YOUTH AT ODDS: Thai Youth's Precarious Futures in

YOUTH AT ODDS: Thai Youth’s Precarious Futures in a Globalized World

Institute for Population and Social Research Mahidol University Salaya, Nakhon Pathom, Thailand with

International Center for Research on Women Washington, D.C., U.S.A and Office of Population Research Princeton University Princeton, NJ, U.S.A

Publication No: 299 ISBN NO: 974-9930-15-0

YOUTH AT ODDS: Thai Youth’s Precarious Futures in a Globalized World Dr. Amara Soonthorndhada Dr. Sirinan Kittisuksathit Dr. Sureeporn Punpuing Ms. Anchalee Varangrat Dr. Anju Malhotra Dr. Sara R. Curran Ms. Sarah B. Martin

Ð Cataloging in Publication Data Youth at ODDs : Thai youth’s precarious futures in a globalized world / Amara Soonthorndhada … [et al.]. - - 1st ed. - - Nakhon Pathom : Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University with International Center for Research on Women and Office of Population Research, Princeton University, 2005. (Publication / Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University ; no.299) ISBN 974-9930-15-0 Researchers: Amara Soonthorndhada, Sirinan Kittisuksathit, Sureeporn Punpuing, Anchalee Varangrat , Anju Malhotra, Sara R. Curran, Sarah B. Martin 1. Adolescence. 2. Youth. I.Amara Soonthorndhada. II. Sirinan Kittisuksathit. III. Sureeporn Punpuing. IV. Anchalee Varangrat V. Malhotra Anju,. VI. Curran, Sara R. VII. Martin, Sarah B. VIII. Mahidol University. Institute for Population and Social Research. IX. International Center for Research on Women. X. Princeton University. Office of Population Research. XI. Series.

HQ796 Y83 2005

Ð Copyright 2005 by Institute for Population and Social Research All rights reserved. First published: May 2005 1,000 copies Published by:

Institute for Population and Social Research Mahidol University, Salaya Campus Phutthamonthon, Nakhon Pathom 73170 Thailand Tel: +66 (0) 2441-0201, 2441-9666 Fax: +66 (0) 2441-9333 e-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ipsr.mahidol.ac.th

Publication No: 299

ISBN : 974-9930-15-0

Ð Photos in this report are permittedÐ

FOREWORD It has proven difficult for Thai youth to live their lives free from the influence of global changes that are leading them to new social norms and lifestyles that may make them lose their balance. Judging from the headlines about gang fights, car racing, drugs, computer game addiction and sex there is a lot for us to worry about, especially as it bodes ill for the social and cultural standards in Thai society. The question is what kind of judgment and remedy will we need for youth when their paths diverge from the expectations of society. The Ministry of Education has a strong policy of providing education to all Thai people regardless of race, sex, or religion. The policy for education expansion had lead to a dramatic increase in educational participation rates. Unfortunately, some are still lost in the system. Poor parents still ignore compulsory education laws and are reluctant to send their daughters, in particular, to school. The Ministry of Education has taken part in many efforts regarding personal development issues for youth, such as family life education courses which have been incorporated into the formal educational system’s curriculum. We do realize that there are other opportunities for more interventions regarding education and employment. However, conditions of poverty, lack of understanding of adolescents’ special needs, and inadequate emphasis on adolescents needs in the policy and program framework limit new policies and current policy effectiveness. These problems coupled with differences between youths’ needs and aspirations as they pertain to expectations of the prevailing socio-cultural norms and practices also adversely affect their ability to access information and exercise choice. The problem today is that youths are not only struggling with social forces that make them feel unguided and uncomfortable with themselves and the world, but they are also spinning in a world that is afire with popular culture, which glorifies consumerism, drugs, violence and untimely sex. This publication highlights three outstanding recommendations about education expansion, life skills program, and parenting skills. These initiatives should strengthen youths’ personal physical, emotional and intellectual development. I am pleased to see many unique responses and strategies proposed by this project. There was a consensus on the full involvement of adolescents in all relevant aspects of program planning and design. Issues and concerns expressed in this publication demand a multisectoral collaboration of relevant institutions. The need to address issues of education expansion, violence, alcohol and drugs were put on top priority as they are closely related to youths’ physical and mental health development. Of particular concerns are the pregnancy-related school dropouts which hamper girls’ opportunities for socio-economic advancement. I extremely appreciate the work of this research team to produce a very crucial and interesting piece of research. We always need adequate and timely data to provide the knowledge base for policies and programs, while the country is plagued with social problems such as drugs, HIV/AIDS, and violence.

Khunying Kasama Varavarn Permanent Secretary for Education Ministry of Education

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FOREWORD The Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University has long provided outstanding research in population issues including research on adolescents. This report demonstrates how a collaborative partnership between two university-based population research centers, the Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University and the Office of Population Research at Princeton University, and a policy oriented research institute, the International Center for Research on Women can achieve a benchmark study on adolescents and transitions to adulthood during a time of many global challenges. This report is the realization of the vision of the Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University to provide high quality scientific research to inform policies for a country plagued with social problems such as drugs, HIV/AIDS, and crime. Building a moral conscience for the young generation is important and research in the area of adolescents is even more important for a long term plan to invest in their human resources, which are the nation’s most valuable asset. Youth today and in the future need to be physically, mentally and intellectually healthy. Last but not least, we are grateful to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation for their generous support to make this project possible. Special thanks go to the Wellcome Trust, UK for their endless support.

Emeritus Professor Dr. Pornchai Matangkasombut President of Mahidol University

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FOREWORD This project creates strong recommendations for new programs to reinforce human and social capital together and establish a social safety net for Thai youth. Findings also emphasized the importance of family ties between parents and children to foster communication and respect via materials and strategies for effective parenting in a new, modern era and via community-based social and economic interventions for youth. Also, this study emphasizes how education is the only tool to bring youth opportunities for social and economic mobility, both through human capital and social capital. We also thank the Office of Population Research at Princeton University, and a policy oriented research institute, the International Center for Research on Women, Washington, DC, for our creative collaboration and we hope that our relationship will be cherished. We owe enormous thanks to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Wellcome Trust, UK, for their endless support. I am extremely appreciative of the all research team members for their creative vision to produce a good piece of work. With faith, I am sure that this research will be useful to the policy-makers and scholars in various ways.

Associate Professor Dr. Churnrurtai Kanchanachitra Director, Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University

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FOREWORD The paths to adulthood for Thai youth are numerous, often not clearly marked and continuously evolving. How youth negotiate these paths, the choices they make in their journey, the support they receive in making those choices, and the social context that inform their choices are all issues that are crucial to understand in order to assist youth in making safe and fulfilling transitions into adulthood. The research described in this publication uses a variety of methodologies to describe and understand the complexity of the period of adolescence in the rapidly changing environment that characterizes Thailand. A major conceptual strength of the study is the attention provided to different dimensions of lives of youth. The report describes the variation in the opportunities, and the resources needed to access those opportunities, among the dimensions. These dimensions are not independent from each other and the research also highlights the importance of understanding these linkages. This publication provides important and clearly presented information for a diverse set of audiences. For social theorists, the focus on issues of social capital and the relevance of the concept for understanding the lives of adolescents will be of particular interest. Researchers grappling with the issue of what research methods to use in describing and interpreting this dynamic period of life will benefit considerably from studying the methodological framework of the study. The study provides concrete and realistic recommendations for policy makers and program managers, and these practitioners will appreciate the explicit linkages that are made between research findings and potential action. Finally, the many of us who want to understand the lives of youth will expand our horizons through a careful reading of the publication. This publication is the outcome of a collaboration that has spanned two continents and three institutions. Each of theses institutions have contributed their strengths to making this study the success that it has been. The Institute for Population and Social Research at Mahidol University brought to the project a wealth of experience in conducting research with youth and an unparalleled history of quality data collection. The International Center for Research on Women has acknowledged strength in programmatic research while the Office of Population Research at Princeton University is a leader in basic research. The researchers involved in this project have been able to combine their strengths to produce this comprehensive publication. I congratulate them, and everyone else who has been involved in this important study. On behalf of the Advisory Board

Dr. Philip Guest Population Council Director, Thailand Office

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We would like to thank all respondents who generously shared with us their time, ideas and experiences. Throughout the project we have learned a lot from the young people in the Province of Kanchanaburi, in particular, youth who showed us their spirited, enthusiastic, and insightful views towards their life philosophies. They gave us lots of new knowledge, courage, joy, and sadness when life events became too hard to deal with. We also thank our research assistants who were with us during data collection. Their skills and hard working personalities pushed us to work together and have the work done with fewer difficulties. Associate Professor Dr. Churnrurtai Kanchanachitra, Director of the Institute for Population and Social Research deserves our appreciation for her moral support. We owe enormous thanks to Associate Professor Dr. Bencha Yoddumnern-Attig for her strong support and useful guidance. We also thank the Advisory Board for their useful and constructive advice. Their suggestions and views greatly helped the research team craft the final report. Dr. Philip Guest’s careful and thoughtful comments were appreciated by the entire team. We are grateful for the endless assistance obtained from different groups in Kanchanaburi Province. Without their support, commitment and guidance this research would not have touched upon the needs of our youth. Warm thanks and appreciation go to Ms. Auraphan Hunchangsith, Head of the Institute for Population and Social Research Administrative Office, and her staff who deserve our thanks for their endless logistic assistance, which enabled the project to run smoothly. We also thank the library staff for their help in supplying reference material. Special thanks go to Ms. Pratip Naiyana, Mr. Somchai Supyodkaew and Mrs. Jutharat Supyodkaew for preparing the layout of the report with great care. This research was supported by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation through a grant to the International Center for Research on Women. We are grateful for continued institutional support from the Office of Population Research, Princeton University, Center Grant #NIH 1 R24 HD 047879, and to Melanie Adams for technical and logistical assistance. The continued support of the Wellcome Trust Foundation to the ongoing Kanchanaburi Demographic Surveillance System meant we could take advantage of a valuable site for our study. We are grateful for the opportunity to have contributed towards the overall success of the Kanchanaburi Demographic Surveillance System. We were ably assisted by many research assistants and are indebted to them for their dedication and earnest efforts, including: Monica Agarwal, Keera Allendorf, Abigail Cooke, Radha Mishra, Eva Roca, Siri Thanasombat, Danay Klaolaew, Kochaporn Chareonkittilerk, Chantanee Jitpraneet, Benjamas Rodpai, Kriangsak Rojkurisathian, Tanaluck Theptepa, Wannee Hutapat, Jongjit Rithirong, Kochamon Kongpermpoon, Yaowaluck Tangboon, Warin Chomprasert, Niphon Daravuthimaprakorn, Pairut Laddakul and research staff at Kanchanaburi Field Station. Dr. Amara Soonthorndhada Dr. Sirinan Kittisuksathit Dr. Sureeporn Punpuing Ms. Anchalee Varangrat Dr. Anju Malhotra Dr. Sara R. Curran Ms. Sarah B. Martin

