the small popula-
allowed to eat with their owners, who sometimes even
tion of both ethnic minorities, which means that vil-
find marriage partners for them. Nowadays there are no
lagers are often related, it is very difficult for the Brau
more kto in the Brau village in Viet Nam, but, according
and Romam to find a partner in their own villages. As a
to the village elders, there are still kto in the Lao
result, they have to travel either to the Lao P.D.R. or to
P.D.R.
Cambodia where there are other Brau and Romam communities, or they have to marry women from neigh-
According to classifications made by ethnologists during
bouring ethnic minorities, such as the Xo Dang, Gie
the French and American periods and after reunifi-
Trieng and Gia Rai. In the Romam village of Le, for
cation, the Brau and Romam belong to ethnic groups
example, three men have married Brau women, three
following the bi-lineal system. Under this system, kin-
Gia Rai and another three Xo Dang. In Dak Me, there
ship and inheritance are determined by tracing descent
are nine mixed marriages between the Brau and mem-
both through the paternal and through the maternal
bers of other ethnic minorities, such as the Xo Dang,
line, the system of bilateral residence alternating accord-
Gie Trieng, Muong and Romam. Mixed marriages lead
ing to
circumstances.6
They do not have names to indi-
cate each specific clan, as do those ethnic minorities that
to the assimilation of ethnic groups just as effectively as does cultural borrowing.
adhere to patriarchy or matriarchy in the Truong Son area and in the Central Highlands. The Brau and
Sororat and levirat marriages remain deeply embedded
Romam do, however, have the concept of porgot, which
in the cultures of these two minorities. However, a man
173
is allowed to marry his sister-in-law only when his wife
place of their own. This custom of alternating residence
dies. Likewise, a woman is allowed to marry her
is also called rotating bilateral residence; in some cases,
brother-in-law only when her husband dies. In the mar-
if the groom’s family does not have enough resources,
riage and family system, the authority of the maternal
the newly-wed couple will live with the groom’s family
uncle (po) is key (avunculate). The maternal uncle has
first, provided that they have the consent of the bride’s
the final say in the marriage of his nephews and nieces.
parents.
He also keeps all the wedding gifts. Marriage customs have remained largely unchanged for
even during pregnancy. As the birth of a child ap-
both the Brau and the Romam. Boys and girls are free to
proaches, the husband will make a birthing bed for his
fall in love with and to court the person of their choice.
wife in the corner of the house in which they usually
However they can proceed with the wedding only when
sleep (a Brau custom), or erect a temporary bamboo
the parents from both sides have given their blessing.
lean-to underneath the house (a Romam custom). When
First, the groom’s family will send a male matchmaker
the woman goes into labour, her mother and the mid-
(gia vu in the Brau language and nuông in the Romam)
wife (da boi in Brau; nam duông in Romam) are there to
to the bride’s family in order to ask for the girl’s hand in
help her. When the child is born, the umbilical cord is
marriage. Then, if the girl’s parents agree, the groom’s
cut, the baby washed in water brewed with forest leaves
family will proceed with the engagement ceremony
and then wrapped in a clean blanket. The placenta is
(dooc gia vu), which requires chickens, pigs and wine as
buried deep in the forest. The Brau name their babies
gifts. The wedding can be held a few days after the
several days after birth, while the Romam wait until the
engagement ceremony if the groom’s family has these
umbilical cord completely falls away before giving the
wedding gifts ready, the wedding (hdoong chiklo in Brau;
child a name. Should a child die immediately after birth,
etgu in Romam) taking place at the bride’s house and the
then it is buried not in the village graveyard but deep in
groom’s family paying all the expenses.
the forest since such deaths are viewed as evil.
Besides meeting the wedding expenses, the groom’s
When there is a death in the family, gongs are sounded
family must give the bride and her parents gifts such as
to inform the whole village. Hearing the gongs, the vil-
gongs, bronze pots, rattan baskets and earrings, the pre-
lagers flock to the house of the deceased to pay their
cise amount of such gifts depending on the circum-
condolences and help with the funeral. The deceased
stances of the groom’s family and the demands of the
person is dressed in new clothes, brought outside, and
bride’s. The official wedding ceremony involves the
then placed in such a way that the head points in the
matchmaker giving a bracelet to the bride and groom,
direction of the house where he or she used to live.
and the newly-wed couple sharing a meal and giving
Instead of laying out the corpse inside the house, both
each other food in front of their families and the vil-
the Brau and the Romam bring the body out to a tem-
lagers. After the wedding, the groom stays with the
porary hut erected either in a courtyard or somewhere
bride’s family for a period of four to five years before
near the house (nam kdooc), the funeral rites being per-
returning to live with his own family. Five years later,
formed here. The whole village works together to erect
the couple goes back to the bride’s family. This rotating
the funeral hut when a member of the village com-
of place of residence continues until either the groom’s
munity passes away. The coffin is usually a dug-out log,
or the bride’s parents die, and then the couple will either
and in it the body of the deceased is placed together
stay with those parents who are still alive or set up a
with his or her personal belongings and jewellery. Gaps
Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality
Brau and Romam women continue to work as usual
174
in the coffin are then filled with clay, and the two ends
Views of the world and of the cosmos among the Brau
and middle part tied to a carrying pole using vine ropes.
and the Romam are similar to those of other ethnic
During the period of mourning, family and relatives of
minorities in the Central Highlands. The world is poly-
the deceased as well as other villagers come to the nam
theistic and animist: animals, plants, rivers, forests,
kdooc to lament, dance, drink wine and beat gongs in
mountains, heaven, earth and human beings all possess
farewell to the dead. These rituals typically last for two
living souls. The supreme deities of this polytheistic
or three days, though the funerals of wealthy people last
world include the sun god (yang Mat tngay), the water
for four to five days before burial.
god (yang Dak), the forest god (yang Bri), the rice god
VU DINH LOI
(yang Xri), and the god of individual destiny (yang Bri The village graveyard is located west of the village, the
phau). Rituals worshipping these gods are performed by
east being avoided because it is feared that death follows
the head of the family or by a sorcerer (pô dau). The
the path of the sun from east to west. The head of the
Brau believe that the world in which they live was cre-
corpse is always placed towards the village, so that the
ated by a culture god named Paxay. His every step gave
dead person will no longer see it. Usually the dead are
rise to rivers and streams, they believe, and he made the
buried separately; however, there have been some cases
rain and the wind, created all living things and created
among the Romam in which two or three people have
life and death.
been buried in the same grave. This is especially the case when several persons in the same family die within a
The Brau and Romam believe that each person is made
short time of one another.
up of two parts: a soul (phau) and a body. When a person is healthy, his soul is inside his body. A person
The Brau way of burying their dead is similar to that of
becomes ill only when the soul ‘escapes’, or when it is
the Gie Trieng and of a few Xo Dang groups in the north
captured by spirits and cannot return to the body.
of Kon Tum. Here graves are very shallow, such that
Therefore, if a person is ill, a fortune-teller must be
when a coffin is lowered into them, the lid can still be
asked which spirit has captured the soul of the sick
seen. Around the grave there are four deep pits, and in
person, so that offerings and prayers can be made to that
each of these a wooden mask mounted on a stake is
spirit for its release. When people die, their souls leave
planted. These, it is believed, prevent the dead from
their bodies for ever and become ancestors (kdooc). It is
returning home. Tombs are also built to store a dead
precisely for this reason that in every ceremony where
person’s share of his or her family’s possessions, such as
offerings are made to the gods, the ancestors are also
gongs, earthen jars, rattan baskets and knives. These
worshipped in the hope that they will protect their
items are often broken up or torn into small pieces
descendants from harm, bringing good health and
before being interred, something which stems from the
bumper harvests. People, however, also fear the retri-
view that the world of the dead and the world of the
bution of their ancestors, especially if these were mis-
living are completely opposite. When the burial is com-
treated when alive.
plete, a mixture of wine and chicken blood is sprinkled on the grave, a few pieces of meat and liver are put in it,
In the animist world-view, rituals related to agricultural
and a tearful farewell is given to the deceased.
production and cultivation cycles are highly important.
Comforting words are said to the deceased, asking him
These are therefore continuously performed from the
or her to stay in the grave. If these are not said, the vil-
time when land is cleared and burned right through to
lagers fear that the deceased might follow them back to
harvest. When the land is cleared, chickens and wine
the village and take others with him or her.
are offered as sacrifices to the gods in a ceremony called
175
choi xic. At harvest time, the main goal is to worship the
mat muôl cho piar (wedding songs) and the mat muôl a
rice god (yang Xri) in a ceremony called choi may. On
cuôl (lullabies).
bolically picks a handful of rice growing in a corner near
Gongs are the most common musical instruments in the
the entrance to the field. He then takes some wine,
Truong Son mountain region and in the Central High-
mixes it with the blood of a chicken and pours this into
lands. The Brau have three types. Mam is a type of
a hollow bamboo cutting. The sealed bamboo section
precious gong similar to that used by the Lao and the
containing the wine is then placed on the ground, the
Cambodian people, a set costing up to twenty buffaloes.
liver and meat of the sacrificial animal are distributed
Coong are a common type of gong, and since these are
around the wine container and the rice god is asked to
cheaper, many families have them. The most expensive
accept the offerings and protect the fields so that
and precious of the different types, however, is the tha.
there will be a bumper harvest. When the rice flowers
There are two gongs in such a set, a large one (tha di)
appear, the family must offer sacrifices to the gods
and a small one (tha ke ke), and it costs anything up to
again, not only in the fields but also at home, xet being
thirty buffaloes. Tha gongs are costly because they are
the sacrificial ceremony performed just before the
made from a combination of copper, gold and silver,
harvest.
thereby giving a quite different sound to other types. During their festivals, the Brau hang several sets of tha
As the Romam plant many different varieties of rice,
on a long pole (hdâng tha) running the length of the
they have to offer sacrifices to the gods in two separate
communal house. Two players for each set sit facing one
ceremonies. The first is for the early rice harvest and the
another. One player taps on the gongs using a slight
second for the late. In the ceremony to ask the gods’
wooden stick (to lông tha) while the other uses some-
permission for an early harvest (et xet may), the lady of
thing heavier (kno tha). During the gong festival, several
the house will pick out about half a basket of rice grain
dozen sets of tha gongs with up to thirty players can be
to be used as an offering to the rice god. From this com
used. Tha gongs are very difficult to play; to be able to
lam, which is rice cooked in a hollow bamboo section, is
play the tha when they grow up, Brau children must
made as an offering; other offerings include a jar of wine
start learning at an early age. Beside playing the tha
mixed with the blood of a pig or chicken and the sacri-
gongs, Brau children also very much enjoy games such
ficial animal’s heart and liver which are boiled, finely
as walking on stilts (dung dui) and kite flying (kla han).
chopped and then arranged around the jar of wine. In this ceremony, only family members can eat the new
Since 1975, the Brau and Romam cultures have under-
rice, outsiders not being allowed to participate.
gone not only material but also spiritual changes. At the start, due to a lack of experience and to general igno-
Both the Brau and the Romam love entertainment, and
rance on the part of local administrators, projects
both have a treasure trove of unique and rich popular
designed to improve the living conditions of these two
forms. At night, or when the harvest is over, the village
ethnic minorities were not very successful. Take, for
elders often tell their children and grandchildren myths
example, the fire that broke out in April 1991 in the vil-
about the creation of the world, fairy tales or popular sto-
lage and destroyed the traditional-style houses and the
ries. On moonlit nights, teenage boys and girls gather at
villagers’ meagre possessions. The local authorities in
the makeshift huts in the fields or on the hills that sur-
the district of Ngoc Hoi and in the province of Kon Tum
round the villages to sing love songs and pay court to
provided the victims with new clothes and blankets and
each other. There are many such songs, for instance the
persuaded them to take up temporary residence in a
Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality
this occasion, the head of the family goes out and sym-
176
new village next to the highway leading to frontier post
1.2 billion dong to build new houses and establish new
number 19 on the Cambodian border. The houses in
fields for the two ethnic minorities.
this new village, however, had mud walls and thatched roofs, and were not well suited to the traditional cus-
Investment by the government, from central down to
toms of the Brau. As soon as the opening ceremony was
provincial and district levels, has brought about major
over, and aid from the province and district government
transformations in the economic, social and cultural life
had been handed out, the Brau left the new village and
of the Brau and Romam ethnic minorities. Thus, learn-
took their families to live in huts which they had erected
ing their lesson from previous efforts to build perma-
in the fields to watch over the crops. Only one family
nent settlements for other ethnic minorities in the
remained in the new village, and this was the family of a
Central Highlands, and from the first attempt to move
wealthy village elder who could afford timber walls and
the Brau to a new village following the fire, Kon Tum
roof tiles. Due to the poor quality of the roads, the
province has carefully studied and designed a new vil-
thin mountain air and the distance between the new
lage model to suit local natural conditions and the tradi-
huts, contact between the families was necessarily
tional customs of the Brau and Romam. As a result, new
limited.
villages for these two ethnic minorities have been built
VU DINH LOI
close to transport and communications. Previously vilAs a result of the shift to a market system, and the abo-
lages had a round or oval design, but they now resemble
lition of government-subsidized health services, the
a city street, in the middle of which there is a communal
ethnic minorities cannot now afford medicine and have
house where most social activities take place. The
to rely on traditional cures, including sacrifices to the
houses are arranged in straight rows, and all are built in
spirits. Consequently, diseases are rife, especially malaria
the same style; most are smaller than before, as people
(over 60 per cent of the villagers suffer from malaria)
now live mostly in nuclear families. Multi-generational
and goitre (over 20 per cent). Another problem is edu-
families, and families in which there are many couples,
cation. Most school-age children do not attend school so
have been largely dissolved. The architectural style and
that 80 to 90 per cent of the village population is illiter-
interior decoration of these houses are in keeping with
ate. Contact between the villagers has also been a prob-
the customs of each ethnic minority.
lem. In order to pay their friends and relatives a visit, or to see them in an emergency, people have to go to each
Each village has several wells built to provide local
other’s huts in the forest, and they now only occasion-
people with clean water for drinking and for other daily
ally leave their huts to make a trip to their old village or
activities. However, the Romam are not accustomed to
to the district town to barter for necessities such as oil,
cooking with the water from these wells and still obtain
salt and tobacco.
their water for drinking and cooking from the Le river. The Brau village of Dak Me now has electricity, and
The authorities have tried many times to persuade the
many families have acquired television sets, tape
Brau to leave the forest huts and go back to the new vil-
recorders and stereo cassette players.
lage, but to no avail. One reason is that the Brau are not used to living in mud houses; another is the lack of beds
In addition to relocating the Brau and Romam villages to
and of separate living areas for humans and animals, as
a spacious place near roads and other means of com-
well as a shortage of water for crop cultivation.
munication, Kon Tum province has also invested in land-
However, by the end of 1993, and in response to the
clearance and irrigation projects to facilitate wet-rice
wishes of the people, the authorities had invested
cultivation. As a result, the Brau and the Romam nowa-
177
66
67
178
68 66. Religious ceremony in the new house (Lai Chau). © Tô Hop.
67. Music being played during a ceremony (Lai Chau). © Tô Hop.
68. People seated during a ceremony (Lai Chau). © Tô Hop.
69. Musicians playing at a ceremony (Lai Chau). © Tô Hop.
70. Drinking from buffalo horns (Ha Giang). © Museum of Ethnography, Hanoi.
71. A traditional pipe is used for smoking (Ha Giang). © Mai Thanh Son.
69
179
70
71
180
72 72. Making grain alcohol (Ha Giang). © Mai Thanh Son.
73. Carrying firewood with a traditional backpack attached by means of a forehead strap (Ha Giang). © Pham Van Duong.
74. Winnowing rice (Ha Giang). © Mai Thanh Son.
75. Pounding rice with a see-saw mortar (Ha Giang). © Tiên Dung.
73
181
74
75
182
76
77
183
78 76. Fishing (Lam Dong). © Lê Duy Dai.
77. Playing the kom buat, a traditional instrument (Lam Dong). © Lê Duy Dai.
78. Making pottery (Dac Lac). © Tân Vinh.
79. Offerings are made for the health of the elephants (Dac Lac). © Tân Vinh.
79
184
80 80. Grinding rice using traditional tools (Dac Lac). © Tân Vinh.
81. Traditional method for cooking rice to obtain a sticky consistency (Dac Lac). © Luu Hung.
81
185
days make their living from wet-rice farming and have
seen only on old men, or have been put away as sou-
voluntarily given up the slash-and-burn cultivation that
venirs and are rarely worn. Though women still dress in
had previously been at the centre of their lives. From
the traditional style, the material for their skirts is no
being the principal source of food for humans, the hill-
longer woven by hand but has been replaced by com-
side fields are now used mainly to grow fodder for ani-
mercial cloth.
the living conditions of the Brau and the Romam are
There has also been a decline in spiritual culture. The
improving every day: there is no longer any danger of
sets of gongs are no longer as valuable as they used to
famine and chronic crop failure; and the threat of dis-
be. Young men and women have lost their passion and
ease has been removed because people now know more
enthusiasm for playing the gongs, nowadays preferring
about sanitation. People have learnt new techniques for
to listen to music on the radio or to play modern music
rice cultivation and acquired new varieties, as well as
on the guitar. Children are also gradually forgetting tra-
fertilizers and pesticides to increase rice productivity.
ditional games in order to enter a world of new games
Although there have been changes in their way of life
imported from neighbouring ethnic minorities or from
and cultivation methods, the annual ceremonies and
ethnic Vietnamese. When night comes, elderly villagers
sacrificial rites they employ to offer thanks to the gods
no longer tell stories to their grandchildren because the
and to celebrate the harvest are still maintained. On
young are no longer listening.
these occasions, villagers often visit one another, and even those people who have been away come back to
Thus far there has been insufficient investment and
celebrate and to share the joy and achievement of the
financial support for educators to come up with an
whole village after a year of toil and hard work.
appropriate solution to these problems. New cultural
Everyone eats and drinks together, and congratulations
factors are encroaching on, and killing off, traditional
are offered to the head of the family. During the feast to
cultural ones. In some respects, this advance of the new
celebrate a successful year, people talk to each other, tell
is positive; but if worthwhile traditions in one’s own cul-
others about their own hardships in the past and express
ture are forgotten as a result, that would be a disaster.
their gratitude towards the state and local government
Rescuing these two ethnic groups from hunger and pop-
for helping and guiding them in the new farming
ulation decline by developing production and raising
methods.
living conditions has had an encouraging start. But raising the level of general education, opening new schools
Nevertheless, not enough attention has yet been paid to
and maintaining and selecting worthwhile cultural tradi-
the work of preserving and promoting their traditional
tions in order to preserve and promote their develop-
cultural heritage. As a result, the tendency among young
ment are the vital next steps.
people now is to strive for the new and the ‘modern’, forgetting the values handed down by their ancestors. One obvious change in the material culture of the
NOTES
minorities is that of dress. Nowadays, as is the case among other ethnic minorities in the Western High-
1.
lands, most children and men in Brau and Romam com-
Asher (eds.), Atlas of the World’s Languages, London/New York,
munities dress in the same style as the people in the rest
Routledge, 1994, the total number of Brau people in the Lao
of the country. Traditional-style loincloths can now be
People’s Democratic Republic, Cambodia and Viet Nam is
According to D. B. Bradley in C. Moseley and R. E.
Brau and Romam cultures: tradition and reality
mals and livestock. As a result of these developments,
186
35,000, a figure which includes the Kravet, Krung and Su
REFERENCES
(Sou, Sung) groups (Atlas, pp. 161, 163). However, this author also believes that the Brau have their roots in the Love or Lave.
B RADLEY, D. B. 1994. In: C. Moseley and R. E. Asher (eds.),
He does not mention the Romam, though H. Maître discusses
Atlas of the World’s Languages. London/New York,
them in his Les jungles Moï, Paris, 1912. The figures given in
Routledge.
the text are taken from Vu Dinh Loi, ‘A True Picture of Life,
D ANG N GHIÊM VAN . 1990. Phat hiên lai Rmal – môt nhom
and Causes of the Population Decline, among the Brau’, Revue
dân tôc it nguoi [Rediscovering the Rmal Ethnic
ethnologique, No. 2, 1993, p. 29 (for the Brau), and Vinh
Minority]. Bao Nhân dân.
Quyên, ‘Romam and Brâu: The Victims of Genocide’, Bao Lao Dông, 29 July 1992 (for the Romam).
Công Tum - Phân nguoi Romam [Ethnic Minorities in the
2.
Province of Gia Lai – Cong Tum]. Hanoi, Éditions des
Dang Nghiêm Van, ‘Rediscovering the Rmal Ethnic
Minority’, Nhân Dân, 2 September 1990. 3.
Dang Nghiêm Van et al., Ethnic Minorities in the Province
of Gia Lai – Cong Tum, p. 286 (for the Romam), Hanoi, Éditions des Sciences Sociales, 1981.
VU DINH LOI
D ANG N GHIÊM VAN et al. 1981. Cac dân tôc tinh Gia Lai –
Sciences Sociales. G UILLEMINET, P. 1859–63. Dictionnaire bahnar-français. 2 vols. Paris. L EBAR , F. M.; H ICKEY, C. G.; M USGRAVE , J. K. 1964. Ethnic
4.
Ibid., p. 274.
Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia. New Haven, Human
5.
Nguyên Khac Tung, The Houses of Ethnic Minorities in
Relations Area Files Press.
Viet Nam: The Romam House, p. 53. (Unpublished ms.)
M AÎTRE , H. 1912. Les jungles Moï. Paris, Larousse.
6.
Vu Dinh Loi, op. cit., p. 32.
N GUYÊN K HAC T UNG . Nha cua cac dân tôc o Viêt Nam – Nha
7.
P. Guilleminet, Dictionnaire bahnar-français, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1859–63; F. M. Lebar, C. G. Hickey, J. K. Musgrave, Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia, p. 138, New Haven,
nguoi Romam [The Houses of Ethnic Minorities in Viet Nam: The Romam House]. (Unpublished ms.) V INH Q UYÊN . 1992. Romam vâ Brâu: hoa diêt chung Romam
Human Relations Area Files Press, 1964.
and Brâu [Romam and Brâu: The Victims of Genocide].
8.
Bao Lao Dông, 26 July.
Dang Nghiêm Van et al., op. cit., p. 145, for the Ba Na.
V U D INH L OI . 1993. Thuc trang doi song va nguyên nhân suy giam dân so o nguoi Brâu hiên nay [A True Picture of Life, and Causes of the Population Decline, among the Brau]. Revue ethnologique, No. 2.
187
The Ruc people’s cry for help NGUYÊN NGOC THANH
INTRODUCTION
began to publish general data about them in various ethnological journals while, in the early 1970s, the Institute
In the remote mountainous regions of Viet Nam live a
of Ethnology together with the Institute of Linguistics
group of people who cannot number more than 1,000
(attached to the Commission of Social Sciences) carried
hardship1
out research on the Arem Ma Lieng, May, Ruc and Sach
and are in grave danger of extinction. The Ruc are pow-
peoples in Quang Binh. The result of this was that all
erless to save themselves because they live in undevel-
these local subgroups became known collectively as the
oped areas, are prone to epidemics and disease, have a
Chut ethnic minority. Actually the word Chut is a
migratory lifestyle and use migratory farming methods.
Vietnamese transcription of the word Cit, meaning ‘rocky
They need the help of other ethnic minorities, of inter-
mountain’ in the Ruc language. ‘Chut’, therefore, is the
national humanitarian organizations, and especially of
general term used to describe people who live in rocky
UNESCO. Helping and saving them is not just a human-
mountains (Nguyên Ngoc Thanh and Vi Van An, 1991).
persons. They live in conditions of dreadful
itarian issue, however; the Ruc are the custodians of irreplaceable cultural features representing a civilization
In more recent years, social scientists and researchers
that is in danger of disappearing in a context of swift
such as Hoang Tuê of the Institute of Linguistics, Trân
scientific and technological evolution.
Tri Doi of Hanoi University and Vo Xuân Trang of Hué University have continued to come to Quang Binh to do
Though French scholars (Guignard, 1912; Cuisinier,
research on the Chut, which include the Ruc people.
1948) discussed the Ruc, they were interested mainly in
They have published several research papers and com-
their language. However, in the 1960s ethnologists such
pleted a Vietnamese-Ruc-French dictionary as part of
as Vuong Hoang Tuyên (1960), Nguyên Binh (1961,
co-operation
1963), Mac Duong (1963) and Boudarel (1965, 1967)
University of Paris VII.
between
Hanoi
University
and
the
188
POPULATION, NAME AND SETTLEMENT HISTORY
taxation under feudal dynasties forced them to abandon their villages and to wander from place to place in the forests, taking shelter in rocky caves and makeshift huts.
In July 1991 the Ruc consisted of 205 persons forming
They relied on hunting and gathering for their food. Pa
47 households in the small valleys of Thuong Hoa com-
tot flour (made from the pa tot tree), wild yams, brown
mune, Minh Hoa district, in the west of Quang Binh
tubers, wild plants, game, shrimps, snails and fish made
province. This is a mountainous region where travel is
up their diet. In 1957 they were discovered by border
extremely difficult. In the rainy season, the Ruc are
guards, and local authorities and mass organizations
completely isolated from the outside world. They can do
then visited each cave and hut, persuading the Ruc to
nothing except sit and wait for the water to recede,
leave the forest and form a village in Cu Nhai. However,
which can take anything from a few days to a whole
a short time later the destruction of war and fear of
month.
United States bombers drove the Ruc back into the
NGUYÊN NGOC THANH
caves. When the war ended, the authorities again came Ruc, or more accurately Ruk dak, denotes a place where
to persuade the Ruc to return to Cu Nhai. However, a
underground water flows out of the earth. It indicates,
fever epidemic in 1989 killed twenty-seven of their
therefore, the special characteristics of the minority’s
number and, following ancient customs, the Ruc people
environment. The name was first used by Cuisinier,
then broke up into small family groups and dispersed to
then by Nguyên Binh (1961) and Mac Duong (1963). In
six different locations: four families to Lu Lan, nine to
the past, the Ruc were also known as Cha cui or Tac cui.
Mo O, six to O O, eleven to On, ten to Pa Roong, and
According to Guignard (1912), Cha cui was the name of
five to Yen Hop. Two families still live in the caves and
a village in the mountainous former canton of Quang
visit their old homes.
Trach in Quang Binh province. However, to date, attempts to locate this village have been unsuccessful. Even local residents cannot remember where the village used to be.
MEANS OF SURVIVAL
The Ruc people speak a Viet-Muong language in which
Prior to the August Revolution (1945), the Ruc people
traces of an ancient grammar, phonology and vocabulary
derived their food mainly from hunting and gathering.
belonging to the Viet-Muong linguistic group can still be
Since 1957, however, and after they settled in villages,
found. Even more strikingly, the Ruc language still
the Ruc have gradually shifted to hillside farming, with
retains the composite word structure of the pre-Viet-
hunting and gathering still playing an important role.
