Why the Philippine Negrito Languages are Endangered

Headland, Thomas N. 2010. "Why the Philippine Negrito Languages are Endangered." In Endangered Languages ofAustronesia. Margaret Florey, ed. Oxford Universiv Pressp p 110- 1 18 [with reven color photographs following p. 1781. ISBN 978-o-19-954454-7.

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Why the Philippine Negrito Languages are Endangered Thomas N. Headland

6.1 Introduction There are between 100 and 150 languages spoken in the Philippines today. A fourth of these languages-thirty-two-are spoken by different Negrito ethnolinguistic populations scattered throughout the archipelago (Gordon 2005)'. They are considered to be the aborigines of the Philippines whose ancestors migrated into these islands over 20,000 years ago. In the sixteenth century in early days of Spanish colonization, the population of the Philippines was some 500,000 (see Doeppers and Xenos 1998: 3, 192). The Spanish archival records of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries refer often to Negritos on all of the larger islands in s i m c a n t numbers, and a conservative estimate suggests that the Negrito peoples numbered 10 per cent of the Philippine population then--that is, at least 50,000. The Negritos lived by hunting, gathering and trading forest products with non-Negrito coastal peoples. The other 90 per cent of the people were descendants of the early Austronesians who began migrating into the Islands much later, only about 5,000 years ago. Today, the thirty-two known Philippine Negrito language groups total some 33,000 people, comprising only 0.05 per cent of the present national population (Headland 1989). Clearly somethlng has gone wrong with these tiny aboriginal foraging populations in the last 300 years as the larger Filipino population exploded and took Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Ninth International Conference on Hunting and Gathering Societies, Edinburgh, Scotland, September 9-13, 2002, and at the lolst Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, New Orleans, November 2@24, 2002. I am indebted to the following for written critical comments on those earlier drafts: Wdliam Bright, Margaret Florey, Janet Headland, Peter Ladefoged, Stephen Marlett, Mary Beck Moser, Lawrence Reid, Peter Unseth, Mary Ruth Wise, and two anonymous reviewers for Oxford University Press.

' The ethnonym 'Negrito', a term the Spaniards introduced into the Tagalog language in the 15oos, is still used in Southeast Asia to refer to several small populations found in West Malaysia, the Andaman Islands, and the Philippines, because of their phenotypically different features: darker skin pigmentation, fuzzy or woolly hair, and smaller body size. The term is not held t o be pejorative to the Agta or to Filipinos in general.

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over and cleared the forests of the Negritos (Bennagen 1977; Griffin and Headland 1994; Eder 1987; Headland and Blood 2002). Sixteen of the Negrito groups live in the Sierra Madre mountain range that extends north and south down the entire eastern side of 1,uzon Island. Each group speaks its own Austronesian language, which thirteen of the groups call Agta.2 Each Agta language (or dialect) is mutually intelligible with one or two of its closest neighbouring Agta languages (Table 6.1). All of the thirty-two Negrito groups speak endangered languages. The present chapter explains why. The situation of two Agta languages exemplifies language loss which has accompanied population decimation. During the 1960s and 1970s I made several trips up and down the eastern coast of Luzon and into the Sierra Madre where I collected linguistic data from several Agta camp groups. In April 1965, I located one Agta language group previously unknown to researchers, the Dupaningan Agta in eastern Cagayan (Table 6.1, reported in Headland 1975), and in September 1977 I came across another Agta language group also unknown to researchers on the west side of the Sierra Madre in Aglipay, Quirino Province. This second group, who called themselves Arta (see Table 6.1) numbered only thirty remaining speakers when I recorded a word list with them in 1977. Linguist Lawrence Reid recontacted them in 1987, 1990, and 1992. He reported that the remaining speakers in 1990 numbered only twelve (Reid 1994: 40), 'reduced to eleven with the death of another individual in late 1992' (1994: 70; see also Reid 1989). Another Agta language group, the Dicamay Agta (Table 6. I ) , became completely extinct in the 1960s-both the people and their language (Gordon 2005: 490). SIL linguist Richard Roe contacted this group in 1957 and recorded a word list of 291 words. They lived on the Dicamay River on the western side of the Sierra Madre near the town ofJones, Isabela. Roe reported that there was only one family there then. In November 1974, after talking with Roe and with a copy of his wordlist in hand, I went to Jones to see if I could find the Agta who spoke this language. I was unable to find them. Filipinos in the area said they had not seen any Negritos for several years. I did find three Agta people living in town, but none of them spoke or understood any Agta language. 1,ocal farmers said that all three were orphans adopted by Ilokanos in early childhood. This chapter focuses on the Casiguran Agta, whose language is not threatened through population loss, but rather through overwhelming demographic, economic and cultural changes. The chapter first examines the lifestyle of the Agta prior to the influx of large numbers of outsiders, and describes some aspects of ethnobiological knowledge. We then move on to explore the enormous changes which are impacting on Agta language and life.

