Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Ambiguity resolution and information structure M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba Centre de Ling¨ u´ıstica Te` orica & Dept. de Filologia Catalana Universitat Aut` onoma de Barcelona
Workshop on Ambiguity, Barcelona, March 03-04, 2014
1
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Topic and questions
Ambiguity resolution in/beyond grammar: Where is ambiguity resolved (in particular, the ambiguity of expressions conveying specific forms of information packaging and common ground management)? What is the design of grammar that emerges from the study of this kind of ambiguity phenomena?
2
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Outline of the talk 1
Introduction: problem, data, aim, and hypotheses
2
Ambiguity in grammar The standard view Challenges
3
Alternative picture
4
Empirical studies Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
5
Conclusions 3
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Problem
Existence of phenomena supporting a model of grammar in which syntactic structures are mapped into information structures, which feed both logical form and PF interfaces.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Data
Interaction of scope relations between numeral quantifiers in Catalan. Interpretation of presentential bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Aims of the talk
To show that both phenomena are sensitive to information structure and need to be translated into representations of meaning which are different from classical LFs in generative grammar; and to show that only PFs are ambiguous.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Hypotheses
Ambiguity resolution cannot be considered a unified process: ambiguous PFs may be associated with various structures at syntax, IS or logical form. We argue for a separate post-syntactic IS level of representation, distinct from LF (which we dispense with), feeding both the semantic (logical form) and the phonetic (PF) interfaces.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
The standard view on ambiguity resolution
Semantic ambiguity in the Chomskian (and Montagovian) tradition: different interpretations must be paired with different syntactic structures. e.g. quantification scope ⇒ quantifier raising at LF (from Montague 1974 to May 1977,1985)
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
The standard view on ambiguity resolution (1)
Every girl reads a book. [strict scope reading] S S
DP every girl λx1
S DP a book
S λx2
S read(x2 )(x1 ) 9
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
The standard view on ambiguity resolution (2)
Every girl reads a book. [inverse scope reading] S S
DP a book λx2
S DP every girl
S λx1
S read(x2 )(x1 ) 10
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
The standard view on ambiguity resolution Technical differences: quantifier raising (May 1977,1985) multiple dedicated functional syntactic projections (Beghelli 1997, Szabolcsi 1997) choice functions (Reinhart 1997) syntactically motivated movement (Hornstein 1995)
Common core: All approaches fit into the canonical P&P Y-model, where syntax splits into the two interpretative interfaces PF (Phonetic Form) and LF. Ambiguity is resolved either at S-Structure or at LF at the latest. LF is a level of representation for ambiguity resolution ⇒ LFs cannot be ambiguous. 11
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Empirical and theoretical challenges
How can we combine the syntactic account of ambiguity resolution with our current understanding of the role of information structure (IS) in grammar (Halliday 1967, Chafe 1976, Vallduvi 1992, Krifka [2007])? focus projection adverbs of quantification
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Structured Meanings approach to focus I
Jacobs (1983), von Stechow (1991), Krifka (1992, 2007) (cf. Alternative Semantics of Rooth 1985,1992) (3)
a. b. c.
What did John tell you? John told me [ FOCUS a lie ] < λx[told(me, x, John)], |< a{z lie >} > | {z } BACKGROUND
FOCUS
< background, focus > structures or simply < B, F > structures
13
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Focus projection
(4)
a. b. c.
What did John do? John [ FOCUS told me a lie ] < λP[P(John)], < told me a lie >>
(5)
a. b. c.
What happened? [ FOCUS John told me a lie ] < told(me, a lie, John) >
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Adverbs of quantification
The domain of quantification of certain adverbs is crucially affected by focus (Partee 1991 also Diesing 1992, von Fintel 1997): the focus of a sentence (F) projects into the nuclear scope, and nonfocus material (B) projects into the restriction.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Adverbs of quantification [Situation: Mary takes John to the cinema 4 times, to the library 2 times, and to the pool 1 time. Moreover, she also takes Sarah to the cinema 6 times.] (6)
Usually, Mary takes John TO THE CINEMA. TRUE
Gen(e) < λx[takes(e, John, x, Mary )], |< to the{z cinema >} > {z } | BACKGROUND
(7)
FOCUS
Usually, Mary takes JOHN to the cinema. FALSE
Gen(e) < λy [takes(e, y , to the cinema, Mary )], |< John {z >} > | {z } BACKGROUND
FOCUS
16
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
The standard view Challenges
Interim conclusions, I
Conclusions Information focus may constrain the semantic interpretation of sentences, affects truth conditions, and has an effect on PF, where it is associated with nuclear stress.