Muong languages, while in modern Vietnamese only the monosyllabic word structure remains. Study of the Ruc
Cultivation
language will therefore help to shed light on the ancient forms of many other Viet-Muong languages (Hoang Tuê,
The Ruc plant rice, corn and manioc in terraced fields
1990).
on the hillsides. At the onset of spring, each family sends one of their number into the forest to look for
The history and settlement pattern of the Ruc has gone
suitable land to plant crops. When a plot is found, it is
through many changes. Before coming to these remote
claimed for the family (po nen) by planting a stake in the
forests and mountains, the ancestors of the Ruc lived in
middle of the plot and tying a rope around the top end
the Bo Trach and Quang Trach areas. War and heavy
of the stake. The Ruc begin clearing the land early in the
189
third month of the lunar calendar, using tools such as
primitive and simple in the slash-and-burn style. If they
large knives (mo ria) and axes (tô cô). Cultivation meth-
grow wet rice, on the other hand, the Ruc mainly wait
ods vary with the type of field.
for rain and have not learned to use fertilizer or to protect their crops from wild animals. As a result, food
Ricefields. The Ruc grow only one rice crop each year,
shortages lasting as long as eight to nine months of the
planting in April–May and harvesting in September–
year are widespread.
October. The tool used for sowing is a hard wooden staff, one end of which has been sharpened and lightly
Hunting, gathering and fishing
makes holes in the soil. A woman then follows behind
The forest is a rich and abundant source of food for the
him, putting seeds into the holes and covering them
Ruc people, flour made from the pa tot tree, wild yams
with soil using a wooden stick. Some Ruc prefer to scat-
and tubers helping to supplement their diet. The pa tot
ter the seeds and then sweep the ground with the
tree in particular has become a deeply rooted image in
branch of a tree to cover them; however this sowing
the mentality of the ethnic group. There are three types:
method is not so efficient, since the rice seedlings will
cai be, cai nhang and cai côn. The Ruc use an axe to make
tend to grow too close to each other. Moreover, the
a deep hole in the trunk of the tree, cutting to its core.
seeds will be easily swept away by rain. The Ruc weed
The axe is then pulled out, and the blade checked for
their plots only when the rice plants have grown to
white flour. A small piece is chopped out of the tree and
more than a hand-span in size. When the crop ripens,
chewed to test for the rich and nutty flavour of pa tot.
each rice grain is harvested using tweezers. Each rice-
Only if this is present do they cut the tree down, chop it
field is cultivated for three years; after that, the Ruc
into small logs, strip these of their bark and carry them
move to another place in search of new land. The Ruc
home. Pa tot is cut into small slices, left to dry in the sun
have also started to cultivate wet rice, using the same
and stored in the kitchen to be used later as food. The
cultivation techniques as the ethnic Vietnamese.
Ruc also supplement their meals with forest vegetables and fruits. They gather shiitake mushrooms, wood-ear
Cornfields. Unlike ricefields, cornfields are usually
fungus, bamboo shoots, song wood, rattan and honey to
located on both sides of a stream and near the dwelling-
barter with Sach and ethnic Vietnamese people.
place. Apart from their method of putting seeds into holes in the soil, the Ruc also dig beds to plant corn. At
Hunting is also a regular activity. The main weapons
harvest time, whole corn-ears are usually picked and
include the ke, or crossbow, and the spear. It is worth
brought home to be stored on a shelf in the kitchen.
noting that spears are made from mature song wood which is both strong and pliable. Their tips are made
Manioc fields. Manioc fields are cleared in the last
from a sharp-edged stone that has been carefully whet-
month of the lunar calendar (just before the time comes
ted. Spears bear the marks of each hunter to help deter-
to look for land to plant rice). The fields are burned and
mine who has made the kill. Crossbow arrows are
then cultivated in the second month, with harvesting
dipped in poison made from the resin of the pit tree.
taking place in the eighth month. The selection of field
This resin is collected, wrapped in palm leaves and
sites is not as painstaking as it is for rice.
stored in the kitchen. After three nights the resin becomes thick and hard. Cut into small pieces, this is
For the Ruc people, income from farming is still very
then soaked in the juice of the cun plant to make poison
low, due to the fact that cultivation techniques remain
for the arrows. This poison is very strong: an animal
The Ruc people’s cry for help
scorched in a fire to harden it. To plant the rice, a man
NGUYÊN NGOC THANH
190
struck with an arrow dipped in it dies in a few minutes.
The Ruc use a number of insects, such as grasshoppers
The Ruc hunt tigers, foxes, wild dogs and fowls.
and bee larvae, as food, and they also eat frogs, shrimps,
However, monkeys are their most important source of
snails and fish, which they usually make into a soup
food. Monkeys living in rocky caves near the Ruc are
with finely chopped forest leaves or wild tomatoes. Ruc
hunted all year round; in the dry season, several families
cooking utensils consist of aluminium pots and pans
work together to carry weapons to remote areas to shoot
supplied by the government; however, when they travel
monkeys. The meat is divided equally, but the bones
in the forest or work in fields far from home, the Ruc
belong to the person who shot the monkey. With other
make their own cooking utensils and containers – called
kinds of animals, the person who makes the kill gets the
chan quam in the Ruc language – from the bark of the
head, while the meat is divided up among all the mem-
sandalwood, or cheo, tree. Large pieces of bark are taken
bers of the village. Such dietary supplements are the
from these, and, leaving the rough outer skin of the bark
reason why the Ruc prefer to live in the forest for
intact, the Ruc fold both ends to form a container that
months on end and are known as the ‘people who hunt
resembles the dry sheath of the areca palm, which is
monkeys and eat trees’ (Boudarel, 1965, 1967).
used in some places by ethnic Vietnamese to scoop water. Chan quam can be used as a pan for cooking meat
Fishing is not a regular activity since there are few
or for making soups. Some chan quam burn after a single
streams above ground in this area of limestone caves and
meal, while others can be reused, depending on the type
mountains. During the rainy season, however, abundant
of tree bark. Chan quam come in different sizes, a few
rainwater feeds the underground streams, making it
being used as food containers instead of bowls and
easier to catch fish.
plates. The Ruc draw wine from the ka pac tree. This is chopped down and a stick put into the middle of the tree, between the bark and the core, to allow sap to drip into a rattan basket lined with leaves. This is then
EVERYDAY LIFE: DIET, DRESS, SHELTER
flavoured with bark from the puc hac or the ko lôi tree.
Diet Water becomes scarce in the dry season, and the Ruc go The Ruc eat two meals a day, mornings and afternoons.
into the forest and cut tree roots to obtain water for
Their staple foods are corn and manioc, with rice form-
cooking. To store water, they dig a deep hole in the
ing a very small part of their diet. Corn is used to make
ground, fill it with layers of seared wild banana leaves
to pun, a mixture of ground corn with manioc flour that
and then pour water into it. In the past the Ruc drank
rice.2
mainly plain water. However, they have also taken to
is cooked in a steamer as one would cook sticky
During the dry, lean months before harvest time, the
drinking green tea mixed with a little salt.
Ruc stave off hunger with the flour from the pa tot tree. Slices of pa tot are brought out of storage and lightly
Dress
pounded in a mortar. This is then put into a long cloth bag; taking the two ends in their hands, the Ruc twist
Nowadays the Ruc wear clothes just like those of the
this bag to release the starch. This is later mixed with
ethnic Vietnamese. They obtain them partly through
water and cooked over a fire until it becomes soft and
barter and partly from the government. However, the
sticky.
number of clothes they own is not large, each adult pos-
191
sessing two sets. Children up to the age of 10 generally
Shelter
wear nothing. This style of dress is, however, comparatively recent, with elderly people still remembering a time
The Ruc used to live in caves, each cave sheltering two
when Ruc women wore skirts (puong) and men loincloths
or three families for four or five days, or at most a fort-
(cho tôi). In winter they had blankets (kche), and every-
night, depending on the number of caves in the area and
thing was made from one of six kinds of tree bark: ca
whether there were monkeys and pa tot trees there.
roong, cu manh, dôôc, on dang, tô coong or cha khuong.
Families living together in one cave usually belonged to the same clan. According to Mac Duong (1963), the
Such dressmaking skills based on bark are still practised
number of fireplaces in the cave corresponded to the
by the Ruc. To make cloth, they chop a tree into logs
number of families living there. Around the fires were
measuring about 2 m long, which are then beaten with a
the sleeping places, parents and unmarried children
wooden stick to make it easier to remove the bark.
sleeping around the same fire.
the Ruc continue to beat its tough outer skin into a
Those who were already married and had children made
pulp, which is then rubbed and squeezed by hand and
their own fireplace. Upon arrival at a new cave, the
soaked in water for three to five days. When the outer
father usually designated a sleeping place for each
skin has softened into a mush after days of soaking, it is
member of his family. Everyone had to sleep in his or
again squeezed and rubbed until all the bits of woody
her own place and no one was allowed to change.
skin have fallen off, and only a layer of wood fibre,
Outside the cave, the number of cooking fires was the
resembling a piece of rough woven cloth, remains. This
same as the number of families living in the cave (Mac
is then washed and dried, the fibres being arranged to
Duong, 1963).
form an even surface, and is then ready for use. Several pieces of bark are woven to make a blanket.
Since 1957, however, the number of families living in caves has dwindled as cang khun, or grass huts, have
The Ruc make their clothes at home with thread
become more popular as dwelling places. These consist
obtained from rattan. Sewing needles are made from
of four wooden posts, two thatched roofs and four grass
bamboo sticks 10–15 cm long, one end having been
walls, though sometimes there are no walls. They vary
whittled to a sharp point and the other slightly crushed
in size depending on the number of people in the family.
to put the thread through. A Ruc tunic has a round neck opening but no sleeves, its length being the same as the
At present, the majority of Ruc people live in nha bon, or
length of a piece of bark folded in two. The front and
earthen houses with pillars and two roofs. The house
back are sewn together along the side seams in blanket
consists of two parts, each part having a main door and
stitch, and an opening is made down the centre of the
a window in the back wall. The architectural design is
front. There is a hole on the right and a string on the
simple, with six pillars partly buried in the ground and
left. To put the tunic on, the wearer puts the string
a thatched roof. The Ruc do not assemble structures
through the hole and ties it into a tight knot. To make a
using hinges; the frame of the house is therefore put
skirt, a piece of bark is wrapped around the waist of the
together by tying it with string or by using the natural
wearer and secured with a piece of string.
shapes of the branches (Nguyên Ngoc Thanh and Vi Van An, 1992). The house of Cao Van Banh in Lu Lan village is a good
The Ruc people’s cry for help
When the bark has been removed using sticks or stones,
192
example of Ruc architectural practice. The living space
spirit (the cha phu po ru ceremony). The offering is usu-
is divided into two halves separated by a bamboo lattice
ally a pig, and, according to custom, the man who
partition. The right half contains a wooden bed and a
slaughters the pig and the women who do the cooking
bamboo cot, which serve as sleeping places for the son
must be unmarried. The Ruc believe that the purity of
and house guests. The left half includes the back wall
unmarried people will not defile the offerings. Apart
and the sleeping places of the owners and their daugh-
from the chô po ru, there is also a shaman who uses
ters. Outside, and towards the front, are the dish rack
magic to heal illness in the community.
and cupboard. The fireplace is located in the left half of the house.
Since they have inhabited a relatively stable ethnic territory since olden times, the Ruc follow exogamous marriage practices, which means that members of the same clan cannot marry each other. They marry at a young
SOCIETY
age, usually 17 for boys and 15 for girls, and monogamy
NGUYÊN NGOC THANH
has long been the norm. Their marriages still bear many In the past, the Ruc settlement was called cavêl, and was
vestiges of the matriarchal system, such as matrilocality
similar to the villages of the ethnic Vietnamese. At the
and the role of the maternal uncle. In ancient times,
head of each cavêl there was a pô cavêl, or father of the
marriage between the children of sisters, as well as
village. Usually an elderly person who was active and
between the sons of a brother and his sister’s daughters,
understood local customs, the pô cavêl was elected by
was also permitted.
the people to manage and supervise the administration of the community.
Today the Ruc family unit is small and patriarchal. Two generations – usually father, mother and children – live
Following many upheavals, and after the Ruc people had
together. Families that have three or more generations
been pushed back into inaccessible forests and moun-
living together are very rare. The division of labour
tains, dispersing into small groups, the term cavêl was
within the family is clear. The woman carries out
dropped and replaced by the names of the village and
domestic chores and helps with the cultivation of rice,
area to indicate a settlement similar to the Vietnamese
corn, yams and manioc. The man concentrates on hunt-
village. The village denotes a community of people, may
ing, harvesting forest products and managing produc-
be large or small, and includes many different clans.
tion. Nowadays every family has its own economic
People belonging to the same clan are called khâu cu
resources, the most valuable of which are the buffalo for
muych (of the same spirit). They are bound together not
pulling the plough and the crossbow for hunting.
only by blood and kinship, which help them recognize
Families who have returned to the old way of life in the
each other in marriage, but also by an obligation to pro-
caves own very little, however. For instance, Cao Men
vide each other with economic assistance.
and his family have only an old knife, an axe, two small metal pans, a basket made from dry bark and a crossbow
Each village has a chô po ru (forest owner), who is regarded as the overseer of the land, forest and mountain, and who resolves any problems that occur in the village. When he passes away, his eldest son takes his place. Every three years, the chô po ru represents the people at a ceremony to make offerings to the forest
(Vo Xuân Trang, 1987).
193
GIVING BIRTH
name will rhyme with that of his mother. The naming of subsequent offspring follows the same principle. In the
When Ruc women become pregnant, they observe many
village of Lu Lan, for example, a man called Cao Nhen
tabus and customs that have been maintained to the pre-
and his wife, Cao Nhan, have four children, two boys
sent day. Firstly, both husband and wife must abstain
followed by a girl and a boy: Lan, Dan, Nguyen and
from eating the meat of foxes, turtles and tortoises. The
Hien.
Ruc believe that eating these animals will make the birth complicated and difficult. The husband must not sleep
In the past, the Ruc did not have family and given
with his pregnant wife, and, when he comes back from
names. The practice of using Cao as the family name in
the forest, he must leave any leftover food behind him.
documents and papers only began in 1957.
As the end of the pregnancy draws near, the husband puts up a tent (chai lro) in the forest, where they will all live for a month. After the baby is born, the mother uses a piece of bamboo to cut the umbilical cord and gives
MARRIAGE CUSTOMS
custom, every five days the husband sets up a new tent
Once he has reached marriageable age, a young man,
and the three move out of the old one.
after a period of courting and with his family’s permission, comes to the house of the girl he wants to marry
Each time they change tents they perform a small cer-
for the introduction, or pre-engagement ceremony,
emony called cha li (to warm over a fire), which
accompanied by his maternal uncle. This always takes
includes a sequence of rituals. First, the husband makes
place before the Pa ky, or engagement ceremony.
a large fire and heats a rock in it. Then he digs a pit in the ground which he fills with water. When the rock has
For his engagement, a prospective groom must prepare
become white hot, he takes it out of the fire and plunges
twelve pieces of betel, two chickens, two bowls and two
it into the pit of water, which turns into steam. Then he
casks of wine. When he has obtained these, he brings
sprinkles his wife and newborn child with water from
them to the house of his bride-to-be. If the girl’s family
the pit to purify them and chase away evil spirits. Only
agrees to the engagement, the bride’s father will pour the
when they have changed tents five times will the parents
wine, display the gifts and light incense sticks. He will
bring the baby back to the family dwelling. When she
then inform his ancestors and the spirits of the forest
returns home, the woman sleeps next to the fireplace,
that his family has gained a son-in-law and ask their
and no member of her family is allowed to visit neigh-
permission for the new son-in-law to come and live in
bours. This tabu is broken only after the recently con-
the house. Following the engagement ceremony, the
fined woman has eaten the meat of three white monkeys
groom can either return to his family or live with his
caught and killed by members of the family.
bride’s family.
When the child can crawl, the parents give it a name,
A year later, the prospective groom’s family will come to
which remains unchanged for the rest of its life. Among
the girl’s house to discuss the date for the wedding. The
the Ruc people, the naming of a child depends on
girl’s family sets the bride-price on the same day. Usually,
whether the eldest child is a boy or a girl. If the eldest
this will be three large pigs, three bronze pots, three
child is a girl, her name will rhyme with that of her
large knives, thirty bowls and a string of beads made
father. If the eldest child is a boy, on the other hand, his
from the seeds of the forest cu ru tree. After reaching an
The Ruc people’s cry for help
the placenta to her husband to bury. According to
194
agreement on the bride-price, the two families select the
According to custom, the family of the dead person
wedding day.
observes tabus for eight days and performs two rites, pa
NGUYÊN NGOC THANH
lun cui (the third-night rite) and piêt pu dang (the final Several days before the wedding, the groom’s family
rite). For the pa lun cui, which is performed three days
brings the gifts to the bride’s family. Meanwhile, the
after the burial, each family of the deceased person’s rel-
bride’s family prepares rice and wine for the wedding.
atives contributes a boiled chicken and a pot of rice,
Following the wedding, the bride is taken to her hus-
which are brought to the house of the eldest son of the
band’s house, bringing with her a few hollow sections of
deceased. The offerings are then taken to the grave, and
bamboo filled with rice, a blanket, a crossbow and a case
everyone prays to the spirit of the dead person. The piêt
full of arrows. A few days later the newly wed couple
pu dang is organized on the eighth day. The whole clan
will take a bronze pot and four chickens to the bride’s
brings whatever food they have to the family of the
family. The groom puts the bronze pot containing a pair
deceased, the deceased’s eldest son putting all the food
of chopsticks and a bead bracelet on the stove, and the
on the bed, lighting incense sticks and praying to the
couple then holds hands inside the pot. At that moment
dead. The main point is to mark the end of the mourn-
the father of the bride declares before the ancestors that
ing period and to ask the spirits’ permission for the
the couple are truly husband and wife.
family to resume its normal activities. In the past, when the Ruc were still cave dwellers, these funeral rites were performed as described, but the family
FUNERAL AND BURIAL CUSTOMS
moved away to another place after burying the deceased. Nowadays, a pillar next to the kitchen fire serves as an
For the Ruc, death from natural causes is a result of old
altar to the ancestors and to parents who have passed
age. ‘Bad’ death, on the other hand, is death by disease
away. On mourning days the family put a little food into
or accident, such as being crushed under a tree or killed
a basket and hang it on the pillar, and, before each meal,
by a tiger. Those who die in this way are buried sep-
they quietly pray to the spirit of the dead to join them in
arately far away from the village.
the meal. Ruc people do not exhume and re-inter the dead, nor do they build tombs, bury their dead in a
When an elderly person falls ill, the Ruc find a shaman
common graveyard or wear white cloth on their heads
and ask him to use his magic to cure the patient. If this
as a sign of mourning at funerals.
fails, and the person dies, the family notifies relatives and the village so that they can come for the tat cô boôc ceremony. During this ceremony a rooster and a bowl of rice placed at the head of the deceased are offered to the
THE NEEDS OF THE RUC
ancestors, and the family sends someone to look for a place to dig a grave. The deceased person must be
The Ruc should not be considered ‘wild’ or ‘primitive’
buried so that the head points to the west, since the Ruc
people. However, historical circumstances have forced
believe the dead are ‘like the setting sun’. If the head of
them to live in primitive conditions and there is a
the deceased points to the east, then the family will have
danger that their cultural identity will be eradicated or
bad luck. In ancient times, the dead person was
assimilated. Forty years after being first observed by
wrapped in tree bark called sang; today, the dead are
frontier guards and settled into villages, the Ruc are
buried in coffins like ethnic Vietnamese.
gradually abandoning their traditional way of life. They
195
now wear clothes and live in houses. They have learned
from malaria and liver and bowel diseases; only one Ruc
to raise livestock and have adopted new methods of cul-
person has reached the age of 60. Between 1958 and
tivation. Nevertheless, many traces of the old lifestyle
1978, the population of the Ruc was on the increase.
remain. For example, although they now have alu-
From 1980 to 1987, however, population growth
minium pots and pans, they still cook to pun dough
declined, and is currently very low (Vo Xuân Trang,
made from corn flour in a pot made of tree bark and eat
1987). Similarly, though schools have been built, there
from bowls made from the same material. This desire to
are not enough teachers. The four teachers sent by the
preserve their traditional ways has led some to mistake
district for the 1990/91 school year stayed only a few
them for a ‘primitive’ people (Nguyên Quang Ha, 1990).
weeks. Eighty per cent of school-age children are still
Such misconceptions have even led to the strange pro-
illiterate.
posal that the Ruc should remain cave dwellers (Hoang Thoai Châu and Bui Van Thanh, 1990). Let us not inter-
While efforts to persuade the Ruc to abandon the
fere with the Ruc, some say, because they are rare and
nomadic life and adopt farming have been successful,
precious subjects for research. But this is absurd, the
these have had some limitations. The reason is that we
result of an anachronistic way of thinking.
do not yet fully understand the customs, deepest
Such notions amount to leaving the Ruc people to their
the farming method of an ethnic people is extremely
fate, because some people regard them as an ethnic
complicated, and calls for rigorous education and per-
group without the capability to attain development.
suasion. Local administrators tried to transform the set-
However, before making observations about an ethnic
tlement into an agricultural co-operative, for example,
group or their cultural features, we should do careful
with the aim of introducing collective farming to the
research that employs both quantitative and qualitative
Ruc. However, this had to be discontinued because it
methods. The idea is to help the Ruc to integrate them-
was modelled on co-operatives in the delta where condi-
selves into the nation and to join the modern world,
tions were quite different. For a long time, the com-
which is no less important than are research efforts to
mune has had only limited resources, so that the Ruc
preserve their cultural heritage. What is required, there-
still suffer from many shortages, not having enough salt,
fore, is that a description be made of the Ruc, that their
for instance, and virtually no blankets.
cultural artefacts be collected and that their language and oral literature be recorded, while at the same time a
It is clear that a plan is needed to save this strong and
serious effort is made to change their living conditions.
resilient people. If such a plan is to be effective, the concerted effort of the whole country and of international
The most pressing issue at present is the serious deterio-
organizations is required. Now is not the time to speak
ration of the people’s cultural and health systems.
of providing the Ruc with rice, salt and clothing. This
Health clinics built in 1988 were abandoned by 1991;
has been said many times before. What should be asked
the majority of people interviewed reported that they
now is how they may obtain these things. While aid and
had to look to their own resources when someone in
relief efforts have been carried out before in waves, these
their family fell ill. Health workers are not only few in
were irregular and lacked a long-term plan. Thus they
number but also insufficiently trained. There is only one
have been ineffective. Perhaps the basic solution is to
Ruc health worker, and, in the absence of proper med-
help the Ruc create a stable and durable system to pro-
ical supplies and equipment, disease spreads rapidly and
duce their own food, make their own clothes and build
the mortality rate is high. The majority of the Ruc suffer
their own permanent houses. They also need help in
The Ruc people’s cry for help
thoughts and hidden aspirations of the Ruc. Changing
196
building health clinics and schools in order to raise their
vants or slaves), Khu Sung (the wretched), Ruc or Arem (cave
general level of education and protect themselves better.
dwellers) (Dang Nghiêm Van, 1975). 2.
The task now facing the state and provincial and district
The Hmong people sprinkle water on their cornflour
and then steam it twice in a wooden steamer.
governments is to invest in food, farm implements and household utensils. Foodstuffs need to be made available free of charge for a considerable period. This will encourage the Ruc to settle permanently. Bringing them
REFERENCES
down from the mountains and settling them near national highways or other places is not the best solution, since land is scarce and they are reluctant to abandon their place of birth. Instead efforts should
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199
Intangible culture of the Bru: preservation, promotion and reassertion of values GÁBOR VARGYAS
INTRODUCTION
Bru (Van Kieu) and 10,000 representatives of other minorities (mainly Pacoh).
The Bru (Van Kieu in Vietnamese literature) are one of the sixty mountain minorities of the Annamese
The Bru group is typical of the mountain minorities
Cordillera (Truong Son). They live in the provinces of
living in relative isolation in an ecological area unfam-
Quang Binh and Quang Tri in central Viet Nam around
iliar to the dominant majority. They practise shifting
the 17th parallel. Their territory straddles Viet Nam and
slash-and-burn cultivation, but for some generations
the Lao People’s Democratic Republic north of Road
now they have also practised wet-rice cultivation. In
Number 9, which links Dong Hoi on the coast to
addition to rice, they grow Indian corn, manioc, fruit
Savannakhet in the Mekong valley. They are mainly con-
and vegetables. They also engage in fishing and, to a
centrated around Khe Sanh (Huong Hoa) administrative
lesser extent, hunting and gathering, as do most of the
centre. Their language belongs to the western group of
minorities. Their domestic animals (poultry, pigs, goats,
the Katuic branch of the Mon-Khmer languages. Their
buffaloes – in increasing order of importance) are eaten
closest linguistic relations are the Tri, Mangkong and
only during festivals or ceremonies.
Khua living in the Lao P.D.R., who speak what linguists regard as Bru dialects.
Since it is near one of the few passes across the Annamese Cordillera, Bru territory has always been a
The number of Bru is not known with certainty.
strategic region seeing much through traffic. On the
Estimates range from 40,000 to 80,000, according to the
border of two spheres of influence, those of Siam and of
present author. The census of April 1989 in the district
Annam, sovereignty over it was long disputed. Thus,
of Huong Hoa (Khe Sanh) gave a precise figure, how-
historically speaking, the Bru isolation was only ever
ever. Besides 21,000 Vietnamese, this recorded 22,800
relative: while maintaining their autonomy as a result of
200
their inaccessibility, the Bru were nevertheless for cen-
under way, applying mainly to the intangible culture.
turies tributary to the imperial court of Hué (even if this
For whereas the tangible culture had been destroyed,
was a mere formality). The old trade route linking the
traditional folklore had never died out, and in a society
coast with the Mekong valley and running through Bru
in which contacts with the outside world are limited,
territory also facilitated cultural exchanges and the
and in which electricity, television, radio, cinema, etc.,
introduction of many foreign elements into Bru culture.
are lacking, the traditional intangible culture retains
These came mainly from the Lao influence perceptible
much of its importance. Traditional myths, stories,
in both Bru tangible culture (materials, clothes, etc.)
music and dance are still very much alive.
and intangible culture (bilingual forms of folklore, in Bru and in Lao). French colonization at the end of the nineteenth century marked a new stage in the history of the Bru and in their
THE GENRES OF BRU FOLKLORE
GÁBOR VARGYAS
relations with the outside world. This is what put an end to their relative isolation. From this time onwards, they
What follows is a review of the different genres of Bru
found themselves overtaken by events, as war in Indo-
folklore.
China, first against France, then against Japan, and finally against the United States, ravaged their territory
Epic songs
for over half a century. The Bru were caught between two fires, being involved and participating in wars that deci-
If asked to name the most famous and representative
mated them and destroyed their culture. Many of them
genre of Bru folklore, one would undoubtedly say sanot.
left the region and settled with relations in the Lao P.D.R.
Every ceremonial and solemn occasion, on which the traditional beverage, rice beer (made in jars and drunk
With the end of hostilities and the reunification of Viet
with straws) is consumed, concludes with sanot songs.
