Voices from Social Work Graduates in China

Voices from Social Work Graduates in China: Reasons for Not Choosing Social Work as a Career Shouchui Zeng, Monit Cheung, Patrick Leung, and Xuesong He

Although previous studies have addressed turnover issues after being a social worker, this study identifies factors that may block initial entry to the profession. Using a semistructural interview method with 20 BSW graduates, the researchers transcribed the reasons for BSW graduates not entering a career in social work. Through element-centered content analysis, 76 reasons were sorted into nine categories: (1) income insufficient for basic needs, (2) unclear future, (3) no commitment to social work, (4) social work jobs could be taken by other professionals, (5) difficulties in actualizing proclaimed value, (6) personally unable to apply skills, (7) social exclusion due to nonresident status, (8) hard/stressful work, and (9) not supported by peers and family. Through person-centered content analysis, most respondents (90 percent) reported multiple reasons (M = 3.8) supporting their decision, offering their rational thought processes culminating in the decision not to enter social work. Recommendations for developing a national survey, engaging social workers in preparing BSW students for graduation, and modifying student admissions strategies are discussed. KEY WORDS:

China; employment barriers; international social work; major-to-occupation mismatch; social work admission

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n China, social work has re-established its professional image since 1987 and recently has become a new career choice in China (Liu, 2011). Currently, China is moving toward professionalization at a surprisingly high speed, with 10 times more social work graduates in 2012 than in 1987 (Li, Han, & Huang, 2012). Although the number of BSW graduates continues to grow in China, the rate of those graduates becoming practicing social workers remains low. This study explores the reasons for BSW graduates in China not choosing social work as their career, articulating a prevalent issue in the profession worldwide. LITERATURE REVIEW

Social Work in China

As the world’s most populous country (1.4 billion), China is now ranked the second largest economy by gross domestic product ($9.24 trillion) and may become the world’s largest national economy by 2020, which explains its rapid growth rates in many professional fields (Womack, 2014). Eliciting the voices of social work graduates in China can help other developing countries examine the effect of the “major-tooccupation mismatch” issue (students major in social

doi: 10.1093/sw/swv051 © 2015 National Association of Social Workers

work but do not choose to enter the profession after graduation) (Robst, 2007) and allow BSW graduates in China to offer perspectives on strengths and challenges of social work, a career that has been recognized as a profession in China only within the last two decades (Yan, G ao, & Lam, 2013). The Chinese central government began supporting social work and allowing graduates who started their social work programs in the 1980s to complete their degrees at the few universities that offered a BSW program in 1989 (Li et al., 2012). Since then, social work in China has been perceived as a profession receiving minimal governmental control (Li et al., 2012). Even in 1999, when college admissions were centrally determined, social work continued to grow as a major. From near nonexistence prior to 1987, the number of universities with social work programs rose to 211 in 2007, admitting and graduating over 10,000 students each year. A recent report states that more than 300 universities in China currently offer social work undergraduate programs (Yan et al., 2013). Several events have been identified as major milestones in the development of social work education in China. In March 2003, Shanghai initiated its pre liminary policy on governing social work professional

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credentials. In June 2006, the Department of Labor and Social Security issued the first draft of “National Occupational Standards—Social Work” and began implementing the act nationwide. On July 20, 2006, the joint committee of the Department of Human Resources and the Department of Civic Policy disclosed the “Social Work Occupational Standard Evaluation: A Preliminary Policy” and “Implementation Policy for Assistant Social Worker and Social Worker Standard Examinations.” The national examination for licensed social workers was enforced by law beginning in June 2008. Incorporating a professional team approach, social work had become a new priority within the national community as part of China’s developmental plan (Mao, 2010). In October 2006, the central government requested “more specialized social workers as a human resource strategy for absorbing social work talents during an expansion in social work and public service departments” (Xinhua Net, 2006, translated from Mandarin). On November 8, 2011, the central government and its 18 policy and public affairs offices announced an initial goal of training 2 million professional social workers by 2015, and 3 million by 2020, to provide social resources through “strengthening social work as a profession” (China Communication, 2011; Yan et al., 2013). China’s ambitious training goals indicate the necessity of examining the roles of new social workers in this country and planning workforce retention strategies. Social Work as a Career Choice