There is a need to introduce a new level of representation that can account for these effects and that feeds both logical forms and PF.
17
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
IS component after S-structure I
Some antecedents: Information Structure (Vallduv´ı 1992) Σ-Structure (Zubizarreta 1998) Focus Structure (Erteschik-Shir 1997,2007)
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Our view: assumptions about IS
IS as a basic notion that refers to the packaging of information conveyed by an utterance representation of IS: (8)
a. b. c.
[ TOPIC [ COMMENT FOCUS [ BACKGROUND . . . ] ] ] Neeleman and van de Koot [2008] LINK FOCUS TAIL Vallduvi (1992) SUBJECTT [ . . . X . . . ]F Erteschik-Shir [2007].
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Our view: assumptions about the architecture of grammar I Syntactically well-formed linguistic objects may be associated with various interpretations in their mapping to external systems, and IS interfaces with syntax on the one hand, and with both logical forms and PFs.
Syntax IS PF
logical form 20
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Our view: assumptions about the architecture of grammar I
We will argue against the ‘LF first’ hypothesis Bobaljik and Wurmbrand [2012]: Syntax >> (IS ⊂ LF) >> PF We will argue against the ‘PF first’ hypothesis Reinhart [2006], Erteschik-Shir [2007]: Syntax >> (IS ⊂ PF) >> LF We predict that PF representations may be ambiguous: they happen to be the legitimate representation for more than one syntactic representation or logical form.
21
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Scope interaction and IS
(9) (10)
Someone read every book. [strict/inverse] May (1985) Alguien salud´ o a todo el mundo. [strict] someone greeted.3SG to all.M the world ‘Someone greeted everyone.’ Hornstein (1999: 60)
The quantifier alguien ‘someone’ in subject position is interpreted as topic, and as such must scope over the quantifier a todo el mundo ‘to everybody’ within the focus (see Erteschik-Shir [2007] for a similar claim).
22
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Scope interaction and IS Q: What did Juan? (11)
A: Juan regal´ o [F un libro a todo el mundo ] Juan gave.3SG a book to all.M the world [strict/inverse] ‘Juan gave a book to everyone.’
un libro ‘a book’ and a todo el mundo ‘to everybody’ are part of the focus ⇒ they both may have wide scope. PROBLEM: As noted by Villalba [1999], Hornstein does not consider the influence that the choice of quantifiers may have in the different scope readings (see Beghelli 1997, Szabolcsi 1997) nor the complete set of interactions. 23
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Tested pattern: numerals
(12)
a. b.
[[two]] = λPλx.[P(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2] [[two tasks]] = λx.[task(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2]
OU is an individualizer operator turning the property denoted by any count noun into object units (hence the spelling OU) [see Krifka 1995, Dalrymple and Mofu 2012]. √ √
√
Q1F > Q2F ; Q1T > Q2F ;
Q2F > Q1F
√
Q2F > Q1T
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining two numeral quantifiers in focus position in Catalan
Q: How did you evaluate your master course? (13)
A: [F Vaig assignar dues tasques a tres PST.1SG assign two.F.PL tasks to three estudiants. . . ] students ‘I assigned two tasks to three students. . . ’
< λP[P(pro)], < assigned two tasks to three students >>
25
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining two numeral quantifiers in focus position in Catalan
[F Vaig assignar dues tasques a tres estudiants. . . ] ‘I assigned two tasks to three students. . . ’ (14)
i en van lliurar una dijous i and of.them PST.3PL deliver one Thursday and l’altra divendres. [2 > 3 (strict)] the.F-other.F Friday ‘and they delivered one on Thursday and the other on Friday.’