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PREFACE Rapid urbanization, globalization of technology and cultures, and the well-being of the largest generation of young people to date are urgent policy concerns that are rarely integrated or analyzed jointly in research or policy circles. One topic of growing interest and concern to demographers and social scientists is adolescence and the transition to adulthood because youths’ current lives offer a glimpse into their future life courses and the well-being of society. Consequently, many believe that policy interventions aimed at youth during adolescence might yield long-term societal benefits, especially if those policies focus on adolescent transitions to adulthood. Additionally, new research on the role of social networks in influencing adolescent lives and health suggest that networks are critical intervening elements explaining outcomes. However, no research has set out to identify which aspects of social networks are most important for understanding youth life outcomes and how to translate these into practical interventions. This project delineates the innovative potential of combining both contextual and policy research through a collaborative partnership between two university-based population research centers, the Institute for Population and Social Research (IPSR) at Mahidol University and the Office of Population Research (OPR) at Princeton University, and a policy-oriented research institute, the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW). In this report we document the first half of our project to show how youth life courses are affected by variable social capital and social networks of influence. We conclude with a “road map” for the second half our project: proposed practical innovations for successful adolescent transitions to adulthood. The stakes are high for Thailand and many other countries as they meet the challenges of rapid economic and social change, the pressures of globalization, and the scourge of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, while at the same time creating opportunities for and meeting the needs of youth. Over the last decade the Thai economy has experienced economic extremes: a period of rapid economic growth and one of the country’s largest economic downturns. The consequences of such rapid swings in the economy have left communities and families throughout the country in turmoil. For example, in 2000, 1.38 million Thai people were estimated to be living with HIV infection. A majority of these cases of HIV/AIDS in Thailand were in the 15 to 29 year old age range, suggesting that many such individuals were infected during adolescence.1 Young adults compose the largest age group in most countries. They represent a hopeful future, and yet face many current risks. Thai evidence from the 1990s indicates that 15 to19 year olds represent the largest proportion of rural-urban migrants and, as such, are important contributors toward 1

Fongkeaw, Warunee (2000) “Gender socialization and female sexuality in northern Thailand,” in Coming of Age in South and Southeast Asia: Youth, Courtship and Sexuality, L.M.A.P. Liamputtong, ed. London: Curzon Press; Ministry of Public Health (1996) “The Situation of AIDS Patients in Thailand.” Bangkok, Thailand: Ministry of Public Health, AIDS Division.

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their families’ and communities’ health and well-being.2 Presently, there is growing concern about adolescents' futures and the potential resources they represent for a country desperate to restore sustaining economic growth, especially in light of Thailand’s 1997 financial crisis. Accordingly, there is strong interest among Thai research, governmental, and non-governmental institutions in addressing the full scope of issues related to adolescents, migration, and urbanization. Our project had several goals to address the research gap pertaining to adolescents and their life opportunities, and to consider new approaches towards helping youth navigate these tumultuous times. These goals are: 1. To explore the role of social capital in shaping youth success and exposure to risk in the Thai context. 2. To effectively combine quantitative and qualitative methods for richer insights into adolescent transitions to adulthood. 3. To apply our research results in the development of practical approaches for addressing some of the most pressing concerns in the lives of adolescents who are moving back and forth between rural and urban areas and between modern and traditional lifestyles within Kanchanaburi province. Our collaboration involved multiple institutions with varying and complementary resources. The team members come from two university-based research centers and one research policy institute, and are trained in a variety of social science methodologies, both quantitative and qualitative. First and foremost, IPSR team members, led by Dr. Amara Soonthorndhada and including Dr. Sirinan Kittsuksathit, Dr. Sureeporn Punpuing and Anchalee Varangrat contributed their deep and extensive knowledge about qualitative data collection and their substantive expertise about gender, family, health, and sexuality. Second, Dr. Anju Malhotra from ICRW brought her expertise as a researcher for policy and programmatic implementation and as a demographer, along with her innovative methodologies, lifelines and mobility maps. And third, Dr. Sara Curran from OPR and Princeton University applied her expertise in the integration of quantitative and qualitative methods, gender and migration, social capital, and economic development in Thailand.

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Chamratrithirong, Aphichat, Krittaya Archavanitkul, Kerry Richter, Philip Guest, Varachai Thongthai, Wathinee Boonchalaksi, Nittaya Piriyathamwong, and Panee Vong-ek (1995) “National Migration Survey of Thailand.” Bangkok, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research.

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The unique combination of team members’ skills and experience and the resources of their respective institutions yielded a comprehensive study with a wealth of insights about adolescence. IPSR has a worldwide reputation for research quality and excels in field-based research on population issues in developing country settings. Faculty and staff have years of collaborative experience with U.S. and international research organizations, and also extensive local networks with both governmental and nongovernmental organizations. Work on policy issues with these organizations is currently a high institutional priority. IPSR has a history of accumulated data, knowledge, and understanding of key population issues and concerns within Thailand, including issues of migration and adolescence. Identified in 2000 as a worldwide center for research excellence by the Wellcome Trust, IPSR is also the recipient of a Wellcome Trust grant to develop and maintain a demographic surveillance project for research and policy evaluation in Kanchanaburi Province, Thailand. This unique project, the Kanchanaburi Demographic Surveillance System, offers invaluable opportunities for smaller scale projects to join the larger effort, such that they may learn from and contribute to the larger project. OPR, Princeton University, maintains highly experienced and well-respected faculty, an extensive population library, computer and programming support, and complementary resources for research and training, all of which provide a valuable infrastructure for ongoing and innovative research. ICRW is a well-established research and policy organization with influential international ties to bilateral and multilateral agencies, particularly on issues of gender and development. As a policy-oriented research institute, ICRW’s focus for this project is on identifying key policy and programmatic areas that can be effectively influenced to improve development, welfare, and gender outcomes related to migration, urbanization, and adolescent life transitions. Its organizational strength is in maintaining the pulse of policy direction, interpreting research needs for policy influence, and comprehending and translating complex research issues into concrete policy recommendations. ICRW also has extensive experience in evaluation research techniques and methodologies. The research team’s work was also complemented by an Advisory Board composed of district, provincial, and national government and non-governmental leaders. This Advisory Board provided extensive comments during the early stages of the project and invaluable feedback on the contents of this report, especially with respect to policy recommendations. Funding for Youth at Odds: Thai Youth’s Precarious Futures in a Globalized World came from the Population Program of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Recognizing the urgent needs of adolescents, Carolyn Makinson, Program Officer at the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, conceived a special initiative to encourage research and

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policy collaborations across regions and types of institutions. Makinson recognized the critical need to join research with policy making for this important segment of the world’s population. The project began in May 2001 with a team-wide meeting in Thailand. Focus group data collection took place during late 2001 through early 2002, with periodic team meetings. Transcript and translation work occurred during the spring of 2002. In October 2002, a team-wide meeting took place in Washington, D.C. to discuss the analytic strategy and develop a shared website for archival and current materials. During the fall and spring of 2003, early analytic work began. Subsequently, in the fall of 2003, all of the initial data were summarized. During the summer of 2004, a team-wide meeting yielded a completed set of coded materials for analysis. In addition, the broad scope and findings of the research were prepared for the current report. In October 2004, the report was presented and disseminated in Bangkok to the policy advisory board and interested others. Without further ado, we present our results. We do so with great pleasure as we have enjoyed working together closely, becoming friends, finding our smiles and laughter even when the going was tough, and learning so much from each other and from the youth, families and communities of Kanchanaburi, Thailand.

Dr. Amara Soonthorndhada Dr. Sirinan Kittisuksathit Dr. Sureeporn Punpuing Ms. Anchalee Varangrat Dr. Anju Malhotra Dr. Sara R. Curran Ms. Sarah B. Martin

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The results of our research yield the first comprehensive picture of adolescent lives across multiple realms, including household livelihoods, education, health, work, and leisure. Our research depicts how adolescents experience transitions to adulthood, their perceptions of their own lives and those of others, and their parents’ perspectives of adolescent transitions. We believe that our insights and observations of Thai life in Kanchanaburi Province in 2001 can be applied in many other contexts. Below we provide a brief summary of our findings and our suggested policy and programmatic interventions on behalf of adolescents. Because of our multiplex approach towards understanding adolescent transitions to adulthood, we observe that critical transition points are not uniform across each realm, and some points of transition in some realms of life have critical repercussions for other realms of life. This dynamic creates challenges for programmatic interventions and demands holistic approaches that take into account the competing personal and social needs, aspirations, opportunities, and constraints playing out during a critical three to six-year period in the lives of Thai youth. Among the social forces wielding influence in adolescent lives are their peer networks, families, and images of modernity conveyed through media and the market. Of these, the first and the third wield particular influence. Parents are variably networked with their children. Fathers are particularly distant and less aware of the everyday lives of their children. Mothers are more aware, but are not networked with others to facilitate access to resources for their children or to manage the risks their children face. Although community organizations, either non-governmental or government-based, are identified as existent by parents during our interviews, they are not vital institutions for youth, are barely recognized by youth, and are not linked to youth through their own networks. Despite their strengths as repositories and sources of financial, informational, and network resources, these local community organizations do not serve the expected function of social capital for Thai youth. The disjuncture between youth social networks and community organizations has meant that many Thai youth have a weaker social safety net than would be expected, placing them at higher risks of unhealthy life outcomes. Taken altogether, our findings provide startlingly clear and critical evidence about the conditions that give rise to growing youth violence, HIV/AIDS infection rates among youth, and the relatively limited improvement in secondary school enrollment and completion rates among Thai youth. These are statistics that have recently alarmed Thai public officials. Further, we find concrete evidence that youth experiences and decisions in each realm of life are inevitably dependent upon other realms of life. The multiplex nature of this interdependency among the realms of life creates critical moments for intervention that translate to important achievements for Thai youth and the future well-being of Thai society. Finally, we find significant differences in the vulnerabilities and risks faced by boys and girls. Our report concludes that in order to repair and strengthen the social safety net for Thai youth and ensure their healthy life outcomes, interventions must be designed to

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grow social capital through strengthening intergenerational relations, linking youth networks to community organizations, and creating youth programs which are holistic in their approach towards youths’ lives and futures. We offer the following four recommendations: 1. Further grow comprehensive life skills programs and youth-centered social activities for a variety of venues (schools, work places, community centers). These should integrate sex education, along with information about career planning and training, money management skills, and gender sensitivity, and awareness in managing personal and professional relationships. 2. Expand education options for and access to secondary and tertiary schooling. a. First, expand non-formal education opportunities for youth 18 to 24 years old who were not able to take advantage of the expansion of education opportunities provided in the late 1990s. b. Second, for younger Thai youth, expand scholarship opportunities for tertiary schooling, as well as the publicity about and explanations for how to apply for and receive funds. 3. Rebuild family ties between parents and children to foster communication and respect via materials and strategies for effective parenting in a new, modern era and via community-based social and economic interventions geared toward youth.3 Thus, we strongly recommend a national policy and program to implement a “Parenting Skills” initiative. 4. Finally, we recommend a national effort to promote youth centered activities within communities that uses an integrated approach towards sustainable social and economic communities similar to the successful efforts undertaken by the Thai government and national nongovernmental organizations to address community development issues in the 1980s.4 Building on the lessons learned from this decades’ old effort, we suggest designing youth-centered activities in both rural and urban communities that foster healthy and vibrant youth networks that are also integrated with adult participants. Taken together our recommendations reflect the evidence that education, social capital, and family support systems all work together to insulate youth from risky situations and create opportunities for social and economic mobility, both through human capital and social capital. First, we suggest that sex education needs to be 3

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The summer issue of the Journal for Adolescent Research published by the Society for Research on Adolescence recommends fostering parental communication skills as one of the primary interventions for addressing adolescent needs. Available at http://www.s-r-a.org/conclusions.html We are referring here to the many efforts undertaken by the NESDB and the PDA to establish community based integrated development programs.