Preliminary studies have used job commitment data to report that fewer graduates are working in social work than in other fields and that the “major-tooccupation” matching rate was up to 30.3 percent (Chang & Mao, 2009; Gu, 2011; Liu, 2011; J. Wang & Liu, 2011; R. Wang, 2005). In a study conducted in 31 cities in China among 606 professional majors, Mycos Institute (2012) found that 29 percent of graduates in 2011 entered the profession in which they were trained; that is, the mismatch was 71 percent. The mismatch was higher in some universities in which even the first cohort of BSW graduates in their institutions did not choose to practice in social work following graduation (Liu, 2011; Yuan, 2007). In addition, social work has been listed among the top 10 professions with the highest mismatch rates among 606 majors (Mycos Institute, 2012). In the literature, some studies discuss leaving the profession after being in social work positions due to low salaries, lack of support, or insufficient opportuni-

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ties for career development (Kim, Solomon, & Jang, 2012; Wermeling, 2013). Following this direction, China scholars used a conceptual framework to address lack of social recognition in the field of social work (Yuan, 2007; Z. Zhou, 2008). Also, case studies were found explaining reasons for social workers not continuing social work practice in the career path after initially entering a job in social work, including no interest, not an ideal career choice, few developmental opportunities, working too hard, and disapproval from one’s family ( J. Wang & Liu, 2011; Yu & Li, 2006). A recent case study illustrated the experience of disillusionment expressed by a social worker who has been in the field for five years and discussed the impact of low status, lack of social support, and high work pressure as a new social worker in China (An & C hapman, 2014, p. 329). However, these studies did not focus on how to attract entry-level social workers into the profession’s workforce. There are no reported reasons explaining why social work graduates do not even consider entering the social work field upon graduation or what other jobs they have taken instead. Because of methodological limitations, some studies offered conclusions based on systemic explanations (limited demand for social workers) versus perceptual image (social work not treated as a profession) (Cheng, 2006; Fei, 2010). Without directly speaking to BSW graduates in China, researchers may risk suppressing certain opinions from the recent graduates. To understand answers to the sensitive question of why graduates are not entering the profession, this study enquired directly about the reasons associated with students’ intent to give up social work even after their recent completion of BSW education. METHOD

This qualitative study focuses on two questions to explore the reluctance of BSW graduates in China (BGCs) to enter social work after obtaining a social work degree: (1) What are the reasons for BGCs not entering social work after graduation? and (2) What are the themes found in their reasons? After contacting faculty and professional informants from two universities, we obtained a list of recent graduates who held non–social work jobs. The first author contacted these purposively invited graduates to participate in an individually scheduled audiotaped interview about career choice. With information provided by the first eight respondents who agreed to participate, a snowball sampling method was used to invite additional participants. Inclusion criteria for the study were that

Social Work Volume 61, Number 1 January 2016

participants had graduated within the past two years and entered a non–social work occupation following graduation. Each participant was provided a consent form with a statement of confidentiality and volunteer participation via phone call or e-mail to obtain consent. Data coding started after the first interview, and interview invitations ended after the 20th interview when data were saturated as evidenced by repeated answers (Corbin, 2015; Irving, 2009). Six interviews were conducted with the 2012 university-A graduates, four with the 2012 university-B graduates, and 10 with the 2013 university-B graduates. Each interview lasted about 50 minutes. Because these invited participants had already expressed that they did not want to be social workers, the interviewer first asked two open-ended questions, (1) “Have you ever thought of becoming a social worker?” (yes or no) and (2) “Please explain,” before using probing questions related to reasons for not choosing social work, including “What was your thought process at that time?” and “Tell me more.” All questions were open-ended with no “why” question, and the interview process was semistructured. Reasons were supported by the respondents’ narrations. Data analysis was based on two approaches: element centered and person centered. These approaches were based on Magnusson, Anastassova, and Tollmar’s (2010) discussion that data grouping comes either from analyzing the variations in their reasons or from each respondent’s overall responses. The element-centered (“context”) analysis involved a two-stage coding process: coding the terms used by the participants and then grouping frequently appearing themes for categorization, summarization, and integration (Charmaz, 2009). The person-centered (“user”) analysis took place after all data were collected, to analyze responses using the individual as the unit of analysis. FINDINGS