Three of these 16 groups refer to themselves and their language by the terms Alta or Arta, which are cognates of the ethnonym Agta.

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Table 6.1 Negrito languages spoken in t h e Philippines (Compiled by T h o m a s N. Headland) Language name

Population size in 1990s

Bibliographic source

Batak, Palawan Island Mamanwa, Mindanao Island Ati, northern Panay Island Ati, southern Panay Island Ata, Negros Island Ata, Mabinay, Negros Oriental Atta, Parnplona, western Cagayan Atta, Faire-Rizal, western Cagayan Atta, Pudtol, Kalinga-Apayao Ayta, Sorsogon Agta, Villa Viciosa, Abra, N W Luzon (extinct?)

Eder 1987 Gordon 2005 Pennoyer 1987: 4 Pennoyer 1987: 4 Cadelina 1980: 96 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005; Reid, per. com. 2001

Ayta groups of western Luzon: Abenlen, Tarlac Mag-anchi, Zambales, Tarlac, Pampanga Mag-indi, Zambales, Pampanga Ambala, Zambales, Pampanga, Bataan Magbeken, Bataan

K. Storck SIL tiles K. Storck S1L files K. Storck S1L files K. Storck SIL files K. Storck SIL files

Agta groups of Sierra Madre, eastern Luzon Agta, lsarog, Camarines Sur (language nearly extinct) Agta, Mt. Iraya & Lake Buhi east, Camarines Sur (4 close dialects) Agta, Mt. lriga & Lake Buhi west, Camarines Sur Agta, Camarines Norte Agta, Alabat Island, southern Quezon Agta, Umirey, Quezon (3 close dialects) Agta. Casiguran, northern Aurora Agta, Maddela, Quirino Agta, Palanan & Divilacan, lsabela Agta, San Mariano-Disabungan, Isabela Agta, Dicamay, Jones, lsabela (recently extinct), Arta, Aglipay, Quirino (30 remaining speakers in 1977) Alta, Northern, Aurora Alta, Southern, Quezon Agta, eastern Cagayan, Dupaningan (several close dialects) Agta, central Cagayan 32 known Negrito languages in Philippines

Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 Gordon 2005 T. MacLeod SlL files Headland 1989 Headland field notes Rai 1990: 176 Rai 1990: 176 Headland field notes, and Gordon 2005 Headland field notes, and Reid 1994: 40. Reid, per. comm. Reid, per. comm. T. Nickel1 1985: 119 Mayfield 1987: vii-viii; Gordon 2005 total estimated number of Negritos in Philippines = 32,725

