Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal Constructing identity through the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods María Eugenia Perez Raquel Castaño Claudia Quintanilla
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Article information: To cite this document: María Eugenia Perez Raquel Castaño Claudia Quintanilla, (2010),"Constructing identity through the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods", Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal, Vol. 13 Iss 3 pp. 219 - 235 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13522751011053608 Downloaded on: 24 July 2016, At: 13:40 (PT) References: this document contains references to 90 other documents. To copy this document:
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Constructing identity through the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods
Consumption of counterfeit luxury goods
Marı´a Eugenia Perez, Raquel Castan˜o and Claudia Quintanilla
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Tecnologico de Monterrey – EGADE, San Pedro Garza Garcia, Mexico Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods and identity construction. The argument is that through the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods consumers obtain real and symbolic benefits that allow them to express a desired social image and further their identity. Design/methodology/approach – A total of 37 in-depth interviews were conducted with women who owned both originals and counterfeits of luxury fashion products. Findings – The findings highlight three main themes describing inner benefits that consumers attain with the purchase and consumption of counterfeit luxury goods: first, being efficient by optimizing their resources; second, having fun by experiencing adventure, enjoyment, and risk; and third, fooling others expecting not to be caught. But most important, through the accomplishment of these goals consumers of counterfeit luxury goods construct an identity in which they perceive themselves as “savvy” individuals. Originality/value – The intent is to contribute to the understanding of the process of identity construction through consumption. This consumption occurs in a particular context; the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods. The experience is singular in the sense that this paper shows the existence of consumers who can afford the prices of luxury fashion brands but decide to buy counterfeits and also because it depicts how individuals can construct a confident self-image from an ethically questionable behavior. The consumption of counterfeit luxury brands serve consumers a self-concept expressive function (by helping them to communicate who they are) and an adaptive social function (by rewarding them with social acceptance). Keywords Counterfeiting, Brands, Brand identity, Brand image, Fashion Paper type Research paper
Introduction A recent advertising campaign for the Patek Philippe watches states: “You never actually own a Patek Philippe. You merely look after it for the next generation,” while displaying the perfect world of a loving relationship between an attractive, caring parent and his beautiful child. Is that perfect world only available for those who can afford the luxury watch? Not only wealthy people consume status products, regardless of their economic level consumers may desire to buy and display products that project an image of wealth, status symbols may be used by people to denote belonging to a social class (Goffman, 1959; Freedman, 1991). Consumers wanting to identify with the halo associated with prestige brands and with their users might acquire these goods in an attempt to be accepted as equals by significant others. But not all the possible consumers of status brands are willing to spend what these products cost. The market for counterfeits of luxury products has grown so much as to represent a worldwide serious threat to the legal marketers of these brands.
Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal Vol. 13 No. 3, 2010 pp. 219-235 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1352-2752 DOI 10.1108/13522751011053608
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The International Trade Commission estimates counterfeit sales worldwide grew from $5.5 billion in 1982 to over $500 billion in 2009. And this growth trend is expected to continue. The study of the consumption of counterfeits is relevant considering that their price, quality, and distribution widely differ from the original image of the luxury brands that these copies intend to benefit from. This difference is particularly interesting in the light of the personal relationships consumers establish with products, well expressed by Fournier’s (1998, p. 367) assertion: “Consumers do not choose brands, they choose lives.” Aside from the obvious price advantage, what are the benefits that consumers derive from the purchase and use of counterfeits? In agreement with Goffman (1959), Grubb and Grathwohl (1967), Commuri (2009), and among others, we suggest that consumers of counterfeit luxury goods use them to project a desired social image. Furthermore, drawing on the identity construction framework (McCracken, 