Nam in 1975, a new and peaceful era began. The war
For older men in particular, this is the most popular
had had many disastrous effects, however, and these are
genre, and they can spend whole nights singing them.
still being felt even now. Bru tangible culture had been
Ideally, sanot is a kind of epic song sung alternately by
almost completely annihilated; Bru villages and crops
two men with a flute accompaniment. One of the two
had been burned, and their possessions destroyed.
launches the story by asking a question, the other then
Domestic animals, especially buffaloes and elephants,
replying and telling a part of it. The first then resumes,
had been lost, as had valuable gongs, jars, pots and pans
and the two relay with each other in this way for hours
of bronze or other metals, silver bracelets, molten glass
on end. Themes vary, covering subjects as different as
necklaces, etc. General poverty was the outcome.
the greeting of parents and events during the Viet Nam war. Favourite themes, however, include a few widely
The Vietnamese state, despite its efforts and some indis-
known stories about the origin of the world after the
putable results, did not have sufficient means to inter-
Deluge, the origin of rice, alcohol and the flute – what
vene and develop the region. By force of circumstances,
anthropologists would call ‘myths of origin’. Musical
the Bru lapsed once more into autarky. Paradoxically,
form apart, the sanot is characteristically sung in Lao
however, poverty and autarky facilitated the reconstruc-
rather than in Bru, or at least in a mixture of the two
tion of the traditional way of life and the reassertion of
languages. This raises many questions on which there is
its values. Bru culture underwent a revival, which is still
not room to dwell here.
201
Love songs
by the length of the instrument, creates a tense and sensual atmosphere that does not leave them unmoved.
As is the case all over South-East Asia, many folklore would not really be the correct term for them, since they are sung solely during courtship. Their explicit aim is to attract a member of the opposite sex and to win his or her affection. Once this period is over and marriage concluded, the wife can never sing them again. If she did, this would mean that she wanted to find someone else, which would be an insult to her husband and to his clan and would lead to divorce. Since a strictly patrilineal system exists in Bru society, and polygamy is practised, things are different for men. Men are free to sing these courting songs until they die. As a rule, these songs, which are full of poetic images, are sung alternately by a boy or a man and a girl or a woman, with or without instrumental accompaniment. The Bru have three different types of such songs. The kind most popular with young people today is taq owai. The melody here is not unlike that of a certain type of Lao courting song, though taq owai is sung only in Bru. It is a fairly recent type of courting song and is accompanied by a sort of three-stringed lute. The older generation are more familiar with an earlier type of courting song, oat. The melody is quite different from that of taq owai, and it is sung unaccompanied. The most unusual and interesting type from the musical standpoint, how-
Funeral songs Some other important folklore genres are connected with death. The Bru practise periodical ‘funeral’ or commemorative rites that continue over three generations. During these very elaborate funeral rites two types of song are sung – aroueï and paryong. The former relate the actual funeral ceremony and the fate of the deceased in a symbolic and poetical way – how the deceased was brought down from the house and carried to the temporary enclosure where the ceremonies take place, and how a buffalo was sacrificed, for example. The procession to the cemetery is then described. The main theme of the paryong, on the other hand, is the sacrificial buffalo and its fate – how and where it was born, how big it was, who its owner was, under what circumstances and at what price it was purchased, and so on. Two groups of men circle around the deceased in opposite directions singing the paryong songs. One group symbolizes the living, the other group the dead. At the culminating point in the ceremony the two groups ‘meet’, stop and exchange food and an alcoholic beverage, the living thus trying to secure the benevolence of the dead.
ever, is undoubtedly oui-amam. Here, vocal and mouthorgan techniques are uniquely combined. One of the
Folklore genres relating to social life
partners plays a bamboo cylinder with a hole and specially prepared reed of about 20 cm in length. The other
Space does not allow a description of the other folklore
person takes the other end of the instrument (o amam)
genres. Here only songs have been reviewed, and even
in his or her mouth and, keeping it there, begins to sing.
these incompletely. No mention has been made of
The mouth cavity serves as a resonator for the amam,
shamanist songs connected with healing, for instance.
but the voice, that is, the voice part, is also changed by
Any full review of the genres of Bru intangible culture
the sound of the instrument. In this way the two
would also have to include tales, riddles, prayers and
melodic lines are simultaneously transformed, giving
vows, then deal with the different musical instruments
together an almost mystic effect. The physical proximity
and their uses, before closing with the very limited role
of the partners, which contrasts with the distance fixed
of dancing.
Intangible culture of the Bru: preservation, promotion and reassertion of values
genres are connected with love. ‘Love songs’, however,
202
The important point, however, is to understand that all
In this respect much remains to be done. Studies based
these genres are connected with the different events of
on a thorough field survey can be counted on the fingers
social life and that they accompany them. Thus, in addi-
of one hand, as can those carried out in a local language.
tion to having an obvious aesthetic function and provid-
As for the intangible heritage, although we have a
ing entertainment, they also have other very specific
number of collections of texts (customary laws, tales,
functions. The conditions under which they are per-
prayers, etc.), there are whole fields and genres about
formed are very clearly defined and many prohibitions
which we know very little – music, dance, epics,
and tabus are attached to them, for example. This means
shamanic songs and incantations, for example. However,
that the survival, and hence the preservation, of the
our knowledge is almost always limited to a few specific
intangible culture of the Bru is therefore dependent on
groups.
that of the events to which the different folklore genres are attached, that is, the traditional social life. If the
It is not my purpose here to assess studies carried out to
intangible culture is to be preserved, one must first of all
date on the minority groups. That remains to be done
preserve the society that created it.
elsewhere. However, it seems obvious that in view of the state of affairs explained earlier, we have to begin by a
GÁBOR VARGYAS
systematic, planned and co-ordinated survey in order to gain overall knowledge of the intangible culture of the minorities. A survey on such a scale is beyond national
SOME PRACTICAL PROPOSALS
capabilities, however, and should therefore be carried out under UNESCO’s auspices, in co-operation with the
Scientific research
respective national bodies, which would allow it the requisite financial resources and personnel. Such a pro-
The sine qua non of any attempt at assessment is an
gramme would have two aims and be carried out in two
exact analysis and evaluation of the present situation.
stages. The first stage would involve the preparation of
The first point to stress, therefore, is the importance and
an annotated bibliography and a comprehensive work
urgency of scientific collection and cataloguing before or
reviewing our knowledge of the different minority
during the preservation and promotion of the intangible
groups. These publications would reveal the gaps and
cultural heritage.
weak areas in our knowledge, as well as revealing those ethnic groups and fields that are not well known and the
In this connection it should be borne in mind that
problems and questions that need to be clarified. Both
South-East Asia, and especially the Indo-Chinese penin-
publications should be in Vietnamese and in one or
sula – that is, Viet Nam, Cambodia and the Lao P. D. R.
more other languages so that both the national and the
– is, ethnographically speaking, one of the least known
international communities could benefit from them. The
regions in the world. More than fifty minorities live in
second stage would consist of a systematic, planned sci-
Viet Nam alone, not to mention those in the Lao P.D.R.
entific survey. Depending on the financial resources and
and Cambodia. For obvious reasons about half of these
personnel available, a number of key ethnic groups
have never been the subject of serious study. Here I have
might be selected for a long-term ethnographic research
chiefly in mind long-term ethnographic fieldwork that
project. Work would be carried out by mixed national/
builds on a knowledge of the local language and on par-
international teams, and the findings published jointly.
ticipatory research, since this is recognized universally
In this case, each ethnic group could be treated sep-
as the ideal method of modern anthropology.
arately in more detail, the different studies forming a
203
series giving an overall view of the minorities and the
these are a luxury. I therefore suggest that we first con-
intangible culture to be conserved.
centrate our efforts on radio.
Popularization of ethnographic knowledge
With this in view, the most important step to take, in my
In addition to these scientific studies, a few popular
broadcast at regular times in the local languages in the
ethnographic works concerning minorities might be
regions where the minorities live. To begin with, pro-
produced. In my view, it would be very useful to bring
grammes that include a great deal of local music would
out a work giving a simple and clear presentation of
be desirable. All those who have worked in the field
anthropological views on problems and misunderstand-
know how quickly the traditional music of the minori-
ings in regard to minorities, including opinions such as
ties can decline as a result of the devastating effects of
the following: slash-and-burn cultivation means the
loudspeakers blaring out popular Vietnamese music. Yet,
destruction of the forest; buffalo sacrifices represent
as we have seen, most Bru folklore genres are musical
‘unnecessary waste’; long-houses on piles are a tradition
genres, and therefore the broadcasting of their music
of backward peoples; and shamanism is the ‘duping and
could restore the pride and self-esteem of the group and
exploiting’ of the gullible. Anthropologists in Viet Nam
convince them that their culture is not inferior to that of
and elsewhere have all been confronted with assertions
the majority. In this way, too, there would be some hope
of this kind and have long discussed them. Popular
of counteracting the tendency to uniformity, due to the
ethnographic works, which should of course be pub-
increasing influence of the majority culture.
lished in Vietnamese, could be extremely helpful in dispelling these misunderstandings and prejudices. In a
Later on, one could, and should, launch primary school
readily understandable form, they should be addressed
curricula in local languages too. At the same time the
above all to decision-makers, party leaders, adminis-
local radio station could broadcast programmes on the
trators, extension workers, teachers, doctors and so forth.
minority cultures in Vietnamese. This would help the
who are in close contact with the minorities and who
dominant majority to understand and appreciate the
inevitably influence them in the course of their work.
minority cultures better.
The media
Education
The media play a crucial role in the preservation and
Concerning education, the main question is whether
protection of the intangible culture of the minorities and
tuition at primary level is given in the local language or
the reassertion of its values. Radio, in particular, is
not. If it is not, then the minorities will lose their cul-
extremely important, for it is the only medium that
ture and will become second-class Vietnamese citizens.
reaches the minorities themselves. It should not be for-
However this question also gives rise to many difficul-
gotten that a large percentage of the minorities do not
ties at present. First of all, it must be borne in mind that
speak Vietnamese very well and in any case cannot read
some of the minority languages still have no established
or write. The press, or indeed any written source, is
writing system on which primary education could be
therefore inaccessible to them. Nor should it be forgot-
based. In such cases, linguists would have to prepare the
ten that in many of the regions where the minorities live
way before any practical measure could be taken. There
there is still no electricity, so the role of television is neg-
are other cases where a writing system exists but for
ligible. However they have battery radio sets, though
some reason is not used. Here, it would be extremely
Intangible culture of the Bru: preservation, promotion and reassertion of values
opinion, would be to establish local radio stations that
204
important to rehabilitate these scripts and to introduce
cussed. Key personnel and trainees could be trained in
tuition in the local languages at the primary level. A
the preservation of traditional culture at such centres,
project of this kind would obviously fail, however, if it
and traditional art festivals and regional competitions
was not backed by a state programme for the publi-
could be organized as well. In this way the centres could
cation of school textbooks and other materials.
help strengthen community life and contribute to the transmission of the traditional cultural values.
The fact that most teachers belong to the majority population, do not understand the local language, and what
As many regions are inhabited by several ethnic groups,
is more do not hold it in esteem, is another problem. It
the centres could also be multicultural in nature. The
would therefore be advisable for primary-school teach-
various minorities could get to know and appreciate the
ers from the group concerned to be trained at least for
cultural values of other minorities and thus could pre-
the local schools. They alone can teach in what is after
serve and integrate them more effectively into Viet
all their mother tongue; they alone hold their culture in
Nam’s multi-ethnic culture.
GÁBOR VARGYAS
esteem, and this is essential if the intangible heritage is to survive.
Protection of traditional territorial rights
Centres of minority culture
The final question, and also the most fundamental one, concerns the legal and administrative protection of the
The local radio stations mentioned above and the edu-
minorities. Here I would stress above all territorial rights.
cational centres could be housed in ‘Regional Centres of
The strongest emotions, the most divergent interests and
Minority Culture’. Such cultural centres could play an
the most serious misunderstandings are bound up with
extremely important role in the conservation and pro-
these. There is no doubt that the quickest way to destroy
tection of the intangible culture of the minorities and,
a society is to violate its territorial rights. Thus, if the
above all, in the reassertion of its values. At the same
intangible culture of the minorities is to be preserved,
time they could serve as a meeting-place and a forum in
then those individuals and societies that serve as the
which problems concerning the minorities could be dis-
vehicles of that culture must also be preserved.
205
Who decides who preserves what? Cultural preservation and cultural representation OSCAR SALEMINK
TRADITIONAL CULTURE AND GLOBAL CULTURE
comes an essentially conservative operation of trying to
When investigating the possibilities of safeguarding and
In my view, something is missing in this sort of analysis,
promoting the intangible cultural heritage of Viet Nam’s
or, better, somebody is missing. For culture is essentially
minorities,1
it is necessary to have a clear concept of
a human construction, in the sense that it is not a ‘thing’
what culture really is. Often, the work of safeguarding
with fixed properties, but rather a constant reconstruc-
presupposes an opposition between tradition and
tion by the culture-carriers in a continuous, dynamic
modernity, whereby the traditional cultures of ethnic
process of retention and change in interaction with a
groups are thought to be replaced by a modern, more or
changing environment. In the last two decades, there
less global culture. According to this analysis, tradi-
has been a growing awareness that our present under-
tional culture is gradually or rapidly disappearing. In
standing of traditional culture is in a sense a colonial
my opinion, however, the problem with this view of
construction, in other words an uneasy compromise
culture is that it reifies and essentializes culture.
between indigenous groups and the colonial context in
Culture is seen as a ‘thing’ containing essential charac-
which these groups were subordinated. Some have
teristics to be determined through scientific research,
spoken of the ‘invention of tradition’, following the
preferably by professional anthropologists. Once a tra-
influential work of Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983), but it
ditional culture has been described and authenticated
would be better to speak of the ‘construction of tradi-
through ethnographic research, any social and cultural
tion’, in the sense that tradition and culture are con-
change can only be conceived of as a dilution of this
stantly being (re)constructed in a changing situation. In
authentic, traditional culture. Thus, safeguarding the
other words, there is no ‘point zero’, an original, fixed
threatened cultural heritage of minority groups be-
tradition that is gradually being replaced by global
halt the work of time.
206
culture. Every ethnographic recording, then, catches a
groups in the Central Highlands (Tay Nguyen) is histori-
moment in time of a historically constituted culture that
cally mediated is demonstrated by allusions to historical
has never ceased to change over
time.2
events such as Khmer invasions and Cham domination in
OSCAR SALEMINK
legends surrounding the three potao (apui, ia, angin) of In a number of contributions to this book, resentment is
the Jarai.3 Second, at the time when one of the most
expressed concerning the role of ‘foreign culture’ and its
senior participants in the 1994 UNESCO meeting,
dissemination through the modern mass media and
Professor Georges Condominas, was doing his fieldwork
international tourism in destroying traditional cultures.
among the Mnong Gar (1947–48), that people’s culture,
But, in my opinion, this process will lead to a hybridiz-
society, politics and economy were already deeply influ-
ation of cultures (in the plural) as is happening else-
enced by colonial rule (despite the physical absence of
where, rather than a flat replacement of the traditional
colonial personnel). Thus, where should we place ‘point
culture by a global culture. Recent studies by renowned
zero’ in order to pinpoint what is traditional and what is
scholars such as Benedict Anderson and Arjun Appadurai
not in Mnong Gar culture? Is it 1948, or is it the time
have pointed to the role of the mass media and modern
when the French entered the highlands or rather, 1471,
communication techniques in restoring a sense of cul-
when the Vietnamese occupied the Cham capital of
tural identity to ethnic groups (sometimes even result-
Vijaya? Or is it even further back in history?
ing in extreme nationalism). Also, three central documents in this book note the relevance of modern audio-
Of course, we cannot give a satisfactory answer to these
visual equipment in registering cultural performances,
polemical questions, nor should we. When recording
and of computer equipment in cataloguing the collected
the cultural expressions of (formerly) illiterate or prelit-
material. A beautiful example of how this might work
erate communities, we divorce such expressions from
was given to me by the American historian Curtis
the people who live their culture, while fixing these
Hinsley, who on many occasions noted that young
expressions as seemingly immutable cultural heritage.
Native American Indians of the American south-west
Thus, we create a ‘point zero’ of traditional culture. In
used their walkmans to listen to traditional Indian songs
doing so, we tend to forget that culture is ever-changing
and chants, leading to a revival of these cultural forms,
because the culture-carriers find themselves in changing
albeit with a different meaning in a different context.
circumstances and find new ways to cope with their situation. And because the historical and geographical contexts, along with the people who live in them, and hence the shared culture which they constantly recon-
THE ROLE OF RESEARCH
struct, are bound to change over time, we cannot but be disappointed that these people ‘lose’ their traditional
Many of the contributors to this book emphasize the need
culture. My argument, then, is that an approach based
for research in order to lay down the scientific found-
on such an essentialized concept of culture is a dead-
ations for a policy of safeguarding. In this way, ‘traditional
end street, because it results in the ‘folklorization’ of cul-
cultures’ are authenticated through scientific description
tural elements that have less and less value for the
and analysis. In other words, a ‘point zero’ is created from
people supposedly sharing this culture.
which to measure and judge cultural change in indigenous communities. But is there really a point zero? Two
This may seem a pessimist view, but it is not. It is cer-
small examples from Viet Nam will illustrate my point.
tainly not a denial of the importance of recording
First, the degree to which the oral literature of ethnic
cultural expressions and of local knowledge. On the
contrary, we appreciate the work which has already been
in official documents often erroneously called ‘semi-
accomplished in the field. Such studies are indispens-
nomads’ because many practise shifting cultivation. This
able for the safeguarding and revitalization of the intan-
example concerns the indirect influence of the Fixed
gible cultural heritage of minority groups in that they
Cultivation and Settlement (dinh canh dinh cu) policy on
record and archive what is there. However, they are not
local cultures. During my stay in Gia Lai, Kontum and
a sufficient guarantee that this cultural heritage will be
Lam Dong, I visited a number of villages which had
preserved as living culture. As argued above, culture is
already been sedentarized, some which were in the
lived by people who permanently construct and recon-
course of sedentarization, and others which had not yet
struct their culture in interaction with their changing
been resettled. The results of sedentarization varied
environment. Any serious effort to safeguard and revital-
widely, according to region and the fertility of the soil,
ize minorities’ cultures should, then, be directed at the
but one of the net results was the breaking up of estab-
people who are the bearers of their culture. In other
lished village communities. My informants told me that
words, when studying and recording cultural expres-
it was difficult to retain the community because the new
sions and local knowledge, an effort should be made to
houses were far apart. Communal facilities such as
create favourable conditions for the expression and per-
water sources had given way to ‘private’ wells. In Bahnar
formance of their culture. Thus, the question of the safe-
villages, beautiful communal houses (nha rong) had
guarding and revitalization of minorities’ cultures links
fallen into disuse and decay. During feasts, as at funer-
up with wider issues of ethnic policy, such as the
als, it was becoming more difficult to summon people
Vietnamese policies known as ‘Selective Preservation’
because drums were not heard. In short, one of the
and ‘Fixed Cultivation and Settlement’. In the past, such
effects of sedentarization had been to limit the occasions
general policies have not always been favourable to the
for cultural practices which are positively valued, like
preservation of local cultural patterns, because the
dances, songs and oral traditions.
Vietnamese state had – often for understandable reasons In some areas people claimed to be poorer than ever. A
– other priorities besides cultural issues.
growing population pressure had led to a shortage of In what follows, I shall sketch some situations where
arable land suitable for wet-rice cultivation, whereas
this was the case, based on my research experience in
shifting cultivation was forbidden or at least strongly
Tay Nguyen. These examples are intended to indicate
discouraged, and additional income from forest products
how general policies may affect local cultural practices
was increasingly hard to acquire for a number of rea-
inadvertently. On the basis of these examples, I shall
sons. In one Bahnar village, the growing poverty was
plead for a linkage between the safeguarding and pro-
reflected in a professed lack of means (notably of wood)
motion of the intangible cultural heritage of Viet Nam’s
to repair the nha rong communal house.5 In Jarai villages
minorities on the one hand and more general policies on
in Ayun Pa, I found that many people were being forced
the other.
to sell their gongs and jars, items which were once indicators of wealth and status, in order to buy sufficient food and medicine. While communal houses and gongs and jars are admittedly very tangible products, they play
THE POLICY OF SEDENTARIZATION
4
an important role in ritual life, and are indispensable for the various ritual occasions that give rise to the immate-
Since the 1960s, the Vietnamese state has been implementing a policy of sedentarization of minority groups,
rial aspects of culture that are now at stake.
Who decides who preserves what? Cultural preservation and cultural representation
207
208
On the other hand, in parts of Lam Dong province, the
SELECTIVE PRESERVATION
OSCAR SALEMINK
sedentarization programme had been much more successful, and had resulted in growing wealth in M and
Apart from the intended or unintended cultural conse-
Koho villages where cash crops like coffee, tea, pepper
quences of general policies, the Vietnamese state has
and mulberry (for sericulture) were grown. In these vil-
adopted a policy of direct intervention in the cultural
lages, both young and elder people had quickly adopted
practices of minorities known as ‘Selective Preservation’.
the Vietnamese version of global culture, symbolized by
In Viet Nam, culture (van hoa) is taken to mean the
such items as concrete houses, Hondas, videos and disco
immaterial aspects of life, such as language, literature,
dancing. In the rush to acquire such products, people
religion, education, and manners and customs. In the
would also sell their erstwhile status symbols, i.e. gongs
socialist transformation of society, not all of this can be
and – to a lesser extent – jars. In this situation, oc-
retained among the minorities. After all, the cultural
casions to practise their traditional culture were con-
‘level’ of Viet Nam’s minorities is seen as ‘lower’ than that
spicuously lacking; why would a youngster listen to an
of the Kinh (the lowland majority), and, according to the
elderly person telling the old stories if he or she could
guiding principle of mutual assistance, the latter should
watch television or video? Why perform the old dances
help the former in ‘catching up’ with the latter to assimi-
when you can go to the disco?
late into a new Vietnamese culture (see Nong Quôc Chan, 1978a, 1978b; Pham Nhu Cuong et al., 1987).
The conclusion, then, is that policies which intervene in
Somehow, the party cadres claim to know exactly what is
local customs for good reasons may simultaneously
to be preserved as valuable, and what is to be done away
limit the occasions for minority peoples to express their
with. Folklore, dance, music and handicrafts are valuable,
culture, and thus have adverse effects for their intan-
and these are renovated for presentation to the ‘masses’.
gible cultural heritage. What this example tells us is that
Evans described this policy of ‘Selective Preservation’ as a
in a situation of rapid change, cultural traditions are
‘peculiar process of dissolution/preservation of traditional
changing because they seem to make less and less sense
cultural forms’ (Evans, 1985, p. 142).
in the world in which the minority peoples find themselves. Health is obtained by buying costly medicine on
Today, selective preservation is still an integral part of
the market, rather than by performing ritual sacrifices.
Vietnamese ethnic policy, as was clear from a number of
Wealth and status are often the result of activities out-
Vietnamese contributions to the UNESCO meeting in
side the village community, and are now increasingly
Hanoi. In the process of selective preservation, various
measured by other standards derived from a mix of
cultural expressions were transformed to fit the new
Vietnamese and global culture irrespective of the relative
socialist ethic; the Department of Culture of Gia Lai-
degree of (economic) success of the sedentarization pro-
Kontum province, for example, saw it as their job to
gramme. It may be evident by now that this example is
change the lyrics of traditional folk-songs and to teach
not intended as criticism of the Fixed Cultivation and
these at school. On the other hand, we have ‘outmoded
Settlement programme, which has its own rationale.
habits’ and ‘obsolete and backward practices’ (Nong
Rather, it tries to show how this programme, whatever
Quôc Chan, 1978a, p. 53) which are to be ‘wiped out’
its relative success, has inadvertently had the twin
and ‘eradicated’. Usually, such ‘bad habits’ refer to re-
effects of limiting the occasions for traditional cultural
ligious practices, such as superstitions, ‘groundless
expressions and reducing the value of these expressions
tabus’ and (accusations of) sorcery, which are considered
in the eyes of the people who bear this culture.
to be contrary to modern science, or they refer to feasts and sacrifices accompanying life-cycle rituals, such as
209
burials and marriages, which are deemed unhygienic or
has created a great deal of misunderstanding about the
wasteful. In the words of Nong Quôc Chan, ‘priests’ are
status of the potao. In 1988, the last potao apui, Siu
‘unmasked’ and made to sign an agreement to the effect
Anhot, died, but a successor had already been desig-
that they will subject themselves to disciplinary punish-
nated in the person of his nephew, Siu Aluan. However,
ment if they relapse into ‘backward’ practices. The quan-
by early 1991, Siu Aluan still had not succeeded to the
tity of wedding gifts is fixed by cadres who ‘advise’ the
office for a number of reasons. First, the ‘king-elect’
families involved, and so on.
lacked the necessary means for the ritual sacrifice,
This attempt to discipline the population goes hand in
ities objected to the installation of a new ‘king’, perhaps
hand with a folklorization of culture, stressing the
because they feared a ‘rival’ power, but also because the
expressive and aesthetic aspects of culture while deny-
Vietnamese authorities in general object to the practice
ing the related cognitive and ethical aspects. This
of buffalo sacrifice, which is considered a waste of capi-
amounts to what Miles and Eipper have termed a state-
tal: traditionally the lowland Vietnamese (Kinh) value
imposed reification of minority culture, which is cel-
the buffalo as a draught-animal that is indispensable for
ebrated as an artefact symbolized by the display of
ploughing, whereas many upland groups practising
certain distinctive insignia – a process which is by no
shifting cultivation (rây) traditionally did not plough,
means exclusive to Viet Nam under communist rule
and valued the buffalo for the ritual status and prestige
(Miles and Eipper, 1985, pp. 1–2). One significant char-
it conferred upon the owner. The delay in the ceremony
acteristic of the process of folklorization is the decon-
caused fear among some Jarai that something bad might
textualization of cultural phenomena, which are con-
happen in the ‘absence’ of a new potao apui.
sidered and evaluated separately and are detached from each other. Thus, while dancing and music are appreci-
During my stay in Gia Lai province, it became clear that
ated and promoted by the authorities, the ritual occa-
there was an ongoing debate among provincial officials
sions for performing are being suppressed, causing the
and party cadres. Some cadres, especially those of Jarai
valued cultural traditions to disappear. One of the stan-
descent, pleaded for the authorities to grant permission
dard solutions on the part of the authorities is then
to perform the ritual, some of them awed by the
to establish (semi-)professional groups which perform
prospect of impending catastrophe. According to my
music and dances in a different context for a different
informants, the idea was also discussed at a national
audience of ‘socialist workers, collective farmers and
level at the Ministry of Culture, and plans were made to
socialist intellectuals’ (Nong Quôc Chan, 1978b, pp. 59
film the ritual, which traditionally should be accompa-
and 61), and – we may add – increasingly of tourists.
nied by music, dance and ritual chants. Some cadres even pleaded for the village of Plei Potao to be turned
During my research, I witnessed an example of direct
into a museum village and tourist site, implying that the
intervention in traditional cultural practice by both local
Fixed Cultivation and Settlement programme should
and central authorities. In 1991 I visited Ayun Pa dis-
pass by this village. None of these ideas, however, has
trict in Gia Lai-Kontum, including Plei Potao, the ‘seat’
been carried out and, according to my latest informa-
of the above-mentioned ‘king of fire’ (potao apui). In
tion, Siu Aluan is still waiting for permission to succeed
fact, the title of ‘king of fire’ (in Vietnamese: Hoa Xa) is
his uncle.
a misnomer, since the person in that office wields hardly any worldly (political) power, but derives his authority from his ritual and religious
status.6
Yet the title of ‘king’
This implies that a splendid opportunity both for minority people to revive old cultural traditions and for
Who decides who preserves what? Cultural preservation and cultural representation
mostly in terms of buffaloes. Second, the local author-
210
researchers to record and study them was missed due to
should be recorded among the many ethnic groups in
direct intervention by the authorities. Such examples
Viet Nam in the vernacular languages. Much has already
can be multiplied in other regions which have seen
been done, but much more remains to be done. If pos-
much change over the last five decades of war and col-
sible, the resulting material should be kept and con-
lectivization. A policy to break up the long-houses, and
served in a central place that is easily accessible for re-
thus the extended family structures, in order to promote
searchers, officials and other interested persons. More-
economic and social development will inevitably result
over, a computerized catalogue involving the vernacular
in the gradual disappearance of the rituals connected
languages, the Vietnamese national language and
with these family structures. A policy to limit funeral
English or French would facilitate public access and
feasts both in duration and in consumption is justified
scholarly research. Also, studies should be made in a
by reference to reasons of economic rationality and
number of related fields. Apart from linguistic studies,
hygiene, but will inevitably limit the extraordinary and
such studies might include various sorts of local knowl-
rich rituals performed on such occasions.
edge, such as ethnobotany, ethnozoology and agricul-
OSCAR SALEMINK
tural practices. Furthermore, studies should be made of The problem with this kind of policy is that while it cel-
belief systems, which include religion, kinship and cus-
ebrates the minorities’ cultures as more or less exotic
tomary law. Such studies should be undertaken without
aesthetic practices, it defines them as a field for inter-
preconceived moral judgements – or at least with sus-
vention by ‘experts’ who claim to know better than the
pended judgement – as to what is good and what is not.
culture-carriers themselves what to retain and what to
When we realize that all actions – including policies –
change. And, as qualifications such as ‘backward’ (lac
have unexpectedly mixed effects, it would be wise not to
hâu) convey, the interventions are not based on respect
draw the line too clearly between religion and super-
for the proper judgement of the culture-carriers them-
stition, between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ customs, between
selves. This situation is hardly likely to give the culture-
progress (tiên bô) and backwardness (lac hâu).
carriers self-respect and just pride in their own culture as it is, let alone make outsiders respect minority cul-
Simultaneously, it is important that no claims should be
tures. Official respect is reserved not for culture as a
made about the authenticity of cultures or traditions on
lived and living experience, but for a few decontextual-
the basis of such studies. The essentialization and reifi-
ized practices, described by ethnographers, singled out
cation of culture transforms it into a weapon for those
by experts or state officials, and performed for or pre-
who preach intolerance. With the upsurge of ethnic con-
sented to outsiders (‘masses’, or tourists) in a pro-
flict in the world today, we see that an essentialized
fessional manner. In my view, this development will
notion of culture marked with exclusiveness has
result in a sterile cultural environment, in which ele-
replaced the notion of race as a boundary marker for
ments of local cultures are transformed into museum
conflicting ethnic groups. Though this may be far-
pieces. Nothing could be more deadly to living culture.
fetched in a state which claims to be governed by ‘ethnic solidarity’ (doan kêt dân tôc), it may still be wise to prevent it from happening as a sort of ‘cultural prophylaxis’ by explicitly presenting our studies as snapshots
CULTURAL REPRESENTATION AND AGENCY
of cultures which are bound and entitled to change.