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6.2 The Case of the Casiguran Agta The Casiguran Agta people live in a 600 square kilometre area in the foothills and seacoast of the Sierra Madre near the town of Casiguran, Aurora Province. They speak an Austronesian language of the subfamily called Northern Cordilleran. They numbered 1,000 people in 1936, and 800 when Tom and Janet Headland began living with them in 1962. In 1977 they numbered 617 people, and in 1984, 609 (Headland 1989). Their population has remained stationary since the 1980s at around 600 (Early and Headland 1998;Headland and Headland 2007), so the Casiguran Agta language is not endangered through population decline. The Agta were still hunters and gatherers when the Headlands met them in 1962, living in the largest rainforest in the Philippines (Plate 2). Using a monolingual language-learning approach in the early 1960s, the Headlands eventually became fluent speakers of the Agta language, developed an alphabet for it that the Agta use today, published a grammar and dictionary, and translated the New Testament into Agta (Plate 3). The Headlands' three children, all born in the Philippines, grew up bilingual in Agta and English. Casad's (1974) method was used to formally test many Agta adults for their comprehension of several Philippine languages in the 1970s (the results were published in Headland 1975). According to the Casad method, testees in a language community should score an average of at least 82 per cent intelligibility to be considered 'bilingual' in the trade language-in this case, Tagalog. Casiguran Agta testees scored 73 per cent comprehension in Tagalog (a failing score) and zero in llokano. This means they could answer correctly on average 73 per cent of the questions they were asked about simple Tagalog stories played for each testee on audiotape. As late as 1974, they still scored such low levels on tests of comprehension in the main trade languages of the area, Tagalog and llokano, that it was evident they were not able to understand them.

6.3 The Agta's Ethnobiological Knowledge Agta is a highly agglutinative language, where the typical Agta verb can be stated a few hundred ways by adding to the verb root various combinations of inflectional or derivational prefixes, suffixes and infixes, along with several types of reduplication. Each of the many resulting forms gives different shades of meaning to the verb. For example, take the Agta noun pana 'arrow'. A few of the hundreds of ways this root can appear are as follows: nagpana 'shot [an arrow]'; pinumana 'shot at nothng in particular'; negpepanaen 'kept shooting strenuously'; pinana 'shot hm'; nagpanapana 'shot casually several times'; kinepanaan 'accidentally shot [him]'; nagpapana 'shot a toy bow and arrow'; kapanaan 'the place where archery practice is done'; nagpanaan 'shot back and forth at each other', etc. The Headlands were amazed as they slowly collected the people's terms for varieties of topics important to them, as they watched their word lists grow eventually to include hundreds of plant names, 127 names for types of fish, 44 for seashells, 14 types

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of snails, 2 1 names for types ofhunting arrows, 2 1 names for types of rattan, 46 terms for types or stages ofgrowth of rice, 45 different verbs that mean 'to fish', and 14 verbs for 'to go hunting', etc.' Some of these lexical sets have a generic cover term. For example, pana is the generic term for all types of hunting arrows. But other terms, specifically the verbs for 'to fish' and 'to hunt' have no generic. Thus, one cannot simply say, 'I'm going hunting'. Rather, you must state one of the fourteen specific verbs for the action, depending on whether you are going alone or with another person, using dogs or not, lying in ambush for game or walking as you hunt, whether you are going at daytime or night, whether you lie in wait for game up in a tree or on the ground, etc. Today, since almost no Agta hunt anymore (in the Casiguran area), the younger people don't know these verbs. In the 1960s, the Agta were exceptionally skilled ethnobotanists with a vocabulary of many hundreds of terms to express that knowledge. Before deforestation especially, the plant world is or was a central theme of their culture. Every Agta adult used several species of plants every day of his life for food, medicines, ritual, art, social activities (such as social exchange of betel quid ingredients), and for practically every part of their material culture (Headland 1981, 1983).Agta knowledge of their biological world (including plant medicines) arguably constituted a greater chunk than all other types of knowledge combined. Headland estimated in 1985 that the Casiguran Agta probably had between 700 and 800 names for plants in their language. He actually recorded, however, only 603 plant terms (see the discussion on this in Headland 1985). For older Agta, this is still the case in 2008. But younger adults, and especially teenagers, have lost most of this knowledge today. The Agta have a rich folklore embedded in their traditional myths, ethnic music, and folktales, but these are fast falling out of use today as they instead sit around listening to radios, playing guitars, and hiking down to the logging camps on Saturday to watch B-grade movies. They are now well-versed in national politics, vote in elections, and make trips by bus to Manila. An example of one of their most popular folktales, a breathtaking story of a sky maiden who married a man on earth, was recorded, analysed, and published in Aduanan and Headland (1991). But no one tells that story anymore, and most of their unique ethnic music, sung on a three-tone scale, will never be recorded for posterity, or even remembered by the next generation ofAgta p e ~ p l e . ~ Most of the words in many traditional semantic domains are no longer known by younger Agta. There were hundreds ofAgta terms used when the Headlands were first living with them in the 1960s, when they were still forest-oriented hunter-gatherers, terms that have died out today except in the memories of the oldest people. These are words in the following ethnosemantic domains that are all but obsolete today: names Most of these lexemes appear in Headland and Headland 1974, many of the biological lexemes listed with their Latin scientific names. In 1965, T. Headland and the late ethnomusicologist Jose Maceda (then professor at University of the Philippines) audio-recorded several pieces of Agta music. These are today archived at the university and at the American Museum of Natural History in NY. For details, see Headland and Blood 2002: 90-1.