1986; Belk, 1988; Celsi et al., 1993; Firat and Dholakia, 1998; Penaloza, 2000; Kozinets, 2001; Holt, 2002; Murray, 2000; Moisio and Arnould, 2005; Wilcox et al., 2009), our research goes further to propose that: . The consumption of counterfeit luxury goods provides psychological and social benefits for consumers and that they use these products as building blocks to construct who they think they are? . The experience of buying and consuming luxury counterfeits is rewarding and pleasant, so consumers tend to repeat it. . Consumers accept a calculated trade-off between the social gains derived from using counterfeits and the risk of being discovered as users of these products and finally. . Consumers can construct a positive self-image from an ethically questionable behavior. Theoretical background Constructing identity through consumption The study of consumption can be seen as a route for understanding human needs, desires, and practices. From the point of view of a postmodern concept of society there is a “shift from labor to consumption as the site of identity and political agency” (Penaloza, 2000, p. 106). In the literature that discusses marketing processes from a postmodern perspective (Holt, 2002; Kozinets, 2001; Firat and Dholakia, 1998; Firat et al., 1993, 1995; Brown, 1993), consumers are viewed as complex, diverse, and capable of producing cultural meanings through their experiences. Furthermore, consumers can choose identities at will from a catalog of cultural identities that can be worn and then discarded free from anxiety (Belk and Costa, 1998; Firat and Venkatesh, 1995). Possessions constitute an integral part of a person’s identity. Material objects that belong to someone become clues for definition to be used by the person and by others through interaction. Possessions allow the manifestation of people’s extended self, contribute in the construction of personal identity and facilitate the creation of a particular culture of consumption (Belk, 1988; Celsi et al., 1993; Kozinets, 2001). This is even more relevant in categories that involve hedonic consumption, like fashion, where symbolic meanings play a crucial role in the decision making processes. Social scientists now recognize the multiplicity of identity, stating that the self is a collection of different but related self-perceptions. The self includes a multiplicity of
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images that people are to themselves and to one another (Arnould et al., 2004). These self-images motivate individuals to patronize brands whose images relate in some meaningful way to their own self-images. There have always been active, creative consumers defying the limits of their culture standards by using, modifying, and rejecting products in order to express themselves, today this has become a mass phenomenon. According to Smith et al. (2007, p. 90) the growing relevance of consumption as a source of expression can be attributed to “the freedom and more democratic aspects of consumerism.” But the construction of the self does not necessarily follow a straight road; conflicting consumers’ goals may translate into ambivalent, paradoxical, and oppositional behaviors (Arnould and Thompson, 2005). Consumers wanting to identify themselves with the images associated with prestige brands might acquire these goods. But what are the options for contemporary consumers who do not want to pay the prices demanded for fashion luxury brands? Buying counterfeits of luxury brands appears to be an option. Why consumers seek counterfeits? There is a growing body of literature that analyzes the consumption of counterfeits from different perspectives. Traditionally what has been investigated has focused on ethical issues (Logsdon et al., 1994; Ang et al., 2001; Tan, 2002; Fukukawa, 2002; Belk et al., 2005; Gupta et al., 2004; Hilton et al., 2004), the consumer socio-cultural characteristics facilitating counterfeiting (Bloch et al., 1993; Wee et al., 1995; Nia and Zaichkowsky, 2000; Pendergast et al., 2002; Gentry et al., 2006) and strategies for fighting counterfeits (Shultz and Saporito, 1996; Krechevsky, 2000; Leisen and Nill, 2001; Green and Smith, 2002; Myles and Nusser, 2006). Furthermore, there is currently a growing body of research investigating the motivations behind the deliberate consumption of counterfeits (Wee et al., 1995; Cordell et al., 1996; Wilke and Zaichkowsky, 1999; Nia and Zaichkowsky, 2000; Gentry et al., 2001, 2006; Wilcox et al., 2009). Our research intends to extend work on this area by examining the relations between counterfeits’ consumption, social self-image, and self-identity. The theatrical metaphor (Goffman, 1959) has been successfully adopted from sociology to analyze consumption experiences (Celsi et al., 1993; Arnould and Price, 1993; Grove et al., 1998; Moisio and Arnould, 2005). Individuals may perform as actors in front of an audience of significant others, using props and costumes to create a setting. In the dialogue that seems to take place between the inner perception of the self and the social self-image brands may be used as symbols to transfer meaning (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967; McCracken, 1986; Belk, 1988; Lee and