I agree with other contributors to this book that
Given the fact that cultural practices are intertwined with
legends, oral literature, ritual chants, songs and dances
changing social, political, economic and environmental
circumstances, an effort should be made to link up with
that culture is about people, real people of flesh and
existing and future policies that affect minority peoples’
blood. It is impossible to respect culture without
daily lives. Although this is, of course, within the domain
respecting the culture-carriers. They are living their cul-
and responsibility of the Vietnamese political process, it
tures which they have created and re-created in a con-
is possible to offer some general suggestions. It should be
tinuous and ongoing process. They, and not the
possible to develop guidelines for cadres working among
anthropologists or state officials, are the real experts on
minority groups, namely that they learn about the results
their cultures. They should be given an opportunity to
of the studies; that they learn to appreciate minority cul-
represent their cultures themselves, to define and decide
tures as being different from, but equally valuable to
what they are, and what they should be. Like anybody
their own; and that they work with minority groups in
else, minority people live in the modern world of today,
order to create occasions for valuable cultural expres-
and they will want to have their share in developments
sions in people’s daily lives. Special attention for minor-
taking place around them. In this process, their cultures
ity languages in education, publications and radio/
are bound to change. Although this may not please out-
television transmissions is badly needed.
siders (anthropologists, government officials, tourists), they are entitled to such change because it is they who
Furthermore, it would be extremely worthwhile to study
live their cultures. The minority people should have the
the cultural consequences of major socio-economic pro-
right to express and represent their cultures to them-
grammes such as the Fixed Cultivation and Settlement
selves and the outside world, however little we may like
programme. It might be desirable to try to co-ordinate
any such representations. This would be a genuine act of
the effort at safeguarding and promoting the intangible
restoring agency, as opposed to a situation in which all
cultural heritage of minority groups with such pro-
kinds of outsiders are asserting (and sometimes monop-
grammes in one coherent programme covering various
olizing) the right of cultural representation by claiming
aspects of social and cultural life. With respect to the
ethnographic and political authority over the minorities.
Fixed Cultivation and Settlement programme, this could imply a revaluation of the local architecture and village
It will be an enormous challenge for the Vietnamese
lay-out; a strengthening of family and community struc-
authorities, in close collaboration with various experts
tures through a revaluation of long-houses (nha dai) and
and above all with the minority populations concerned,
communal houses (nha rong); permission to engage in
to create conditions in which people can live and value
religious and ritual practices, without immediately con-
their cultures; in which they can freely perform their rit-
demning these as superstitious and wasteful; and more
uals; in which feasting is not seen as economic waste but
attention for vernacular languages and local knowledge
as a source of cultural wealth; in which they can appreci-
in primary education. While acknowledging that such
ate both traditional and modern dance and music; and in
policies are the full responsibility of the Vietnamese state,
which children will learn at school in the daytime, when
with the recently established Commission on Ethnic
listening to the stories and poems told by elderly people
Minorities and Mountainous Areas enjoying a key posi-
during the evenings, and when observing plants and ani-
tion, I trust that international co-operation will also
mals in the forests during the holidays. It is of course
involve assistance from foreign donor organizations,
impossible and undesirable to create ‘reservations’ where
including international organizations such as FAO,
people are instructed to live in a traditional way. Rather,
UNDP, UNESCO and UNICEF.
it is a matter of creating favourable occasions in everyday life to enable minority people, while participating in
The most important consideration, however, should be
modern life, to live their traditional culture.
Who decides who preserves what? Cultural preservation and cultural representation
211
212
NOTES
M ILES , D.; E IPPER , C. 1985. Introduction. Canberra Anthropology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 1–3. (Special issue, ‘Mino-
1.
The author is Program Officer for Social Sciences and
Humanities of the Ford Foundation in Hanoi. The opinions
N ONG Q UÔC C HAN . 1978a. Thirty Years of Cultural Work
expressed in this essay are his own and do not necessarily rep-
among Ethnic Minorities. Vietnamese Studies, No. 52,
resent those of the Ford Foundation. The research for this arti-
pp. 50–6. (Special issue, ‘Cultural Problems’.)
cle was made possible through a grant from the Netherlands
——. 1978b. Selective Preservation of Ethnic Minorities’
Organization for the Advancement of Research in Tropical
Cultural
Countries (WOTRO).
pp. 57–63. (Special issue, ‘Cultural Problems’.)
2.
Traditions.
Vietnamese
Studies,
No.
52,
I have dealt more extensively with the concept of culture
P ELS , P.; S ALEMINK , O. 1994. Introduction: Five Theses on
and the role of research in Salemink (1991, 1994a, 1994b) and
Ethnography as Colonial Practice. History and Anthro-
in Pels and Salemink (1994).
pology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1–4, pp. 1–34.
3.
OSCAR SALEMINK
rities and the State’.)
The so-called ‘kings’ of fire, water and wind; in
P HM N HU C UONG et al. 1987. Môt so van de phat trien van
Vietnamese historiography the first two are known as Hoa Xa
hoa câc dân tôc thiêu sô [Some Problems Concerning
and Thuy Xa respectively. For a thorough analysis of the role
the Cultural Development of Ethnic Minorities]. Hanoi,
of these potao, see Dournes (1977).
NXB Van hoa Dân tôc.
4.
I have dealt more extensively with the policies of seden-
S ALEMINK , O. 1991. Mois and Maquis: The Invention and
tarization and selective preservation in Salemink (1997).
Appropriation of Vietnam’s Montagnards from Sabatier
5.
The Bahnar villagers’ lack of means to keep their nha
to the CIA. In: G. W. Stocking, Jr. (ed.), Colonial Situa-
rong in repair may be contrasted with the beautiful new nha
tions: Essays on the Historical Contextualization of Ethno-
rong built in Hanoi’s Lenin Park on the occasion of the 1987
graphic Knowledge. History of Anthropology, Vol. 7,
Cultural Festival for Minorities and with the small to-scale
pp. 243–84. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press.
reproductions that are sold as tourist items in Pleiku. 6.
See, for example, Dournes’ brilliant analysis of the potao
(1977).
——. 1994a. The Return of the Python God: Multiple Interpretations of a Millenarian Movement in Colonial Vietnam. History and Anthropology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1–4, pp. 129–64. ——. 1994b. Primitive Partisans: French Strategy and the
REFERENCES
Construction of a Montagnard Ethnic Identity in Indochina. In: H. Antlöv and S. Tønnesson (eds.), Imperial
D OURNES , J. 1977. Pötao: Une théorie du pouvoir chez les Indochinois Jörai. Paris, Flammarion.
Policy and Southeast Asian Nationalism, 1930–1957, pp. 261–93. London, Curzon Press/NIAS.
E VANS , G. 1985. Vietnamese Communist Anthropology.
——. 1997. The King of Fire and Vietnamese Ethnic Policy in
Canberra Anthropology, Vol. 8, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 116–47.
the Central Highlands. In: K. Kampe and D. McCaskill
——. 1992. Internal Colonialism in the Central Highlands
(eds.), Development and its Impact on the Indigenous and
of Vietnam. Sojourn, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 274–304. H OBSBAWM , E.; R ANGER , T. (eds.). 1983. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Highland People of Southeast Asia, pp. 488–535. Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books.
213
Intangible culture and development norms: the Katuic populations in the Annamese Cordillera YVES GOUDINEAU
CULTURAL VITALITY
works, or of what could be so. Of course there is always the danger of loss or impoverishment, which it is well to
Predicting the decline of the minority peoples of the
recognize and prevent. While we must be vigilant, we
Annamese Cordillera (Truong Son) seems to have
must also be sure that the prevention of this danger is
become a perennial activity. Colonial-period literature
not taken as insurance against the anticipated extinction
abounds with reports of the physical and moral fragility
of a culture, which is presented as inescapable.
of the indigenous populations – a fragility that would condemn them to die out or to decline on coming into
The Taoih, Pacoh, Katang and Katu are among the peo-
contact with so-called ‘stronger’ civilizations. It should
ples whose decline has been anticipated for a century
be noted, however, that those who, in some cases sin-
now. Practising slash-and-burn cultivation with period-
cerely, deplored this supposedly almost certain decline
ically shifting ray, they live in the Annamese Cordillera,
were generally the ones who had created the conditions
roughly at the level of Hué and Da Nang. They live in
for the presumably fatal contact in the first place.
close proximity and all speak languages belonging to the Katuic branch of the Mon-Khmer family of Austro-
However, history also teaches us that cultures are often
Asiatic languages. As I worked among them in the Lao
more resistant than had been imagined. It is natural for
People’s Democratic Republic for several years, I shall
them to die only with difficulty and to have a long
take them as an example on which to base my remarks.
memory. An encounter with other cultures does not in itself herald their rapid disappearance. So one cannot
These populations were less affected than others by col-
help feeling a certain uneasiness at the idea of a heri-
onization. Cut off in a region of deep valleys where
tage, or the saving of a heritage, when this is not a
access is difficult, they were in a better position to put
matter of the works of past civilizations but of living
up an energetic resistance. On the other hand, they bore
214
the full brunt of the wars: their territory, situated on the
While the renewal of tangible culture (architecture,
border between the Lao P.D.R. and Viet Nam, was one of
sculpture) is what most strikes the observer today,
those most bombed by the United States forces in the
intangible culture does not lag behind. Songs and
region. Battles took place even in the villages, most able-
legends integrate recent elements drawn from the war
bodied men fought in the ranks of the Lao and
and prove their capacity for renewal. Although in some
Vietnamese liberation armies and the rest of the popu-
cases the young people have radio-cassette players with
lation sought refuge higher up in the mountains in an
which they listen to Lao or Vietnamese singers, they also
attempt to escape the bombs.
know the village songs and are able to improvise on them. This too is evidence of the vitality of the local
Yet, despite thirty years of war and particularly precarious post-war living conditions, these cultures have survived and have managed to maintain or redefine a
languages, which have been unaffected by the entry of the majority languages during the war years. Most villagers regard bilingualism as an advantage.
strong identity. On the Lao side, at the time of my first stay in 1991, many of the villages were still arranged in YVES GOUDINEAU
a circle as they used to be, with a community hall in the centre. Nha dai long-houses, among the Pacoh in particular, of superb architectural distinction, were still standing, and considerable ritual activity was apparent everywhere. Struck at first on finding here what I knew had disappeared or greatly changed elsewhere, I did not immediately understand that this was due as much to a revival as to a continuation.
DEVELOPMENT NORMS However, this cultural revival has been produced in a context of extreme deprivation, of which it is partly the outcome. The reconstruction of the country after a quarter of a century of war, difficult enough in the plains for the Lao ‘majority’ populations, proved well nigh impossible in the remote mountain districts. These were in a sense left to themselves and were excluded from the
Conscious of the decisive role they had played in the
declared development effort whether they liked it or not.
fight for national liberation, the villagers considered themselves entitled to reassert their values and to recon-
No doubt this was very distressing to the peoples there,
stitute their world – many houses, and even villages,
inasmuch as the natural environment had greatly deter-
were in fact of recent construction. Separated during the
iorated as a result of the bombs and chemical products
war, these mountain people had reconstituted their soli-
massively dumped on this zone in particular for years by
darity at the same time as they had rebuilt their village,
United States aircraft (with a relentlessness as frenzied
taking particular care over their community hall, which
as it was vain). Shifting cultivation (slash-and-burn)
had been specially decorated by the best sculptors in the
yielded crops that were on average from five to eight
village. Nevertheless, this was not intended as a with-
times smaller than pre-war ones, and until recently
drawal into their shell. The local populations had given
rivers were contaminated and game animals decimated.
the national community assurances of their commit-
Many localities asked for development aid, particularly
ment, and all these groups had become aware of their
in the fields of health and education, and some even
belonging to a larger entity outside their linguistic
asked for food aid since they were suffering from mal-
group. However, since they were heroes of a new nation
nutrition.
that asserted its pluri-ethnicity, they were confident that their cultural space would be respected.
In this connection it should be mentioned that during
the war years a real effort was made to help these popu-
tomed to practising shifting cultivation with long cycles,
lations. Through their contact with the armies, the
land being left uncultivated for up to fifteen years and
mountain peoples learnt to appreciate the utility of med-
the village periodically relocated. However it was now
icines, of an elementary knowledge of reading and writ-
proposed that they settle alongside the tracks in accor-
ing and of technical skills. It was therefore natural that
dance with a settlement plan, and that the area of ‘burns’,
later on they should ask for all this again. Furthermore,
or ray, under cultivation be considerably reduced. As a
as they had fed the fighters with produce from their
result, no long-houses or community halls are to be
fields, they thought it was only fair that they in turn
found in the newly built villages. In these, the arrange-
should be helped when they were up against difficulties.
ment and architecture of the houses follow a typically
However, the bonuses of development took some time
Lao plan, all rituals are subject to regulation, buffalo sac-
to reach the Central Highlands of the Lao P.D.R., and in
rifices in particular, and education, where it exists, is
many localities people are still waiting for them.
given in Lao. No provision seems to have been made so
Meanwhile, many endemic and epidemic diseases,
far for the preservation of the vernacular languages.
which have never really been eradicated, have returned
While still hoping one day perhaps to reap the fruits of
in force – malaria, measles, dysentery, cholera, tubercu-
development aid, the inhabitants of these new villages
losis, leprosy, etc.
were suddenly faced with the norms attached to them.
These peoples’ feeling that they had been left to fend for
This situation raises two questions. First, what can
themselves may explain too the intensification of re-
preservation of the intangible culture mean if, while it
ligious activity and the identity crisis that has indirectly
seems to be in full bloom, its substratum is imperilled?
favoured a renewal of forms of artistic expression.
Second, do development and integration require confor-
Certain ritual practices that were denounced as supersti-
mity with norms, and if so, what norms, and to what
tious during the war years (an important period for the
extent? These two questions must be posed frankly in
‘education of ethnic groups’, I was told on all sides) have
order to help the local authorities – which in the Lao
been fully resumed. In the absence of all external aid, it
P.D.R. are generally anxious to achieve harmonious inte-
has seemed perfectly legitimate to these populations to
gration and are hostile to authoritarian methods – to
resort to sacrifices to ward off disease and death, which
devise a pragmatic approach, respecting as far as poss-
is in accordance with their natural religious bent despite
ible the cultural heritages that retain their vitality, while
the admonishments of earlier years. Men who had
really bringing the aid people are waiting for in the
returned to the village after a long period of absence told
fields of health and education.
me that they had recently learned the invocations or chants connected with these rituals again. Is this cultural revival just an accident of history, something which is here today and gone tomorrow? Or can it
INTANGIBLE CULTURE AND THE COMMUNITY BASIS
be encouraged and given a longer life? When the villagers received an answer to their demands, it consisted
For this to be possible, the first step is to avoid making
in an undertaking to promote certain aspects of the
the mistake of thinking that the intangible culture actu-
intangible culture (dance, songs) and in a request that
ally has a life of its own. The concept of intangible
they change their way of life completely if they wanted
culture can be readily understood as referring to certain
to benefit from public aid. These people were accus-
forms of aesthetic or spiritual expression that do not
Intangible culture and development norms: the Katuic populations in the Annamese Cordillera
215
216
have any permanent material support, as opposed to
found to a varying extent in all cultural communities
monuments, sculpture or written works that do. All the
and not just among the mountain dwellers. So there is
same, this distinction, while it has obvious merits as a
no reason to heap shame on them in particular.
YVES GOUDINEAU
means of classification for human works, is somewhat artificial in the context of village community life. Every
Besides, such an attitude to the surrounding world has
type of production, and every object produced, fit into
enabled these peoples to structure it intellectually and
an overall social and cultural context in which the tan-
emotionally in a way that has proved effective for cen-
gible/intangible distinction does not seem very relevant.
turies. Symbolic constructs of this kind cannot be wiped
It is no doubt a platitude to point out that in these soci-
out without detriment to community life. Nor can cer-
eties songs and dance are closely bound up with the rit-
tain elements be detached by decree without detriment
uals and events that punctuate village life, and that
to the whole. This is particularly the case with buffalo
stories are kept alive by the loquacity of the tellers and
sacrifices, which are the highest form of religious
are continually renewed by their creative gifts allied
expression in these societies and are at the same time an
with their experience. However, some people do not
important factor in class differentiation. Their sudden
seem to be aware of this well-known fact and claim, in
prohibition would seriously disturb the spiritual and
some cases in complete good faith, to be able to preserve
social balance of the group (including the balance of its
pieces of a culture whose foundations they are helping
diet, for the sacrifices provide the sole opportunity of
to demolish.
eating beef), and hence of its culture.
This is because it is in the residences of several families,
Now, while everything is related, it should be noted, too,
in the evenings around the central hearth, that the Katu
that nothing is immutable. Although belonging to the
or Pacoh make up their epics together. And it is in the
same world as the Taoih or the Pacoh, many Katang vil-
community hall that the old men gather around a jar of
lagers settled in the plains have for several generations
rice beer to sing, sometimes well into the night. It is
practised wet-rice cultivation and have given up living
there that the young people come to listen to them,
in houses accommodating several families. However,
picking up the themes of their songs and their vocal
their sense of identity is still strong, their spiritual life
technique. It is on the occasion of important rituals that
no less intense and their intangible culture no less rich.
the group’s spirituality, the heart of its intangible culture,
It was there that I had the privilege of hearing the most
is most strongly expressed – rituals consecrating the
beautiful courting songs.
rebuilding of a community hall, rituals on the occasion of second funerals, harvest or sowing rituals, weddings,
It must be mentioned, however, that it was the villagers
and so on.
themselves who decided to change certain agricultural and social practices, probably when they came into con-
It is a fact that Buddhism, which is a characteristic of
tact with neighbouring Lao peasants. These changes
the Lao majority, has never taken hold in these valleys.
took place little by little, allowing time for a reformu-
The symbolic universe of the mountain people is there-
lation of values adapted to the new context. In addition,
fore sometimes condescendingly described as being a
Lao society has long since proved its capacity to inte-
‘religion of spirits’ and is accused of an archaism incom-
grate Austro-Asiatic populations: one has only to think
patible, so people claim, with integration in the
of the Sui or the Lovens in the south. Up till now this
advanced world. However, such condescension forgets
integration has generally been effected gradually,
that in the Lao P.D.R. the worship of ‘spirits’ is to be
through proximity.
217
82
83
218
84 82. Musicians playing at a funeral (Hoa Binh). © Mai Thanh Son.
83. The son of the deceased customarily wears a hat made of straw and leans on a stick (Hoa Binh). © Mai Thanh Son.
84. Meal during a wake, for guests and those who helped during the mourning ceremonies (Hoa Binh). © Mai Thanh Son.
85. Making sticky rice cakes for the funeral (Hoa Binh). © Mai Thanh Son.
86. Placing the cakes inside the symbolic house as offerings for the deceased (Hoa Binh). © Mai Thanh Son.
87. The relatives wait beside the coffin while rice is being offered for the departure of the soul of the deceased (Thanh Hoa). © Vi Van An.
85
219
86
87
220
88 88. Building a house (Lang Son). © Nguyên Van Huy.
89. Basket weaving (Lao Cai). © La Công Y.
90. Carrying bricks to build a house (Lang Son). © Nguyên Van Huy.
91. Building a house (Lang Son). © Mai Thanh Son.
89
221
90
91
222
92 92. The bride’s arrival (Ha Giang). © Vo Mai Phuong.
93. The bridegroom puts incense on the ceremonial altar (Ha Giang). © Vo Mai Phuong.
94. Weaving (Tuyen Quang). © Vo Mai Phuong.
95. Preparing offerings for New Year’s ceremonies (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh.
93
223
94
95
224
96 96. A chicken is prepared as an offering (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
97. An ancestral altar set up near the wall of the main room of the house: there are three vases containing incense sticks, a lamp and a small cup. The table is covered with red paper (Quang Ninh). © Vi Van An.
97
225
Conversely, wanting to precipitate changes, or attempt-
and dance, are often put forward officially to mark
ing by means of regulations to reduce symbolic uni-
ethnic identity. At first sight these seem the most likely
verses, runs the risk of marginalizing the very people
to transcend borders, being designed on both sides to
whose integration is the purpose of such activity. At all
illustrate the cultural diversity of each nation. Yet there
events, it means cutting off the roots of a certain intan-
too the border is effective. I have on several occasions
gible culture while claiming to protect it.
been struck by the differences between Pacoh and Katu songs, according to whether these were recorded in the Lao P.D.R. or in Viet Nam. Differences in the texts or
CULTURAL RELATIVISM AND THE UNIVERSALITY OF THE INTANGIBLE CULTURES
instrumentation, the rhythm or the vocal expression to
The norms imposed on those who wish to benefit from
A final question that has to be posed involves pinpoint-
‘development’ are all the more likely to appear to border
ing the ultimate purpose of conserving the intangible
populations like the Katuic groups as an arbitrary de-
heritage of minority cultures. Are pieces of this heritage
cision of the majority culture when they can see that
being preserved solely in order to show the diversity of
what is regarded as a good thing on one side of the
the national culture? Are they being recorded so that
Annamese Cordillera may be rejected as bad on the
they can take up their places in the constitution of a
other. For instance, on one side, small houses on piles
universal heritage? Or do we want to protect them so
and glutinous rice are regarded as signs of adaptation to
that they will continue to live and grow of their own
the national civilization, whereas low houses and milled
volition?
know where one was recorded, and to which national audience the performance was addressed.
rice are in keeping with the norms of integration on the other. Why is it necessary to choose what is considered
Paradoxically, with increasingly sophisticated conser-
right on this side of the border rather than what is con-
vation techniques, the intangible heritage can now easily
sidered right on the other? And why abandon one’s own
and durably be given concrete form in one way or
values when they have a longer history and have proved
another. After a community has been dispersed, its
their soundness?
voices, its dance, its legends, can continue a digital existence, little space being required to store them. If this
Political frontiers often also become cultural boundaries
heritage is no longer maintained by the society that kept
that can divide formerly homogeneous groups if care is
it alive, however, it atrophies. In order to live and renew
not taken. If it is situated at a boundary or frontier, a
itself it needs its social environment. If it is merely ‘pre-
group may one day find itself divided by a line which at
served’ outside that environment, its identity is depleted
first appears imaginary but which in fact later creates
and it meets the common fate, be this described as
real divisions. Although a border population generally
‘pluri-ethnic’ or universal. To preserve certain Pacoh
manages to make light of frontiers, the determinism of
songs, Katu dances or a Taoih ritual by recording them
differentiated social norms weighs heavily, and after a
is in itself a good deed. It means testifying before
while particularly memorable points of similarity are
humanity to an art, to a form of spirituality and to the
needed to keep up the idea of a cultural community.
cultural diversity of a nation. However, it can in no case be maintained that minority cultures are kept alive in
Certain expressions of intangible heritage, such as songs
this way.
Intangible culture and development norms: the Katuic populations in the Annamese Cordillera
dialects apart, one has usually only to consider the
226
CONCLUSION
forgotten that every heritage is first of all bound up
YVES GOUDINEAU
with a specific culture, and it is up to the particular Preserving the intangible culture of minority groups
groups that have it in their keeping to reproduce or
therefore makes no sense unless this goes hand in hand
revitalize it because they alone have the right to pass it
with a guarantee of these groups’ social future. While it
on. It is in agreement with them that we have to decide
is no doubt up to the state to apply a policy of preser-
on the most adequate means of keeping their heritage
vation of the country’s cultural diversity, it must not be
alive.