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of types of monkeys and deer, names of many forest plants, terms to do with hunting, with the bow and arrow complex, the rattan complex, types of supernatural spirit beings, types and parts of animal traps and of fire-making kits, types ofbaskets, names of traditional varieties of rice seed, etc. These lexical domain concepts are no longer important in the Agta culture because they are not needed. For example, matches have replaced fire-making kits; cardboard boxes and plastic bags have replaced traditional baskets, and bows and arrows are no longer used since the wild game is almost extinct. Plate 4 shows a man making fire by friction, and Plate 5 shows the several parts to the fire-making kit. The verb for making a fire this way was umulas, and the generic name for the kit was ulas. Specific names for the parts of the kit were (a) benben (Donax cannaeformis) a wild woody herb; (b) sageng-sageng, shaving used for kindling scraped from the outer skin of the benben herb; (c) agage, a scrap of cotton or bark cloth, placed on the ground on which is placed the sageng-sageng shavings; and (d) ulas, 'sawing thong', a one-metre piece of split rattan which is pulled quickly back and forth under the split stick until the friction creates enough heat to create a spark of fire (ulas is also the name for the entire kit). Only two of the 21 species of rattans recognized by Agta are strong enough for this procedure, either tumadtm, or the lower stalk of talitul (both are species of the genus Calamus); (e) s i b , wooden wedge stuck into the split stick; the spark of fire catches onto the inside of the stick; and (f) bengan, the cleft stick, almost always this is a dry branch cut from a soft wood tree with a very soft inner pulp, usually the scrub tree binonga (Macaranga tanarius). Five of these lexemes (agage, bengan, sageng-sageng,sPla, and ulas and umulas) are used only for the fire-making kit and nothing else, and since Agta never make fire this way today (indeed, young people would not know how), and the kit fell into disuse in the 1970s,probably no children know any of these five terms today. All of these terms will be completely gone from the language within a few decades. The plant M. tanarius is still used by Agta today for other purposes, but as with many other words in their language, they no longer call it binonga, but abigan, a term borrowed from one of the lowland languages. Until the 1970s, all Agta boys knew how to shoot small bows and arrows by the time they were four, and by age ten they often came home from the forest with small birds they had shot (Plate 6 ) . Today bows and arrows are no longer seen, and young men neither know how to make nor shoot them, though they are skilled at playing basketball on cement courts in nearby Tagalog lowlander settlements (Plate 7). Commercial Western medicines in town have replaced traditional plant medicines, and Christianity has replaced indigenous spiritual practices. Until the 1970s, the Agta practised their traditional animistic religion, with 13 per cent of the adults being spirit mediums (shamans) who conducted frequent seances with plant medicines for certain

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Abigan is not unique to Agta, it should be noted, nor is binonga; cognates of both are found in a few other Philippine languages, but the point here is how Agta people are subconsciously dropping many of their traditional lexemes in favour of the lexemes of their non-Agta neighbours.