Shavitt, 2006; Commuri, 2009). This metaphor can also be useful to understand the motivations of consumers of luxury brands’ counterfeits. Consumers may use counterfeits instead of originals as the props aiding them to convincingly play a role in front of a valued audience. By actively pursuing a desired social self-image through the use of deception they also contribute to the construction of their own identity. “Identities are intrinsically relational” (Cherrier and Murray, 2007, p. 20). Could individuals construct a confident self-image through the consumption of counterfeits? May a positive outcome result from an ethically questionable behavior? Just as Hesmondhalgh (2008, p. 330) arguments that music aside from its prevailing image as a “positive resource for active self-making” might also have a negative
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influence by generating capitalistic consumerism, we suggest that consumption of luxury brands’ counterfeits may result in the construction of a successful, rewarding self-image. We suggest that through their experiences in the purchase and consumption of luxury products’ counterfeits consumers build a self-concept visualizing themselves as savvy consumers who optimize their economic resources, and also as pleasure loving individuals who know how to have fun. Furthermore, following on self-theory (Newcomb, 1956; Goffman, 1959; Strauss, 1959) we would add that consumers of counterfeit luxury goods use these to create a social self-image by fooling a relevant audience. By buying counterfeits at low prices, while pretending to use the originals, these consumers seek to associate themselves with the image created by the luxury brands, benefiting from their prestige aura and refusing to pay the prices demanded for the originals. Thus, consuming counterfeits of luxury brands might serve individuals a self-concept expressive function (by helping them to communicate who they are) and an adaptive social function (by rewarding them with social acceptance) (Wilcox et al., 2009). The consumption of luxury counterfeits present consumers with seemingly contradicting gains. Externally they allow them to represent the image of a wealthy consumer, one that would naturally belong to their aspirational group. While internally consumers of counterfeits are aware of having paid only a fraction of the original brand’s price, expect to fool others to avoid being discovered, and in the process experience the thrill of adventure. Although there seems to be discordance between the generated social self-image and the inner self-concept we suggest that these two merge to construct the individual’s identity. Values, personality and self-concept are abstract ideas, it is in our activities, interests and the products we use and possess that they materialize and take concrete shape (Belk, 1988). Methodology This study was conducted in Monterrey, Mexico a city with an estimated population in 2009 of 3.7 million (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica y Geografia – The National Institute of Statistics and Geography). Monterrey’s income level was higher than the national’s per capita of 16,000 dollars per year (estimated first trimester 2009), and the percentage of people belonging to the highest economic strata (A/B) in the city was 8.8 versus 7.8 percent for the country (AMAI, 2008). The use of luxury brands and their counterfeits are known practices in Monterrey and all over the country. Exclusive stores selling international luxury brands are found in the city. Meanwhile their counterfeits can be abundantly found in street markets, small shops, flea markets, and through personal selling. There are no Mexican official figures estimating the percentage that counterfeits represent from the total displayed luxury brands, but considering the income per capita level and the country’s uneven wealth distribution there is a strong probability that a considerable number of these are illegal copies. According to Hofstede (2001) Mexico has a very high power distance index value (81 points), a dimension that describes how cultures deal with inequalities in wealth, prestige, and power. Mexican society can be described as elitist, a culture in which “Wealth is concentrated in hands of a small elite” (p. 118) and where “Powerful people should try to look as powerful as possible” (p. 98). These values could be behind consumers’ willingness to buy originals and counterfeits of luxury items.
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While previous studies have focused either on the owners of originals or on users of counterfeits we have had access to a sample of consumers who having the economic resources to buy originals and owning them also buy and display counterfeits. According to Arnould et al. (2006, p. 121) the selection of a research’s context strongly influences a study’s capacity of affecting consumer theory. As they explain:
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A good context helps researchers isolate a group, process variable or relationship that throws light on factors that are critical for theoretical development. Good contexts may also facilitate sampling of extreme values on dimensions of interest.