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included in a comprehensive life skills program. Thai youth expressed two interests which might be addressed via one intervention. The first interest is the earning and management of money and the consumption of goods associated with a global youth culture. The second is the building of “good” and respectful friendships among same and opposite sex members. Organizing one intervention that brings boys and girls together socially around money management and investment strategies might diminish the gendered perceptions about work and family and grow the recognition of shared interests and mutual capacities. Second, many youth expressed the desire for more education, but limited knowledge about possibilities. We identify two ways in which current efforts might be expanded. Third, leisure is an activity of preference and default for many Thai youth, but there are limited organized and safe outlets for Thai leisure activities that also provide social life skills essential for making the transition to adulthood. Finally, the gap between parents and their children might best be narrowed via two efforts: first, to create a dialogue among parents with materials and strategies about parenting in a new era and, second, to build and strengthen community-based youth activities that enhance social and economic skills for in the contemporary social and economic climate.

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CONTENTS Page FOREWORD : Khunying Kasama Varavarn (Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education) Emeritus Professor Dr. Pornchai Matangkasombut (President of Mahidol University) Dr. Churnrurtai Kanchanachitra (Director, IPSR, Mahidol University) Dr. Philip Guest (Population Council Director, Thailand Office) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PREFACE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES ACRONYMS LIST OF ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS

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CHAPTER I

Introduction: Transitions to Adulthood and Globalization in Thailand

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CHAPTER II

Background: Social Capital and Transitions to Adulthood in Thailand

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CHAPTER III

Data and Methods

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CHAPTER IV

Family and Household: Economy and Relationships

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CHAPTER V

Schools and Education

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CHAPTER VI

Health

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CHAPTER VII

Work and Employment

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CHAPTER VIII

Leisure

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CHAPTER IX

Discussion and Recommendations: Repairing Bridges and Building Futures

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1:

Number of Households and Population Size in Study Sites, 2000

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Table 2:

Number of Communication Tools in Study Sites, 2000

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Table 3:

Demographic, Economic and Social Characteristics of All Household Members in Three Types of Study Communities, 2000 Demographic, Economic and Social Characteristics of Household Members, Age 15-24 in Three Types of Study Communities, 2000 Presence of and Participation in Associative Organizations, 2000 Focus Group Interview Sample Coding Descriptions for Qualitative Data Questions of Organizing and Interpreting Results Completing Education Levels by Sex and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Completing Education Levels by Age, Sex, and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Health Related Consumption Behavior among All Respondents by Sex and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Health Related Consumption Behavior among Youth by Sex and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 All Respondents’ Knowledge of Contraceptive Methods by Sex and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Male Youth Respondents’ Knowledge about Contraception by Age and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Female Youth Respondents’ Knowledge about Contraception by Age and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Youth by Occupational Status, Age and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Youth by Occupational Status, Marital Status and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Youth by Occupational Status, Sex and Rural-Urban Status, 2000 Influential Role Models in Youth Lives across Five Life Realms

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Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Table 10: Table 11: Table 12: Table 13: Table 14: Table 15: Table 16: Table 17: Table 18: Table 19:

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30 32 37 40 42 58 59 82 83 84 85 86 104 111 112 148

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LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1: Figure 2: Figure 3: Figure 4: Figure 5: Figure 6: Figure 7: Figure 8: Figure 9: Figure 10: Figure 11: Figure 12: Figure 13: Figure 14: Figure 15: Figure 16: Figure 17: Figure 18: Figure 19:

Map of Thailand and Location of Kanchanaburi Province Image of the River Kwai, Kanchanaburi Map of Study Areas in Kanchanaburi Province Youth Participants Actively Engaging in Lifeline Tool Focus Group Example of Participants’ Lifeline from a Youth Focus Group Mobility Map Schema Example of Participants’ Mobility Map from a Youth Focus Group Schematic View of Sampling Approach Example of Focus Group Session Conceptual Framework Family & Household across the Life Course Map of Study Site and Secondary Schools Education across the Life Course Map of Study Site and Health Care Facilities Health Concerns and Risky Behaviors across the Life Course Work and Employment Experiences across the Life Course Leisure Activities across the Life Course Activities across Five Realms of Life across the Life Course Percent of Youth with Secondary Schooling, 2000

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3 23 26 34 35 35 36 37 38 43 48 57 64 87 93 110 132 146 153

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ACRONYMS AIA AIDS CIDA DSS FFW GDP HIV ICRW IPSR IUD NESDB OPR PAT PATH PDA PLAA PPAT TAO TBCA UNAIDS UNDP UNESCAP UNFPA UNICEF WHO

American International Assurance Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome Canadian International Development Agency Demographic Surveillance System Foundation for Women Gross Domestic Product Human Immunodeficiency Virus International Center for Research on Women Institute for Population and Social Research Intrauterine Device National Economic and Social Development Board Office of Population Research Petroleum Authority of Thailand Program for Appropriate Technology in Health Population and Community Development Association Participatory Learning and Action Appraisal Planned Parenthood Association of Thailand Tambol Administrative Authority Thailand Business Coalition on AIDS United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS United Nations Development Program United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific United Nations Population Fund United Nations Children’s Fund World Health Organization

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ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS Khunying Kasama Varavarn Ministry of Education

Mr. Sakol Boonkham Ministry of Social Development Human Security

Dr. Chuachandra Chongsathityoo Ministry of Education

Mrs. Suwanee Khammun Office of National and Economic Social Development Board

Associate Professor Dr. Philip Guest Population Council, Thailand Office

Emeritus Professor Dr. Boonlert Leoprapai Mahidol University

Dr. Anthony Pramualratana Thailand Business Coalition on AIDS

Emeritus Professor Dr. Aphichat Chamratrithirong Mahidol University

Dr. Yawaluk Rajpatayakom National Economic and Social Development Board

Professor Dr. Pramote Prasartkul Mahidol University

Professor Dr. Boonkong Hunchangsith Thammasart University

Associate Professor Dr. Chai Podhisita Mahidol University

Dr. Sirikul Tantulalak Rajapat University, Kanchanaburi

Associate Professor Dr. Kusol Soonthorndhada Mahidol University

Mr. Promboon Panitchapakdi Raks Thai Foundation (CARE Thailand)

Associate Professor Dr. Varachai Thongthai Mahidol University

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and

and

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Transitions to Adulthood and Globalization in Thailand In the past decade, Thailand has experienced high rates of economic growth, a downturn, and a recovery. In addition, rapid fertility declines and the HIV/AIDS pandemic have coincided with enormous social and political change and increasing visibility of adolescent needs. The implications of these shifts are yet to be fully understood and addressed systematically. Presently, there is growing concern about adolescents' futures and the potential resources they represent for a country desperate to restore sustainable economic growth. Within the country, there is strong interest among research, governmental, and non-governmental institutions in addressing the full scope of issues related to adolescents, migration, and urbanization. Evidence from the early 1990s suggested that Thai youth were poised to experience dramatic shifts in behavior and well-being because of the growth and changes in the national economy, Thailand’s participation in a global economy and culture, and the fall in family size in the 1980s.1 In addition, evidence from the 1990s also indicated that youth were extremely mobile, migrating to both rural and urban destinations for work and school reasons. In fact, evidence from the 1990s indicates that 15 to19 year olds represent the largest proportion of rural-urban migrants.2 They migrate independently or with their families, and in many cases confront difficult life course choices about employment, education, and health. There are also gender differences in adolescent migration. For instance, while girls and boys are equally represented in migrant streams, their experiences are anecdotally understood to be profoundly different. This migration takes the form of frequent moves between home and various destinations. It is a dynamic form that means that youth are frequently moving between two worlds: one modern and one traditional. Given the rapidity of high rates of economic growth (encompassing one generation), varying patterns of migration, and increasing rates of urbanization, Thailand represents an interesting opportunity to examine the social and economic causes and 1

2

Podhisita, Chai and Umaporn Pattaravanich (1995) “Youth in Contemporary Thailand: Results from the Family and Youth Survey.” Bangkok, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. Chamratrithirong, Aphichat, Krittaya Archavanitkul, Kerry Richter, Philip Guest, Varachai Thongthai, Wathinee Boonchalaksi, Nittaya Piriyathamwong, and Panee Vong-ek (1995) “National Migration Survey of Thailand.” Bangkok, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research.

1 Youth at Odds: Thai Youth’s Precarious Futures in a Globalized World

consequences of demographic redistribution and economic development at both the micro and macro levels. Thailand is also well suited for analysis of these issues given the richness of data available for examination. For data collection, the team took advantage of the opportunity offered by the Kanchanaburi Demographic Surveillance System to employ some of its findings and conduct focus group interviews in four sites, Wang Krajae, Seritham, Phu Noi, and Kraengraberd including two urban communities, Pak Prak and Ban Nua, covered by the Kanchanaburi Demographic Surveillance System. The research team developed qualitative data collection activities that explored adolescent lives, the transition to adulthood, and how migration has wrought new pressures and changed social and economic activities. The qualitative data were collected from youth between the ages of 15 and 24, their parents, and leaders in four communities. In our study, we were interested in learning about how respondents perceived the lives of children (under 15 years old), adolescents (15 to19 years old), and young adults (20 to 24 years old). We refer to people aged 15 to 24 years old as youth. These definitions of age clusters are those typically used in the literature. However, during our interviews we allowed focus group participants to define the exact ages at which important developmental and social life changes occurred. As a result we observe in our data some variability in the definition of ages for childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. Focus group discussions were organized around five realms of life: the household economy, education, health, work, and leisure. The sampling approach allowed us to consider perspectives from multiple points of view, offering opportunities to uncover points of disjuncture in Thai life. This project represents the first time that a study of adolescents considers their lives so comprehensively. We used two participatory research tools developed by ICRW to gain information about youth lives and perceptions about their lives: lifelines and mobility maps. The lifeline tool elicited information about adolescent transitions to adulthood; the mobility map tool elicited information about youth movement for activities in all five realms of life. We modified these tools significantly for substantive reasons. For each mobility activity or transition point, we asked participants about the role of influential relationships or institutions within each of the five realms of life. In this way, we were able to generate information about two types of social capital and their importance in the lives of youth. Information about social relationships—either through work, schools, friends, or family—yielded important insights about social networks and their content. Information about community, governmental, or nongovernmental groups and activities generated insights about social capital from a


Source: Kanchanaburi DSS: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University.