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illnesses. Today these practices are not seen, as Agta have turned to Christianity and, for serious illnesses, the town hospital and modern doctors. Sicknesses which used to be diagnosed with traditional names like kulikog ('the shakes'), yinawyaw, teplak, and hinayup (types of spirit attack) are now called malaria, hart-atak, hay-blad (malaria, heart attack, high blood pressure), and common medicines now are called pinisilin, tayonal, ayanes (penicillin, tylenol, and INH, the common English name for isoniazid, a Western medicine for tuberculosis). Further, wild forest plants have disappeared because of the destruction of the primary forest, and traditional rice grains have been discontinued in favour of the newer hybrid miracle-rice seeds of the Green Revolution. The outside world has introduced new concepts and ideas that have changed the way the Negritos think in Agta. As their worldview has changed, so has their language. The many hundreds of words in those ethnosemantic domains are no longer important to the Agta and are no longer talked about, nor even known by the young people.

6.4 The Casiguran Agta Today Life is different for the Agta today. Although the population decline has stopped, much of their traditional ways of life are gone. Only 3 per cent of their old-growth tropical forest remains (Headland and Blood 2002), and the game and fish are almost extinct, as are most of the plants and trees important to the Agta. Logging and mining companies, and some 50,000 Tagalog-speaking lowlander immigrant farmer-settlers have taken over Agta lands, where in northern Aurora they now outnumber the Agta people by 85 to 1. Instead of living in the rainforest distant from lowland Filipino farming communities, almost all Agta families since the end of the 1980s live on or near farming settlements where they work as casual labourers for Tagalog lowlanders in exchange for rice, liquor, used clothing, and cash. If they didn't know Tagalog or that they lived in the Philippines in 1962, the multilingual Agta today can often discuss in Tagalog the latest international news stories, and find their way to Manila on the new government road that reached Casiguran in 1977. The traditional Agta culture is not only endangered, but moribund. The Agta have changed today to a post-foraging landless peasant society. The Casiguran Agta language today is an endangered language despite the fact that the children still learn it as their mother tongue. It is not endangered for fear that its speakers may be exterminated by outsiders, or even that they will die out naturally-the direction they were moving in the early and middle 1900s (Headland 1989).This point is emphasized because only a minority of the world's small languages today are at risk from factors such as genocide or natural disasters, whlle the majority of endangered languages are suffering from conditions that are similar to the forces

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Key references describing the present deculturation of the Agta people are found in Griffin 1994, Early and Headland 1998, Headland and Headland 1997, Rai 1990, and Headland and Blood 2002. A complete bibliography of all scholarly references on the Agta peoples may be found at Headland and Griffin 1997.

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threatening the Agta languages. The Agta languages today are endangered not because the people are disappearing or because the children are not speaking Agta, but because their lifestyles, and hence their languages, are changing, and changing fast, as a result of intense new daily contact with other cultures and languages. Of course, as one linguist reminded this author, all languages are continually changing, but it is the way that Agta is changing that is relevant (L. Reid, pers. comm., October 2003). Agta is not just slowly changing from internal processes and the gradual adaptation of borrowings, but from rapid external pressures causing massive lexical and structural changes. Most Agta families now live next door to these Tagalog homesteaders instead of with each other. Agta children all seem fluent in Tagalog by the age of twelve or so. When lowlanders are present the language of conversation usually switches to Tagalog. Agta speech is threatened because Tagalog, not Agta, is the language used in educational, political, and other public situations. No Agta children attended public schools in the 1960s.Today there are elementary schools throughout northern Aurora, and almost all Agta children attend for at least a year or two. Government teachers teach in Tagalog, and almost all of the pupils are Tagalog, with 2 to 4 per cent being Agta. Agta is still spoken in the home and it is still the mother tongue of Agta children. But more often than not, as soon as Agta leave their houses they are engaged in interethnic relations with lowlanders, in the Tagalog language. Even when Agta talk with each other today, they are using many hundreds of new words they have subconsciously borrowed from Tagalog, terms needed for today's serious discussions: work, science, technology, Philippine money, affairs in town, etc. The Agta who have been forest-oriented for millennia are today living in deforested brushlands (Headland 1988; Top 1998) and they are now town- and lowlander-oriented. Their changing language reflects that. Grenoble and Whaley (1998: 29-30) skilfully explain why hunter-gatherer languages are the most in danger of extinction: not only because they are small populations, but more because of the extreme pressure put on them to shift to an agriculturally based economy. The Agta case fits their model well. One way ofgauging the endangerment of a small minority language is to look at the marriage patterns of its speakers. Endogamous ethnolinguistic groups have a better chance of retaining their language than do groups with young people who marry outsiders. Until the 1980s, almost all Agta marriages were to other Agta. Since the mid 1980s, exogamous marriages (mostly Agta women marrying non-Agta lowlander men) have become common, to the point where 40 per cent of the new marriages of Agta women in the last twenty years have been with non-Agta men, with these women out-migrating when they marry (Headland and Headland 1998). None of the mixed-blood children of these exogamous unions speak Agta as their mother tongue. Even during this author's last fieldtrip to the area in 2008 Agta adults seemed unaware that their language is dying, or even changing. If the language is at risk, the Agta don't seem to know or care. They are not ashamed of their language, but they show no apparent concern for language loyalty. The question is a non-issue for