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We eliminated from our sample those consumers without the economic means to buy originals, our intent was to control for the obvious price benefit. Owing to the exploratory nature of this project in-depth interviews were used. This qualitative methodology was selected considering that the relevant themes depicting the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods phenomena had not yet been identified (Wimmer and Dominick, 1997). All participants were women, as it has been shown by previous studies that women tend to develop stronger brand involvements (Sherrod, 1989). Also, there seems to be a stronger relationship between women and fashion than between men and fashion (Sparke, 1995, as cited in Thompson and Haykto, 1997). We conducted 37 interviews with consumers ranging from 19 to 65 years old. Each in-depth interview was audio-taped and lasted between 30 and 90 minutes. We began by identifying people we personally knew who satisfied our requirements, then using the snow ball method we asked them to recommend other possible candidates. Owing to the sensitivity of the topic it was not easy to recruit candidates for the study, even though we assured them that their anonymity would be preserved. In several occasions participants identified as having the necessary requirements to fit our sample profile refused to be interviewed, arguing that they had never bought counterfeits. These women did not want us interviewers to know that they owned counterfeits. We initiated the interviews talking about fashion in general, then focusing on luxury brands, and finally talking about counterfeits’ consumption. We asked for the perceptions, attitudes, expectations and motivations present before, during, and after the processes of purchasing and consuming the products. The younger participants were college students or recently graduated professionals. Most of the older participants were married and had children; many were homemakers; others business people or employees. All the participants had considerable disposable incomes and were interested in fashion. A table including the participants’ data is presented in Appendix, Table AI. The interviews were conducted at the respondents’ homes during a period of 13 months. To allow for a holistic perspective all interviews were discussed by the three researchers. Memoing (Belk et al., 1988) or the interchange and discussion of interpretations helped us to define and redefine the direction of analysis. An iterative process was followed, in which “A part of the qualitative data (or text) is interpreted and reinterpreted in relation to the developing sense of the whole” (Thompson et al., 1994, p. 433). We categorized the data and developed comparisons between the informants’ reports in order to identify themes. Finally, we looked for links between these that would allow us to identify higher order goals pursued by our informants.
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Results: emerging themes in the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods Three main themes emerged related to the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods and the construction by consumers of their self-concept and social self-image. The first, being efficient by optimizing resources; the second, having fun through experiencing adventure and enjoyment and the third one, fooling others into believing that these consumers own originals. We shall now analyze each theme in detail. Being efficient A common characteristic shared by most of our respondents regardless of their age or occupation was their knowledge and interest in fashion; they were willing to spend considerable amounts of money buying clothes while at the same time describing themselves as smart, highly capable shoppers. Combining these two abilities seemed to be an important source of pride. Our participants were willing to show us how efficient and rational they were when making decisions and how they used counterfeits to achieve specific goals: If I can buy the fake one why am I going to buy the original? I have originals myself, but they’re the classic originals that will never go out of fashion, the Fendis, a couple of Guccis. And if it’s a trendy one, I’m going to buy the fake one (Cristina, age 40).
Several of our respondents, particularly those who are middle aged, told us that counterfeits would be bought when the originals were perceived as too trendy, and therefore considered as a bad investment. Other mentioned that these possessions would not require special care when traveling, and would represent a less financially risky option to try a new brand. Our respondents’ expertise showed in the frequent mention of the existence of different levels of quality regarding counterfeits and the particular characteristics of each level as can be seen in the following comment: There were different levels – level A, level AA, and level AAA. AAA was the best. It was leather and looks just the same, not like others that have cloth instead of leather (Cristina, age 40).
Some of the participants, the ones who bought counterfeits more frequently not only expressed that they were experts, but greatly enjoyed being perceived as such by close friends and family. For these frequent shoppers the recognition received was an important contributor to their desired social image. They emphasized that really good counterfeits could only be obtained by expert buyers like themselves: They tell me “well, it’s that you know, and you are so good at choosing them [. . .] and next time, please, I’m going to give you money so you’ll bring one,” and I tell them “of course” (Laura, age 26).
Having fun In the realm of the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods, we found that adventure, enjoyment, and a desire to break the rules emerged as important themes. Enjoying the process of buying counterfeits was a commentary frequently expressed by participants, regardless of their age or the frequency of their purchases: If you’re in a market like those in Thailand and China, they move a sliding wall and behind it they have all the stuff that’s hidden and then they can put the wall back, just like James Bond [. . .] generally speaking, it’s really fun (Cristina, age 40).
A sense of adventure seemed to have made the experiences more memorable and although buying counterfeits is not punishable by law in Mexico for some of our respondents the presence of the police seemed to add thrill to the experience:
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Yes, it was a real adventure that time, I felt like it was something forbidden, just great, a nervous sensation because – quick, the guy is going away and here comes the police – I did get very, very nervous (Ana, age 49).