There were 174 BSW graduates at the two Shanghai universities in the study, which took place during 2012 and 2013. Among the 174 graduates, 124 indicated not entering social work after graduation, which can be calculated as a 71.26 percent “major-to-occupation mismatch” rate within this sample. Shouchui Zeng interviewed the participants from the list provided by the informants and then invited more participants through snowball sampling until data were saturated after the 20th interview. Responses from these 20 participants (10 female and 10 male) were used to

illustrate the findings. Except for one 26-year-old, all participants were 21 or 22 years old, with a median and mode of 22 years of age. One respondent represented a minority ethnicity; the rest (n = 19) represented the Han majority. Eleven were Shanghai residents, and nine were nonresidents. The nonresidents are from other parts of China without a resident status (hukou) in Shanghai. Without the hukou, it is harder to secure a local job or receive equitable job benefits. Element-Centered Analysis: Thematic Reasons

In the element-centered analysis, 76 reasons were categorized into nine major reason themes that best capture what the narrations generated. In the following illustrations, only partial quotes were used to highlight specific findings. Next to the respondent’s number, “M” denotes a male respondent and “F” denotes a female respondent (see Table 1). Reason 1: Income Insufficient for Basic Needs. Nineteen (95 percent) respondents felt that social workers receive extremely low pay, usually around ¥2,000 or ¥3,000 (US$500 or $600) per month. This income level not only made the respondents feel that they could not achieve their basic needs, but also connected to the goal of being financially independent (for example, F2, F15). Particularly for those who did not have a Shanghai resident status, income was considered the only means for improving financial status (for example, M16). Respondents felt that social workers must start with a good financial base before helping others. F2 said that not counting salary point and performance bonus, social workers earn just above the minimum wage. In general, respondents were disappointed about the salary level. [Social work professors] asked us to learn so much. . . . However, as we finally started working, our basic living needs were not even met. I could choose other better jobs. (F15) *** As a farm child, I used to raise horses and sheep. . . . However, the salary (in social work) is not good . . . the reward is not enough to fulfill our materialistic needs. (M16)

Reason 2: Unclear Future. Thirteen respondents (65 percent) expressed that social work does not

Zeng, Cheung, Leung, and He / Voices from Social Work Graduates in China

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M1 F2 F3 F4 M5 M6 M7 M8 M9 F10 M11 M12 M13 F14 F15 M16 F17 F18 F19 F20 Total

Respondent

Yes Yes Yes No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes No No No No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes: 11 No: 9

Shanghai Residency

           19

       

Income

 13



 

  

 

   

Future

11





 

   

  

Commitment

 8









 



Replacement

 7









 

Value

Reasons

6



 







Skill

4

 

 

Exclusion

 4







Stress

 4

 



Family

Table 1: Reasons for Not Choosing Social Work after Obtaining a Social Work Degree

6 5 4 8 2 3 3 5 1 4 2 5 3 5 3 4 3 1 3 6 76

Number of Reasons

provide them with a clear future. Their responses were connected to three levels of concerns: national policy, agency support, and individual perceptions. First, the government imposes many rules on social work agencies, which may limit social work development. Second, agencies’ lack of funding could be a significant obstacle for BSWs entering the profession (for example, F20), and graduates did not feel they had learned how to organize programs because their field placements did not provide good role models (for example, F10). The program was run by one person and personnel shortage is a big problem, with disorganized financial management and huge staff turnover . . . not a stable environment . . . with unclear structure. (F10)

into a university. Getting into the social work major did not change their mentality toward not choosing social work as a career. • I filled out my application because it sounded like a good major. I didn’t really know what it would do for me . . . and I didn’t understand what social work was. I would never think about choosing social work as my c areer. (F3) ***