227
PART FOUR
Preservation and revitalization: the experience of Viet Nam and other countries
229
Harmony in cultural projects: revitalization of the music and dance of the Vietnamese minorities OSAMU YAMAGUTI
CULTURE-CARRIERS AND CULTURAL DOCUMENTS
notion of traditional technology in harmony with the newly emerged ‘high’ technology. All music is the product basis of traditional technology, including instru-
UNESCO’s approach to ‘culture’ in the widest sense is
ment-making, control of the human body, and
highly relevant to planning when it comes to the intan-
knowledge and use of acoustic phenomena, all within
gible cultural heritage. The intangible aspects of culture
the specific contexts of the natural environment and
are closely related to all the others. However, UNESCO
human habitation. But with the help of modern technol-
has decided to concentrate its short- and medium-term
ogy, these musical forms can be put on to tapes or disks,
programmes on the performing arts rather than try to
thus enabling not only culture-carriers but also out-
cover all aspects of culture. UNESCO’s past endeavours,
siders to appreciate the results of traditional technology
such as in the production of LP records (and recently of
beyond the limits of the time and space of performance.
CDs) as part of a world anthology of traditional music
In other words, musical forms can be heard repeatedly,
and its contribution to arts festivals in different parts of
no matter when or where. Something similar is possible
the world, have been most welcome in so far as they
in the cases of dance, oral traditions, language and
have helped to foster a better understanding of the uni-
knowledge of crafts.
versal and particular features of human musicality. It should be noted that in the music or dance of various With regard to the selected areas of concern, in other
ethnic groups, whether they are in the majority or in the
words the ‘performing arts including music and dance,
minority in a given region, there are usually some
oral tradition, language and the knowledge of crafts’, I
aspects that have to be treated very carefully, for
would like to suggest an underlying key concept that
instance because of the private or sometimes esoteric
will relate all the said items quite neatly: this is the
nature of performance. Certainly, any performance can
230
be audiovisually documented only if a general consen-
Foundation. The late Fumio Koizumi, Yosihiko Toku-
sus is reached as to how this should be done, and the
maru and I were asked by the foundation in 1975 to
use of the documents should correspond to a framework
supervise a programme to make the various traditional
agreed between those carrying out the documentation
performing arts of the Asian peoples better known and
and the culture-carriers themselves. This ethical issue,
appreciated among Asians.
which includes economic considerations, is a matter of major concern in ethnomusicology as well as in cultural
We formed a planning committee with the assistance of
anthropology more generally.
specialists in audiovisual documentation, cultural administration and so forth, and went on to implement
A question arises here as to whether a distinction should
the project and make its results accessible to the public
always be made between those making the documents
through written reports and audiovisual documents.
and the culture-carriers. Such a distinction is, in fact, by
The following quotation comes from the editors’ preface
no means essential since those making documents could
entitled ‘Asians Observing and Being Observed by
also be the culture-carriers; this is more desirable, in fact,
Asians’:
OSAMU YAMAGUTI
since the latter already possess knowledge of the music and dance concerned and can, therefore, determine the
ATPA denotes the entire series of events devoted to the rich
content of the documents in such a way as to record
and varied performing arts of Asia in which musicologists as
aspects that may remain unobserved by outsiders.
well as musicians are invited to Japan to promote intercultural exchange and extend the academic documentation of the dif-
However this is not to say that cultural insiders consis-
ferent cultural values expressed in the traditional arts of Asia.
tently make the best documents. On the contrary, out-
In all cases, music is the primary concern of this series which
siders may wish to stress aspects that insiders take for
will be held in three-year cycles. However, other cultural
granted or leave undocumented. Such aspects, empha-
aspects such as literature, dance, theatre and fine arts are to be
sized by outsiders and neglected by insiders, may often be
taken into consideration for a full understanding of the music
crucial when making a cross-cultural comparison. When
and its background. [Koizumi, Tokumaru and Yamaguti, 1976,
considering the problem discussed above, it is obviously
p. vii.]
desirable therefore that the insiders should work in harmony with outsiders when documenting music and
The ATPA programme, which was repeated five times in
dance for the benefit of an international public.
fifteen years, was sometimes criticized for its Japan-oriented approach. On the other hand, it received a positive evaluation in that it made a significant contribution to a better understanding of the Asian arts.
THE ATPA PROGRAMME At least two aspects of the ATPA programme may be Because my proposal for co-operative documentation
applied to the ethnic minorities of Viet Nam. They are:
between cultural insiders and outsiders is closely related
(a) its proclaimed and applied principle of ‘Asians
to another project that Yosihiko Tokumaru and I were
Observing and Being Observed by Asians’ or, in other
involved in, a brief reference to this may be useful here.
words, Asian peoples exchanging ideas and working in
This project, usually referred to as ATPA (Asian
harmony; and (b) its other principle of juxtaposing
Traditional Performing Arts), was an international pro-
peripheral and metropolitan cultures in the same coun-
gramme planned and implemented by the Japan
try. This is the view that a well-balanced appreciation of
231
these two kinds of cultures in harmony can lead to an
dance of these peoples. Proper harmony should be
appropriate understanding of the general culture of
sought between the various levels, such as between tra-
Asian countries.
ditional and modern technologies, between cultural insiders (culture-carriers) and outsiders, between Asian peoples, and between peripheral and metropolitan cultures of the same country.
CONCLUSION REFERENCE
minorities of Viet Nam, where, in some cases, ethnic identities are being lost or the very existence of groups
K OIZUMI , F.; T OKUMARU , Y.; YAMAGUTI , O. 1976. Asian
themselves is in danger, no time should be lost in setting
Musics in an Asian Perspective: Report of ATPA 1976.
up a multi-channel (international) training programme
Tokyo, the Japan Foundation and Heibonsha. Reprinted
for the audiovisual documentation of the music and
1983: Tokyo, Academia Music.
Harmony in cultural projects: revitalization of the music and dance of the Vietnamese minorities
Given the rapidly changing situation of the ethnic
233
Transmitting music: towards a re-evaluation of the human body YOSIHIKO TOKUMARU
Everyone is entitled to enjoy the music he or she loves.
cology, in other words opening a dialogue between
There are, however, some musical styles that can no
musicologists and music in society rather than reifying
longer be transmitted in spite of the wishes of the tradi-
certain musical texts as ‘authentic’.
tion-bearers due to a lack of successors or for financial reasons. This can easily happen in the musical traditions of ethnic and/or cultural minorities, which are often subject to unfavourable cultural policies by states and ethnic or cultural majorities. Concepts and ideologies
LESSONS OF THE ATPA PROJECT
may affect decision-making processes, or the popularity of an institutionalized musical style may curtail the
The ATPA project was launched in 1974 by the Japan
activities of ethnic and/or cultural minorities.
Foundation, and three musicologists were called upon, the late Fumio Koizumi, Osamu Yamaguti and myself,
In such cases the most that musicologists can do is
to organize exchanges in the performing arts between
document a limited number of performances, such docu-
Asian countries.
mentation representing the results of the activity of producing and transmitting music (what I call musical
The purpose of ATPA was naturally conditioned by the
texts). However, it is more important to safeguard the
cultural and political situation of the 1970s. At the
process of producing and transmitting musical texts
beginning of the project we considered it extremely
than to document some part of a dying art. By re-exam-
important to declare explicitly that ATPA aimed to con-
ining my own experience with the long-term ATPA
struct a dense network for the performing arts and their
(Asian Traditional Performing Arts) project I wish to
study among Asian peoples. Our motto was ‘Asians
emphasize the importance of practising ‘applied’ musi-
Observing and Being Observed by Asians’. While this
234
may give an impression of chauvinism, we had no inten-
groups. However, this led to disagreements between our-
tion of segregating Asia from other parts of the world,
selves and the participating countries, since they ques-
believing, on the contrary, that such a dense network for
tioned our decisions to invite musicians belonging to an
the performing arts and their study should be con-
ethnic minority rather than those from larger urban tra-
structed on the widest scale possible. However, in the
ditions. Nevertheless, we were interested in the music of
1970s and even into the 1980s, the Asian peoples had
these smaller groups, and considered it essential to
little chance of becoming familiar with the performing
include them in order to obtain a better understanding
arts of other Asian peoples.
of the music of all human beings. Since we came to
YOSIHIKO TOKUMARU
believe that in order to deconstruct the logic that sepaFollowing discussions, both the Japan Foundation and
rates the central from the peripheral and to disclose the
ourselves, the primary supervisors, came to agree on the
peripheral hidden in the central, we should pay more
following points: the project should not hold any events
attention to so-called peripheral styles, we tried to
of a purely festival type, but rather organize fieldwork,
expose our audiences as much as possible to the ‘periph-
seminars and public performances, and the publication
eral’ musical styles of Japan, such as the music of the
of documentation; one year should be spent on each of
Ainu people in the northern part of the country and that
these three parts so that a cycle of three years would
of the Okinawan islands in the south.
make a unit; the number of three-year units would ideally be five.
The second point concerns the need to properly evaluate and enhance the mutual influences on performers
It was not our intention to invite an equal number of
from different cultures. In the first unit of the ATPA pro-
delegates from every Asian country. We selected a suit-
ject, we invited musicians from Sunda (Indonesia) and
able theme for each unit, taking account of the funds
Okinawa (Japan) on to the same stage. They found simi-
and human resources at our disposal. For example,
larities with each other, creating new songs and adopt-
‘musical instruments’ was selected as the theme of the
ing ideas from the stimulus given by the other. Thus,
first unit, and ‘vocal music’ of the second. The fifth and
they exchanged not only musical vocabularies and
last event, concerning the relationships between religion
instruments, but also stage costumes. Such communi-
and music, was held in 1987. I learned much of signifi-
cation, however, cannot be expected to take place
cance while I was involved in the ATPA project, which
between the musicians of Okinawa and those of main-
lasted for more than fifteen years. In view of their
land Japan, since the Okinawan musicians have become
special relevance to my present topic, I shall restrict
resentful of the fact that the mainland Japanese appear
myself to the following four points: the distinction
to underestimate their music. But on this occasion, the
between ‘peripheral’ and ‘central’ art forms; mutual
Okinawan performers were pleased because, as one of
influences between performers from different cultures;
them put it, they found Sundanese music to be ‘similar’
the relationship between performers and audience; and
in style to their own, and only their ‘relatives’ could
the transmission of the performing arts.
possess such similarity of style. Similar processes took place between musicians from Mongolia and Japan and
The first point concerns the distinction to be made
between those from India and the Korean peninsula. It
between the ‘peripheral’ and the ‘central’. In the ATPA
is to be hoped that in the future Viet Nam finds coun-
project, we invited performing groups on the basis of
terparts for the different aspects of its musical culture.
their art, and not as representatives of the country con-
This sense of solidarity appears to be long-lived.
cerned. As a rule we chose smaller and less well-known
235
The third point aims to develop the significance of rel-
filming it with a view to separating the music from its
ationships between performers and audience. Before
tradition. Yet in the 1970s there were ethnomusicol-
starting the ATPA project I did not fully understand why
ogists who, in order to preserve the authenticity of the
the traditional musicians of Japan, including the ‘living
musical traditions of their research fields, organized fes-
national treasures’ of Bunraku, a puppet theatre, were so
tivals at which only ‘authentic’ musicians from those tra-
eager to perform outside the country. Later, however, I
ditions were invited to perform.
themselves that they were going in the right direction
I have the impression that the more ethnomusicology
and were practising a valuable art. In Japan, or in their
has developed, the stronger the tendency has been to
natural habitat, such traditional musicians may have a
isolate music as an aesthetic object from its social con-
limited audience, and this audience may be inattentive.
text, thereby leading to a discrepancy between ethno-
But outside Japan they tend to be more warmly and
musicological theory and practice. In a sense, ethno-
more seriously appreciated, and such applause and
musicology at present has to face up to this discrepancy
appreciation from a foreign audience often function as a
between theory and practice, which is why I used
strong impetus for performers to make the decision to
the word ‘classical’ to qualify a certain style of ethno-
pursue their art. We witnessed such a process in the
musicology at the beginning of this section. But how
course of the project, as musicians, especially those
should we explain this discrepancy? What kind of legit-
belonging to small groups, tended to grow more confi-
imacy can we give it? In order to answer such questions,
dent about their art and so become more eager to con-
one should begin by highlighting the dichotomy
tinue performing in their own cultural environment,
between text and context.
often more actively than they had before their visit to Japan.
On the one hand, music can be regarded as texts woven by the bearers of each tradition; on the other, the notion
My fourth point aims to reconsider the various ways in
of context denotes the environment in which these texts
which the performing arts are transmitted, and this is
are put into practice. From my experience with the
dealt with in greater detail below.
ATPA project, it became clear that there were some musical texts that would inevitably become obsolete. Let me put this point in the following way: due to a lack of, or a shortage of, tradition-bearers, some musical texts
ETHNOMUSICOLOGICAL TASKS AND CONFLICTS
can no longer be transmitted, especially via the oral media, and the occasion for the musical texts themselves to be performed will be lost. However, in order to secure
From the viewpoint of ‘classical’ ethnomusicology, the
the transmission and production of such texts, we can
ATPA project may seem strange at least in the following
invite musicians of one tradition into the context of
way: while the quintessence of ethnomusicology lies in
others and so make them aware that they are going in
its consideration of music in its social context, ATPA set
the right direction and are practising an important art.
out to isolate music from its original context and insert
In retrospect, our acts of isolating musical texts by
it into different contexts. However, many ethnomusicol-
bringing musicians to Japan served as a kind of catalyst
ogists have also made similar gestures, severing the so-
to encourage musicians to become involved in the
called ‘authentic’ object of their musicological research
production and transmission of such musical texts for
from its original context by, for example, recording and
themselves.
Transmitting music: towards a re-evaluation of the human body
realized that these musicians had wanted to ascertain for
236
Our attempts may not have been ‘purely scientific’,
Such examples show that musical texts possess the
unlike those of the classical type of ethnomusicology. In
inherent power to transform themselves and that new
contrast, ours may be called ‘applied’ musicology, to
contexts can serve as a catalyst for revitalizing and
employ the term proposed by Jan Ling regarding his
transmitting a country’s musical heritage. Using the
research in Sweden. According to Ling’s definition,
term proposed by Yamaguti (1995), I shall call this phe-
applied musicology ‘aims at an ongoing cultural dia-
nomenon ‘transcontextualization’.
logue between musicology and music in society’ (Ling, 1991, p. 186). If we, as organizers of the ATPA project, had been conventional or ‘classical’ ethnomusicologists, we could
ORALITY AND LITERACY: TWO MODES OF MUSICAL TRANSMISSION
YOSIHIKO TOKUMARU
have documented performing arts that are on the verge of extinction by using sound tapes and film and then
My experience in the ATPA project has led me to recon-
transcribing them into Western staff notation. Some
sider the question of the transmission of music; music
ethnomusicologists would then have evaluated our
cannot survive unless it can be transmitted. In order to
work as part of a series of attempts to preserve ‘authen-
clarify this question, I would like to use the dichotomy
tic’ performances. However, our applied-musicological
of ‘orality’ and ‘literacy’, literacy here including not only
project did not set out to follow such a ‘classical’ pat-
musical notation, but also documents about music and
tern, since it was based on a rather different idea of
musical behaviour.
tradition, which can be summarized as follows: it is imperative for a tradition continuously to undergo
One of the characteristics common to both Viet Nam
transformation or metamorphosis in order for it to
and Japan is the fact that both orality and literacy have
remain a living tradition. Thus, in the ATPA framework,
been amply utilized in the transmission of music. It is
we took it for granted that performers could create or
clear that it is more important than literacy in training
add something new as they wanted. For instance, stim-
professional and amateur musicians. However, today we
ulated by the juxtaposition of various types of chamber
are facing a new and different situation due to the inven-
music from Japan and Indonesia on the same stage at
tion of electronic recording systems, and it is necessary
the ATPA concert, the court musicians of Thailand
to discriminate between ‘recorded’ manifestations of
expressed their wish not only to try out a new combina-
orality and ‘unrecorded’ or ‘live’ and direct orality. I
tion of instruments, but also to make a film of this new
would therefore like to utilize the paired concepts of
ensemble (jakeh, saw sam sai, khlui, and thon-ramana),
‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ orality proposed by Walter
which did not exist in their tradition. After we had pub-
Ong. Ong distinguished the ‘primary’ orality of ‘a cul-
lished our written and audiovisual results, we were sub-
ture totally untouched by any knowledge of writing or
jected to severe criticism by an American authority on
print’ from the ‘secondary’ orality of present-day high-
Thai music; however, we did not feel any regret for what
technology culture, in which a new orality is sustained
we had done, since this new type of ensemble had
by telephone, radio, television and other electronic
revealed a creative aspect inherent in the traditional
devices (Ong, 1982, p. 11). For convenience, I would
musicality of Thai musicians. In other words, we regard
like to summarize the characteristics of these two types
this experiment as being the successful outcome of a
of orality here: primary orality occurs only in contexts
dialogue between musicologists, on the one hand, and
where direct communication between individuals is poss-
musicians from Thai society on the other.
ible, while secondary orality can take place even where
237
individuals do not share the same space and/or time;
In Japan, as in Viet Nam, many performing arts, regard-
experiences involving primary orality are not precisely
less of their time of emergence, have been retained as
repeatable, while those involving secondary orality are;
living traditions. According to Japanese thinking, it is a
primary orality tends to include not only auditory stim-
categorical condition that a musical style, in order to be
uli but also those deriving from the other senses, while
qualified as traditional, must be maintained by a contem-
secondary orality tends to remain primarily in the audi-
porary group of style-bearers and be transmitted to the
tory realm, or may be supplemented by visual images.
next generation. In other words, traditions are always considered in terms of the contextual aggregate of their
As is implicit in the above, the concept of orality in my
past, present and future, rather than exclusively in terms
discussion has been enlarged to include not only activi-
of the past (Tokumaru, 1991).
ties including the use of the mouth and the ear, but also olfactory and sometimes even gustatory sensations.
COLLABORATION BEYOND CULTURES Regarding the transmission of music in terms of primary orality, Japan has developed a unique institutional sys-
In conclusion, I would like to propose research into
tem of appointing musicians as ‘living national treasures’.
three forms of music transmission: literacy, secondary
Instead of making recordings of their performances and
orality and primary orality.
fixing or transcribing their music, we give musicians this title together with an annuity for life of $30,000.
Concerning literacy, many documents and notations
They are then requested to transmit their music to
have been preserved in Vietnamese archives, some of
younger generations by person-to-person lessons,
them written not in the contemporary Vietnamese
namely, in terms of primary orality. This system is sup-
alphabet, but in Chinese characters. A working group
ported by the Japanese idea that musical styles should
could be organized in Japan to decipher these materials
not be written down, but should be transmitted by way
and transcribe them in English.
of the living human body. In other words, authenticity should exist in the minds and bodies of musicians,
Regarding research on secondary orality, I should like to
and/or in the minds and bodies of receptors, and not in
propose the documentation not only of the result of per-
written materials or recorded sounds.
formances, but also of their processes, including the learning-teaching processes of each instrument and
When Yamaguti organized the fourth symposium of the
vocal art.
International Musicological Society in 1990, he formulated the title ‘Tradition and its Future in Music’, and
My chief concern, however, is primary orality. The study
proposed this as the general theme of the meeting.
and documentation of literacy and secondary orality
However he met with a good deal of negative comment.
would certainly help our understanding of Vietnamese
At first I could not understand why some native speak-
musical styles. However, these should not be docu-
ers of English were against this expression, but later,
mented as ‘frozen’ objects. In order for them to remain
and especially in the course of discussions at the sym-
alive, they should be transmitted from generation to
posium, I realized that this title reflected the Japanese
generation, not by way of notation and recorded sound,
notion of tradition, which is shared by many other Asian
but through living human beings. In this connection, it
peoples.
is to be hoped that the Vietnamese people will pay the
Transmitting music: towards a re-evaluation of the human body
other activities including bodily movements and tactile,
238
closest attention to the traditions of Viet Nam and of its
L ING , J. 1991. Joint Field Research in the Cultural Dialogue:
ethnic minorities, in order that circumstances may be
Musicology and Music Society in Sweden. In: M. P.
created in which the bearers of these musical styles can
Baumann (ed.), Music in the Dialogue of Cultures:
increase in number.
Traditional Music and Cultural Policy, pp. 185-98. M ALM , K. 1991. Local, National and International Musics: A Changing Scene of Interaction. In: M. P. Baumann (ed.), Music in the Dialogue of Cultures: Traditional Music and Cultural Policy, pp. 211–41.
REFERENCES
O NG , W. 1982. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the
YOSIHIKO TOKUMARU
World. London/New York, Methuen. B AUMANN , M. P. (ed.). 1991. Music in the Dialogue of Cultures:
T OKUMARU , Y. 1991. The ATPA Project in Retrospect. In:
Traditional Music and Cultural Policy. Wilhelmshaven,
Baumann (ed.), Music in the Dialogue of Cultures:
Florian Noetzel.
Traditional Music and Cultural Policy, pp. 136–43.
——. 1992. World Music, Musics of the World: Aspects of
YAMAGUTI , O. 1995. Text, Context and Transcontextualization.
Documentation, Mass Media and Acculturation. Wilhelms-
(Paper presented at a meeting of the Hungarian
haven, Florian Noetzel.
Academy of Science, Budapest.)
239
Intangible cultural heritage: Tibeto-Burmese peoples and minority groups in Viet Nam WILLIAM LANG DESSAINT1
THE TIBETO-BURMESE
number more than 37 million, that is, about three-quarters of the total population of Myanmar; and, finally the
The Tibeto-Burmese branch of the Sino-Tibetan lan-
highland minorities of Myanmar, such as the Jingpo,
guage family comprises a very large number of different
who are often lumped together with several other groups
languages spoken throughout the Himalayan region,
under the name of Kachin, and the various Chin groups.
north-eastern India and south-eastern Bangladesh, as well as Tibet and the eastern Tibetan borderlands, much Myanmar2
Many of these Tibeto-Burmese peoples have developed a
and the
cultural heritage of the highest quality. For instance, the
mountainous northern fringes of Thailand, the Lao
Burmese have inherited a legacy of superb monuments
People’s Democratic Republic and Viet Nam.
testifying to their brilliant past; the most famous of
of south-western China, the whole of
these are the thousands of temples and pagodas, not Among the most important Tibeto-Burmese ethnolin-
inferior in any way to those at Angkor and Borobudur,
guistic groups, we must mention at least the Newari,
which may still be admired at Bagan. The intangible cul-
who settled in the valley of Kathmandu, Nepal; the
tural heritage of the Tibeto-Burmese peoples, though
Bhutanese; the Tripuri, the Mizo, the Manipuri and the
exceedingly rich, is very little known to the outside
very diverse Naga groups of north-eastern India; the
world. In particular, the oral literature of most
Tibetans, who, together with nearly related peoples such
Tibeto-Burmese ethnolinguistic groups still remains
as the Khampa and the Amdowa, number 5 million per-
totally or largely unrecorded.
sons; the Yi, the Bai, the Hani, the Lisu, the Lahu and the Naxi, most prominent among the many groups in
Let us examine briefly, as an example, the intangible cul-
south-western China and the eastern Tibetan border-
tural heritage of one Tibeto-Burmese people, the Lisu, in
lands; the Burmese, including the Arakanese who
its economic, social, political and religious context.
240
THE LISU
(Chinese Muslims), caused large numbers of Lisu to flee
WILLIAM LANG DESSAINT
from Yunnan into contiguous territory in Myanmar. The Lisu highlanders number altogether about 1 million
These areas, termed ‘unadministered tribal territories’
(574,856 in China according to the 1990 Chinese
during the British occupation of Myanmar, are now part
census; possibly as many as 400,000 in Myanmar;
of the Kachin state. Other Lisu groups migrated south-
31,463 in Thailand according to a 1995 official estimate;
wards to Dehong in western Yunnan and to Shan state in
plus a small minority in India).
eastern Myanmar.
Lisu oral traditions, corroborated by scant mentions in
In recent decades, small numbers of Lisu have wandered
Chinese historical chronicles, would place the habitat of
southwards into Thai territory and westwards into
their forebears somewhere around the upper reaches of
Indian territory. The first Lisu families to enter what was
the Yalong Jiang in the general neighbourhood of the
then called Siam (now Thailand) on a permanent basis
Bayanhar Shan (Bayen Kara mountains) in north-eastern
did so about 1920; the Lisu of Thailand still practise
Tibet (in the present Chinese province of Qinghai).
shifting cultivation mostly in areas along the Thai-
From there they would have moved down to areas
Myanmar border. From about 1947, some Lisu began to
around the confluence of the Yalong Jiang with the
settle in Arunachal Pradesh, India, where virtually all of
Jinsha Jiang (local name of the Yangzi Jiang), in
them have remained fairly close to the Indo-Myanmar
south-western Sichuan and northern Yunnan.
border.
Nowadays they occupy mostly the higher inhabited
Almost all Lisu villages are situated at altitudes varying
slopes of the Gaoligong Shan and the Nu Shan, moun-
from 1,500 to 3,500 m. In the Nu Jiang Lisu
tain ranges extending southwards from the extreme
autonomous zhou, in the Weixi Lisu autonomous xian
south-eastern corner of Tibet. Between these mountains,
and in the eastern parts of Kachin state, they tend to
the Salween (Nu Jiang in Chinese) – a huge and power-
form fairly compact populations in relatively large areas.
ful torrent rising on the Tibetan plateau and rushing
Elsewhere, they are interspersed among the settlements
down to the Andaman Sea and on to the Indian Ocean –
of many other ethnolinguistic groups.
has dug precipitous canyons which may be reckoned among the very deepest and longest in the world. In this
The Lisu are closely related, at least linguistically and
area, the Lisu remained almost entirely out of reach of
culturally, to the Nosu, traditionally the dominant group
Chinese administrators until the middle of the twentieth
among the people formerly designated by somewhat
century. The Nu Jiang Lisu autonomous xian, estab-
pejorative terms such as ‘Lolo’ and now officially termed
lished in 1954, was enlarged and raised to the status of
Yi. About 7 million Yi live in Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou
an autonomous zhou in 1957; the Weixi Lisu
and Guangxi provinces of south-western China, whereas
autonomous xian was created in 1985. Other Lisu settle-
there are only very small numbers of them in Myanmar,
ments are still scattered in what used to be the Lisu core
the Lao P.D.R. and Viet Nam along their borders with
area in south-western Sichuan and northern Yunnan.
China. Those in Viet Nam are settled in the mountainous zones located along the Sino-Vietnamese border,
In the nineteenth century, Chinese expansion in
almost entirely in the provinces of Ha Giang, Lao Cai
Yunnan, where they strived to establish administrative
and Cao Bung (A. Dessaint, 1980; W. Dessaint, 1995,
structures even in minority territories, as well as wars
1995–96).
between the Han (Chinese proper) and the Hui
241
98
99
242
100 98. The head of the family making an offering to the ancestors on New Year’s Day with his wife beside him (Lao Cai). © Mai Thanh Son.
99. Offerings are made to drive away spirits thought to cause illness (Ninh Thuan). © Vu Hông Thuât.
100. Ceremony during an initiation ritual (Bac Giang). © Lê Duy Dai.
101. A shaman conducts a ceremony (Bac Giang). © Lê Duy Dai.
101
243
102 102. Shamans call on the spirits during an initiation ceremony (Bac Giang). © Lê Duy Dai.
103. A communal altar, where offerings for the ancestors are placed (Ninh Thuan). © Vu Hông Thuât.
103
244
104
105
245
106 104. A shaman performs a rite before the coffin (Lang Son). © Nguyên Van Huy.