In the majority of our interviews respondents smiled and some even laughed when remembering specific occasions in which they, often accompanied by close friends or relatives, bought counterfeits. Sharing this mischief seemed to contribute to create a bond between them. For some others these experiences translated into great stories to tell to those in their inner circle: In Paris we were going all together (the sisters), it was the best, totally fun, just picture it! (Dolores, age 51). I have a friend who has everything, she has her originals and her fakes and once got into the store carrying a fake and asked the saleswoman to show her one like the one she was carrying and nobody in the store noticed that she had a fake, and for her it was wow! Like an emotion (Gabriela, age 20).
Because achieving their goals generate positive emotions, these consumers are willing to repeat the experience. Our respondents told us stories about diverse occasions in which they had bought counterfeits, both in Monterrey and when traveling abroad. When asked if they would be willing to buy counterfeits again all of them answered affirmatively, some of them emphatically: I loved it! There was a lot of excitement. My son Manuel was furious when he found out that I had gone to the flea market, he said that I was going to be an embarrassment for the family. So I don’t tell him anymore when I go (Nena, age 65).
Thus, the process repeats, and the resulting emotions contribute to enhance their self-concept. Respondents end this process visualizing themselves as fun loving individuals. Fooling others Consumers of counterfeits derive a gamut of benefits, real, symbolic, and sometimes contradictory from their actions. They want to be accepted by an aspirational group and at the same time they seem to enjoy fooling those they want to impress. One of the participants in our study expressed this quite well when she said: Tell me who doesn’t like to think “I’m going to make a fool out of everyone. Of course.” (Dolores, age 51).
The need to belong was mentioned much more frequently by the younger respondents. For them the luxury counterfeit was used a prop to signal membership. The older participants, often mothers, recognized the need to belong as especially important for the younger generation: Yes, there is always pressure, because people who have a certain status should buy certain type of brands because if they buy others they would not belong ( Julieta, age 20).
A common purpose among the participants in our study was to make others believe that they were owners of originals while wearing counterfeits. They hoped their “audience”
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would not doubt the legitimacy of the purse, sunglasses, or watch they were wearing. Some of them relied on their physical characteristics, social status, and other possessions as signs of their economic capacity to buy originals, therefore expecting others would not doubt them: I was in Spain and wanted a certain Louis Vuitton purse model and they didn’t have it [. . .] and then my friend tells me “Come on, why don’t you buy the fake, people see you in your super minivan and who (laughs) is going to think that it is a fake, you could perfectly fool everybody” (Marisa, age 38).
These consumers seemed to accept a trade-off between the risk of not belonging and the risk of being discovered as users of counterfeits; both would damage their desired social self-image; particularly the younger respondents mentioned their fear of losing face as a highly undesirable outcome. We found that because belonging to the group is so important they choose to run the risk of being caught, but by assuring the high apparent quality of the acquired counterfeits expect to minimize it: If it is a super well made fake yes, if not you will look worse [. . .] (Maria Elena, age 22).
Some participants told us about situations in which people they know have made fun of someone because the luxury products showed off as originals had been identified as counterfeits. One of the participants shared with us the following urban legend: Victoria Beckham was traveling and her purse was stolen and she sued, and the airline paid her thousands of dollars. Victoria had a big laugh. But afterwards when the purse was recovered they found out it was a fake [. . .] what an embarrassment (MaryPaz, age 52).
Is the fantasy of wearing a luxury counterfeit good only targeted to others or do consumers who buy counterfeits really believe themselves in the transfer of meaning from originals to counterfeits? Participants in the study gave us mixed answers: You don’t feel the same way that you do with the original, you’re always going to know that it’s not original, you’re going to know that it’s fake even if other people don’t (Cristina, age 40). I think I feel the same thing, especially if it’s a good-quality counterfeit, I feel as if I’d bought it at the original store. It’s like I fool myself (Marta, age 54).