• I am a helper and giver, but I do not learn much from my clients. I want to have a job to exchange ideas with my clients so I can learn some new things. (M8) ***

Third, at the individual level, graduates felt that social workers do not have qiantu (future development) because there are no promotion opportunities (for example, F14): All agencies, within my contact . . . , were worried by qian (money). . . . Without qian, they were unable to survive without good programs. (F20) *** The program was run by one person and personnel shortage is a big problem, with disorganized financial management and huge staff turnover . . . not a stable environment . . . with unclear structure. (F10) *** We don’t see a future career path in social work. If you work in another profession, you can climb the career ladder step by step, but social work does not have a large-scale upward mobility ladder, compared with other professions. (F14)

Reason 3: No Commitment to Social Work. Eleven respondents (55 percent) expressed that they did not have a commitment to social work from the beginning of their studies and subsequently found other jobs following graduation. Among these respondents, their decision to choose social work as a major was viewed as a last resort, only for the purpose of getting

• I didn’t think about being a social worker . . . feeling the work didn’t bring much meaning [to me] and I tried to change my major but was not successful. (M12) Reason 4: Social Work Jobs Could Be Taken by Other Professionals. Eight respondents (40 percent) felt that social work did not provide a strong sense of technological quality. They expressed that social work as a major does not require a high level of techniques and its entrance threshold is low. It was the respondents’ belief that anyone could perform social work, meaning that other professionals could easily take away social work jobs. Social work can be an entrance point [into a career]. . . . It seems like a “wild card” profession. . . . We social workers can be replaced easily by others. (F3) *** Planning [in the agency] was not systematic—it was done just for the sake of planning that anyone could do. (F4) *** Technical skills are not high in social work practice. There is not much difference between being a social worker and being a member in a residents’ committee. (M8)


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Reason 5: Difficulties in Actualizing the Profession’s Proclaimed Value. Seven respondents (35 percent) perceived that few resources and unstructured operations in agencies have limited their ability to help others. Social work practice did not provide respondents the fulfillment they had expected from the profession, and sometimes the best intended practice may even harm the clients. These responses represented social workers’ lack of control to deliver services that are needed. No skills were used and no learning was achieved. . . . Field practice was simply “mission accomplished”; it did not have much real meaning or value. (F10) *** Supervisors were not social work trained . . . and service planning was based on “benefits” to be received, with no control of the service qual ity. . . . Since it went against the values I had learned, I preferred not to be a social worker. (F14)

Reason 6: Personally Unable to Apply Skills. Six respondents (30 percent) expressed their personal limitations in applying skills to actual practice. When respondents were not able to effectively apply skills during the practicum training, they felt frustrated and distant from social work. They perceived social work as a field with many limitations, including lack of creativity, inability to match theories with practice, and insufficient knowledge and skills needed to design new programs. Inability to master the learned skills emerged as a strong reason for not pursuing social work. I don’t have the ability to do it. . . . My learning was not concrete. I don’t have the ability to do it. I feel like I am wasting time . . . and not learning anything! (M12) *** Learning [in social work] is limited. I wish our teachers would do more to help us, and to assist us to practice more. (M13) ***

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I can’t master the professional content in social work. . . . I sounded mechanical when using my people skills. . . . I am not suited to be a social worker. (F19) *** Even the residents’ committee leader could resolve a problem that I couldn’t seem to master. My technical skills are not good compared with others. (M8)