Figure 1: Map of Thailand and Location of Kanchanaburi Province


communitarian perspective.3 In our analyses of the focus group data we asked five questions: 1. What is the distribution of opportunities for youth within each realm of life? 2. What or who limits/creates access to opportunities? 3. Who influences or is perceived to influence youth lives and adolescent transitions to adulthood? 4. What are the consequences of different life courses or mobility choices for youth lives? 5. How does each realm of life affect the other realms of life? We also deployed four different lenses when considering how the responses and information resulting from the answers to the preceding questions. These lenses were intended to systematically examine the differences and similarities in youth lives and life outcomes across gender, generation, rural-urban location, and school status. We imagined that in many realms of life there would be significant differences in the lives of girls and boys or young men and women. We also suspected that the dramatic and rapid social and economic changes in Thai society would reveal significant generational differences in perspectives on youth lives. Further, we imagined that physical distance from urban lifestyles would differentiate the lives of youths in Thailand. And, finally, we had reason to believe that continuing schooling through secondary and tertiary levels would provide markedly different social relationships and life outcomes for youth. Our justifications for these hypotheses are found in the next chapter. This report provides the results of our study. We begin with a background discussion that provides an overview of the literature and a justification for the relevance of this study. In the background discussion, Chapter II, we describe the relevance of the five different realms of life considered in this study. We then discuss social capital and its relevance for understanding adolescent lives and transitions to adulthood. Finally, we describe how a study of Thailand, Thai youth, and Kanchanaburi Province, in particular, provides valuable information for both Thailand and a broader discussion about young peoples’ lives in an era of rapid social transformation. In Chapter III, we provide a detailed account of our data and the methods we employed to analyze our results. In Chapters IV to VIII, we discuss our results, focusing in particular on disjunctures in the lives of adolescents that put them at risk for unhealthy transitions to adulthood. We observe these disjunctures across gender, generation, and different types of social capital. In the final chapter, Chapter IX, we draw upon our study results to propose avenues and approaches for policy and programmatic interventions on behalf of Thai youth in order to repair these disjunctures and reweave a stronger social safety net for Thai youth and their families.

3

Etzioni, Amitai (1998) The Essential Communitarian Reader. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers; Putnam, Robert (2000) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster.


Social Capital and the Transition to Adulthood in Thailand Introduction Our primary objective is to learn about the contexts and processes shaping some of the most pressing concerns in the lives of adolescents. Increasingly teenage youth are precariously balanced between urban and rural livelihoods and modern and traditional lifestyles with weak economic and social support from their communities or older generations. Hence, understanding the sources of support and identity from which they draw resources becomes a critical research and policy arena. We are especially interested in exploring the value of social capital and social networks as key ingredients in innovative policies aimed at improving the current and future wellbeing of young people. Social capital is understood to be the set of social relations that may help or hinder individual opportunities, the household economy, or community development. Social capital is often measured through the presence and strength of particular social institutions (family, kin, community organizations, or voluntarism) and an individual’s access to resources through social networks. Social networks are the set of social ties that an individual creates for economic and social reasons. The idea of social capital is both a methodological and theoretical approach for understanding the context within which individuals experience their material and symbolic world. The degree to which an individual is embedded in particular kinds of social networks is frequently correlated with their social capital. Social networks research is well established in academia, but translating research findings into practice has been difficult. Social capital is currently prominent and strongly debated in the academic literature and frequently invoked in policy circles, but rarely implemented in program circles. Again, the difficulty of translating an appealing, but variously defined concept into concrete programs has proved illusive. We suggest that the best way to conceptualize social capital as it relates to the lives of youth is to view it as a set of processes and practices that are integral to the acquisition of other forms of 'capital,' such as human capital and cultural capital (i.e. qualifications, skills, and group


memberships, etc).1 We gathered empirical evidence based on this conceptualization by asking our respondents about the influential people and institutions encountered in a variety of different life realms, from school, to work, home, health, and leisure. We also systematically explored both positive and negative influences of social capital.

Defining Adolescence Adolescence has emerged as a critical social category in demographic and social science research around the world. In part, this reflects a growing homogeneity in cultural categories and social life, whereby youth are spending increasing amounts of time as relatively independent actors while still in school. The combination of both independence and dependence marks a period of tumultuous social and psychological change. In societies where schooling ends by age 12 and work or marriage begins soon thereafter, adolescence is less likely to be defined as a period of tumult and social change. Youth in these societies are constrained by family expectations and work conditions to contribute to their family’s economic well-being. In places where the gap between primary school and financial independence is wider, the social category of adolescence emerges.2 The World Health Organization (WHO) defines adolescents as persons ages 10 to 19. Adolescents make up about 20 percent of the world population (of whom 85 percent live in developing countries) and yet they have not been the focus of research or 1 2

Morrow, Virginia (1999) “Conceptualizing Social Capital in Relation to the Well-Being of Children and Young People: A Critical Review,” The Sociological Review, 744-65. Adamchak, Susan, Katherine Bond, Laurel MacLaren, Robert Magnani, Kristin Nelson, and Judith Seltzer (2000) "A Guide to Monitoring and Evaluating Adolescent Reproductive Health Programs." Washington, DC: FOCUS on Young Adults; Best, Kim (2000) "Many Youth Face Grim STD Risks," Network, 20(3): 4-5; Bond, Katherine C., Thomas W. Valente, and Carl Kendell (1999) "Social Network Influences on Reproductive Health Behaviors in Urban Northern Thailand," Journal of Social Science and Medicine, 49:1599-614; Bongaarts, John and Barney Cohen (1998) "Adolescent Reproductive Behavior in the Developing World," Studies in Family Planning, 29(2): 99-105; Lenkiewicz, Noemi Ehrenfeld (2002) Adolescent Motherhood: A Response to Social Change? Brisbane, Australia: International Sociologial Association; Lloyd, Cynthia B., ed. (2004) “Growing up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries.” Washington, DC: The National Academies Press; Gupta, Neeru (2002) "Adolescent Reproductive Behavior in Northeast Brazil: Trends and Differential." University of Montreal, United States; Hughes, Jane and Ann P. McCauley (1998) "Improving the Fit: Adolescents’ Needs and Future Programs for Sexual and Reproductive Health in Developing Countries," Studies in Family Planning, 29(2); International Center for Research on Women (2004) “Youth, Gender, Well-Being and Society: Emerging Themes from Adolescent Reproductive Health Intervention Research in India.” Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women; Program for Appropriate Technology in Health (1998) "Adolescent Reproductive Health: Making a Difference,” Outlook, 16(3); Sajeda Amin et al. (1998) "Transition to Adulthood of Female Garment-Factory Workers in Bangladesh, Studies in Family Planning, 29(2); Senderowitz, Judith (1995) "Adolescent Health: Reassessing the Passage to Adulthood." Discussion Paper 272. World Bank; Shah, Meera K., Rose Zambezi, and Mary Simasiku (1999) "Listening to Young Voices: Facilitating Participatory Appraisals on Reproductive Health with Adolescents." Washington, D.C: FOCUS on Young Adults/CARE International in Zambia; Susheela Singh (1998) "Adolescent Childbearing in Developing Countries: A Global Review," Studies in Family Planning, 29(2); UNAIDS (1998) "Statement for the World Conference of Ministers Responsible for Youth." Accessed 12 Aug 1998. Available at www.unaids.org/publications/documents/children/young/lisbon98.html; WHO/UNFPA/UNICEF Study Group on Programming for Adolescent Health (1999) "Programming for Adolescent Health and Development." Geneva: World Health Organization.


policy concern because they are typically subsumed under the programmatic categories of family or women’s or children’s health. Growing recognition of the importance of adolescence for health reasons has emerged because youth have special disease vulnerabilities in an increasingly mobile and global culture, particularly related to mortality (suicide), vehicular accidents, tobacco use, and reproductive health. Further, longitudinal studies of health outcomes in later life increasingly identify adolescent behaviors as particularly determinant of later life morbidity and mortality risks.3

Empirical evidence about adolescents has often been limited by data availability. Until recently, typical surveys collected detailed information about young people aged 15 to 19 years old, but generally had limited information outside of reproductive health or sexuality realms of life, especially in cases where youth samples were unmarried. Generally, most empirical work defines adolescence with a wide age bracket, including youth from ages 15 to 24 years old. The lower bound age limit reflects a lack of data about youth between the ages of 12 and 14 years, even though in many societies this is the onset of menarche. The upper bound generally marks a universal transition to marriage. In our study, focus groups were comprised of youth between the ages of 15 and 24 years old, but we allowed respondents to define critical transition periods in youth lives starting as young as ten years old. Our information about youth lives extends from the ages of 10-23 years.

Realms of Adolescent Life – Family,Education, Health, Work, and Leisure Adolescent and youth lives have garnered increasing attention among social scientists in several special issues of scholarly journals, as well as with the establishment of journals that focus specifically on youth and adolescents.4 Attention tends to center on one or two realms of life—whether it is family, education, health, work, or entertainment—and the media. In most cases, a single study rarely focuses upon multiple realms of youth life courses, despite the fact that many researchers recognize that adolescent transitions to adulthood are particularly important precisely because they mark the simultaneous turning point of many realms of life.5

3 4

5

Dehne, Karl L. and Gabriele Riedner (2001) “Adolescence-A Dynamic Concept,” Reproductive Health Matters, 9(17): 11-15. See for example the Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Journal of Adolescent Health, Children, Youth and Environments, and Journal of Youth Studies, as well as a special issue of International Family Planning Perspectives. Furlong, Andy (2000) “Introduction: youth in a changing world,” International Social Science Journal, 52(2): 129-134; Punch, Samantha (2002) "Youth Transitions and Interdependent Adult-Child Relations in Rural Bolivia," Journal of Rural Studies, 18(2): 123-33.


In only one other, previous instance (Podhisita and Pattaravanich 1995) has there been a study that examined youth lives across multiple realms. That study, conducted 10 years earlier and also in Thailand, indicated that Thai youth were poised to experience dramatic shifts in behavior and well-being because of the growth and changes in the national economy, Thailand’s participation in a global economy and culture, and the decrease in family size that occurred during the 1980s.6 In that seminal study, the authors found that within the family, the mother played a central and influential role in youth lives. She was the primary source of emotional and monetary support and she was the most present in their everyday lives. In fact, a substantial number of youth lived in households where fathers were rarely present. This experience was shared across boys and girls, as well as rural and urban settings. Girls were much less likely to receive secondary schooling and their schooling decisions were more vulnerable to family circumstances. Peer networks were extremely influential and the evidence in this earlier study suggested that more friends increased the likelihood of unhealthy behaviors, such as drinking and smoking. Friends were also an important source of information about sexuality and dating or courting concerns. Besides this study conducted among youth in the early 1990s we have not identified any other comprehensive examination of Thai life outcomes or those of youth from any other country or culture. Instead, studies tend to focus on one aspect of life, mentioning that it intersects with other realms. Nevertheless, as we show in this report, the intersections of the realms of life are important elements in defining adolescence and the transition to adulthood. It is these intersections that contribute to characterizations of adolescence as a period of turmoil in social and psychological well-being. In what follows, we briefly review the literature on family, education, health, and well-being noting in particular the places where the literature suggests that social capital is an important element for understanding outcomes. We begin with a review of the role of the family in adolescence and proceed with discussions about education, health, work, and leisure. This organization mirrors the flow of the analytic chapters (Chapters IV-VIII). Family relations and family resources are considered important mediating forces in adolescents’ lives. For adolescents, the family can be viewed as both a place for nurturing and one of conflict.7 Older family members may be important positive role models, but they can also be negative exemplars. Family influence is frequently measured by family structure (nuclear, multi-generational, single-parent), family size, or family resources. In these ways, single parent families appear to put youth at risk 6

7

Podhisita, Chai and Umaporn Pattaravanich (1995) “Youth in Contemporary Thailand: Results from the Family and Youth Survey.” Bangkok, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. Gage, Anastasia (1998) “Sexual Activity and Contraceptive Use: The Components of the Decisionmaking Process,” Studies in Family Planning, 29(2).