Apparently, the consumer’s responses were more determined by their capacity to deeply adopt the role that they are playing in society. For some of our respondents counterfeits serve the utilitarian purpose of creating a desired external social image. Others in addition internally transfer the imagery from the original brands to their counterfeits and these seem to become a valued part of their extended self. As Goffman (1959, p. 19) suggests: “An individual may be taken in by his own act or be cynical about it.” The previous three themes describe the benefits that consumers derive from the consumption of counterfeit luxury goods and how they use them as building blocks to construct who they think they are. Linking the themes: the savvy consumer As we conducted and analyzed more interviews, there was an increasing perception that we were speaking with “savvy consumers.” individuals who showed a deep understanding of the rules of their social context who carefully buy counterfeits
to project a desired image, have fun in the process and at the end feel good about themselves:
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The luxury product makers themselves create this image, the illusion, and when you buy a copy you’re playing their game. That elite image, that you deserve it, and that you want to feel this (Dolores, age 51).
What we suggest is that these consumers may opt for deception as a convenient alternative that will allow them to benefit from the image created by the luxury fashion industry, while fooling others, and purchasing the alternative inexpensive goods provided by the counterfeits industry: There will always be fakes, of everything; there will always be smart people wanting to get the same with less effort (Anahi, age 19).
By choosing to use both originals and their counterfeits these savvy consumers made their own rules, using the prestige of the original brands for the achievement of their socialization goals, buying and wearing counterfeits because they enjoyed the experience and believed it was the smart thing to do.
Discussion Previous studies have emphasized the use of possessions in the construction of self-identity, our respondents’ stories reveal that this same process occurs when individuals deliberately buy and wear counterfeits. Just as the Chinese consumers investigated by Chan (2008, p. 325) our respondents “use public symbolic goods to express their location within the social hierarchy,” although in their case the used symbolic goods are mere counterfeits of the original brands. According to mainstream economics discourse consumers seek to optimize their resources. In addition they also benefit from the emotional gain derived from knowing that maximum value has been achieved. Self-esteem is enhanced when our respondents view themselves as smart decision makers. Our results find support in previous studies showing that consumers who buy counterfeits act smartly in order to get the best deal for their money (Cordell et al., 1996; Gentry et al., 2001). But more important, we found that these actions when internalized seem to contribute in the creation of a positive consumers’ self-image. By exercising a behavior that deviates from the norm, our respondents break the rules of the economic and social game, buying and wearing luxury counterfeits to experience positive emotions. The “contraband factor” (Cox et al., 1990) or desire for forbidden products was confirmed by our interviewees, who often mentioned the word adventure when describing their experiences with counterfeits. Our findings agree with Wilke and Zaichkowsky (1999) in their conclusion that counterfeit luxury goods provide an elevated feeling to consumers who cannot or will not pay for the original item, Additionally our results indicate that not only the end result is enjoyable, but also the four main stages involved in the consumption experience: pre-consumption, purchasing, consumption, and remembered consumption (Arnould et al., 2002). These individuals seem to enjoy not only the social self-image that counterfeits help them to project, but the satisfaction of feeling smarter than those they want to impress and the thrill frequently associated with the risks involved in the experience.