Reason 7: Social Exclusion Due to Nonresident Status. Four respondents (20 percent) felt that being a nonresident of Shanghai hindered their sense of belonging in social work. “Migrant” students from other provinces must return home following graduation unless they receive a job offer. Without hukou (household registration), it is difficult to get a job and thus income and housing allowances. The nonresident graduates voiced the challenges of transitioning to residency in a rapidly growing city like Shanghai. They felt disadvantaged due to feeling socially excluded and being discriminated against when trying to apply for job benefits. It’s our residency that we can’t resolve. . . . That’s why we look for non–social work jobs that pay higher housing allowances. (M5) *** [During a job interview], the worker was so adamant that we must be residents to work there. . . . Without the hukou, I feel hopeless. (F14) *** Because of my nonresident status, why would I want to receive only a small benefit, leaving me unable to protect my future? (F15)

Reason 8: Hard and Stressful Work. Four respondents (20 percent) expressed that practicing social work was too difficult, describing their feelings with words such as “tough work,” “tired,” “bitter,” and “hardship.” Specific stressors within the field of social work include a full and busy work schedule and the potential of experiencing physical and psychological distress on a daily basis, beginning during


students’ internships. Social work graduates felt their enthusiasm for the field decline quickly due to the demanding nature of social work, resulting in premature career burnout even in the practicum learning stage. I felt passionate about social work at first but reality broke it. . . . It is hard work. I don’t have the spirit to deal with tough work. (F2) *** I felt extremely tired. I couldn’t achieve anything [in social work]. (F4)

Reason 9: Not Supported by Peers and Family. Four respondents (20 percent) named lack of familial support as a reason for not entering social work. Family disapproval led to respondents feeling discouraged and belittled. Respondents noted that some family members did not understand the social work profession or believed that it is too complicated and dangerous. Others viewed social work as a career choice for students who could not be doctors or lawyers, or who made poor grades in the National College Entrance Exam. Someone I know . . . thinks that I should not be a social worker in China. . . . I haven’t told my family about my work. (F20) *** My American girlfriend . . . doesn’t want me to be a social worker. . . . Even though it is not openly discussed, Americans unconsciously look down on this profession. (M16) Person-Centered Descriptions: Individuals as the Unit of Analysis

The number of reasons given by the respondents ranged from one to eight (M = 3.8, median = 3.5, mode = 3, SD = 1.8). With the exception of two respondents (M9, M18), most respondents (n = 18) reported multiple (two to eight) reasons for supporting their decision to not enter a career in social work following graduation. All respondents expressed their reasons without hesitation. In the individual interview, no additional probing questions were asked by the interviewer before the interviewees started explaining their reasons.

In terms of explaining their reasons with multiple answers, M13 used three major reasons to support his decision: (1) low income, (2) lack of skills, and (3) social work’s lack of professional recognition. F2 said that her decision was based on five reasons: (1) low income, (2) no career prospects, (3) lack of actualization of its proclaimed value, (4) no social recognition, and (5) hard work with high stress. Although these reasons were interrelated, these respondents felt that each reason represented a unique aspect of their explanation, as illustrated by this graduate: On the one hand, it’s about income; on the other, I felt that I didn’t learn much in this profession, simply content and knowledge . . . not enough to manage essential skills . . . when knowing only a little. . . . The application feels too mechanical. From the time I was admitted, I have never thought of being a social worker; I was a transfer student [into this major]. (F19) DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

In this study, the respondents experienced confusion and frustration during their postgraduation job search. The reasons given were similar to the factors found in social work literature: environmental forces and personal struggles. Research shows that predictors of social workers’ employment in a job matching their educational preparation include societal factors such as income and support, and personal factors such as a person’s skills and feelings of adequacy (Cummings & Adler, 2007). These predictors are parallel to retention factors after joining the profession, such as promotion viewed as an intrinsic award (self-image) and an extrinsic reward (income) (O’Donnell & Kirkner, 2009). Social work is a young and developing profession not yet publicly recognized in China. Because social workers serve ethnic minorities, the underprivileged, and the voiceless, BSW graduates have learned that promoting social work’s mission will likely require an intense and continued effort. Although social work educators in China have articulated the future of social work as “spring time in social work” (社会工作的春天) because of the tremendous growth in social problems and job supplies, they also believe that arrival of prosperity in the profession, such as gaining public recognition, will take much more time (Han, 2008). Certain comments suggested that there was little satisfaction in this group with the quality of education received: “No skills were used and no learning was achieved” (F10), “A social worker cannot do as well