of less schooling, unhealthy risk behaviors, and early initiation of sex or early marriage. Moreover, older family members tend to reduce negative life outcomes and enhance opportunities for youth.8 Divergent outcomes are sometimes explained by a lack of communication with parents or generational gaps in social relationships. However, older siblings can frequently provide emotional support, critical information, or financial support that compensates for parental incapacities.9 Most important for schooling and the initiation of work or employment are family financial resources and family networks. In both cases, family finances are generally the foremost reason for adolescent transitions out of school and into work.10 Family networks are also important influences on youth transitions to employment opportunities in many less developed country settings.11 Family networks can help smooth the transition to factory work or civil service employment. 8

Trapenciere, Ilze (2002) Rural Young Male's Attitudes towards Reproductive and Sexual Health. Riga, Latvia: Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, University of Latvia; Brisbane, Australia: International Sociological Association; Whittaker, Andrea (2002) "‘The Truth of Our Day by Day Lives:’ Abortion Decision Making in Rural Thailand," Culture, Health, and Society, 4: 1-20; Cash, Kathleen, Jaratbhan Sanguansermsri, Wantana Busayawong, and Porntip Chuamanochan (1997) “AIDS Prevention through Peer Education for Northern Thai Single Female and Male Migratory Factory Workers.” USAID; Davis, Benjamin and Paul Winters (2001) "Gender, Networks and Mexico-US Migration," The Journal of Development Studies, 38(2): 1-26; Gage opt. cit.; Gupta, Geeta R. (1998) "Women: Commentary," in The Progress of Nations 1998. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women; Isarabhakdi, Pimonpan (1999) "Factors Associated With Sexual Behavior and Attitudes of Never-Married Rural Thai Youth," Journal of Population and Social Studies, 8(1): 22-44; Lyttleton, Chris (1994) "The Good People of Isan: Commercial Sex in Northeast Thailand," The Australian Journal of Anthropology, 5(3): 257-79; Morrow opt. cit.; Oyediran et al opt. cit.; Pachauri, Saroj and K. G. Santhya (2002) “Reproductive Choices for Asian Adolescents: A Focus on Contraceptive Behavior," International Family Planning Perspectives, 28(4): 186-95; Shears, Kathleen H. (2002) "Gender Stereotypes Compromise Sexual Health," Network, 21(4); Singhanetra-Renard, Anchalee (1997) "Population Movement and the AIDS Epidemic in Thailand," in Sexual Culture and Migration in the Era of AIDS: Anthropological and Demographic Perspectives, Gilbert Herdt, ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press; Stanecki, Karen A. and Peter O. Way (1996) "The Dynamic HIV/AIDS Pandemic," in AIDS in the World II: Global Dimensions, Social Roots, and Responses, Jonathan M. Mann and Daniel J. M. Tarantola, eds. New York: Oxford University Press; UNDP/ UNFPA/ WHO/ World Bank Special Program of Research, Development (1997) "Sexual Behavior of Young People," Progress in Human Reproduction Research, (1); UNESCAP (2001) Adolescent Reproductive Health in the Asian and Pacific Region. New York: United Nations; Vanlandingham, Mark, John Knodel, Chanpen Saengtienchai, and Anthony Pramualratana (1998) "In the Company of Friends: Peer Influence on Thai Male Extramarital Sex," Social Science Medicine, 1; Oyediran et al opt. cit. 9 Trapenciere op.cit. 10 Alan Guttmacher Institute (1998) Into a New World: Young Women's Sexual and Reproductive Lives. New York: The Institute; Punch, Samantha opt. cit. 11 Alan Guttmacher Institute opt. cit.; Bongarts, John and Barney Cohen (1998) "Introduction and Overview," Studies in Family Planning, 29(2): 99-105; Davis, Benjamin and Paul Winters (2001) "Gender, Networks and Mexico-US Migration," The Journal of Development Studies, 38(2): 1-26; Gailey, Christine W. (1992) "A Good Man Is Hard to Find: Overseas Migration and the Decentered Family in the Tongan Islands," Critique of Anthropology, 12(1): 47-74; Glendinning, Anthony, Mark Nuttall, Leo Hendry, Marion Kloep, and Shelia Wood (2003) "Rural Communities and Well-Being: A Good Place to Grow Up?," The Sociological Review, 51(1): 129-56; Guerny, Jacques D. and Lee-Nah Hsu (2000) “Early Warning Rapid Response System: HIV Vulnerability Caused by Mobility Related to Development.” UNDP Southeast Asia HIV & Development Project. Bangkok, Thailand; Harpham, Trudy, Emma Grant, and Elizabeth Thomas (2002) "Measuring Social Capital Within Health Surveys:


The two realms of life that have received the most attention from social science scholars are education and health. Opportunities for secondary schooling are considered critical determinants of future life course trajectories, especially for girls. Secondary schooling in many places is understood to smooth the pathway out of agricultural labor and low wage work and into higher-paying service sector and semi-professional occupations. Alternatively, expansive vocational educational programs have been used as key policy interventions to enhance youth opportunities, even after periods of school disruption. However, continued schooling, particularly if it takes place outside of a community, raises concerns (especially for parents of girls) about girls’ safety and exposure to the risks of pregnancy and sexual predation. Typically, schooling and adolescent issues have only been addressed by demographers as they relate to fertility decline.12 Schooling has also been related to health outcomes and health cost savings, particularly reproductive health and sexually transmitted diseases.13 Schooling and transitions to work have also been viewed as mutually exclusive, as seen in a few studies examining how the two might be combined through migration.14 In general, the evidence suggests that schooling serves to insulate youth from high risks and create opportunities for social and economic mobility. Whether this process is because schooling improves youth self-esteem, enhances skills, increases access to a variety of informational resources, or exposes them to influential, positive role models has yet to be explained. Of particular interest among policy makers and researchers are the presence and trends in male/female educational enrollment and attainment.15 Several debates

12

13

Key Issues," Health Policy and Planning, 17(1): 106-11; Morrow opt. cit.; Punch opt. cit.; Sajeda et al. opt. cit.; Singhanetra-Renard, Anchalee (1997) "Population Movement and the AIDS Epidemic in Thailand,” in Sexual Culture and Migration in the Era of AIDS: Anthropological and Demographic Perspectives, Gilbert Herdt, ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press; Steensma, Colin (2000) Population Movement: Development and HIV/AIDS: Looking Towards the Future. UNDP South East Asia HIV and Development Project. For a comprehensive review see Bledsoe, Caroline H., John B. Casterline, Jennifer A. Johnson-Kuhn, Jennifer A., John G. Haaga, eds. (1999) Critical Perspectives on Schooling and Fertility in the Developing World. National Academy of Sciences - National Research Council, Washington, DC. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education.

See for example Gomes-Neto, Joao Batista et al (1997) “Health and Schooling: Evidence and Policy Implications for Developing Countries,” Economics of Education Review, 16 (3): 27182; Glewwe, Paul (1999) “Why Does Mother's Schooling Raise Child Health in Developing Countries? Evidence from Morocco,” Journal of Human Resources, 34(1): 124-59; Buchman, Claudia (2000) “Family Structure, Parental Perceptions, and Child Labor in Kenya: What Factors Determine Who Is Enrolled in School? Social Forces, 78(4).

14

Curran, Sara R., Chang Chung, Wendy Cadge, and Anchalee Varangrat (2003) “Educational Opportunities for Boys and Girls in Thailand,” Review of Sociology of Education, 14; Kandel, William and Grace Kao (2001) “The Impact of Temporary Migration on Children’s Educational Aspirations and Performance,” International Migration Review, 35(4); Levison, Deborah, Karine S. Moe, and Felicia M. Knaul (2001) “Youth education and work in Mexico,” World Development, 29(1): 167-188. 15 Fuller, Bruce and Xiaoyan Liang (1999) “Which Girls Stay in School? The Influence of Family Economy, Social Demands, and Ethnicity in South Africa,” in Critical Perspectives in Schooling and Fertility in the Developing World, Caroline H. Bledsoe, John Casterline, Jennifer Johnson-Kuhn, and John Haaga, eds. Washington, DC: National Academic Press; Hadden, Kenneth and Bruce London (1996)


describe the gap resulting from social institutions and relationships embedded in families and communities. The inability to continue schooling is generally explained by a lack of family resources and limited access to public education, combined with perceptions about the usefulness of secondary or tertiary education. These constraints are typically greater for girls’ opportunities for continued education.16 Pregnancy generally increases school drop-out rates for girls. Although in many cases, once girls continue their schooling they are more likely to stay in school than are boys.17 Attention to adolescent health in developing countries has predominantly focused on reproductive health, though now the picture is becoming more holistic. Youth reproductive health is still of vital importance, especially given that youth are increasingly sexually active at young ages, and that often their access to information and services is restricted. Researchers interested in youth recognize that there is more to the health of youth than just their sexual and reproductive behaviors. There is now a focus on problems that increasingly affect youth, including drug, tobacco, and alcohol consumption and mental health, especially as it relates to suicide.18 This attention to the fuller picture of the health problems that affect youth follows the most common causes of youth morbidity and mortality, and reflects their growing importance as a demographic group. There is increasing recognition that adolescents have special health-related vulnerabilities. As a group, youth are vulnerable because they often lack access to accurate

16 17 18

“Educating Girls in the Third World: The Demographic, Basic Needs, and Economic Benefits,” International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, 37(1-2): 31-46; King, Elizabeth M. and M. Anne Hill, eds. (1993) Women's Education in Developing Countries. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press for the World Bank; Knodel, John (1997) “The Closing of the Gender Gap in Schooling: The Case of Thailand,” Comparative Education Review, 33(1): 61-86; Knodel, John and Gavin Jones (1996) “Post-Cairo Population Policy: Does Promoting Girls' Schooling Miss the Mark?” Population and Development Review, 22(4): 683-702. Buchman op. cit; Curran et al. op cit. Curran et al. op. cit. Balmer, Donald H. et al. (1997) “Adolescent knowledge, values, and coping strategies: implications for health in sub-Saharan Africa,” Journal of Adolescent Health, 21(1): 33-38; Craig, Thomas J., Carole Siegel., Kim Hopper, Shang Lin, and Norman Sartorius (1997) “Outcome in schizophrenia and related disorders compared between developing and developed countries: A recursive partitioning re-analysis of the WHO DOSMD data,” The British Journal of Psychiatry, 170(2): 229-233; Diallo, Khassoum (2002) “Inequalities in the matter of health of the children in Africa: an analysis of the family and community concentration of the deaths.” Dissertation Abstracts International, A. The Humanities and Social Sciences, 63(4): 1571-A-1572-A; MacPhail, Catherine and Catherine Campbell (2001) “'I think condoms are good but aai, I hate those things:' condom use among adolescents and young people in a southern African township,” Social Science and Medicine, 52(11): 1613-1627; Panter-Brick, Catherine (2003) “Street children, human rights, and public health: A critique and future directions,” Children, Youth and Environments, 13(1); Prabhu, G. G. (1987) “Child and adolescent mental health research in India: an overview,” Nimhans Journal, 5(2): 79-89; Price, Rumi K., Clyde R. Pope, C. A. Green, and S. C. Kinnevy (2000) “Mental health and illness research: millennium and beyond,” in The International Handbook of Sociology, Stella R. Quah and Arnaud Sales, eds. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.