105. An effigy of the deceased person is burned before removing the coffin from the house (Lang Son). © Nguyên Van Huy.
106. The shaman searching for the right burial spot (Lang Son). © Nguyên Van Huy.
107. The priestess Then (Lang Son). © La Công Y.
107
246
108 108. The priestess Un celebrating a ritual for good health (Son La). © Hoang Be.
109. A bride’s dowry (Son La). © Vinh Quang.
110. An offering to call the spirits of the deceased (Nghe An). © La Công Y.
111. An altar for the spirit of the house (Nghe An). © La Công Y.
112. Swidden rice cultivation (Kon Tum). © Luu Hung.
113. Ceremony for a good harvest (Quang Ngai). © Pham Loi.
109
247
110
111
248
112
113
249
HOW THE LISU LIVE
The basic corporate group is the household, which usu-
Is it reasonable to surmise that, in the distant past, the
the frequent addition of elderly relatives or younger
ancestors of the Lisu and the Nosu were pastoralists in
unmarried relatives of either the husband or the wife.
steppe country around the upper reaches of the Yalong
The youngest married son is expected to remain, if poss-
Jiang? In any case, the Lisu are now agriculturalists and
ible, in the parental house and to take care of his parents
have been so for many generations. Bards, storytellers,
in their old age. If there is no son, a daughter may fill
shamans, silversmiths, ironsmiths, basket-makers and
this role together with her husband. There are non-
weavers are only part-time specialists; they must also till
localized exogamous patrilineal clans, normally named
their fields like anyone else. Irrigated terraced fields are
after an animal or a plant. Cross-cousin marriage is pre-
comparatively numerous in the areas where the Lisu
ferred, so that a man often marries his father’s sister’s
have been settled longest, that is in south-western
daughter or even his mother’s brother’s daughter. The
Sichuan and northern Yunnan and, to a lesser extent, in
net result is an exchange of marriage partners over a
the mountains on either side of the Salween. There are
period of two generations. Bride-price is comparatively
also a few villages practising irrigated cultivation in scat-
high, but bride service may be partially substituted for
tered locations, for instance near Myitkyina in Kachin
it. This is not to be construed in any way as bride pur-
state and near Phrao in northern Thailand. Everywhere
chase: the physical, intellectual and moral qualities of
else, shifting cultivation is still practised. There is no
the bride are virtually never taken into account. It is
regular rotation, but fields are allowed to lie fallow until
rather a compensation for the expenses incurred by the
trees begin to grow. Ricefields are generally cultivated
parents in bringing up their daughter and for the loss of
for one to three years, whereas other fields may be used
her labour in years to come. Residence after marriage is
very much longer. The staple crop is most often buck-
often uxorilocal, but it normally becomes virilocal once
wheat or rice, depending on local climatic conditions.
bride service has been completed and children have
Other crops may include wheat, millet, sorghum and
been born to the couple. Divorce may be initiated by
maize, as well as a wide variety of vegetables such as
either the husband or the wife. Widows, as well as wid-
peppers, beans, peas, gourds, squash, potatoes, cabbages
owers, frequently remarry. The position of women in the
and onions. Walnuts, apples, pears, apricots, peaches,
household and in society may be said to be quite good.
oranges and other fruit can only be grown in relatively permanent villages, generally those possessing irrigated
Traditionally each village constitutes an independent
terraced fields. Hemp, ramie, tobacco and opium pop-
political unit. A village council, composed of representa-
pies are cultivated in diverse areas. Pigs and poultry are
tives of every household in the village, elects a village
conspicuous in every village, while horses, mules, sheep
headman who generally has only limited authority and
and goats are also raised in many areas. Hunting and
is primarily a spokesman for the village. All important
gathering of honey, mushrooms, wild fruits, wild nuts
decisions must be arrived at by consensus among the
and medicinal plants are also fairly important. The Lisu
village councillors. In cases of serious disagreement over
engage in trade with caravanners and pedlars who visit
a vital issue, the village is likely to split up. The most
them, but they also occasionally frequent shops and
influential persons owe their influence essentially to
markets in the lowlands. In Myanmar and Thailand, car-
their own personality, ability and experience, but also to
avanners often insist on payment in the form of opium
the support they receive from the members of their
(A. Dessaint, 1972; W. Dessaint and A. Dessaint, 1975,
family and clan who live in the same village. They tend
1982, 1992; W. Dessaint, 1995–96).
to be mature men, but age in itself is not a qualification.
Intangible cultural heritage: Tibeto-Burmese peoples and minority groups in Viet Nam
ally coincides with a monogamous nuclear family with
250
A woman may have considerable political influence either personally or, more often, through her husband.
THE INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE LISU
No one has sufficient authority to impose a penalty which is energetically contested by the person or per-
Lisu tangible cultural heritage, exemplified by tradi-
sons penalized. If all attempts at mediation in a legal
tional architecture, musical instruments, sundry handi-
case fail, the most dissatisfied party, or the party which
crafts and often superb feminine costumes and jewellery,
has the least efficient backing within the village, will
is fragile because these cultural forms are based on
most likely move away (A. Dessaint, 1971; W. Dessaint
highly perishable materials such as wood, bamboo,
and A. Dessaint, 1982).
rattan, hemp and cotton (the fine silver jewellery is a
WILLIAM LANG DESSAINT
notable exception). Lisu intangible cultural heritage The Lisu’s major aims in life are to live in harmony with
includes music, dance and other cultural forms, but it is
their natural environment and with the supernatural
best represented by their oral literature. This is a verbal
world as well as with other human beings. They greatly
art: a text has to be interpreted by a verbal artist who
respect their natural environment. On appropriate oc-
makes it come alive and who transmits it to others in
casions, they propitiate one or other of the myriad nature
order to perpetuate it. Therefore the role of the artist –
spirits, for instance the spirits of thunder and lightning,
bard or storyteller – is crucial. He endeavours to create
those of specific mountains or streams, rocks or trees,
an imaginary world for the benefit of his audience.
plants or animals, as well as their village spirit. The Lisu
However, the outlines of this imaginary world depend
believe in reincarnation, ideally within the same family,
upon who sings the poem or tells the story. The same
and they honour their ancestors, primarily their defunct
poem sung by different bards or the same story told by
parents and grandparents.
different storytellers may have a completely different flavour. The effect of a text on the audience may vary
Shamans must be males who are sound in body and
greatly according to the personality of the performer.
mind, for their role is a crucial one in this society. They
Even the same person may sing a poem or tell a story in
must be initiated by experienced shamans of their own
quite different ways on separate occasions.
clan. Their services are requested whenever a person is ill or threatened in some way or other. The shaman goes
Poetical texts are more stable than prose texts, because
into a trance in order to contact the spirits whose help is
they must conform to definite rules concerning rhythm
indispensable in retrieving the person’s one or more lost
and rhyme. Yet even in poetry there are many oppor-
tchoha (‘soul’ would be a most unsatisfactory translation
tunities for the bard to substitute one word for another,
of this term). The shaman is also called upon to contact
for instance the name of a person or place for the name
the spirits who will assist the ha (what is left of the
of another person or place. On the other hand, many
tchoha after the last breath) of a person who has just
key words call for other words which may be comple-
died on their way to the Land of the Dead. Shamans do
mentary, synonymous or antonymous.
not normally derive very substantial material benefits nor much political influence from the services they
Myths and tales may be transformed in many ways by a
render to other members of the community.
storyteller. He may include or exclude optional episodes; he may adapt the text to his audience. However, this must not be done just anyhow. All competent storytellers will respect certain mandatory rules, follow basic traditional lines.
251
Festivals are generally the most appropriate occasions
are also felt to be neither past, present nor future. They
for singing poems and telling stories. However, any
take place in mythical space which ignores boundaries
evening, once the day’s work is over, is also a fine time
between the earth, the sky and the netherworld,
for Lisu highlanders to indulge in their favourite form of
between the world of human beings and the world of
entertainment. Some songs are even meant to be sung
spirits. Full of paradoxes, yet internally coherent, myths
preferably while performing fastidious tasks such as
explain the unexplainable. Myths validate rites; rites
weeding a swidden (see Note 7, p. 102).
dramatize myths. Myths guarantee the authenticity of
Men and women, adults and children, all participate in
traditional cultural values. They back up the norms of
the various activities based on oral literature in a truly
social behaviour. Perhaps they also create useful ghosts,
democratic spirit and deeply convivial surroundings.
as Andrew Lang maintained.
The reactions of the audience are an integral part of any performance. Listeners openly indicate their appreci-
The repertoire of a storyteller – in some cases, a very
ation of the performer. Bards and storytellers receive no
extensive one indeed – includes legends referring to
remuneration, but much prestige accrues from their
actual places such as striking features of a familiar land-
talent. The interaction between performer and listeners
scape or to exceptional persons who have really existed,
reinforces group cohesion in a context which combines
as well as animal tales that are no less ingenious than
didactic elements with entertainment value.
the fables of classical literature, marvellous tales teeming with dragon kings and beautiful damsels, fantastic
Lyric poetry and love songs are usually in the form of
tales haunted by ghosts and weretigers, and facetious
antiphonal singing by two persons who belong to differ-
tales galore. To this last category belong not only
ent clans and who are potential marriage partners. Such
numerous numbskull tales, but also a multitude of
love courts may be held almost anywhere, but they
trickster tales whose hero, Khwadjasap’a, endowed with
cannot take place in the girl’s house except when her
an overflowing imagination and an extraordinary
parents host a feast during the Lisu New Year cel-
audacity, breaks every social tabu. He is not unlike
ebrations. Favourite locales for love courts are around
Nasreddin, the famous Turkish trickster, whose prodi-
the foot-powered mill, situated outside her parents’
gious feats are common knowledge from Morocco to
house, in which she pounds the grain, or the romantic
Mongolia, and from Yugoslavia to Yemen. Such stories
spot where she comes to fetch water in bamboo inter-
tend to relieve social tensions by functioning as safety
nodes. Antiphonal singing provides ample opportunity
valves. Furthermore, far from being confined to fa-
for adaptation and improvisation within a compulsory
cetious tales, humour pervades much of Lisu oral
poetic frame.
literature.
Myths serve as supports for beliefs which, in many
Since 1962 the author of the present chapter has col-
ways, constitute the cornerstones of the social structure.
lected, transcribed and translated a large corpus in
How much truth is there in Anatole France’s assertion
which all the different genres recognized in the
that nations exist only because of their myths? What-
autochthonous classification system are represented:
ever the answer, there is no doubt that myths are central
mamyu – myths, legends, tales, fables;
to the inner life of the Lisu. They are narrated, listened
yili-yiku – legal code and customary law;
to and assimilated. They are set in mythical times
mogwa – poems of the Greater Path and the Lesser
which, albeit frequently associated with the ancestors,
Path;
Intangible cultural heritage: Tibeto-Burmese peoples and minority groups in Viet Nam
customs. They tend to support the established order and
252
tchoza-yi-t’ishu or tchomyu – biographical and
three or four decades ago, they are now generally more
autobiographical texts;
exposed than elsewhere. Within the past three decades,
a major road construction programme has been carried
anyi-tchomo-bae and anyi-tchomo-baek’i – proverbs
and sayings;
out in the border areas of northern Thailand. Some
tchamê-tcha-tcha – riddles;
roads and trails now reach even remote highland vil-
yi-ngo-k’u-ga-nyâ – children’s songs and ditties;
lages, while other previously remote highland villages
na-tchi or nae-tchi – magic recipes and natural
have been relocated close to such roads and trails. At the
remedies;
same time, now that air travel has become easier, faster
and much less costly than it used to be, large numbers
ni-ti and ni-gwa – ritual prayers and shamanic
chants.
of foreign tourists can benefit from the great disparities
WILLIAM LANG DESSAINT
in exchange rates when visiting countries whose curIn this work, the collaboration of Ngwap’a Avoumeko, a
rency is thus disadvantaged. This combination of factors
chief of great talent, famed far and wide as a bard and
makes it possible for tour operators to bring to some
storyteller, and of Yakya Alenakyama, his equally tal-
highland villages groups of foreign tourists with a much
ented wife, has been extremely precious. Their youngest
greater purchasing power than the local highlanders and
daughter, Avounado Ngwama, has collaborated closely
often with no respect whatsoever for their cultural her-
in every phase of this work since 1977. It would be very
itage. Predictably this has a disastrous demoralizing
difficult indeed to record, catalogue and analyse oral lit-
effect on the highlanders visited. Furthermore, certain
erature without the active help of autochthones specially
American Protestant missionaries forbid the Lisu – and
trained for this purpose and convinced of the impor-
other highlanders – under their influence in northern
tance and urgency of the task. It is normally much easier
Thailand to perform their own music, dances and songs,
for such persons than for outsiders to gain the trust of
and to celebrate their traditional festivals. Some of them
potential informants, many of whom are elderly people
condemn all these as ‘emanations of the devil’. They also
whose knowledge will disappear with them if not
send emissaries – autochthonous converts – to propa-
recorded in time. Furthermore, it is a matter of the ut-
gate such ideas among their ethnic relatives in Myanmar
most importance to integrate fully the insider’s and the
and China. Other factors for change tend to be damag-
outsider’s views of the culture and society concerned
ing to the intangible cultural heritage of the Lisu in
(W. Dessaint and A. Ngwâma, 1981; W. Dessaint, 1986;
northern Thailand, including the side-effects of develop-
A. Dessaint, 1988; Dessaint and Ngwâma, 1994).
ment projects, the introduction of consumer goods and exposure to the mass media.
Lisu oral literature has survived mainly because of the unusual remoteness of most Lisu settlements in exceptionally rugged mountainous areas lacking modern transport and communication facilities with the outside world. In recent years, however, Lisu oral literature has
THE INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF MINORITY GROUPS IN VIET NAM
shown signs of decline wherever external influence, brought by government officials, foreign travellers or
The Vietnamese authorities have already made laudable
Christian missionaries, has been relatively strong.
efforts to safeguard and promote the cultural heritage of minority groups in the fields of language (scripts, dic-
This is especially the case in northern Thailand where,
tionaries, grammars) and culture (specialists have col-
although the Lisu were quite unaffected by modernity
lected samples of oral literature, songs, music and
253
dance, some of which have been performed in public).
of the intangible cultural heritage of each minority
They have done much to preserve and restore ancient
group and to promote research beginning with the col-
monuments which are representative of autochthonous
lection of all surviving traditional and popular cultural
traditional architecture. At the same time, they have
forms, more particularly those that are transmitted
endeavoured to facilitate and encourage cultural
orally because they are the ones most likely to disappear
exchange among various minority groups as well as
soon. Indeed the oft-quoted saying by Amadou Hampâté
between these and the Kinh. It is hoped that they will
Bâ, that the death of an old man (in societies with an
not only persevere in this direction, but also multiply
oral tradition) is the equivalent of the burning down of
their efforts, for the cultural heritage of the minority
a library, fully applies here.
the first time in history, increasingly threatened with
Of course, it is a sine qua non that all personnel con-
annihilation. Among several factors that endanger the
cerned be trained systematically by competent instruc-
intangible cultural heritage of both the minority groups
tors.
and the Kinh, the greatest is undoubtedly an important
cultural activities has to be improved. The safeguarding
sector of the mass media reaching Viet Nam. Heavily
and preservation of both the natural environment and
financed, it has access to the most advanced technology.
the cultural heritage should also be properly linked.
Co-ordination
between
socio-economic
and
Consequently it is extremely powerful and efficient. It regularly provides superficial entertainment of distress-
Oral literature, songs, music, dance and all other tradi-
ing mediocrity, appalling vulgarity and alarming aggress-
tional and popular cultural forms should not only be
iveness. In this context, television – more precisely,
collected, catalogued and analysed: they should also be
television channels which broadcast such programmes –
made known to a wide audience through newspapers,
may truly be said to be a bulldozer engaged in the level-
magazines, journals, books, radio and television (espe-
ling down of leisure activities. The final outcome can
cially the latter). It is most important to stimulate cre-
only be, for many people, the loss of normal reasoning
ative activity along traditional lines. The organization of
capacity. It is a matter of the greatest urgency to stay this
festivals could contribute significantly toward this aim,
course of events before it is too late.
provided that these festivals respect the spirit of traditional artistic creativity and do not become commercial-
Everything should be done among members of minority
ized events attended by foreign tourists alone.
groups and of the majority to foster awareness of the irreplaceable value of their cultural heritage and the
Traditional and popular cultural forms should not be
vital need for its preservation and transmission. They
mummified. It is evident that, far from being static, cul-
must cast off any sense of inferiority vis-à-vis imported
tures are alive and in a constant state of flux through a
cultural forms. It is an undeniable fact that the minority
continuous process of change. But this should by no
groups of Viet Nam, just like the Kinh, have inherited
means lead to an influx of massive borrowings from for-
admirable cultures of which they may justly be proud.
eign cultures, thereby drowning autochthonous cul-
In addition to the permanent education campaign to be
tures. It is imperative to create favourable conditions for
conducted in schools and through the media, a variety
an authentic cultural revival among minority groups.
of other means of information, for instance posters and
This can only come from the inside. Only the members
stamps, should be used to stress this fact.
of the minority groups themselves can revitalize and redynamize the rich traditions that make up their cul-
A necessary preliminary step is to draw up an inventory
tural heritage. Only they can renew their own culture by
Intangible cultural heritage: Tibeto-Burmese peoples and minority groups in Viet Nam
groups – and even that of the Kinh themselves – is, for
254
creating new works within the traditional framework
graphy. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press.
along autochthonous lines. Those who have the skills to
——. 1988. Lisu World View. Contributions to Southeast Asian
keep their cultural heritage alive, developing and renew-
Ethnography, Vol. 7, pp. 27–49. Reprinted (1992) in: A.
ing it without distortion through massive foreign bor-
R. Walker (ed.), The Highland Heritage: Collected Essays
rowings, should be helped and encouraged. Thus
on Upland North Thailand, pp. 315–37. Singapore,
revitalized and redynamized, the cultural heritage of
Suvarnabhumi Books.
minority groups, including the Kinh, will then be transmitted to future generations to perpetuate it.
D ESSAINT , W. 1986. Pérégrinations à travers la littérature orale lissou (domaine tibéto–birman). In: S. Viern, Itinéraires imaginaires, pp. 13–52. Grenoble, Éditions Littéraires et Linguistiques des Universités de Grenoble. ——. 1995. Les Lolo, les Phula et autres Tibéto-birmans. In:
NOTES
C. Hemmet (ed.), Montagnards des pays d’Indochine. Dans les collections du Musée de l’Homme, pp. 38–44.
WILLIAM LANG DESSAINT
1.
The author wishes to express his gratitude to the per-
sons and institutions who made possible his years of field
Boulogne-Billancourt/Paris, Éditions Sépia/Musée de l’Homme.
research in Asia, more particularly to Professor Christoph von
——. 1995–96. The Lisu, Highlanders of the Salween. Bulletin
Fürer-Haimendorf and the School of Oriental and African
of the International Committee on Urgent Anthropological
Studies, London, and Professor Sir Raymond Firth and the
and Ethnological Research, Nos. 37–8, pp. 12–27.
London School of Economics and Political Science. Thanks are
DESSAINT, W.; DESSAINT A. 1975. Strategies in Opium Pro-
also due to Professor Alain Dessaint and Avounado Ngwâma
duction. Ethnos, Vol. 40, Nos. 1–4, pp. 153–68. (Special
for their helpful comments on this essay. The transliteration of
volume of papers in honour of Karl Gustav Izikowitz.)
Lisu words follows the system we have elaborated ourselves,
——. 1982. Economic Systems and Ethnic Relations in
except that we have replaced ou by u and that some dia-
Northern Thailand. Contributions to Southeast Asian
critical marks have been omitted for technical reasons (see
Ethnography, Vol. 1, pp. 72–85. Reprinted (1992)
W. Dessaint and A. Ngwâma, 1994, pp. 15–17).
with minor corrections and updating in: A. R. Walker
2.
Myanmar has been the name of the country for many
(ed.), The Highland Heritage: Collected Essays on Upland
centuries. It was called Burma by the British when they occu-
North Thailand, pp. 95–110. Singapore, Suvarnabhumi
pied it from 1885 to 1948 (some of the southern provinces
Books.
having been occupied a few decades earlier; see W. Dessaint and A. Ngwâma, 1994, pp. 16–17).
——. 1992. Opium and Labour: Social Structure and Economic Change in the Lisu Highlands. Peasant Studies, Vol. 19, Nos. 3–4, pp. 147–77. D ESSAINT , W.; N GWÂMA , A. 1981. La petite orpheline sur la
REFERENCES
lune, conte lissou. In: Orients. Pour Georges Condominas, pp. 221–35. Paris/Toulouse, Éditions Privat/Sudestasie.
D ESSAINT , A. 1971. Lisu Migration in the Thai Highlands. Ethnology, Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 329–48. ——. 1972. The Poppies are Beautiful this Year. Natural History, Vol. 81, No. 2, pp. 30–7, 92–6. ——. 1980. Minorities in Southwest China: An Introduction to the Yi (Lolo) and Related Peoples and an Annotated Biblio-
——. 1994. Au sud des nuages. Mythes et contes recueillis oralement chez les montagnards lissou (tibéto-birmans). Paris, Gallimard. (‘L’Aube des Peuples’.) I ZIKOWITZ , K. G. 1951. Lamet: Hill Peasants in French IndoChina. Göteborg, Etnografiska Museet. (Etnologiska Studier, 17.)
255
Preserving and revitalizing Asian music JOSÉ MACEDA
INTRODUCTION
Manuel, Harold Conklin, Charles and Nicole RevelMacdonald and Alain Martenot. The tapes have been
Over some forty years of research experience in the
placed in a small closet which is a part of a larger room
Philippines, South-East Asia, Africa, Brazil and China,
that is not consistently air-conditioned. The process of
beginning in 1952, I built up the ethnomusicology
making duplicate tapes was discontinued in 1990 due to
archives at the University of the Philippines with a col-
cuts in funding. However, the originals appear to be in
lection of some 2,500 hours of tapes. These comprise
fairly good condition, except for a few recorded in the
mostly Philippine ‘indigenous’ music from fifty-one
1950s which are becoming brittle. A more advanced idea
Philippine language groups, in addition to those acquired
for the preservation of recordings is to dub them on to
in the places mentioned above. Most were recorded
compact discs, since these will not deteriorate.
during my own field studies or those done under my direction. In the 1970s, for a period of four years, I
Together with the tapes are field notes written in note-
employed young students in an ethnomusicological
books and giving summary information on the ethno-
survey of the Philippines to record music in several areas
musicological data yielded by the field studies. Some
in Mindanao, Palawan, Mindora and northern Luzon
reports are detailed, others being more general. Still,
inhabited by peoples with no Western musical influence
these tapes and notes provide basic data for further,
and who form some 10 per cent of the Philippine popu-
more in-depth studies. The field notes are also accom-
lation. However, I did not neglect key areas where people
panied by transcriptions and translations of songs,
with a basically Spanish-derived musical influence live, in
partly done in the field and partly in the laboratory.
other words the Ilokos, Bikol, Tagalog, Waray, Sebuano
Musical transcription is important, but it is delicate
and Ilonggo provinces. Other tapes are copies of field-
work that can best be done by an accomplished musi-
work material I collected with scholars such as Arsenio
cian working on a particular project.
256
I also accumulated many musical instruments, so that
Britannica, the Journal of the Society for Ethnomusicology,
all types of Philippine instruments from the ‘indigenous’
Acta Musicologica, and the Harvard Dictionary of Music.
groups are represented in this collection. For example, I
Some videotapes, as well as 8 mm and 16 mm films,
acquired hundreds of Philippine bamboo instruments,
were made of the musical ensembles of the Magindanao,
which I used in my musical compositions, but some of
Tausug, Kalingga, Inseg and Bontok peoples.
which have been destroyed by insects living in the very bamboo from which the instruments were made. A
Since my retirement in 1990, I have been spending more
process of immersing them in a chemical solution to kill
time studying other musics in Asia. I have acquired
the bugs was successful, for a time, although it was later
books in Chinese, Thai, Indonesian, Vietnamese, Korean
discontinued. I also brought back instruments from my
and Japanese. The idea is to collect a large set of back-
travels in Africa, Brazil and East-Asian countries. The
ground readings on the different facets of music and
Javanese gamelan and the Thai ensemble were acquired
on studies related to music. Some of these books and
with the help of the University of the Philippines.
articles could one day be translated into English, making these readings accessible to a wider public.
JOSÉ MACEDA
The archives have a collection of books including my own and those acquired through funds made available
I initiated performance groups that have become a part
by the Ford Foundation between 1986 and 1989. These
of the curriculum at the university’s College of Music.
deal with anthropology, linguistics, history, Chinese
These groups play kalingga gongs and bamboo instru-
studies and many other subjects, including books in
ments, and are part of the Kulintang Gong Ensemble
Asian languages, and altogether amount to some 2,000
and the Chinese Nan-guan Ensemble. The gamelan is
books. There is also a collection of journals. On my
also a part of the college ensemble; however, though it
travels to China and other parts of the world, I continue
was taught from the late 1970s onwards, it was discon-
to expand the collection using my own funds.
tinued in 1990 and replaced by the Japanese koto.
The collection and conservation of tapes and instru-
Besides organizing these performance groups, I began
ments and the building-up of a library are of course
giving theory courses in the 1960s on Philippine and
important: even more useful is the study of the contents
Asian music that brought to young minds a concept of
of these tapes and the publication of journals and
music very different from that of Mozart and Chopin to
records. A periodical called Musika-jornal was started in
which they were accustomed. Some complained about
the 1970s in Tagalog or Pilipino for schoolteachers
having to learn the names of the language groups of the
throughout the Philippines as a guide to teaching.
peoples of South-East Asia – for instance in Java,
However, it has been discontinued due to a lack of
Mindanao, Viet Nam and Thailand – yet later on stu-
funds. Under my direction, long-playing records were
dents realized that these peoples are from a part of a
issued of Magindanao, Kulintang and Kalingga music
musical world whose songs and music are based on lin-
and, with the help of other scholars (Nicole Revel,
guistic structures different from those used in Western
Harold Conklin and Alain Martenot), recordings of
classical music.
Palawan, Hanunoo and Sama music were published. In the 1970s, UNESCO helped in the publication of a long-
Several graduates of the College of Music who now
playing record of the music of Kalimantan Indonesia.
teach in secondary schools are imparting a new knowl-
Several articles have appeared in international publica-
edge of Philippine and Asian music by demonstrating in
tions, including The New Grove, the Encyclopaedia
class how the nose flute or bamboo buzzer is played, or
257
by singing ‘indigenous’ songs whose style and rendition
for example, I visited minority groups south of
differ fundamentally from ‘pop’ styles. The effect of this
Kunming. No flat gongs are played there, but there are
educational process may be seen in popular music.
small bossed gongs similar to those found in Myanmar.
Some gifted musicians employ ‘native’ musical instru-
These are not the same as the larger bossed gongs of
ments, for example, in solo or group singing, or in com-
Viet Nam.
bination with Western instruments or as percussion in solo songs. Joey Ayala of Mindanao has become famous
In Yunnan, in fact, a similar interest can be noted in the
as a performer of this musical genre. Edru Abraham at
preservation and study of the culture of minority
the University of the Philippines uses jaw harps together
groups. There is a total population of 10 million,
with percussion instruments in singing popular Tagalog
belonging to twenty-five different ‘nationalities’. The
and other ‘native’ songs.