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them. Further, they seem completely unaware of how much their speech has changed since the 1960s.' One may anticipate that sixty years from now the descendants of today's Agta will probably not be able to pass an intelligibility test of Agta stories that were audio-recorded in the 1960s (Plate 8). This is not necessarily because they won't be speaking Agta anymore, but because their speech will be so heavily mixed with Tagalog, Ilokano, Bikol, Casiguranin, Spanish, and English that it will be a mixed language, a 'creolized' daughter dialect of the Agta language that their great-greatgreat grandparents were speaking a hundred years earlier in the mid twentieth century.

6.5 Conclusion Data from small languages like Agta can be used to test scientific hypotheses if linguists can record and archive such data before it is lost forever. Perhaps the'best example of how the Agta language contributed to science is in the way Agta linguistic data can be used to construct a model of Philippine prehistory. Because the people in the 32 known Negrito populations in the Philippines look phenotypically so different from other Filipino peoples, and since they live so differently, the accepted model of their history until the 1980s was that the Negritos were the aboriginal people of the Philippines for at least the last 20,000 years, until the Austronesian peoples began migrating into the islands some 5,000 years ago. It was also held that the Negritos lived in isolation, separate from the Austronesian-speaking peoples until the last hundred years or so (Schebesta 1947; Stewart 1954: 23, 24; Eder 1978: 55, 58; 1987: ix, 12; Reynolds 1983: 166; Rai 1982). Headland and Reid (1989) assert, however, that Philippine Negritos, including the Agta, had been living in close symbiotic relationships with Austronesian farmers for at least 3,000 years. This is supported by linguistic data from the Agta languages (Headland and Reid 1989).~ The worldview of the Agta emerges through their kinship system, folk astronomy, ethnomedicine, and their folk explanations for many other aspects of Agta natural and spiritual life. Michael Krauss is right when he says that each language represents a unique way of looking at the world, and that 'every time we lose a language we lose a whole way of thinking' (quoted in Gugliotta 1999). Humankind is losing scienthc information, as well as artistic beauty, when indigenous knowledge is lost.

' With a life expectancy at birth in the Agta population of only 22.5 years, most Agta don't live long enough to notice the changes that Headland detected in their language 40 years ago. Although there was almost nothing available on Philippine archaeology at the time to support the Headland and Reid argument, an archaeological study by Laura Junker (1999) has recently confirmed their 1989 model.