information or services for health, taking advice instead from their peers, who may be no better informed than they are. Often lacking their own incomes, young people are also restricted from accessing services even in places where they are available. Additionally, youth may also be more effectively harnessed by advertisers and negative peer influences to engage in risky behaviors than they are by interventions to abstain from or curtail them. Adolescents are seen as "gateways to health" because behavioral patterns acquired during this period tend to last throughout adult life. For instance, roughly 70 percent of premature deaths among adults are due to behaviors initiated in adolescence.19 The focus of research and policy interventions has been to examine peer and family influences and the role of the media in funneling information and shaping youth aspirations and goals.20 There is growing recognition that work is an increasingly important element in the lives of youth, especially in developing countries.21 Whether it is working on the family farm, in the family business, or as a wage laborer, work often combines with schooling as the primary activity in youth lives.22 Frequently, the determinants of work among youth are jointly determined by access to schooling and available and flexible work opportunities.23 One of the complicating aspects of adolescence is the combination of work and schooling. In the former social context youth may be earning money and some measure of independence from the family income. But in the latter social context, they are considered dependents and still “unformed” young adults. The contrast may either create disjunctures in identity or enhance self-esteem. To date, the literature has not reconciled what this means for youth. Balancing work and education requires discipline, but the freedom afforded by earning money and the desire to join global youth cultures can present serious challenges to the rigors of such a lifestyle. It is clear, though, that work is an increasingly relevant and important phenomenon in youth lives that cannot be understood without considering other realms of adolescent lives. Recent research on the growing marketing of youth culture identifies consumption as a critical pathway to adolescent identity formation. But consumption cannot occur without work and hence, there is a growing desire among adolescents to work and work more hours.24 The sparsest set of literature about adolescent lives in developing countries addresses leisure, fun, and play. Ironically, the discursive and media imagery about youth and 19 20

21 22 23 24

Dehne and Riedner opt. cit. Bokhorst-Heng, Wendy D., Stacy Cummings, and Sarah Ford (2000) “Information technology and development: challenges, possibilities and promise.”; Rice, Ronald E. and Charles K. Atkin (1989) Public communication campaigns, second ed. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Levison, Deborah, Karine S. Moe, and Felicia M. Knaul (2001) “Youth education and work in Mexico,” World Development, 29(1): 167-188. Levison, Moe, and Knaul, op.cit. Levison, Moe, and Knaul, op. cit. Pye, David and John Muncie (2001) “Customers, consumers and workers: market value and the construction of youth identities,” Youth & Policy, 73: 20-34.


adolescence displays this moment in the life course as a time of experimentation, free-spiritedness, adventure, and fun. Recent research from around the world suggests that the field of leisure studies as it pertains to youth is beginning to grow. We contribute to this literature and point to the linkages between leisure and other realms of social and economic livelihoods. An integral part of this research has been to identify youth activities, the co-participants, and the causes or consequences of such activities. Findings from previous research show that adolescents’ chosen activities, while reflecting global trends in the use of information and communication technology, focus mainly on friendship network-building in the immediate locale and take place predominantly in homes and neighborhoods. Favorite places for leisure pursuits also include public spaces, like malls. Findings in previous research also suggest that adolescents spend a lot of time in private reflection on their own or with very close friends.25 Participation in extracurricular activities—sports or religiouslyoriented activities—tends to increase educational outcomes and decrease risky behavior among adolescents.26 One critical aspect of the literature in this field is the recognition that observing youth leisure pursuits is one way to better understand how youth are coping with rapid social and economic change.27

Social Capital Social capital is a term that has gained intellectual purchase and popularity in public discourse. It has also generated contentious debates among academics and policymakers. The concept emerged in the social sciences as an explanation for counterintuitive findings in the fields of immigration, economic development, entrepreneurship, and civil society. It has also been used to explain why human, financial, cultural, or natural capital may not suffice to explain a variety of social and behavioral outcomes. Here, we discuss two interpretations of the concept and their relevance to our study. Social capital is meant to capture the collection of social relationships connecting individuals, families, or communities in a coherent social group that can leverage the resources within the social group for the betterment of or detriment to its members. It is this latter aspect of this concept that has yielded some debate in the literature about 25

26 27

Abbott-Chapman, John and Margaret Robertson (2001) “Youth, leisure and home: space, place and identity,” Loisir et Societe/Society and Leisure, 24(2): 485-506; Pare, Jean-Louis (1992) “Connotations of place and social context in adolescents' leisure behavior,” Loisir et Societe/Society and Leisure, 15(2): 463-497. Eccles, Jacques S., Bonnie L. Barber, Margaret Stone, and James Hunt (2003) “Extracurricular activities and adolescent development,” Journal of Social Issues, 59(4): 865-889. Supek, Rudi (1977) “Problems of social integration in urban areas,” Sociologija, 19(1): 71-98; Vaaranen, Heli (2002) “Identity construction through role models and leisure practices: the case of street racing, working class boys of Helsinki,” Socialna Pedagogika, 6(2): 141-154.


the usefulness of the term, as more social capital may not always yield “better” results. Social relationships that create social capital may indeed provide many resources for success, especially when members of a group are diverse and have access to diverse resources. But, social capital can also be limiting or even harmful when the social relationships enforce obligations that diminish market success, as in the cases of entrepreneurship or the assimilation of immigrants.28 Another debate in the literature is whether the measurement of social capital is best done by assessing the number, content, size, and quality of associative organizations (as a mark of a community’s social capital) or whether the idea of social capital is best measured using the characteristics of social networks. The idea of social capital being measured by associative organizations was brought to the fore by Robert Putnam in his 2000 publication, Bowling Alone.29 Putnam argued that the decline in American communities’ economic conditions and political participation was a threat to its democratic roots and could be explained by the declining presence of associative organizations that uphold and maintain civil society. He and others have since argued that associative organizations, from bowling leagues to voluntary assistance groups, provide the glue that conveys resources to individuals and families within communities to generate economic opportunity and political participation in democratic processes. This glue is typically described as the bonds that link community members in relationships of altruism and reciprocity. Further, since associative organizations within a community also have ties to similar associative organizations in other communities, this form of social capital creates bridges to resources outside the community. These bonds and bridges are essential elements of social capital in that more bonds and bridges lend greater access to all types of social support and resources necessary for economic and political well-being. This line of reasoning does not address how individuals or families within a community might be variably linked. In fact, from the perspective of social capital as associative organizations, whether or not an individual is specifically a part of any associative organization does not matter. The presence of numerous and vibrant associated organizations produces public goods that can be enjoyed by all members of a community. What is important for social capital theorists belonging to the Putnam school of thought is the measure of the amount and structure of community organizations.

28

Portes, Alejandro and Julia Sensenbrenner (1993) “Embeddedness and Immigration: Notes on the Social Determinants of Economic Action,” American Journal of Sociology, 98(6): 1320-50; Fernandez-Kelly, M. Patricia (1995a) “Towanda’s Triumph: Social and Cultural Capital in the Transition to Adulthood in the Urban Ghetto,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 18(1): 89-111. 29 Putnam, Robert E. (2000) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster.


An alternative perspective on social capital emphasizes the multiple social networks binding individuals and families to each other. Here the focus is on the character of the social networks (structure, size, content) and how individuals or families are situated within a network. A network perspective of social capital allows social science observers to mark the horizontal and vertical relationships among members. This marking introduces the opportunity to observe the variable flow of resources and the exertion of power and influence through network ties upon resource use and individual behaviors and opportunities. Social networks are manifestations of the bridges and bonds described by Putnam, but social networks also link individuals and families to each other. In this way the social networks approach complements the associative organizations approach to social capital, as it uncovers the mechanisms presumed by the associative organizations approach. It is different from the associative organizations approach because it allows for observation of the variable linkages across individuals and families and does not presume that associative organizations have similar “spillover effects” for all members of a community. Social capital and social networks have become instrumental concepts in explaining patterns of migration and immigrant assimilation in the U.S, and evidence suggests that social network characteristics are critical to teen development as well.30, 31 In developing country settings, work on gender, fertility, and reproductive health suggests that social support and constraints are especially important, particularly for women. But the extension of these concepts to adolescent issues is currently very limited. The research that does exist suggests that social networks and social capital may in fact be critical to the economic and labor market success of adolescent girls and young women.32 30

See for examples, Portes, Alejandro (1998) “Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology,” Annual Review of Sociology, 22: 1-24; Fernandez-Kelly, M. Patricia (1995b) “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital,” American Journal of Sociology (Supplement, 94): S95S120; Granovetter op. cit. 31 Bearman, Peter S. and Hannah Brückner (1999) “Pledging the Future: Virginity Pledges and the Transition to First Intercourse.” Unpublished paper presented at the 1999 American Sociological Meetings, Chicago, IL; Bearman, Peter S., James Moody, Katherine Stovel and Lisa Thalji (2000) “Social and Sexual Networks: The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health,” in Partnership Networks and the Spread of Infection: Survey Designs and Findings, Martina Morris, ed. New York: Oxford University Press; Duncan, Greg J., Katherine M. Harris, and Johanne Boisjoly (1998) “Sibling, Peer and Schoolmate Correlations as Indicators of the Importance of Context for Adolescent Development.” Unpublished paper presented at the Society for Research on Adolescence, San Diego, CA. 32 Malhotra, Anju and Deborah S. DeGraff (1997) "Entry versus Success in the Labour Force: Young Women’s Employment in Sri Lanka," World Development, 25(3); Malhotra, Anju and Rekha Mehra (1999) Fulfilling the Cairo commitment. “Enhancing women's economic and social options for better reproductive health. Recommendations.” Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women; Curran, Sara R. (1996) “Intra-Household Resource Exchange Relations: Explanations for Gender Differentials in Education and Migration Outcomes in Thailand.” Center for Studies in


Social Capital and Transitions to Adulthood Social capital and social networks are increasingly used to explain youth outcomes. We summarize a few studies that indicate their relevance for understanding youths’ lives. The definition of social capital in all studies varies considerably, as does its conceptualization. We do not critique the various approaches, but take care in our own research to keep distinct the differences between social processes and social attributes, as well as social networks and social capital. In a study of transitions to adulthood in suburban neighborhoods in the United States, Bould (2003) finds that the high social capital of white suburban neighborhoods results from relationships with neighbors that correspond to teenage supervision and assistance in emergencies. Suburban neighborhoods with low social capital often rely on authorities to resolve issues, including neighborhood teenagers' misbehavior, whereas high social capital neighborhoods are likely to confront the misbehaving teenagers or contact the parents directly. Residential stability contributes to the generation of higher social capital. In addition, having two white middle-income parents and a residence in a high social capital neighborhood improves youth outcomes.33 In a study comparing rural and urban youth in the U.S., Crockett et al. (2000) find that there are few differences in the character of families and their related social capital regarding their affect on adolescent transitions to adulthood. The context of rural youth, however, is more complicated because they face the dilemma of reconciling their desires to remain close to home with their desires for occupational and social mobility.34 Sociability and social capital is increasingly recognized by a growing number of researchers as a dynamic element of adolescent transitions to adulthood. In particular it is the growing number of and access to technologies that individualize youths’ capacity to generate social ties independent of family and community influences that appear to be a source of dramatic change. In a study of mobile phones, Henderson et al. (2002) find that mobile phones reorient social networks and youths’ positions within social networks. For young women it is a liberating technology, but for men it appears to be more constraining, at least in the context of the U.S.35 Just as technology and global cultures appear to be individualizing youth and easing them Demography and Ecology and Battelle Population Research Group Working Paper Series 96-12. University of Washington, Seattle, WA; Curran, Sara R. (1995) “Gender Roles and Migration: ‘Good Sons’ Versus Daughters in Rural Thailand.” Center for Studies in Demography and Ecology and the Battelle Population Research Working Paper Series 95-11. University of Washington, Seattle, WA. 33 Bould, Sally (2003) “Neighborhoods and inequality: the possibilities for successful transition to adulthood,” Sociological Studies of Children and Youth, 9: 49-66. 34 Crockett, Lisa J., Michael J. Shanahan and Julia Jackson-Newsom (2000) “Rural youth: ecological and life course perspectives,” in Adolescent Diversity in Ethnic, Economic, and Cultural Contexts, Raymond Montemayor, Gerald R. Adams, and Thomas P. Gullotta, eds. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 35 Henderson, Shelia, Rebecca Taylor, and Rachel Thomson (2002) “In touch: young people, communication and technologies,” Information, Communication & Society, 5(4): 494-512.