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as a leader of a residents’ committee in solving problems” (M8), “My technical skills are not good compared to others” (M8), and “Learning in social work is limited” (F3, M4, F12, F13). In addition, statements such as “I wish our teachers would do more to help us and to assist us to practice more” (F13) demonstrate unmet needs regarding BSW education in China. Among the respondents, four felt that being trapped in the program and their unwillingness to enter social work was related to the narrow career options currently available for social workers in China. This feeling is illustrated in the following excerpt, which may stimulate further discussion about how to meet students’ needs: Since this is only a beginning for us to practice social work [in China], social work educators are indeed facing the problem of not preparing us sufficiently. Our educators . . . must pinpoint how to apply knowledge for the development of practice models . . . but the reality seems to be divergent [from this goal]. (M1)

As in many other cultures, people in China typically value those who join the “privileged professions” such as medicine and law. Without advocacy efforts promoting their professional identity, recent BSW graduates felt they lacked role models of social work leadership. This phenomenon received some attention when Yan et al. (2013) used narratives from 28 social work graduates who entered the social work field in China to address the importance of providing support for new social workers. Their findings indicate that, if provided professional support on entry to the profession, social workers in China could establish a stronger professional identity and change the current image of social work as a low-paying career with high levels of work-related stress (Yan et al., 2013). Help for the underprivileged should begin with professionals who believe in raising social conscience, advocate the strengths of their profession, and call for public support to fortify efforts to recruit students and social workers. In terms of policy implications, the perception of “strong government, weak society” in China should be addressed and altered (Chickering & Haley, 2007). China’s present cultural context differs dramatically from that of other countries due to its historical past. In countries where policies are initiated and implemented under a top-down approach, government support is vital for establishing social work’s

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professionalism; in China, with strong direction toward strategic planning and policy implementation, the central government has supported and enforced social work as a mainstream profession (Mycos Institute, 2012). It is essential that this strong government support and social workers’ advocacy efforts are combined to ensure that the professional image of social work can be used as a marketing tool in BSW admissions and that government support can be applied positively to help social workers obtain better income and social mobility status. This sample’s “major-to-occupation” mismatch rate (71.26 percent) was high but similar to the 71 percent in all professional majors in China, as reported by Mycos Institute (2012). According to Forum (2008), “the national college entrance exam is so authoritative that it has long been perceived as the only access for students to enter higher education” (p. 46). In the admission application, many students indicated that they would voluntarily enter any major if they could not enter their declared major. This is called “major readjustment” (X. Zhou & Li, 2009) and does not happen in other countries such as the United States, where in some colleges students get admitted before choosing a major. Because social work is a new academic major in China, it has been perceived as less competitive for college admissions. Our data show that 15 of the 20 respondents had major readjustments, among whom nine indicated that they did not believe social work training would provide them with a strong professional identity. To prevent these students with major readjustment from feeling trapped in a field in which they had no interest, faculty should plan admission counseling with input from experienced social workers. With support from faculty and social workers, students will find meaning in social work as their future profession. The present study has several limitations. First, findings from two universities of one city might not be generalizable to the developmental status of social work in the entire country. Second, respondents’ recall of unpleasant situations in their field practice could lead to negative responses overall. Third, though confidentiality was strictly enforced, graduates might not have felt comfortable disclosing their personal reasons to the interviewer. As in other academic-oriented studies, faculty members were involved in the interviews. Although the participants had graduated and did not indicate discomfort or reservations in providing answers, they might have


felt limited in how honestly they could respond in front of faculty. As the respondents might have held back on some of their comments to the faculty interviewer, this limitation should be carefully considered in future research design. CONCLUSION: LESSONS LEARNED