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These consumers who seem to desire social approval nevertheless accept the inherent risk of losing face by deciding to wear counterfeits. If “risk is the probability of an event combined with the magnitude of the losses and gains that it will entail” (Douglas, 1994, p. 40) our respondents seem to perceive a low probability of being caught based upon their self-concept as experts on counterfeits. And because the desired social acceptance is seen as high gain they are willing to make a high risk decision. The concept of face is central to self-definition and affects behavior (Earley, 1997) especially when referring to the manzi (social face) aspect of this Chinese concept which is related to status and success (Wong and Ahuvia, 1998). In these situations the individual is afraid of facing social ostracism or peer ridicule if caught (Ram and Sheth, 1989) particularly in the case of consumers belonging to middle and upper classes (Gentry et al., 2006). Nevertheless, we found that our wealthy respondents although fearing a possible loss of social face dare to take the risk because they consider themselves capable of deceiving others by acquiring and wearing the best quality counterfeits. Although our interviewees do not know each other they shared experiences and emotions that gave meaning to their consumption processes, and referred to conversations with close friends and family members in which the “know how” of counterfeits’ shopping was shared. In this sense they may be seen as belonging to a culture of consumption (Kozinets, 2001), exercising communal consumption (Algesheimer and Gurau, 2008) by using the originals’ images in conjunction with their illegal copies to generate meaning for themselves and for others. Our findings highlight three goals associated with the purchase and consumption of counterfeit luxury goods. First, consumers consider themselves as efficient experts both on originals and their counterfeits who optimize their resources to achieve specific goals. Second, adventure, enjoyment, and desire to experience risk are common among these consumers. Third, consumers who buy counterfeit luxury expect not to be caught, assuming that others will not doubt the legitimacy of the products they use. While describing these goals our respondents expressed a deep understanding of their relationship with a materialistic society and of the market forces affecting it, using this higher order knowledge in their pursuit of self-presentation. The satisfaction of these goals seemed to contribute to the creation of an identity in which consumers of luxury brands counterfeits see themselves as savvy individuals. Because the emotions resulting from the process of buying and consuming counterfeits of luxury brands are intense and pleasant, these consumers continue to buy counterfeits. As they repeat these experiences they go on satisfying their goals, self-presenting to others, and reinforcing their identity. Conclusion There has been a considerable stream of research concerned with the consumption of counterfeits; our intent in this study has been to extend previous theory. We found that there are consumers who own luxury original brands who also own the counterfeits of these. Furthermore, these individuals obtain real and symbolic benefits from their purchase and consumption by projecting a desired social image and by contributing to the construction of their identity. Although the goods used in the process are illegally produced and sold and their purchase is a questionable and in most occasions secret activity our respondents reported important gains: being efficient by optimizing their resources, having fun by experiencing adventure, enjoyment, and risk, and fooling
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others expecting not to be caught. But most important, while accomplishing these inner goals consumers of counterfeit luxury goods constructed a positive identity in which they perceive themselves as “savvy” individuals. Our results have also relevant managerial implications. There is a widespread recognition across companies of the need to create rewarding buying experiences for consumers. Our research suggests that the process of buying counterfeit luxury brands is a memorable experience for consumers, one that is filled with fun and adventure. Luxury brands should also seek to create singular and rewarding experiences. Additionally, luxury brands could emphasize the legal, ethical, and social risks surrounding the consumption of counterfeits as a negative enforcer for this type of behavior. The results of this study show the existence of consumers who affording the prices of luxury fashion brands nevertheless decide to also buy counterfeits. Their situation is particular; therefore our conclusions may not be generalized to the consumption of all types of counterfeits, we do not claim that our conclusions could apply to all markets and all products’ categories. Thompson and Arsel (2004), agreeing with Anderson (1986, p. 640) express this issue very well when they argue that “No number of positive empirical confirmations can prove a theory universally true because there will always exist unexplored contexts, populations, or times where the theory may not hold.” Although we had foreseen the difficulty of convincing counterfeits’ consumers to be interviewed the reality proved to be even more complicated. Most of those who refused to participate responded that we were mistaken when assuming that they owned counterfeits; although we were certain that they did. We concluded that these individuals were wary of loosing face with us researchers, also probably worried about confidence issues. Some younger candidates were more open when they refused to participate, they did not deny owning counterfeits but expressed that they would be embarrassed to be interviewed. We suggest that an alternative ethnographic method such