out of traditional social networks of relationships, some research continues to show that when families are emotionally close and youth feel emotionally close to both mothers and fathers that they are more likely to reside with parents.36 Although the preceding review of the literature has not focused on Thailand, there are many themes that are likely to have resonated with those who have observed and studied the rapid social changes occurring in Thailand. In what follows, we briefly describe the Thai context and its relevance for studying youth and transitions to adulthood.

Thailand and Thai Youth Dramatic social and economic change characterizes the last 30 years of history in Thailand. Economic growth, as measured by increases in Gross Domestic Product (GDP), in the 1970s averaged five percent per year, in the 1980s 10 percent per year, and in the 1990s (until 1997) six percent per year. These rates of growth were unparalleled in any other part of Asia. Coinciding with this economic growth, and partially fueling it, were dramatic shifts in migration patterns leading to rising rates of urbanization and a reorganization of social and economic relations in both rural and urban areas. The reverberations of these economic and demographic changes are still being felt throughout Thai society. The general patterns of mobility have also varied over this same period of socioeconomic change. One interesting aspect of this mobility is the frequent and circular movement of Thai youth between rural and urban settings. Internal mobility of the Thai population has grown steadily during the last century.37 By 1992, almost 25 percent of the Thai population had migrated within the last five years.38 These high rates are partially explained by the importance of temporary migration (both seasonal and circular). One-third of this mobile population has made only temporary moves from rural to urban areas.39 Among the other two-thirds, the moves are permanent and predominantly from rural origins to urban destinations, a consistent pattern over the last 30 years. These moves are partially due to patterns of marriage exogamy, but they are also due to expansions of the agricultural frontier and resettlement policies 36

Mitchell, Barbara A., Andrew V. Wister, and Ellen M. Gee (2002) "‘There's no place like home:’ an analysis of young adults' mature coresidency in Canada,” International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 54(1): 57-84. 37 Chamratrithirong, Aphichat, Kritaya Archavanitkul, Kerry Richter, Philip Guest, Thongthai Varachai, Wathinee Boonchalaksi, Nittaya Piriyathamwong, and Panee Vong-ek (1995) “National Migration Survey of Thailand.” Bangkok, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research. 38 Chamratrithirong et al opt. cit.; Guest, Philip (1998) “Assessing the Consequences of Internal Migration: Methodological Issues and a Case Study on Thailand Based on Longitudinal Household Survey Data,” in Migration, Urbanization, and Development: New Directions and Issues, Richard E. Bilsborrow, ed. New York: Kluwer Academic Publishers. 39 Guest (1998) opt. cit.


that began in the mid-1960s. With the official adoption of export-driven growth policies (rather than import substitution) promulgated in the 1971 Social and Economic Plan, permanent migrants became increasingly likely to move from rural to urban areas. Bangkok and its surrounding provinces in the central region of the country are the primary destinations of these moves because of their administrative and economic centrality.40 More recently, migrant flows from rural areas and Bangkok appear to increasingly point towards the peripheral provinces and their major cities.41 There are obvious consequences for urbanization as a result of these patterns of migration. Thailand continues to be defined as a predominantly rural populace (81 percent in 1990 and estimated at 70 percent in 2000.42,43 Although the national urbanization rate is relatively modest, most of the growth is concentrated in Bangkok. The number of in-migrants to Bangkok between 1985 and 1990 was almost twice as high as the number of in-migrants during the preceding 10 years.44 Due to the selectivity of migration, Bangkok has a relatively high rate of natural increase in its population. In addition, as Bangkok experiences a relatively high rate of growth, it also experiences considerable fluctuations in its yearly population levels, as seasonal migrants swell its ranks by 10 percent during the dry season when farming is not possible.45 This seasonal increase in the population has a considerable impact on the local economy, as these workers represent 40 percent of the transportation sector and significant portions of the construction, factory, and day-laborer sectors. Just as migrants depend on their three or four months in Bangkok to earn cash for survival, much of the building of Bangkok’s infrastructure requires their labor.46 Adolescents represent a significant proportion of migrant flows between rural and urban areas in Thailand. The National Migration Survey of Thailand found that 20.1 percent of rural to urban migrants were in the 15 to19 age group, and that 29 percent of males and 27 percent of females aged 15 to 19 had migrated in the two years before the survey.47 Many of these youth migrate to work so that they may contribute to their households’ economies and well-being. At the same time, youths’

40 41 42 43 44

45 46 47

Chamratrithirong et al opt. cit. Tangchonlatip. (2003). ‘Gender Differentials in Migration Do Matter on Bangkok Population’, unpublished dissertation proposal. Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. Nakornpathom, Thailand. National Statistical Office (1990). The 1990 Population and Housing Census. Bangkok Office of the Prime Ministry. National Statistical Office (2000). The 2000 Population and Housing Census. Bangkok Office of the Prime Ministry. Pejaranonda, Chintana, Sureerat Santipaporn and Philip Guest (1995). ‘Rural-Urban Migration in Thailand’ in Trends, Patterns and Implications of Rural-Urban Migration in India, Nepal and Thailand. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific. Asian Population Studies Services No. 138. New York . United Nations. Chamratrithirong et al opt. cit. Chamratrithirong et al opt. cit. Chamratrithirong et al opt. cit.


earning capacities and exposure to urban, modern lifestyles has fueled their desire for and consumption of goods and materials, reflecting a global youth culture. These desires and labor market opportunities are reflected in labor force and education statistics. Thailand’s labor force is still growing despite a slowing of the population. In part, this growth is a result of the increasing number of people entering the labor force at younger ages and the growing number of older Thais staying in the labor force.48 In addition, statistics about educational attainment indicate declining primary school retention rates, growing drop out rates, and growing tendency for children to have to repeat grades.49 Although studies of youth and risks to youth health and well-being are limited, there are several disturbing trends noted in recent reports. First, drug use among Thai youth is rising among both out-of-school and in-school youth. Amphetamine use was found to be rampant among children outside of formal education, including juveniles in detention, street children, and children engaged in the sex service industry. The statistics from the Central Juvenile and Family Court on Children and Youth alleged that criminal acts associated with drug use for cases where a court conviction had not yet occurred during 1995 were 7,657 and that these numbers had almost tripled four years later to 21,059.50 Studies of drug use among in-school youth also show widespread access to and use of narcotics. Estimates from the Ministries of Education and Interior suggest that upwards of 13 percent of secondary school students are involved in drugs, including everything from experimentation to drug addiction and drug-pushing.51 Second, some research has noted the participation of Thai youth in the sex service industry. This participation has been compounded by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Younger, less experienced girls are often viewed as less likely to be infected and therefore more desirable within the sex service industry.52 In what follows, we show how the general patterns noted in the national population are also apparent among Thai youth in Kanchanaburi Province. Taking advantage of the Kanchanaburi site and our qualitative methods, we provide some evidence for why these disturbing trends are rising. We also note in our study the growing influence of information technology as a conduit to global youth culture and identity. This particular topic has been less explored by social scientists or policy makers. We suggest that the imagery of consumer goods creates tremendous desires for money to 48

Ministry of Social Development and Human Security (2000) Bangkok, Thailand. Ogena, Nimfa, Kusol Soonthorndhada, Kriengsak Rojnkureesatien, Jirakit Bumronglarp (1996) “Globalization with Equity: Policies for Growth in Thailand.” Nakhom Prathom, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. Publication No. 214. 49 UNICEF-Office for Thailand (1997) “Children and Their Families in a Changing Thai Society.” Bangkok, Thailand. 50 UNICEF-Office of Thailand (2000) “Children in Thailand 1990-2000.” Bangkok, Thailand. 51 UNICEF-Office of Thailand (2000) op. cit. 52 Guest, Philip and Wathinee Boonchalaksi (1993) “AIDS and Children: Prospects for the Year 2000.” Nakhom Pathom, Thailand: Institute for Population and Social Research.


buy into the global youth culture. The process by which this happens can undermine youth social safety nets and well-being. The preceding background material provides justification for an investigation of transitions to adulthood during periods of rapid social change and the role of social capital in influencing youth life outcomes. As has been noted, there are major policy implications for the health, education, and labor force sectors of the economy and Thai society.

Research Directions Rural to urban migration, rapid urbanization, and the well-being of the largest generation of young people to date are urgent policy concerns that have rarely been integrated or analyzed jointly in research or policy circles. The social dislocation and environmental disruption of increasing rates of migration raise challenges for understanding the consequences of economic development for human health and well-being. New research on the role of social networks in influencing health and migration behavior suggests that networks are critical intervening elements explaining outcomes. For youth, the key for intervention studies may be in identifying those social networks—whether through family, school, work, or community—that can reinforce responsibility and positive self-worth through recasting gender identities that reduce rather than increase risky sexual behaviors. Recent work on adolescents suggests that social support systems are important channels for fostering “positive” or “negative” conceptualizations of gender identity. During the transition to adulthood, these social support systems are especially critical in defining a range of personal and social developments. Existing studies indicate that youth vulnerability to HIV rests in part on their living and working situations. Not only are their residences, employment, and social situations shaped by the familial and social connections that link them to jobs, schools, and living arrangements, but also their adaptation to new norms and ideals is shaped by the type of social networks in which they participate. Our work forges a confluence of three streams of thought that have emerged in the field of social policy and research in recent years: migration, adolescents, and social capital. These three streams have focused on these issues separately, but have rarely overlapped, and there is no clear linkage between research and policy. With the shift in focus from the causes of fertility decline in developing countries to its consequences, there is a resurgence of research interest in issues of migration and urbanization. However such work is in its infancy, and has yet to be translated into


effective policy. There is also very little explicit discussion of adolescents or social capital in this research. Interest in adolescents in developing countries emerged from policy and program circles as a result of increasing concerns about “risk behavior,” including exposure to HIV/AIDS and unwanted pregnancies. Contextual research on young people in nonWestern societies is still very limited, as is policy initiative on non-reproductive health issues. The concept of social capital has emerged in the social sciences as an explanation for counterintuitive findings in the fields of immigration, economic development, entrepreneurship, and civil society. However, the knowledge base to clarify the concept and mechanisms with which it affects opportunities are still being built.53 One version of social capital links the concept to social network characteristics,54 and there is a nascent, but growing portion of this literature focusing upon adolescents in the U.S.55 Such a research agenda has not been extended to a developing country setting. Existing research suggests, however, that there may be good reasons to forge substantive and policy-research linkages on these themes. For example, young people often comprise the largest proportion of rural to urban migrants in developing countries, but to date, the policy and research focus on adolescents has largely been limited to reproductive health issues. Even as there is increased policy and donor interest in considering adolescent life course issues, rarely is the role of migration explicitly articulated. In this work, we are especially interested in identifying specific ways in which governmental and non-governmental agencies coping with the challenges of urbanization might best serve the developmental needs of adolescents from two perspectives: first, as a means of enhancing both human capital and social capital among the younger generation so that they are more productive and second, as a means of ensuring safety nets in times of crisis.