< λx.[task(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2] λy .[student(y ) ∧ OU(y ) = 3], < assigned(x, y , pro) >> 26
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining two numeral quantifiers in focus position in Catalan
[F Vaig assignar dues tasques a tres estudiants. . . ] ‘I assigned two tasks to three students. . . ’ (15)
per`o cadasc´ u nom´es en va lliurar una. but each only of.them PST.3PL deliver one [3 > 2 (inverse)] ‘but each delivered only one.’
< λy .[student(y ) ∧ OU(y ) = 3] λx.[task(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2], < assigned(x, y , pro)] >>
27
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining a topic and a focus numeral in Catalan
Q: ‘How did you evaluate your students?’ (16)
A: [T A tres estudiants ] [F els vaig assignar to three students them PST.1SG assign dues tasques. . . ] two tasks ‘I assigned two tasks to three students. . . ’
< λP[P(to three students, pro)], < assigned two tasks >>
28
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining a topic and a focus numeral in Catalan
[T A tres estudiants ] [F els vaig assignar dues tasques. . . ] (17)
per`o cadasc´ u nom´es en va lliurar una. but each only of.them PST.3PL deliver one [3 > 2 (strict)] ‘but each delivered only one.’
< λy .[student(y ) ∧ OU(y ) = 3]λx.[task(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2] λP[P(y , pro)],< assigned(x) >>
29
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Combining a topic and a focus numeral in Catalan
[T A tres estudiants ] [F els vaig assignar dues tasques. . . ] ‘I assigned two tasks to three students. . . ’ (18)
i en van lliurar una dijous i and of.them PST.3PL deliver one Thursday and l’altra divendres. [2 > 3 (inverse)] the.F-other.F Friday ‘and they delivered one on Thursday and the other on Friday.’
< λx.[task(x) ∧ OU(x) = 2]λy .[student(y ) ∧ OU(y ) = 3] λP[P(y , pro)],< assigned(x) >> 30
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Interim conclusions, 2 Conclusions The strict scope reading is predicted from previous analyses Bobaljik and Wurmbrand [2012], Erteschik-Shir [2007], which argue that topics must have wide scope over any quantifier. Yet, these analyses cannot explain the fact that topics in Catalan need not get widest scope. Moreover, a unique syntactic and < B, F > structure may still be surface-ambiguous, requiring its mapping into two different logical forms that resolve scope ambiguity.
⇓ syntax>>IS>>logical form 31
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Main data Nominal expressions apparently unspecified for number and definiteness are allowed in presentential position Cyrino and Espinal [to appear]: (19) %Pol´ıtico ganhou benef´ıcio do governo. politician obtained benefit of.the government ‘POLITICIANS obtained benefits from the government.’ A: [Yesterday, there was a protest of maids in Rio.] (20)
B: N˜ao, professor eles protestaram ontem no Rio. not professor they protested yesterday in Rio ‘No, TEACHERS protested yesterday in Rio.’ 32
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Empirical questions
What is the interpretation of these BNs from the perspective of IS? Are they focus or topic? Do they have an existential or a generic interpretation?
33
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Information structure
Strong similarity with sentences that express categorical judgments (Brentano, Gabelentz, Marty, Kuroda), built in BrP by means of a left-dislocated full DP (with an overt D in topic position) followed by an overt third person resumptive pronoun (Britto 1998,2000). Presentential BNs have a strong reading (i.e., they can be interpreted neither as weak definites nor as weak indefinites),
34
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Information structure
Presentential BNs can only be interpreted as referring to the maximal plurality of individuals that satisfy the property denoted by the noun and, therefore, they can only be interpreted as associated with a presupposition of existence, as it is the case with definite overt DPs.
⇓ The presentential nominal expression is to be mapped with a topic, and the subsequent constituents with a comment, as in Neeleman and van de Koot [2008] schema: (21)
[ TOPIC [ COMMENT FOCUS [ BACKGROUND . . . ] ] ] 35
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Information structure
Furthermore, the presentential BNs are interpreted in a contrastive context, in such a way that the contrasted set must be contextually available and specific (since contrasts involve the partitioning of a set available in discourse).
⇓ They are interpreted as contrastive topics in Krifka’s (2007) sense.