as blog analysis could be used to avoid this limitation, thus allowing researchers to reach consumers of counterfeits who are hard to interview personally. Could it be possible to suggest that consumers belonging to high socio-economic strata in different cultures feel and behave similarly with respect to the consumption of illegal copies? Although Belk et al. (2005) found that both socio-economic status and culture did affect perceptions of consumption ethics in a lesser degree that what they had expected we ask ourselves if replicating our study in different countries among members of a high socio-economic level would provide new evidence. Additionally, it would be relevant to assess longitudinal effects on our results. Algesheimer and Gurau (2008) argue that communal consumption is a dynamic process marked by the interactions among group members. Assuming that consumers’ behavior is not stable it would be interesting to study the evolution of perceptions, attitudes and behaviors among our respondents. References Algesheimer, R. and Gurau, C. (2008), “Introducing structuration theory in communal consumption behavior research”, Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal, Vol. 11 No. 2, pp. 227-45. AMAI (2008), “Distribucion de niveles socioeconomicos 2008. Heriberto Lopez Romo”, available at: www.amai.org/
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Thompson, C.J. (1996), “Caring consumers: gendered consumption meanings and the juggling lifestyle”, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 22 No. 4, pp. 388-408. Tom, G., Garibaldi, B., Zeng, Y. and Pilcher, J. (1998), “Consumer demand for counterfeit goods”, Psychology & Marketing, Vol. 15 No. 5, pp. 405-21. Veblen, T.B. (1899), The Theory of the Leisure Class, Houghton Mifflin, Boston, MA. Vigneron, F. and Johnson, L.W. (1999), “A review and a conceptual framework of prestige-seeking consumer behavior”, Academy of Marketing Science Review, available at: www.vancouver.wsu.edu/amsrev/theory/vigneron01-99.html
Appendix
Table AI. Names and descriptions of participants in the study
Name
Age
Occupation
Family status
Karina Julieta Gabriela Nicole Susana Cynthia Vivian Begon˜a Vaniela Nelda Ana Lucia Laura Rosa Alejandra Elena Aurora Rossina Doranina Anahi Marisa Martha Patricia Cristina Gloria Eva Margarita Maritere Leticia Elvia Ana Norma Adriana Dolores MaryPaz Marta Maga Yolanda Nena
19 20 20 20 21 21 21 22 23 23 24 26 30 30 32 33 34 34 36 38 39 40 41 42 44 46 46 48 49 49 51 51 52 54 54 58 65
College student College student College student Gastronomy student College student College student College student College student College student College student Travel agent Dance teacher Manager Homemaker Architect Dance teacher Homemaker Graduate student Accountant Homemaker Government employee Homemaker Homemaker Teacher Homemaker Business woman Homemaker Accountant Real state agent Homemaker Homemaker Graduate student Homemaker Business owner Business woman Homemaker Homemaker
Single, living with her parents Single, living with friends Single, living with friends Single, living with friends Single, living with her parents Single, living with her parents Single, living with girlfriends Single, living with her parents Single, living with friends Single, living with her parents Single, living with her parents Single, living with her parents Single, living with friends Married, one baby Single, living by herself Married, two daughters Married, three sons Single, living by herself Married, childless Married, three sons Married, two daughters Married, three daughters and two sons Married, one baby Married, two daughters Married, a daughter and a son Divorced, two daughters Married, two sons and one daughter Single, living with her sister Married, two daughters and one son Married, three sons Married, one daughter Married, two sons Married, two sons and two daughters Divorced, one son and one daughter Married, two sons and one daughter Single, living by herself Widow, adult children and grandchildren
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About the authors Marı´a Eugenia Perez is an Associate Professor of Marketing at the Graduate School of Business and Leadership (EGADE – Escuela de Graduados en Direccion y Administracion de Empresas), Tecnologico de Monterrey, Mexico. She holds a Masters in International Communication from Tecnologico de Monterrey, and a Masters in Management, and a PhD in Marketing from Tulane University. Perez has delivered papers at international conferences. Her research interests focus on the relationship between consumer behavior and branding. Marı´a Eugenia Perez is the corresponding author and can be contacted at:
[email protected] Raquel Castan˜o is a Professor of Marketing at EGADE, Tecnologico de Monterrey. She holds a PhD degree and a Master’s degree in Management from Tulane University. She also obtained a Master’s degree in Business Administration and another one in Marketing from EGADE. Professor Castan˜o’s research focuses on the roles of emotion and cognition in decision making. Examples of this research include the role of temporal distance and mental simulation in the adoption of new products. She has recently authored an article in the Journal of Marketing Research and has delivered papers at international conferences. Claudia Quintanilla is an Associate Professor of Marketing at EGADE, Tecnologico de Monterrey, Mexico. Born in Tampico, Tamps she studied Marketing (1991) and earned a Master’s in Business Management (1994) at Tecnologico de Monterrey. She also holds a Master’s in Management with specialization in Marketing (2003) and a PhD from Tulane University (2006). Claudia Quintanilla has worked as a freelance advisor in marketing research since 1992. Her research interests vary, but have largely concentrated in the consumer behavior area, focusing on technology, marketing, and cross-cultural studies.
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