This study reveals reasons for BSW graduates choosing not to enter the social work profession. Our first learned lesson is that their reasons were related to socioeconomic and political factors outside the graduates’ control. Even the reason related to “no commitment to social work” did not represent a value shift as these respondents chose social work as a major to enter college. In addition, personal feelings of social exclusion due to nonresident status reflected environmental issues. This social exclusion phenomenon reflects the similar struggle of a nonimmigrant alien in a country such as the United States, where job offers are often based on residency status. Without the residency status, one cannot get the job; without the job, one cannot change the residency status. Advocacy effort should be directed toward banning illegal job interview questions based on one’s residence, to reduce feelings of social exclusion before a graduate attempts to apply for jobs in a nonresident city. Second, although other studies have addressed turnover issues after social work graduates have entered the profession (for example, Strolin-Goltzman, 2008, about workforce turnover; Schweitzer, Chianello, & Kothari, 2013, about job satisfaction), the present study identifies what may have blocked initial entry into the profession even though the country is planning to grow more social workers. Social work as a profession needs to examine how the supply of entry-level social workers may be affected when professional status is perceived to be less fulfilling due to low income and other barriers. These graduates typically rationalized that the fulfilment of extrinsic expectations could lead to a high level of intrinsic motivation. The extrinsic reasons, however, could give an impression that the BSW graduates in China were materialistic and uncaring about the values of social work. However, in the interview process, seven respondents agreed with social work values but also felt that their decision to not pursue a career in social work had presented them with the painful dilemma of choosing monetary terms over commitment to social work. Though research questions did not focus on eliciting emotion or expression of feelings from the participants, at least two respondents indicated a conflict in fulfilling their

academic commitment to become social workers and the responsibility to support their families. To resolve this dilemma, as the profession of social work expands in China, senior-level social workers must advocate for better professional status and provide graduates with a balanced view of their contributions to society and finding job satisfaction through helping clients. Third, in research, a quantitative instrument should be developed for a national study in China to collect generalizable results. The instrument can include other factors such as demographics, attainment level in social work knowledge, skills and values, satisfaction toward admission orientation, teachers’ involvement in students’ learning, and job search assistance. Using national data, social work leaders can assess the workforce and find ways to advocate for extrinsic rewards and intrinsic values in social work education and practice. In addition, respondents must be informed that their answers will help social workers assist graduates in preparing for career development and promote a positive image of their professional identity. A future goal using findings from this study is to examine faculty’s role in preparing graduates for realistic job expectations, because skills preparation and value commitment can help graduates see the positive aspects of social work (Clapton, 2013). Fourth, the Chinese government’s promise of a positive career outlook for social workers must be strongly communicated to all students on admission and before graduation, and to all practicing social workers. It is encouraging to note the relatively significant improvement of the social work profession in China. The recent message of governmental support will motivate social workers to continue their active involvement in promoting social work and its professional identity. Social workers should advocate for income adjustment to enhance their professional image through job security. Social work educators must use outlets such as college preparation seminars to present realistic expectations of social work as a career and its values to society. Recruitment and admission efforts can target those students who want to enter social work even after they are aware of potential career limitations during the developmental journey of the profession. Academic counseling is an important area to consider in social work departments. Finally, using the narratives from recent graduates in China, we envision that social work educators worldwide will attend to newly admitted students’ educational needs and assist graduates before they start their job search. Social workers’ involvement in


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Shouchui Zeng, PhD, is professor, East China University of Science & Technology, Shanghai, China. Monit Cheung, PhD, LCSW, is professor, Graduate College of Social Work, University of Houston, 110HA Social Work Building, Houston, TX 77204–4013; e-mail: [email protected]. Patrick Leung, PhD, is professor, Graduate College of Social Work, University of Houston. Xuesong He, PhD, is professor, East China University of Science & Technology, Shanghai, China. Original manuscript received August 23, 2014 Final revision received April 4, 2015 Accepted April 27, 2015 Advance Access Publication November 9, 2015


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