Institute of Arts, Institute of Nationalities, Academy of
In addition, in the realm of serious composition, young
Yunnan University are all involved in the study of these
composers are now using gongs and bamboo instru-
minority cultures. The newest of these study centres, a
ments played by many performers and employing tech-
private organization called the ‘Mentorship Program’,
niques of repetition and distribution of sound in space.
recruits the best musicians and dancers from the villages
Other composers at the University of the Philippines,
in order to train young people in their music and dance.
who have received their musical training abroad, are
This organization has a centre not far from Kunming
continuing this search for new forms of musical ex-
and intends eventually to set up centres involving all
pression.
Yunnan’s ‘nationalities’. The music, dance and costumes of this region may be related more to northern than to central Viet Nam, partaking in the same cultural area as do the minority groups in Thailand, the Lao People’s
THE MUSIC OF MINORITY GROUPS IN VIET NAM
Democratic Republic and Myanmar. The United States– China Arts Exchange Program at Columbia University in New York has a joint plan with several institutions in
The musical culture of each minority group in central
Kunming for projects affecting Yunnan nationalities
and northern Viet Nam deserves to be studied sep-
with support from the Ford Foundation.
arately. The flat-gong ensembles of the Rhade, Ede, Sedang and other groups, for example, have different
Although the ‘safeguarding’ and ‘promotion’ of the cul-
styles of gong playing, some of which are related to
tures of minority groups in insular and mainland Asia
those found in the Philippines. Gong ensembles are
involves separate projects for each country, it is impor-
always present at rice-harvest rituals in both Viet Nam
tant to bear in mind the relationship that these musical
and the Philippines, while flat and bossed gongs in cen-
cultures have with each other. To that end, a journal,
tral Viet Nam are played together. In the music of one
most probably in English, should be launched present-
ethnic-minority group, flat gongs take the ‘melodic’ part,
ing reports of ongoing research and activities in each
while bossed gongs supply a ‘drone’ or repeating section.
region of East and South-East Asia.
Flat gongs in Viet Nam are probably older than bossed gongs, which appear to have been introduced later. They are unkown to some groups in central Viet Nam and southern China. On my recent trip to Yunnan, China,
Preserving and revitalizing Asian music
Sciences, Provincial Museum and a research section of
258
SOME PRACTICAL PROPOSALS
in those of Asia in general. Such teaching could include music history, musical forms, musical elements, court
Though projects for the safeguarding and promotion of
music and the folk music of Asia at various levels of
the intangible cultural heritage may be separate for each
schooling. This idea has found a corollary interest in the
country involved, experiences in China, Indonesia, the
United States, where ethnomusicologists in the journal
Philippines, Taiwan and Thailand none the less have
Ethnomusicology: Newsletter recently spoke of ‘popular
features that may be useful for Viet Nam. In Kunming
music’ as being a ‘world commodity’, and of putting
and Yunnan, for instance, several institutes are devoted
‘public ethnomusicology’ at the service of people. Others
to the study and preservation of minority cultures, pub-
have argued for a ‘revision of academic approaches to the
lishing books and journals about them. The Institute of
study of popular music, not just for the serious study of
Nationalities in particular caters to the education of the
popular music, but for making popular music the focal
minorities and has a special programme in the arts. In
point of musical education’. If popular music can be a
Chiengmai, Thailand, a government institute is devoted
focus for the study of music in the United States, Asian
entirely to the study and preservation of minority cul-
folk and traditional music may likewise be a focal point
tures. In Medan, Sumatra, and Den Pasar, Bali, special
for study in Asia, along with Western music.
JOSÉ MACEDA
schools teach traditional music. In the Philippines an organization called the National Music Competition for
Interest in the traditional songs and music of Viet Nam’s
Young Artists Foundation holds annual concerts and
minorities could further be promoted by regular radio
seminars featuring young musicians who are experts in
and television programmes. However, a younger gener-
both traditional and Western music, thus making avail-
ation of listeners prefer Western popular songs, some of
able the experience and comparison of both types of
which copy the melodies, rhythms or colours of tradi-
music. The experience gained in this way could be of
tional music. In this process of adaptation, the essence
benefit to Viet Nam through exchange programmes.
of the original folk-song is lost, although Asia has produced reputable musicians and singers who use this
Tourism is a way of showing the colourful facets of
style of music-making.
native cultures without necessarily changing their essence. This has been done in Bali and, more recently,
Classical Western music is a great force throughout the
in Yogyakarta and Surakarta, where classic rituals, dance
world, yet Asian composers have been far too influenced
and gong music have attracted worldwide attention. Viet
by it, in much the same way as the Roman Empire dom-
Nam’s minority cultures have an equally rich variety of
inated subaltern civilizations, or Han culture dominated
gong and bamboo music that is probably older than the
the way of life of ethnic groups living on Han territory.
Indonesian gong ensembles which feature group dances
Asian composers should therefore return to the histori-
of men and women in gorgeous costumes, and so con-
cal and philosophical basis of music in Asia, including
stitute a spectacle for the tourist industry. If well
its relationship to the divine, ritual functions, sharing of
planned, such spectacles could provide a source of
parts between musicians, use of traditional instruments,
income with which to support projects aiming at pre-
concept of infinity, different classification of things, and
serving native traditions.
use of numbers in musical composition. In this manner, Asian music could be renewed by becoming firmly
Education plays a major role in the field of music; per-
rerooted in its culture, while using Western influence
haps the time has now come to teach Asian music hand
as part of its evolution rather than as an end to be
in hand with Western music in Viet Nam’s schools, and
pursued.
259
The study of ethno-forms in Asia and Viet Nam KAZUSHIGE KANEKO
A NEW CHALLENGE TO ASIA
Lying on the eastern edge of the Asian continent, Japan is well situated geographically to absorb the cultures of
The dismantling of the Soviet bloc and the end of the
the rest of the region. Indeed, Japan’s traditional culture
Cold War has rendered obsolete the global paradigm in
is the product of millennia of interaction with its neigh-
which national strength was expressed in terms of mili-
bours. Various cultural items were brought to Japan’s
tary prowess. Similarly, we have been compelled to ques-
shores by seafaring peoples from Siberia and China to
tion our entrenched belief that global power is com-
the north, from the Korean peninsula to the west, and
mensurate with economic power. Today we can survey
from the South Pacific and South-East Asia to the south.
the extent to which our fixation with economic devel-
Japan was also heavily influenced by the lifestyles and
opment (accompanied by warfare and modernization)
beliefs of various ethnic groups. The foundations of
has resulted in environmental destruction and the disap-
Japan’s own culture were laid through moulding and
pearance of many valuable cultural traditions.
remoulding these imported lifestyles and beliefs to fit its own climate and setting. Japanese culture should cer-
Culture forms the basis for all human activity. It rep-
tainly thus be considered as a part of the culture of the
resents a mode of life. As such, it is meaningless to
greater Asian region. The recent influx of ‘boat people’
devise hierarchies of culture. No ethnic group, geograph-
from Viet Nam and South China into Japan is but an
ical region or national culture exists in isolation. History
extension of this historical process of international
has shown that culture develops from an interchange on
interchange.
the personal, material, technical and philosophical levels over long periods of time and across vast geographical
Japan has unwaveringly pursued Westernization and
areas. Culture is, by its very nature, a commonly shared
modernization since the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Life
asset whose value extends beyond national borders.
in Japan has become extremely convenient and comfort-
260
able thanks to technological advances and rapid eco-
THE CONCEPT OF ETHNO-FORMS
nomic development. But these comforts have come at the expense of the destruction of the natural environ-
Over the past 30 years, I have conducted some 200 sur-
ment and the disappearance of the beautiful language
veys on cultural preservation throughout Asia. These
and traditional cultural heritage created over the cen-
surveys have focused on ‘ethno-forms’ that have long
turies by our forebears. Economic activity and tradi-
played a vital role in the daily lives of various minority
tional culture are said to be analogous to the front and
groups. From ancient times, humankind has made an
rear wheels of a car: humankind bears the responsibility
effort to secure a stable supply of food from the fields,
for maintaining the health of society by co-ordinating
mountains, rivers and seas (grains, fruit and vegetables,
the respective speeds of front and rear. New creations
fish, fowl and meat) and has also used natural materials
spring forth by a constant dipping into the well of
to craft various types of objects. These objects have
knowledge. Our forefathers valued this practice highly,
played an important role in making life more peaceful
which they termed ‘learning from the past’.
and comfortable. Indeed, life could not go on without
KAZUSHIGE KANEKO
them. In many cases, however, the shapes of certain In recent decades, the world has focused its attention on
objects and the materials from which they are made
the latent energy of the Asian countries, which are
have been modified; entirely new implements have also
expected to become world leaders in the twenty-first
been developed, as people have attempted to improve
century. It is widely acknowledged that Viet Nam will
the utility of older ones through a process of trial and
play an important part in this leadership role. Asia as a
error. It is easy to imagine how these implements grew
whole appears to be following an identical path to that
and expanded in parallel with people’s efforts to adapt to
of Japan, that is, thrusting its valuable traditional culture
climatic change, to the introduction of new ceremonies
into the background. It will be extremely important to
or annual events and to the influence of other ethnic
take aggressive steps to halt this trend. Viet Nam still
groups or social upheavals.
retains ethno-arts such as the kuan ho folk-songs of the Bacninh region, the hat cheo folk drama, the hat tuong
Craftsworkers use their discretion when deciding what
court drama, as well as ceramics, lacquerware, works in
to make, the types of materials to use and how to
mother-of-pearl, prints and sculpture.
process them. A working familiarity with one’s natural surroundings and the materials at hand is required to
The protection and promotion of the ‘intangible cultural
make the right decisions on these matters. Not only is
heritage’, or what I have termed ‘ethno-forms’, is an
there a huge selection of plants, animals and minerals to
urgent international challenge. Many of the items I col-
choose from, but the respective properties and charac-
lected thirty years ago have been replaced by new prod-
teristics of each of these materials must be taken into
ucts that have grown out of rapid social change. The
consideration. Only those individuals who are aware of
disappearance of traditional culture has also been
these differences and who can take advantage of the dif-
hastened by the younger generation’s tendency to see
ferences that these materials exhibit at different times of
working by hand and manual labour as outdated and
the year can be said to be truly skilled craftsworkers.
lowly, and this has served to thin the ranks of those
Exhibiting such high levels of skill is a matter of pride
ready to carry on these traditions. It will be impossible
for such masters. This pride is responsible for the cre-
to revive these techniques once they are lost. Conse-
ation of faultless and flawless objects that have added
quently, we must devise some type of action-plan to halt
new dimensions to daily life. At the same time, however,
their disappearance.
the discerning eye of the consumer, who has ultimate
261
say over the relative utility of these objects, is an equally
narrowly defined meanings with the passage of time and
important factor in their creation. These objects reveal
changing social mores. This has led to a trend to belittle
the ways in which a people has striven to adapt to
Asian and other ethno-forms as barbarian and back-
nature, to preserve the environment and to recycle
ward. But this way of thinking, which fails to take into
resources.
account the diversity of lifestyles of peoples throughout the world, runs counter to Japan’s desire to cultivate an
Lines drawn on such utensils can be wide or narrow,
international sensibility.
vary in accordance with design; colours are determined
The works of individual artists, which can be said to
by emotive factors; and the designs reflect aspects of the
express ‘egocentrism’ or a concept of ‘self’, are meaning-
universe or of nature. The lines, shapes, colours and
ful in that they serve as benchmarks for the times. But
designs of the finished products reflect the individual
they are clearly in a different realm from that of objects
idiosyncrasies and regional variations of each ethnic
made and used as an integral part of daily life in a given
group. In other words, each of these objects aptly
locality. This being the case, I felt a strong need to create
reflects the ethnicity, regional features and historical
a new word to designate objects that form the underpin-
time-frame in which their creators exist or existed.
nings of the daily lives of various ethnic groups. The number of such artefacts which are intimately con-
Thus far, studies of objects used in daily life have failed
nected with daily life far outnumbers works created by
to give sufficient consideration to this point. But I have
eminent individuals. Therefore I coined such a word by
laid great stress on the importance of these three factors.
adding the prefix ‘ethno’ to the common noun ‘forms’
Of the three, ethnicity is the most prominent: this
(as in formed or plastic art). This word encourages arte-
indigenous spirit, if it may so be called, is the innermost
facts created by all ethnic groups, and not just by
essence behind the diversity of ethno-forms.
national states, to be viewed on equal terms.
By convention, objects are broadly defined either in
Heretofore, the plastic arts have been classified primar-
terms of the particular art form, such as painting and
ily in terms of their materials or in terms of the tech-
sculpture, or in terms of the handicrafts used in daily
niques employed in them, i.e. earthenware, dyeing and
life. The notions of ‘art’ and ‘crafts’ are European in
weaving, stone, paper and metal. This orientation is
origin in fact, and they only gained currency in Japan
perhaps only natural given the emphasis that has until
and other Asian countries in the late nineteenth century.
now been placed on the artist. But since artefacts also
The Latin term ars, meaning to fashion with one’s
play an important utilitarian role in our lives, classifica-
hands, in Europe gradually came to incorporate the con-
tions based on such considerations of utility are also
cept of advanced technique and technical skill.
needed. I am not content with the conventional classi-
Thereafter, the definition of art was narrowed to the
fication of such works as merely ‘crafts’. Rather, I have
realm of paintings and sculptures by prominent individ-
attempted to cultivate a new ethnographical field of
uals, and any works that did not meet such specifi-
study that focuses on such facets of daily life as paint-
cations were considered inferior and were placed on a
ing and sculpture, music and the performing arts, the
lower level.
texts and implements used in religious ceremonies and divination, books and maps, stationery, children’s toys
While the original meaning of art was therefore much
and dolls and the implements used in the production
broader, history has shown that words often take on
process.
The study of ethno-forms In Asia and Viet Nam
dark or light, long or short, curved or straight; shapes
262
Accordingly, I have developed a categorization system
for its extended families. The roofs of the Minangkabau
which distinguishes between objects related to clothing,
dwellings symbolize cow horns jutting upwards into the
food, dwellings, prayers, learning, the performing arts,
sky; those of the Batak tribe are thatched with palm
play and leisure and the production process. In order to
leaves and decorated with large wooden sculptures of
illustrate the intricate links between the natural en-
lions on the crossbeams to ward off evil. The roofs of the
vironment, the type of society that has evolved, and the
Toraja tribe of Sulawesi’s dwellings are reminiscent of
ethno-forms produced and used in that society, I shall
Japanese clay haniwa models of houses and are shaped
briefly discuss some aspects of dwellings (including
like a saddle. The beautiful curved lines of these roofs
houses, tents, and granaries) in various parts of Asia.
are formed of multiple layers of bamboo and are said to
Starting with Japan, the predominance of wooden
express the people’s desire for bountiful harvests and for
dwellings there is closely tied to the humid climate in
protection from evil spirits.
KAZUSHIGE KANEKO
which vegetation thrives. Wood is also widely used as a mould for such objects as furniture and eating utensils.
In Indonesia, bamboo (this word is Indonesian in
The skilled craftsworkers who made these objects also
origin) is plentiful, and bamboo houses are found in
fashioned iron tools such as adzes, planes, chisels and
abundance. These dwellings are well suited for staving
saws, and these were, in turn, responsible for the cre-
off the heat. Bamboo is also widely used in Viet Nam.
ation of a wide range of wooden products that added a
Bamboo that has been split in half is used for flooring,
new dimension to daily life.
and, when quartered, it can be woven into wicker to make walls. Such a use of indigenous material is
Houses in the desert regions of Asia from Mongolia in
common among people living in hot and humid regions,
the east to the Silk Route in the west, however, are made
and it can be seen throughout South-East Asia.
of sun-baked clay bricks. These dwellings are very well insulated and have very few windows, so as to prevent
The Ifugao tribe living in the northern Luzon islands of
the scorching heat and the wind from penetrating the
the Philippines builds elevated grain storehouses (alang)
inside. Thus they are cool in the summer and warm in
that measure approximately 3.3–6.6 m2 in size. These
the winter. The Mongols and other nomadic peoples of
are supported by four pillars and have a pyramid-shaped
West Asia live in tents that can be easily folded up or
roof and wicker walls. The roof is thatched with the
assembled during their travels. These dwellings are sup-
leaves of a perennial rice variety called Kogon. The
ported by frames made from tree branches covered by
Ifugao tribe’s dwellings (vale) are more sophisticated
sheepskin felt. A hole is opened at the top to allow
versions of these granaries. This type of granary con-
smoke to escape. They are termed gel in Mongolian and
struction is commonly found in Indonesian islands bor-
pao in Chinese (meaning ‘enclosure’).
dering the equator, including Bali and Lombok and among the Karo and Batak tribes of Sumatra and Nias.
Dwellings are typically raised off the ground in the hot
Such storehouses are also found in regions further north
and humid areas of South-East Asia that border the
that have been influenced by Japan. These include
equator so as to encourage better ventilation. Houses are
Okinawa, Kagoshima in southern Kyushu, and the
generally made of hardwood from the tropical forests
Yoron, Amami and Tanegashima islands, as well as the
found in abundance in the region. The Minankabau
islands of Shikoku and Hachijojima.
society (matrilineal) of Indonesia is renowned for the steeply sloped roofs of its dwellings, while the Batak
Granaries found on the Indo-Chinese peninsula, partic-
tribe (patrilineal) builds grand and spacious dwellings
ularly those used by the Thai, are also elevated off the
263
ground and have high walls. However, they are shaped
wooden houses on stilts and produce various ethno-
in a way thought to have provided the model for the Ise
forms, including bamboo handiwork, woven bamboo
shrine, the oldest shrine still extant in Japan. This shape
mats, earthenware, woven goods and musical instru-
of storehouse was transmitted to Japan in the Yayoi
ments. The Lolo and Meo (self-described as Hmong)
period, and later was gradually used to build shrines to
tribes of Cao Bang and Ha Tuyen provinces (northern
the rice deities.
areas bordering China) live in dirt-floor houses or elevated houses, rice and corn forming the staples of their diet. They make pots for cooking gruel, steamers for rice, stone mortars for milling flour, carved wooden
VIET NAM’S CULTURAL HERITAGE
spoons, and jars for storing the distilled liquor manioc, which they drink through a straw.
heritage. Geographically speaking, Viet Nam is at the
The colourful folk costumes of the ethnic groups of Viet
crossroads of the ethnic groups of South-East Asia.
Nam form another important element of their identities,
There are over fifty ethnic minorities in Viet Nam, some
and they can be used to distinguish one group from
of them in their own ethnic enclaves. Each of these
another. Most women are trained from childhood to
groups still maintains its distinctive traditional lifestyle,
weave, dye and embroider material; however, the way
though the economic development that accompanied
they do so is important. The women of the Muong tribes,
social stabilization in the decade since the end of the
for example, wear white blouses with long black embroi-
Viet Nam war brought a new wave of migration of urban
dered skirts. The Lolo tribe, meanwhile, is subdivided
residents to the mountainous regions. This migration
into the ‘black’ and ‘flower’ subgroups in accordance
dates back to evacuations carried out during the war.
with the colour and design of their dress, while the Meo
This trend has influenced the lives of the indigenous
tribe is similarly subcategorized into the ‘white’, ‘red’,
populations in myriad ways. Traditionally, the ethnic
‘black’ and ‘flower’ groups. Women of the ‘black’ Meo
groups of Viet Nam did not venture beyond their com-
group, for example, wear black turbans on their heads.
munities, which were generally split into the mountain or plains regions. These communities were segregated
Other specific customs include the way in which the Pa
from each other and the standard policy was not to
Then tribe weaves indigo, black and white threads into
interfere in the business of other groups; the mountain
vermilion-coloured fabrics that have been dyed with a
dwellers, in particular, were extremely proud of their
solution made from the roots of the persimmon tree.
lifestyle and heritage. However the construction boom
This tribe has long cultivated cotton and flax. The Nung
following modernization efforts dating back to the
people, on the other hand, generally live in one- or two-
1960s has forced ethnic groups accustomed to living in
storey houses made of sun-dried bricks. The women
segregated niches to accept and coexist with newcomers
wear black dresses with white tassels round the neckline
to their communities. The introduction of features of
and black ribbons with white stripes on the forehead.
urban life into the traditional mountain culture has also
The Dao tribe consists of eight subgroups, the ‘red’
brought rapid change, and, in some cases, has resulted
group wearing headbands in which red designs have
in the demise of traditional culture.
been woven into indigo-coloured fabric. These people are also known as the ‘coin’ group, since they sew old
The Muong and Tay tribes of northern areas such as Ha
Vietnamese and Chinese coins on to the backs of their
Son Bing and Son La provinces, for example, live in
dresses and turbans.
The study of ethno-forms In Asia and Viet Nam
Viet Nam has a long history and a distinctive cultural
264
All these ethno-forms easily merit being termed the
cial institutions to tackle problems faced by the ethnic
intangible cultural heritage of the ethnic minorities of
minorities. And the Institute of Asian Ethno-Forms and
Viet Nam. Today, however, these peoples find them-
Culture, which has been surveying the intangible cul-
selves at the mercy of the tremendous social changes
tural heritage (ethno-forms) of Asia for the past thirty
brought about by waves of modernization. Something
years, hopes to share its experience in the safeguarding
must be done to prevent the ethno-forms that they have
and promotion of the intangible cultural heritage of Viet
developed from falling into oblivion. The Vietnamese
Nam’s minorities with these institutions.
KAZUSHIGE KANEKO
state has gone some way in this regard by setting up spe-
265
The intangible cultural heritage of two provinces of central Viet Nam – Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan PO DHARMA
INTRODUCTION
their language and script, their oral and written literature constitutes a great cultural treasure, as is revealed
Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan are two coastal provinces
by the many inscriptions in Old Cham (or Cam) and
of central Viet Nam situated about 200 km north of Ho
Sanskrit dating from the seventh to the fifteenth cen-
Chi Minh City. They are still inhabited by some 50,000
turies, the more than 3,000 files of royal archives now
Cham and some 25,000 Roglai, the two ethnic groups
deposited with the Société Asiatique de Paris, and the
descended from the ancient Indianized Kingdom of
large collections of manuscripts around the world (more
Champa (or Campa). The Roglai worship spirits (yang),
than 450 in France and just as many in the United
while two-thirds of the Cham belong to a religion which
States), not to mention the thousands of private docu-
they describe as cham Jak (Brahmanic) and the remain-
ments kept by the families concerned. These peoples
ing third, known as cham Bani, practise a rather
also have a very rich folk repertoire. Their music, for
unorthodox Islam. Both the Roglai and the Cham
example at the dance festival known as Rija, comprises
observe the matrilineal system of matrilocal residence,
more than 150 melodies, with the same number of tra-
under which the wife has an absolute right over family
ditional dance steps, and then there are their folk-songs,
property and the children born of the marriage, while
some of which figured in the musical repertoire of the
the husband, the moral and spiritual head of the family,
court of Hué.
plays a role only in sociopolitical life. In the territory in which these ethnic groups live, social These two ethnic groups speak a language belonging to
life is a constant round of rites and ceremonies, followed
the Austronesian family that is very close to Malayan,
by music and dancing and songs to ensure the benevo-
and they use a writing system of Sanskrit origin. This
lence of the spirits and divinities. These are not super-
latter is particularly true of the Cham. In addition to
stitious practices, as has been alleged for half a century,
266
but religious and cultural ones, which are at the very root of the social cohesion of these groups. These rites
THE CHAM CULTURAL CENTRE IN NINH THUAN
and ceremonies, which are occasions for popular celebration, take place either annually or once every seven
This centre, which occupies more than 2 ha, has five
years at historic and religious sites, some of which were
buildings, comprising administrative offices, a large
founded between the tenth and the fifteenth century (Po
exhibition hall whose structure is inspired by the tradi-
Klaung Garai, Po Rame, Po Dam), at agrarian sites
tional architecture of these peoples, a large library (with
(there are more than seven dams in the territory con-
photo and audiovisual laboratory), a large music and
cerned), at maritime sites (mainly at river mouths and
dance practice room, and a reserve for cultural instru-
sea ports), in each village, or at the residence of the pre-
ments and objects used for religious purposes.
sent descendant of the royal family of these peoples, who lives at Phanri in the province of Binh Thuan.
With its team made up of many researchers, artists,
PO DHARMA
musicians and technicians coming from these ethnic Long settled in their ancestral territory, these ethnic
groups, the centre is making every effort to attain the
groups have managed so far to preserve their intangible
following objectives: preserve manuscripts in the vil-
cultural heritage despite being in contact with the Viet,
lages, transmit intangible cultural knowledge, and re-
the majority people, for half a century. In many respects,
vitalize the intangible heritage.
however, it is obvious that the foreign influence exerted on their inner selves, their behaviour, their way of thinking and their religious and cultural life has often been more than superficial. For this reason, a too sudden acculturation of this sort can only lead in years to come to the partial or even total disappearance of the
PRESERVATION OF MANUSCRIPTS IN THE VILLAGES
cultural heritage of these ethnic groups. Their historical and literary documents, which are a really valuable part
Manuscripts as such are material elements of the cul-
of Viet Nam’s intangible cultural heritage, are gradually
tural heritage. However, the destruction of these docu-
decaying owing to the nature of the materials used
ments would be tantamount to the destruction of a
(bamboo paper or fan-palm leaf) and a lack of means of
people’s whole memory. Preservation of manuscripts is
protecting them. What matters here is, of course, the
always a complex and costly affair that requires consid-
content of these documents and not their supports.
erable scientific, technical and financial effort. Hence the need for aid and support from international institu-
With a view to preserving and promoting the intangible
tions. To meet this need, the École Française d’Extrême-
cultural heritage of these two ethnic groups, the author-
Orient (EFEO), in co-operation with two scientific
ities of the two provinces of Ninh Thuan and Binh
institutions in Malaysia – the National Library and the
Thuan adopted a new policy a few years ago, setting up
National Museum – signed an agreement with the Ninh
a cultural centre of the Cham ethnic group, and a
Thuan authorities in 1993 covering: (a) collection,
Committee for Drafting School Textbooks in the Cham
microfilming, inventorying and conservation of Cham
Language.
manuscripts to be found in the villages; (b) provision of a copy of the manuscripts of these ethnic groups to be found in the library of EFEO in Paris; and (c) training of researchers and specialists to participate in conservation
267
and research programmes concerning the culture of
recording the traditions of these peoples (festivals, cer-
these ethnic groups.
emonies, rites and rituals, dance, music). This laboratory could serve as a working tool for all the pilot
The Ninh Thuan authorities have built a library for this
projects training young people mentioned earlier, and as
cultural centre, but its photo library still has to be
an audiovisual documentation centre on the cultural
equipped in order that documents there can be safely
heritage of these ethnic groups.
conserved. If this is not done, this ambitious programme will be a mere pilot project for the collection of docuof international scientific institutions is necessary.