36
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Analysis
(22) %Pol´ıtico ganhou benef´ıcio do governo. politician obtained benefit of.the government ‘POLITICIANS obtained benefits from the government.’ (23)
[ T [ F poL´Itico ] ] [ comment [ F gaNHOU ] benef´ıcio do governo ]
< ιX [politician(X ) ∧ λP[P(X )]], < obtained benefits from the gov 0 t >>
37
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Analysis
[Yesterday, there was a protest of maids in Rio.] (24)
N˜ao, professor eles protestaram ontem no Rio. not professor they protested yesterday in Rio ‘No, TEACHERS protested yesterday in Rio.’
(25)
[ T n˜ao [ F profesSOR]] [ comment eles [ F protesTAram] ontem no Rio]
< ¬ιX [professor (X ) ∧ λP[P(X )]], < protested yesterday in Rio >>
38
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Support for this analysis When a presentential BN (A) interacts with the universal quantifier (B), A linearly precedes B, in combination with a stage-level predicate in an episodic context, the presentential BN cannot have an indefinite existential reading, and cannot be interpreted under the scope of the universal quantifier: the BN must be interpreted as a scopeless definite. (26) %Jogador visitou todos os projetos sociais. player visited all.PL the.PL projects social.PL ‘PLAYERS visited all the social projects.’ = “(the maximal sum of all) the players, they visited all the social projects” 39
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Support for this analysis In contrast: (27)
Professor foi demitido da universidade. professor was fired of.the university ‘The/a professor was fired from the university.’ BNs in passives allow an existential interpretation. Informationally speaking, passives are thetic judgments, which affirm the existence of an eventuality of a certain type, where no attention is given to an individual. The presentential BN is supposed to follow a process of reconstruction, which will license an existential interpretation for the weak BN. 40
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Interim conclusions, 3
Conclusions the presentential topic BNs cannot be submitted to ∃-closure
⇓ the identification of IS topics cannot be part of LF and must precede a formal representation of meaning.
⇓ syntax>>IS>>logical form
41
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Quantification and IS in Catalan Presentential BNs and IS in Brazilian Portuguese
Interim conclusions, 3
Conclusions the presentential topic BNs require contrastiveness, which is the strategy that encodes that it must have a strong presuppositional reading
⇓ correlation with a specific PF realization.
⇓ syntax>>IS>>PF
42
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Conclusions
Ambiguity resolution cannot be considered a unified process: ambiguous PFs may be associated with various structures in syntax, at IS or at logical form (Catalan quantifier scope facts). We have argued for a separate post-syntactic IS level of representation, distinct from LF (which we dispense with), feeding both the semantic (logical form) and the phonetic (PF) interfaces (presentential BNs in Brazilian Portuguese).
43
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Thanks!
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba Dept. de Filologia Catalana and Centre de Ling¨ u´ıstica Te`orica Universitat Aut`onoma de Barcelona
[email protected] &
[email protected] Research funded by projects FFI2011-23356 and 2009SGR1079
44
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Selected References I Jonathan D. Bobaljik and Susi Wurmbrand. Word order and scope: Transparent interfaces and the 3/4 signature. Linguistic Inquiry, 43(3):371–421, 2012. Sonia Cyrino and M. Teresa Espinal. Bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese. More on the DP/NP analysis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, to appear. Nomi Erteschik-Shir. Information Structure. The Syntax-Discourse Interface. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 2007. M. Krifka. Basic notions of Information Structure. In C. F´ery, G. Fanselow, and M. Krifka, editors, Working Papers of the SFB632, Interdisciplinary Studies on Information Structure (ISIS) 6, pages 13–55. Universit¨atsverlag Potsdam, Potsdam, 2007. 45
M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
Introduction Ambiguity in grammar Alternative picture Empirical studies Conclusions References
Selected References II
A. Neeleman and H. van de Koot. Dutch scrambling and the nature of discourse templates. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics, 11(2):137–189, 2008. Tanya Reinhart. Interface Strategies. Optimal and Costly Computations. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 2006. Xavier Villalba. Nihil est in LF quod prius non fuerit in SS. Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics, 7:239–252, 1999.
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M. Teresa Espinal & Xavier Villalba
Ambiguity resolution and information structure