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References Cited in Headland's Chapter 6 of the book entitled Endangered Languages of Austronesia (Oxford 20 10) Aduanan, Pompoek, and Thomas N. Headland. 1991. How Juan God His Wife From Above [An analysis of an Agta folktale]. In The Maiden of Many Nations. Hazel Wrigglesworth, ed. Pp. 21 1-215. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Bennagen, Ponciano L. 1977. 'The Negrito: A Rallying Call to Save a Filipino Group from Cultural Extinction.' In Filipino Heritage: The Making o f a Nation. Pp. 184-191. Manila: Lahing Pilipino Publishing Co. Bodley, John H. 1999. Victims ofProgress, Fourth Edition. Toronto: Mayfield. Cadelina, Rowe V. 1980. 'Adaptive Strategies to Deforestation: The Case of the Ata of Negros Island, Philippines.' Silliman Journal 27: 93-1 12. Casad, Eugene. 1974. Dialect Intelligibili~Testing. Norman: Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma. [repub. (1987)l Cook, G. 2000. 'Vanishing Tongues.' Boston Globe [newspaper], November 5, p. A01. Doeppers, Daniel F., and Peter Xenos, editors. 1998. Population and Histov: The Demographic Origin of the Modern Philippines. Madison: University of Wisconsin. Early, John D., and Thomas N. Headland. 1998. Population Dynamics of a Philippine Rain Forest People. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Eder, James F. 1978. 'The Caloric Returns to Food Collecting: Disruption and Change Among the Batak of the Philippine Tropical Forest.' Human Ecology 6: 55-69. Eder, James F. 1987. On the Road to Tribal Extinction: Depopulation, Deculturation, and Adaptive Well-Being among the Batak [Negritos] ofthe Philippines. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gibbs, W. Wayt. 2002. 'Saving Dying Languages.' Scientr3c American 287(2): 79-85. August. Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. 2005. Ethnologue: Languages ofthe World, Fifieenth edition, Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. [Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com.] Grenoble, Lenore A., and Lindsay J. Whaley. 1998. 'Toward a Typology of Language Endangerment.' In Endangered Languages. L Grenoble and L. Whaley, eds. Pp. 22-54. New York: Cambridge University Press. Griffin, P. Bion. 1994. 'Becoming Filipino Peasants: Agta Forager Gender Role Changes.' In Hunters and Gatherers in the Modern Context: Book of Presented Papers, Vol. 1. Linda J. Ellanna, ed. Pp. 234-238. Fairbanks, University of Alaska. Griffin, P. Bion and Agnes A. Estioko-Griffin, eds. 1985. The Agta ofNortheastern Luzon: Recent Studies. Cebu City, Philippines: University of San Carlos Publications. Griffin, P. Bion, and Thomas N. Headland. 1994. 'The Negritos: Disappearing Hunter-Gatherers of Southeast Asia.' In Traditional Peoples Today. Volume 5 of The Illustrated History of Humankind. Goran Burenhult, General Editor. P. 71. New York: HarperCollins. Gugliotta, Guy. 1999. 'A Tribe Races to Teach Its Mother Tongue.' Washington Post, August 9, p. Al. Headland, Thomas N. 1975. 'Report of Eastern Luzon Language Survey.' Philippine Journal of Linguistics 6: 47-54. Headland, Thomas N. 1981. Taxonomic Disagreement in a Culturally Salient Domain: Botany Versus Utility in a Philippine Negrito Taxonomic System. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International. Headland, Thomas N. 1983. 'An Ethnobotanical Anomaly: The Dearth of Binomial Specifics in a Folk Taxonomy of a Negrito Hunter-Gatherer Society in the Philippines.'Journal ofEthnobiology 3: 109-120. Headland, Thomas N. 1985. 'Comment [on Cecil Brown].' Current Anthropology 25: 57-58. Headland, Thomas N. 1986. Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study o f a Changing Ecosystem and Its EJfect on a Negrito Hunter-Gatherer Group in the Philippines. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International. Headland, Thomas N. 1988. 'Ecosystemic Change in a Philippine Tropical Rainforest and Its Effect on a Negrito Foraging Society.' Tropical Ecology 29(2): 121-135. Headland, Thomas N. 1989. 'Population Decline in a Philippine Negrito Hunter-Gatherer Society.' American Journal of Human Biology 1 : 59-72. Headland, Thomas N., and Doris E. Blood, eds. 2002. What Place for Hunter-Gatherers in Millennium Three? Dallas: SIL International and International Museum of Cultures. Publications in Ethnography.