REVITALIZATION OF THE INTANGIBLE HERITAGE A few years ago the cultural centre established a special
TRANSMISSION OF THE TRADITIONAL CULTURE
day for the celebration of these ethnic groups’ culture on the occasion of a big traditional festival known as the Kate. This falls in September or October each year in
Everyone agrees that the elders hold the key to the
accordance with the groups’ religious calendar, and the
intangible culture, and that this inestimable cultural
centre’s decision was made with a view to revitalizing
treasure is destined to die with them in a few years’ time
their intangible heritage. The festival takes place at great
in view of their age and living conditions. The Ninh
historic sites dating from the tenth to the fifteenth cen-
Thuan authorities therefore consider it urgent to draw
turies, and thousands of villagers (in some years, more
up a pilot programme for the transmission of traditional
than 10,000), as well as religious dignitaries, the tradi-
culture through an annual seminar at which the chief
tional orchestra and folk-dance and folk-song groups
elders of this ethnic group would be invited to give
participate in it. The cultural centre is thinking of seiz-
tuition in music, dance, song, oral and written literature
ing this opportunity to organize competitions in the
and costumes and customs to the younger members of
field of music, dance, singing and poetry recitation,
the group, so that they may participate in carrying on
rewarding the best artists from each village. It should be
the tradition and promoting their culture in the future.
noted that this special day has for some years now given these ethnic groups new hope of keeping alive their
A three-year pilot project of this kind is quite feasible,
ancestral traditions.
since the cultural centre already has adequate premises for receiving participants and the administrative authority to mobilize knowledgeable members of these groups and persuade them to participate. Such a project would certainly give fresh impetus to the promotion of this
COMMITTEE FOR DRAFTING SCHOOL TEXTBOOKS IN THE CHAM LANGUAGE
heritage; however, funds would be required to set up a real training scheme.
Anxious to protect the language and literature of this ethnic group and to reduce the illiteracy rate, which is
Under the programme for heritage preservation, the
very high in comparison with that of the majority peo-
Ninh Thuan authorities have also made provision for
ples in these two provinces, the Ninh Thuan authorities
setting up an audiovisual laboratory for filming and
have decided to introduce the Cham (or Cam) language
The intangible cultural heritage of two provinces of Central Viet Nam – Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan
ments, and not for their conservation. Here too the aid
268
into the primary-school curriculum in Ninh Thuan and
consider requesting scientific assistance from EFEO and
Binh Thuan, where the children of these minorities
CHCPI, allowing it to follow up by publishing other pri-
attend school. This should increase minority school
mary-school textbooks in Cham characters, covering
attendance. A Committee for Drafting School Textbooks
subjects such as history and culture, stories and legends,
in the Cham Language (Ban Biên Soan Chu Cham) was
and the customs and lifestyles of these ethnic groups. In
therefore set up a few years ago. This committee, located
concrete terms, the aim of the committee is also to give
m2
and run by a team of
these children the chance to get to know their own
devoted scholars, is responsible not only for drafting
intangible heritage, but this again will depend on the
these textbooks but also for supervising education in the
three annual budgets for the project’s implementation.
in large premises of some 300
PO DHARMA
more than 150 primary schools attended by the approximately 5,000 children from these ethnic groups. Over
According to the provincial authorities, an annual train-
the past few years the committee has published five
ing course for primary-school teachers in the teaching of
such textbooks in the Cham language, the texts of
Cham language and culture is still necessary, for it
which had to be handwritten since typewriters were not
devolves on teachers with a good knowledge of their tra-
available for this script. As a result of this far-sighted
ditions to pass this intangible heritage on to their young
policy, all Cham children now enrolled in primary
pupils.
schools are able to read and write in their mother tongue. This is a practical programme which deserves
Finally, the committee was hoping to obtain a motor-
the support of national and international institutions.
cycle, which would have allowed it to supervise the teaching of its course in the more than 150 schools sit-
Despite the considerable efforts made by the authorities
uated in the two vast provinces of Ninh Thuan and Binh
in these two provinces, however, the committee was up
Thuan. At present, this tour of inspection has to be done
against very difficult conditions, financial ones in partic-
by bicycle or on foot.
ular, and was therefore unable to achieve its objectives. These included issuing 5,000 textbooks in order that each child could have a personal copy. These would have cost $1 each, but in view of the economic situation
CONCLUSION
of the parents it was thought doubtful that they would all have a dollar to spare. The committee also hoped to
Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan in central Viet Nam seem
obtain a computer, a laser printer, word-processing soft-
to be the only provinces in recent years to have applied
ware, Cham (or Cam) character software and a photo-
a new approach to the preservation of the intangible
copying machine so that it could implement its
heritage of the minorities. The first step was to set up an
textbook-publication programme effectively. But at the
organizational structure for practical action – hence the
close of the twentieth century the committee was still
setting-up of the cultural centre and the Committee for
working with pen and paper to publish its books. To
Drafting School Textbooks. Had such a cultural body
answer this need, the Centre d’Histoire et Civilisations
been absent, and, above all, had the teaching of the
de la Péninsule Indochinoise (CHCPI), which is part of
minority language in the schools not been in place, then
the École Pratique des Hautes Études (Sorbonne, Paris,
any pilot project, whether in the long or the short term,
IVth Section), made the committee a large grant for the
on behalf of the heritage would, in my opinion, serve
preparation of software in Cham characters. Were such
only as an example of national or international soli-
equipment to be made available, the committee could
darity. And that was not the purpose.
In these two provinces the cultural centre and the
problems they have faced in recent years are not due to
Committee for Drafting School Textbooks are cultural
a lack of ideas – they have always been able to come up
institutions with a real programme for the preservation
with ingenious projects – but rather to a lack of means
of the intangible cultural heritage of the minorities. The
to finance their ideas.
The intangible cultural heritage of two provinces of Central Viet Nam – Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan
269
271
The Canadian Museum of Civilization: the involvement of cultural players in the preservation and dissemination of their cultures CARMELLE BÉGIN
CANADIAN MULTICULTURALISM
The increase in such diasporas is at the root of the political, cultural and social reality of multiculturalism.
Multiculturalism is a Canadian concept that might be defined as the political framework within which cultural
The Canadian Government introduced its policy of mul-
differences and social equality are promoted as elements
ticulturalism3 in 1971, thus recognizing the growing
in the social order.1 It favours unity in diversity, and is
political influence of ethnic minorities. In 1982, the
unlike the United States melting-pot philosophy, which
insertion in the constitutional law of Canada of the
favours assimilation and integration.
Canadian Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms and in particular of Section 27 of this, which stipulates that
Canada is a country to which people immigrate. Until
the charter shall be interpreted in such a way as to pre-
1850, apart from the indigenous inhabitants, or First
serve and strengthen Canada’s multicultural heritage,
Peoples, the population consisted almost exclusively of
gave multiculturalism not only legal force but also moral
French and English settlers, Black Americans who had
value. In 1988, Canada became the first country in the
fled slavery and the descendants of these groups. At
world to recognize multiculturalism by law.
present, statistics on immigration show that more than one-third of Canada’s population consists of more recent
Available to the administration and to the Canadian
immigrants, who represent more than 100 different
population alike, multiculturalism is a tool in the hands
diasporas.2
To take one
of both parties, allowing a pragmatic approach to be
example, there were 114,000 Vietnamese living in
employed in response to problems and allowing each to
Canada in 1992, and they now constitute large com-
fulfil their respective aims and ambitions.4 Some use it
munities in the cities of Montreal, Quebec and Toronto.
as a political argument in legislative elections, while
ethnic groups and form large
272
others use it to draw the government’s attention to par-
1968 by the Museums Act, it has played an important
ticular social problems. In short, multiculturalism serves
part in the protection, preservation and dissemination of
as a frame of reference, or starting-point, in the relation
the intangible culture of Canadians of all origins and has
between the state and cultural minorities and helps to
devoted a large part of its research programme to the
maintain the balance between society as a whole and the
study of the traditions of the indigenous peoples of
cultural rights of those minorities in particular.
Canada. The Folk Culture Studies Division devotes its research programme to the ways in which Canadians of all ori-
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT BODIES AND THE PRESERVATION OF INTANGIBLE CULTURE IN CANADA
gins express their cultural identity. Its research has led to the holding of exhibitions and the collection of thousands of hours of sound recordings of the bearers of oral
CARMELLE BÉGIN
traditions of all kinds. For some years now, audiovisual Many programmes have been implemented by the
documents have provided additional information on tra-
Canadian Government since the adoption of the policy
ditions connected with hand or other body movements
on multiculturalism. The Canadian Ethnic Studies
and on the transmission of skills.
Programme,5
which is one of the most important,
enables almost all Canadian universities to make avail-
These recorded documents are disseminated in various
able first- and second-year courses on ethnicity. Many
ways and can be consulted on the spot. Sound or audio-
chairs have been created for specific groups, for inter-
visual recordings, as well as manuscripts and publi-
ethnic relations and for pluralism generally with the
cations, can also be duplicated. A programme of access
support of subventions from the Canadian Government.
to on-line heritage information is being prepared, and this will enable users to have access to collections from
The Canadian Heritage Ministry and the Multi-
distant sites.
culturalism Secretariat, through the Heritage Cultures and Languages Programme, offers research grants for
The Folk Culture Studies Division now also includes
ethnic studies, grants to assist in the production of
ethnologists, and research programmes are split up
audiovisual documents under that part of the pro-
among these on the basis of the large geographical and
gramme dealing with Creative and Cultural Expression,
cultural areas represented in the Canadian population.
and assistance in the production of documentary sources for the teaching of ancestral languages that reflect the country’s diversity under the Heritage Languages section.6
ETHNOLOGY OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Involvement of the indigenous peoples in the museum’s programmes began in 1988. However, in that year, an
STUDIES ON FOLK CULTURE
exhibition on the art of the indigenous peoples, ‘Le Souffle de l’Esprit’, was boycotted by the First Nations
The Canadian Museum of Civilization is a state institu-
because sacred objects were included in it. This contro-
tion and thus is subject to the Canadian Multi-
versy led to a series of nationwide meetings between the
culturalism
Act.7
Ever since it was officially set up in
indigenous peoples and the museums, following which
273
a task force was set up with the support of the First
indigenous people will be able to visit the collections to
Nations, the Canadian Museums Association and the
carry out research, make reproductions and use objects
Canadian Museum of Civilization. The aim of the task
for ceremonial purposes. Archive holdings are also to be
force was to develop a system, and ethical strategies,
placed at the disposal of the indigenous people. Field
that would enable the indigenous peoples and the cul-
notes written by a number of anthropologists concern-
tural institutions to work together when representing
ing the territories occupied by tribes at the beginning of
indigenous history and culture. Central to the concerns
the twentieth century now serve as legal references in
of this task force were three major points: (a) increased
lawsuits over the restitution of land to indigenous
involvement of the indigenous peoples in the cultural
people.
institutions’ interpretation of their culture and their history; (b) improved access for the indigenous peoples to
Furthermore, considerable research has been carried out
museum collections; and (c) repatriation of human
in the field of ancestral languages, thus making it poss-
remains and
artefacts.8
ible to publish major teaching tools such as the Abenaki
Three recommendations were immediately applied by
Micmac.10 Linguistic research is of considerable interest
the Canadian Museum of Civilization. These concerned
to indigenous communities whose languages are threat-
the indigenous peoples being consulted on the interpre-
ened with extinction.11
tation of their culture in the museum, improved access to collections, and the training of indigenous people in museology.
TRAINING The museum has set up a training course in museology
CONSULTATIONS
and museum practice for indigenous people. The purpose of this course is to familiarize students with the
Consultations were initiated in 1989 after the opening
various aspects of the museum’s work. Museum staff par-
of the Canadian Museum of Civilization’s new building.
ticipate in carrying out this programme on a voluntary
The development of a major exhibition area devoted to
basis, those responsible for the training programme iden-
the First Nations proceeded on the basis of regular con-
tifying students’ needs with regard to their academic
sultations, visits by the museum curators to indigenous
backgrounds and work experience. Trainees have to
communities, working sessions at the museum bringing
become familiar both with the operation of the museum’s
together curators and representatives of the indigenous
administrative set-up and with the chief functions of the
groups and the revision of working documents by
services to which they are posted. Staff appointed to act
indigenous and other experts.
as tutors have to be prepared to devote a part of their time to the training of a student, in exchange for which they receive assistance on a project undertaken by that student during his or her training period.
ACCESS TO COLLECTIONS Since most students have to move from their place of The department in charge of the management of the col-
permanent residence to the national capital, where the
lections is currently establishing a system by which
Canadian Museum of Civilization is situated, they
The Canadian Museum of Civilization
language dictionary,9 or the one for the language of the
CARMELLE BÉGIN
274
receive fellowships from the museum to cover their
demic training by an approach corresponding to their
living expenses.
specific needs.
The practical training offered includes periods spent in
The educational approach adopted is chiefly aimed at
different sectors of activity. In their research, trainees are
enabling the indigenous people to participate in the dis-
familiarized with policies regarding research and the
covery of archaeological sites and the interpretation and
development of collections, as well as those regarding
conservation of their archaeological heritage. On the
research methodology (tangible or intangible culture),
practical side, the training has to include a demon-
the preparation of an exhibition and the use of infor-
stration of digging techniques while encouraging
mation systems, including databases. In conservation,
trainees to develop their knowledge by direct participa-
they acquire basic knowledge concerning the environ-
tion. Archaeologists and indigenous people have come
mental control of reserves and the handling of artefacts.
to understand each other better as a result of this train-
In display techniques, they gain some knowledge of
ing project. These contacts, which typically last several
design, production and preparation. In the management
weeks, have also altered the scientific approach of the
of collections, they become acquainted with copyright
archaeologists themselves, leading them to integrate
policy, the rights of reproduction and exhibition, the
ethno-archaeology into their methodology.12
legal aspects of acquisition by transfer of rights of ownership and basic techniques in the registering, catalogu-
The
training
programme
for
indigenous
people
ing and locating of objects. In so far as hospitality and
launched in 1993 was a success. A number of students
security are concerned, they must learn basic techniques
who took the course in museum practices are now
of reception services and techniques to deal with emer-
working in regional museums or at documentation cen-
gencies and to ensure supervision and security in ex-
tres. Those in charge of the programme are developing a
hibition galleries.
corpus of activities covering the chief functions of museum staff with a view to working out a training course that is recognized by the Education Ministries of the Canadian provinces. By the end of the academic year
TRAINING OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSISTANTS
1995/96, a total of twenty-four students had been trained by the Canadian Museum of Civilization since the inauguration of the museum’s course in 1993.
Besides this training course given in the museum, a field course has met with much success in the North-West Territories of Canada. Designed to familiarize indigenous people with their archaeological heritage, this
NOTES
training course was begun in 1985/86 with the help of funds from the research programme on oil and natural
1.
gas deposits in the north of Canada. Those in charge are
duction to Race and Ethnic Dynamics in Canada, p. 272,
able to offer courses in the context of a school of archae-
Scarborough, Ontario, Prentice-Hall Canada Inc., 1992.
ological excavation, in collaboration with a local insti-
2.
tution, or with the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage
mon language or religion, share the history and traditions of
Centre. For the course to attain its objectives, archaeol-
their land of origin and are mutually supportive.
ogists taking part have to fill in gaps in participants’ aca-
3.
J. L. Elliot and A. Fleras, Unequal Relations: An Intro-
Diasporas are dispersed communities that have a com-
This policy came into force on 12 July 1988, when the
275
House of Commons adopted the law on the preservation and
9.
development of multiculturalism in Canada.
(In press.)
4.
Elliot and Fleras, op. cit., p. 281.
10.
Micmac-English, English-Micmac Dictionary. (In press.)
5.
Canadian Heritage: Research Projects Supported by the
11.
See also J. Hewson, A Computer-Generated Dictionary of
G. M. Day, Abenaki-English, English-Abenaki Dictionary.
Canadian Ethnic Studies Program 1973–1992. Multiculturalism
Proto-Algonquin, Hull, 1993. (Canadian Museum of Civili-
and Citizenship Canada: Resource Guide of Publications
zation, Canadian Ethnology Survey, Mercury Series Paper
1973–1992, Ottawa, Ministry of Supply and Services, 1993.
125.)
6.
12.
E. J. Hart, ‘Heritage Sites Research, Traditional Know-
Report 1991–1992, Ottawa, Multiculturalism and Citizenship
ledge and Training’; M. Nagy, ‘Interpretation in Arctic Archaeo-
Canada, 1993.
logy: Lessons from Inuvialuit Oral History’; C. D. Arnold and
7.
The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, Ottawa, July 1988.
C. C. Hanks, ‘Archaeological Field Training in the NOGAP
8.
Task Force Report on Museums and First Peoples, Ottawa,
Area’, in Canadian Archaeology Association, Cahier, No. 2,
1992.
1994.
The Canadian Museum of Civilization
Operation of the Canadian Multiculturalism Act. Annual
277
Tourism and minorities GRANT EVANS
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
part of their ongoing change and evolution. In Viet Nam, as elsewhere, highland ‘tribal’ groups have bor-
I would like to propose an active approach to the ques-
rowed aspects of material culture, and in some cases
tion of the heritage of minorities in Viet Nam, rather
immaterial culture, from one another. They have also
than one which sees the need to preserve their cultures
borrowed from the lowlands, and the lowlands have
in some assumed ‘frozen’ form. In this respect I am
sometimes borrowed from the highlands, for example in
encouraged by several statements in the working docu-
the area of weaving or medicine. So, in a general sense,
ment produced for the 1994 UNESCO International
all cultures are, to some extent, hybrid cultures. And, of
Expert Meeting on the Preservation and Revitalization of
course, hybridization is one aspect of the general
the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Ethnic Minorities
process of social and cultural change in all cultures. We
in Viet Nam. Therein we read that, thanks to the rapid
should remember that there are no pure, unchanging
and mass circulation of cultures, a new hybrid type of
traditional cultures.
popular culture has emerged as a result of the encounter between different cultures. The text goes on to say that
The serious and difficult questions that we have to deal
the ‘revitalization of traditional cultures does not neces-
with, however, involve the direction of cultural change,
sarily mean to revive old cultures as they used to be. If
and the asymmetries of power.
the exponents so wish, traditional cultures readapted to the modern world should be promoted.’
The reality of the minorities of Viet Nam is that they have minimal control over the direction of cultural
I am sure most modern anthropologists would agree
change. In other words, they are, owing to economic
with the general proposition that all cultures throughout
and other pressures, in danger of being assimilated into
history have borrowed cultural traits from neighbours as
the dominant Vietnamese or ethnic Kinh culture. Many
278
analysts have pointed to two main sources of external
handicrafts is a complex issue. Many tourists simply
change: international tourism and state policy (Evans,
seek souvenirs and wish to have simple lightweight
1992). In the present chapter I shall address myself to
objects to take home with them. This favours the pro-
tourism and its consequences.
duction of a specific type of ‘touristic’ art, be it in the form of dolls, paintings or even T-shirts with patterns
The label ‘tourist’ is often used in a derogatory way, but
printed on them. This type of artefact caters to a mass
it is pointless to be uniformly hostile to ethnic tourism.
market and to mass tourists who are little interested in
It is now a major feature of the modern world. We know
the authenticity of the objects bought. Such objects,
from anthropological studies of ethnic tourism else-
being low in value, aim at a high turnover. They are an
where that tourism can in fact help in the process of cul-
important part of most tourist settings, for better or for
tural revival and readaptation (MacCannell, 1984;
worse.
Graburn, 1984), but it can also lead to cultural degradation, trends towards homogenization, the production
One of the most negative consequences of this type of
of meaningless artefacts and so on.
art is the image it projects of indigenous peoples. Such
GRANT EVANS
an image in the form of paintings or dolls, for example, I would, however, suggest that nowadays foreign
can lead to the propagation of a mistaken idea of minor-
tourists are more interested in the cultural heritage of
ity cultures as being backward, primitive or weird. Such
the minorities of Viet Nam than are the majority of low-
‘art’ may reinforce many of the prejudices that outsiders
land Vietnamese. For the latter, by and large, the pro-
already hold about minorities. There may be no simple
motion of ‘colourful’ minorities is merely a way of
way of solving this particular consequence of mass
making money. Foreign tourism, on the other hand, has
tourism.
the potential to assist the minorities in the revival of their cultures, and to help educate the majority Viet-
A second tier of tourist arts, however, is traditional
namese population concerning the worth of these
handicrafts, and these should be of most concern to
cultures.
anyone interested in the preservation of minority heritage. This is the high-value, low-turnover sector of the
The real problem is that the minorities themselves are
tourist market. There are four main concerns here: that
not in control of the tourism process. This is largely in
irreplaceable handicrafts are not sold and taken out of
the hands of lowlands and overseas tour companies. In
the country; that those who make these handicrafts
this light, much greater attention should be given to the
receive proper payment when they sell their products;
commercial side of the preservation of minority cultures
that tourist development does not lead to the collapse of
in Viet Nam, and in particular to ways of developing
handicraft production or to its complete debasement
indigenous entrepreneurs among the minorities in order
into mass tourist ‘art’; and that the production of these
to ensure that some of the tourist dollars flow back to
handicrafts retains their use and meaning in the cultures
the minorities.
concerned, and that they do not become merely commodities produced for an external market. For example, let us quickly look at the issue of minority
TOURIST ARTS AND HANDICRAFTS
weaving. Some of this is extremely labour-intensive and technically complex. Often the producers of these tex-
The production and dissemination of tourist arts and
tiles are paid a tiny fraction of what they are worth by
279
traders who then sell these textiles to tourists. Naturally,
want to study ethnography or the social sciences
as the minorities are inevitably drawn into commercial
because they think that business subjects are more
circuits, it will no longer be worth their while to pro-
important. If, however, it was made clear to them that a
duce such textiles at such low prices. Hence, the prac-
degree was a prerequisite to becoming a guide, then
tice will disappear. Attention should therefore should be
more people might be expected to study appropriate
given to the formation of co-operatives or companies to
subjects. Furthermore, it would be a bonus if the guides
ensure that the producers receive proper payment for
were minority people themselves. This semi-profession-
their work and are therefore motivated to go on working
alization of the guides’ role would be complemented by
and engaging in the process of cultural innovation and
the establishment of a specialized tour-guide diploma
renovation. Here, perhaps, Viet Nam can learn from its
school, with tour guides who completed the course
neighbour, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, where
being paid a higher rate than amateur guides and given
weaving co-operatives and companies have been estab-
preferential access to culturally vulnerable areas. This
lished, in some cases in conjunction with interested and
would call for government licensing of guides.
panies have set out to produce textiles for the local and
Furthermore, highland tour companies, run by minori-
world market, not simply by perpetuating old designs
ties, or even joint ventures, are possible. Initially, per-
and techniques, but by innovating with new materials,
haps, these companies could be given preference in
designs and techniques and thereby creating a live
highland tourism for a fixed period of, say, ten years.
rather than a fossilized ‘tradition’ (for the Thai case, see
Such firms, in conjunction with state tourism and cul-
Parnwell, 1994).
tural groups, could organize cultural festivals and arrange dances or musical presentations for tourists. This process in itself might lead to the minorities themselves developing new cultural styles to present to out-
TOUR GUIDES
siders, and ones that are intrinsically meaningful. This has occurred with several dance forms in Bali that were
Tour guides play a very important role in mediating
originally designed for tourists, and subsequently found
between tourists and the minorities. They become what
their way back into the temples and the mainstream of
is known as ‘cultural brokers’ (Cohen, 1985). They
Balinese cultural life.
interpret the minorities to the tourists, and the tourists to the minorities. Alongside brochures, picture books, and so on, it is the tour guides who play a crucial role in constructing the image of Viet Nam’s minorities through
RESTORING CULTURAL PRIDE
drawing the tourists’ attention to particular aspects of minority culture and society. Thus their role is a vital
Such potential for cultural feedback is worth pondering,
one and should be regarded as a skilled occupation.
particularly in the light of the reflection that lack of interest in traditional culture is particularly noticeable
Guides should have studied Viet Nam’s ethnic minorities
among the young. Lively appreciation of their culture by
in some depth. In fact it is desirable for them to have a
outsiders can be a source of pride and perhaps lead to a
tertiary degree with a sound input of anthropology or
revived interest among the young. On a broader front,
even sociology. But in the current get-rich-quick scram-
Georges Condominas has proposed that a form of
ble in Viet Nam, many Vietnamese do not appear to
‘counter-hegemonic’ knowledge of minority cultures
Tourism and minorities
sympathetic foreigners. These co-operatives and com-
280
should be introduced into the Vietnamese education
REFERENCES
system. What he is suggesting is a dose of anthropological education for lowland Vietnamese to counter the ever-present tendency towards ethnocentrism.
C OHEN , E. 1985. The Tourist Guide: The Origins, Structure and Dynamics of a Role. Annals of Tourism Research, No. 12, pp. 5–29.
Tourism is a major force for both cultural preservation
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Highlands of Vietnam. Sojourn, Vol. 7, No. 2,
tive too if driven by purely commercial interests without
pp. 274–304.
regard to its impact on culture and society. If, however, its potential can be harnessed in some of the ways sug-
G RABURN , N. H. 1984. The Evolution of Tourist Arts. Annals of Tourism Research, No. 11, pp. 393–419.
gested above, then the minorities of Viet Nam will be
M AC C ANNELL , D. 1984. Reconstructed Ethnicity: Tourism
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past and present and nourish hope for the future.
PARNWELL , M. J. 1994. Tourism and Rural Handicrafts in Thailand. In: M. Hitchcock et al. (eds.), Tourism in
GRANT EVANS
Southeast Asia, pp. 234–57. London, Routledge.
281
Contributors
Carmelle Bégin Centre Canadien d’Études sur la Culture Traditionnelle, Montreal, Canada Georges Condominas École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris, France Dang Nghiêm Van Institute of Religious Studies, Hanoi, Viet Nam William Lang Dessaint anthropologist and specialist of the Lisu Po Dharma École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, France Grant Evans University of Hong Kong Yves Goudineau Institut de Recherche pour le Développement, Paris, France Hoang Van Ma Institute of Linguistics, Hanoi, Viet Nam Kazushige Kaneko Institute of Ethno-Forms and Culture, Tokyo, Japan La Công Y Viet Nam Museum of Ethnography, Hanoi, Viet Nam José Maceda University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines Esteban T. Magannon Institut de Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris, France Nguyên Ngoc Thanh Institute of Ethnology, Hanoi, Viet Nam
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Nong Quôc Chan Ethnic Minority Culture and Arts Association, Hanoi, Viet Nam Phan Dang Nhât Institute of Folk Studies, Hanoi, Viet Nam Phan Ngoc Khuê Museum of Fine Arts, Hanoi, Viet Nam Suriya Ratanakul University of Mahidol, Bangkok, Thailand Oscar Salemink The Ford Foundation, Hanoi, Viet Nam Shen Jingfang Institute of South-East Asia, Academy of Social Sciences of Yunnan, China Yosihiko Tokumaru University of Osaka, Japan Tô Ngoc Thanh Vietnamese Association of Folklorists Trân Van Khê Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, France Gábor Vargyas Institute of Ethnology, Hungarian Academy of Social Sciences, Budapest, Hungary Vu Dinh Loi Institute of Ethnology, Hanoi, Viet Nam Anthony R. Walker Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei Darussalam Osamu Yamaguti University of Osaka, Japan