53

Portes (1998) opt. cit. Portes (1998) op. cit.; Granovetter, Mark (1995) “The Economic Sociology of Firms and Entrepreneurs,” in The Economic Sociology of Immigration: Essays on Networks, Ethnicity and Entrepreneurship, Alejandros Portes, ed. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. 55 Fernández-Kelly, M. Patricia and Sara R. Curran (2001) “Nicaraguans: Voices Lost, Voices Found,” in Ethnicities: Coming of Age in Immigrant America, Rub’en Rumbaút and Alejandros Portes, eds. New York and Berkeley: Russell Sage Foundation and University of California Press; Portes, Alejandro and Dag MacLeod (1999) “Educating the Second Generation: Determinants of Academic Achievement among Children of Immigrants in the United States,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 25; Zhou, Min and Carl Bankston III (1998) Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. 54


Introduction Here we describe the study site, our qualitative and quantitative data, and our analytic approach. We employ a multi-method approach to our study topic, including analysis of quantitative data to identify our communities for qualitative research and quantitative data analysis to supplement the findings from our qualitative data analysis. The analysis of the quantitative data is also used to demonstrate whether our study site communities are representative of the larger collection of communities found in the Demographic Surveillance System sites.

Figure 2: Image of the River Kwai, Kanchanaburi


Kanchanaburi DSS and Project Villages Our study design was coordinated with the work conducted by the Kanchanaburi DSS1, a project funded by the Wellcome Trust and coordinated by the Institute for Population and Social Research at Mahidol University. The Kanchanaburi DSS started in January 2000 and is a five year data collection effort covering 100 villages, 87 in rural locations and 13 in urban areas. For the baseline survey, approximately 12,400 households were recruited and 30,200 individuals were interviewed. The survey data include information about communities, households, and individuals. The topics covered by the survey include migration, employment, occupation, income and household support, patterns of marriage, health, fertility and family planning, community development, land use, and family composition. The baseline data were collected during the summer of 2000 and follow-up data collection rounds are scheduled on an annual basis. The data analyzed for our project is drawn from the Kanchanaburi DSS data collected during 2000 (Round 1). The first annual round of data collection for the Kanchanaburi DSS yielded data for 42,614 household members in the field site communities. Of this group, 2,729 were males aged 15 to 24 and 3,069 were females aged 15 to 24. Results from the baseline data collection for the sites in the Kanchanaburi DSS found high levels of inmigration into the field sites. Almost 20 percent of females aged 15 to 24 and 14 percent of males aged 15 to 24 had moved into urban and semi-urban field site communities one year before data collection. Approximately two-thirds of the migrants came from other areas within the province (IPSR, 2001). Data from the Round II of the data collection provide information on out-migration rates, indicating that approximately 20 percent of girls aged 15 to 24 and 18 percent of boys aged 15 to 24 had moved out of rural areas in Kanchanaburi to either urban centers within the district or to Bangkok. These data demonstrate a high degree of mobility among youth, demonstrating the need for a deeper understanding of the challenges presented by this social and physical mobility. Based on the distribution of villages in the Kanchanaburi DSS, we chose four rural communities in Sai Yok District: Wang Krajae, Kraengraberd, Phu Noi, and Seritham. Sai Yok is one of 13 districts in Kanchanaburi Province (see Figures 1 and 2). Communities in Sai Yok vary greatly with regards to their access to resources, transportation networks, and local employment opportunities. Two of the communities, Wang Krajae and Kraengraberd, are located within Tambol Wang Krajae in a remote section of Sai Yok District. Wang Krajae was first settled by migrants from Bun Phong District in Ratchaburi Province 40 years ago. Few newcomers have arrived in 1

See http://www.ipsr.mahidol.ac.th/index.htm


the village since its first settlement. Kraengraberd has a longer history, having been settled and established in 1947. The original settlers moved from Kanchanaburi town (Muang) and were joined in the mid-1970s by more migrants from Kanchanaburi town. We define these communities as rural-remote in our analyses. The two other rural villages, Phu Noi and Seritham, are located in Tambol Loom Soom. Phu Noi was settled by migrants from the Wang Pho village in Sai Yok District. Most residents of the village hail from a variety of locations, including Thamaka District in Kanchanaburi Province, Muang District in Nakhorn Phratom Province, and Donjedi District in Supunburi Province. Ten years ago the government built a bridge across the Kwae Noi River, which has encouraged the mobility of people into and out of the village. Seritham, previously called “Chong Aiekang,” was settled in 1964 by a group of villagers who migrated from PhoThong District in Angthong Province. Descendents of the original settlers continue to predominate in the village. Phu Noi and Seritham represent villages that are rural, but less distant from Kanchanaburi than those villages in Wang Krajae. The other villages are served by non-surface roads. Of the four villages, Kraengraberd is the farthest from Sai Yok town (32 kilometers), followed by Wang Krajae (30 kilometers). Seritham is only 10 kilometers from Sai Yok town and Phu Noi is even closer (5 kilometers). The regular bus to the center of Sai Yok District passes through Phu Noi and Seritham making it much easier for their residents to access numerous amenities and resources, including those of interest in our study: school, health care, work, and leisure sites. All four villages have easy access to primary schools (kindergarten through grade six), either within the village (Seritham, Kranengraberd, and Wang Krajae) or very nearby Phu Noi.


Figure 3: Map of Study Areas in Kanchanaburi Province

Source: Kanchanaburi DSS: Institute for Population and Social Reearch, Mahidol University

Figure 3: Map of Study Areas in Kanchanaburi Province Because Phu Noi and Seritham are located closer to Sai Yok town and the center of the district, we have chosen to label those villages as “rural nearby” to indicate their proximity to resources and amenities. Wang Krajae and Kraengraberd are further from resources and amenities, thus we label those villages as “rural remote.” Our analyses of both the qualitative and quantitative data maintain this geographic and substantive distinction. We also chose two communities within Kanchanaburi town, one in a slum area and one in a middle class neighborhood. Residents from these two communities had also been included in the baseline survey for the Demographic Surveillance System. Individuals living in the four census blocks of each urban community, Ban Neuah and Pak Praek, and who had been respondents in the baseline survey were contacted


to help generate a snowball sample for the focus group discussions that took place in the urban communities. The Kanchaburi DSS only collected community information from the rural communities, since the urban communities were much harder to define in similar terms. Table 1 presents the population statistics for each of the rural communities included in the qualitative data analysis. Table 1:

Number of Households and Population Size in Study Sites, 2000

Study Area

Households

Rural Remote Rural Nearby Urban

267 271 622

Male 444 408 932

Population Male Female 15-24 481 488 1117

50 36 158

Population/ household

Female 15-24 58 40 188

6.8 6.6 3.3

Phu Noi has several resorts located nearby and factories sponsored by the Population and Community Development Association (PDA) in collaboration with the Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PAT). Given the economic character of Phu Noi, it is not surprising to see that it is the only village of the four with telephone lines. Three other villages have public telephones and there are several mobile phones in all villages. Phu Noi also has the only paved road of the four rural communities (See Table 2). Table 2:

Number of Communication Tools in Study Sites, 2000 Study Area

Rural Remote Rural Nearby

Public Telephone 2 3

Communicative Tools Home Telephone 10 -

Mobile Phone 6 7

Table 3 shows the distribution of characteristics of individuals in all three types of villages by sex. Observing the age distribution, the urban communities have more than two-thirds higher percentages of youth (15 to 24 years old) than do the rural communities. Single men predominate in the urban communities and married men predominate in the rural communities. For women, the percentages are similar across marital statuses and communities. Urban communities have a higher proportion of people with some secondary or higher education; males are almost twice as likely as females to have some secondary education. Non-formal education experience is a negligible percentage of persons in all of the communities. There are few differences across occupations among men and women; the differences are mostly across communities. Residents of urban communities work in professional, clerical, service or factory settings. A large proportion of the population is students. Residents in the rural communities are predominantly employed in agriculture. Almost all residents in the communities have had some migration experience in the preceding year. Rural community members are also much more likely to be members of a group than are urban


community members. This phenomenon is especially true for the communities that are near to an urban community. Migration patterns in all four rural communities indicate typical patterns of movement. Men are more likely to move out of villages for agriculture work, whereas women are more likely to move for non-agricultural work. In only one village, Phu Noi, did people move into the community to work in non-agricultural, wage jobs. Females are the majority in the migrant stream to Phu Noi. Demographic, Economic and Social Characteristics of All Household Members in Three Types of Study Communities, 2000

Table 3:

Characteristics Age 0-4 5-14 15-19 20-24 25-59 60-96 Total Marital Status Single Married Widow Separate/divorce Total

Rural Nearby Male Female

Rural Remote Male Female

Urban Male Female

9.8 (40) 21.6 (88) 5.4 (22) 3.4 (14) 50.0 (204) 9.8 (40) 100.0 (408)

9.4 (46) 25.0 (122) 5.7 (28) 2.5 (12) 47.3 (231) 10.0 (49) 100.0 (488)

9.7 (43) 22.8 (101) 5.9 (26) 5.4 (24) 44.5 (197) 11.7 (52) 100.0 (443)

10.6 (51) 22.3 (107) 5.2 (25) 6.9 (33) 46.6 (223) 8.4 (40) 100.0 (479)

7.6 (70) 18.4 (171) 9.1 (84) 8.0 (74) 48.4 (449) 8.5 (79) 100.0 (927)

4.9 (54) 14.1 (156) 8.2 (91) 8.7 (97) 52.6 (584) 11.5 (128) 100.0 (1110)

43.4 (177) 53.2 (217) 2.0 (8) 1.5 (6) 100.0 (408)

40.6 (198) 48.6 (237) 7.2 (35) 3.7 (18) 100.0 (488)

45.9 (204) 49.1 (218) 2.3 (10) 2.7 (12) 100.0 (444)

43.5 (209) 47.0 (226) 6.0 (29) 3.5 (17) 100.0 (481)

47.2 (439) 47.4 (441) 1.5 (14) 3.9 (36) 100.0 (930)

43.7 (487) 42.6 (475) 7.3 (81) 6.5 (72) 100.0 (1115)


Table 3:

Demographic, Economic and Social Characteristics of All Household Members in Three Types of Study Communities, 2000 (Cont.)

Characteristics Education No education Primary (1-6) Lower secondary (7-9) Higher secondary (10-12) Tertiary (13-18) Non-formal