Headland, Thomas N., and P. Bion Griffin. 1997. 'A Bibliography of the Agta Negritos of Eastern Luzon, Philippines.' SIL Electronic Working Papers 1997-004. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. www.sil.org/silewp~1997/004/silewp1997-004.html. June. Headland, Thomas N., and Janet D. Headland. 1974. A Dumagat (Casiguran) [Agta] - English Dictionary. Canberra: The Australian National University. Headland, Thomas N., and Janet D. Headland. 1997. 'Limitation of Human Rights, Land Exclusion, and Tribal Extinction: The Agta Negritos of the Philippines.' Human Organization 56(1): 79-90. Headland, Thomas N., and Janet D. Headland. 1998. 'Hypergyny: The Outmarriages of Agta Women and the Future of Philippine Negrito Post-Foraging Populations.' Paper presented at The 97'h Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Philadelphia, PA, December 2-6. Headland, Thomas N., and Janet D. Headland. 1999. 'Agta Human Rights Violations: Why Southeast Asian Negritos are a Disappearing People.' www.sil.org/sil/roster/headland-tlagta.htm. Headland, Thomas N., and Janet D. Headland. 2007. Agta Demographic Database: Chronicle of a Hunter-Gatherer Communily In Transition. SIL Language and Culture Documentation and Description 2007-2. Dallas: SIL International. Online. URL: . Headland, Thomas N., and Lawrence A. Reid. 1989. 'Hunter-Gatherers and Their Neighbors From Prehistory to the Present.' Current Anthropology 30: 43-66. Junker, Laura Lee. 1999. Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philippine Chiefdoms. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Krauss, Michael. 1992. 'The world's languages in crisis.' Language 68: 4-10. May field, Roy. 1987. 'Central Cagayan Agta Texts.' Studies in Philippine Linguistics (Supplementary Series: Philippine Texts No. 2). Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines and Summer Institute of Linguistics. Nickell, Thomas L. 1985. 'A Partial Stratification Analysis of Eastern Cagayan Agta Language.' In The Agta of Northeastern Luzon: Recent Studies, P. Bion Griffin and Agnes A. Estioko-Griffin, eds. Pp. 119-146. Cebu City, Philippines: University of San Carlos Publications. Ostler, Rosemarie. 1999. 'Disappearing Languages.' The Futurist 33(7): 16-22. August-September. Online: www.wfs.org/as99.htrn. Pennoyer, F. Douglas. 1987. 'Inati: The Hidden Negrito Language of Panay, Philippines.' Philippine Journal of Linguistics 17(2) and 18(1): 1-36. Pittman, Richard S. ed. 1998. Backfrom the Brink: Sixteen Accounts ofEthnic Renaissance. Waxhaw, North Carolina: SIL InternationaLRai, Navin K. 1982. From Forest to Field: A Study of Philippine Negrito Foragers in Transition. PhD. Dissertation, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii. Rai, Navin K. 1990. Living in a Lean-to: Philippine Negrito Foragers in Transition. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology. Reid, Lawrence A. 1989. 'Arta, Another Philippine Negrito Language.' Oceanic Linguistics 28(1): 47-74. Reid, Lawrence A. 1994. 'Possible Non-Austronesian Lexical Elements in Philippine Negrito Languages.' Oceanic Linguistics 33: 37-72. Reynolds, Hubert. 1983. 'Research and participant Intervention in the Mountain Negrito Development Project of Northern Negros.' Silliman Journal 30: 163-175. Schebesta, Paul. 1947. Menschen Ohne Geschichte. Modling (Wien): St. Gabriel. Stewart, Kilton. 1954. Pygmies andDream Giants. New York: Harper and Row. Sutherland, William J. 2003. 'Parallel Extinction Risk and Global Distribution of Languages and Species.' Nature 423: 276-279. May 15. www.nature.com/cgi-taf/DynaPage.taf?file=/ nature/joumallv423/n6937/full/natureO1607-fs.htrnl&content-filetype=PDF. Top, Gerhard van den. 1998. The Social Dynamics of Deforestation in the Sierra Madre, Philippines. Leiden: Centre of Environmental Science, Leiden University.

Plate 3 Headland eliciting cooking terms from Agta man (taken by J. Headland in 1962) [Chapter 61

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