GAL Workshop Human evolution in Eurasia elucidated through Genetics, Archeology, and Linguistics March 15th - 19th, 2017, National Institute of Genetics, Mishima, Japan
A typological profile of Ainu in the context of languages of Northeast Asia Anna Bugaeva (
[email protected])
Introduction: Ainu • AINU (isolate, almost extinct) is the only nonJaponic lang. of Japan. アイヌ語（系統不明）は •
• •
•
•
日本にお ける唯一の非日本諸語である。 Hokkaido (HA),Sakhalin (SA) & Kurile groups of dialects. アイヌ語は方言差がある。 (北海道、サハリン、クリル諸方言） Was spoken in Northern Honshu Isl. (Tōhoku) till mid XVIII. 18世紀の半ばまで本州北東部方言も有り。 Hokkaido Ainu dialects: SW & NE; 北海道内の方言：北東方言と南西方言。 Sakhalin Ainu: West and East coast. Is not used in daily conversation since the 1950s; Ethnical Ainu: 100,000. 日常会話に使用されていた のは1950年代まで。全国のアイヌの人口：100,000. DATA: mostly from HA (SW) dial. of Saru and Chitose; my fieldwork etc.データ：千歳方言、沙流方言(南西方言)
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Fig. 2 Major language families in Northeast Asia (excluding Sinitic) Amuric Mongolic Tungusic
Ainuic
Koreanic Japonic
Preview: Ainu shares only few features with Northeast Asian languages and “Is more like a morphologically reduced version of a North American lang.” (アイヌ語は形態的に単純化された北米の言語の バージョンのようである。) (Johanna Nichols p.c.)
Archaeological (Ceramic-Based) Timeline for the Japanese Archipelago • 14,000-300 BCE Jōmon (縄文) “cord-patterned”. (Epi-Jōmon culture continues in Northern Japan until 7 CE). • 900 BCE – 300 CE Yayoi (弥生) Tokyo National Museum Named after Yayoi-chō in Tokyo. where this type of pottery was first found. Associated with the wet rice agriculture. First sites (e.g. Nabatake) in NW Kyūshū : the settlements of Japan’s rice farmers who came from the Korean Peninsular. www.saitama-u.ac.jp/takaku/maibun-hp
Who are the Ainu?
Takeki Fujito, an Ainu artist, and Anna Bugaeva (2007) 5
Introduction: Who are the Ainu? • Physical appearance: different from other NA populations. • Traditional lifestyle: fishing, hunting, gathering, and trading with the Japanese.
• The Ainu are direct descendants of the Neolithic population of the Jōmon Culture which existed in Japan in 14,000-300 BCE. • Ainu is the only surviving Jōmon language; there had been many Jōmon lgs: 300 acc. to Janhunen (2002) and 10 to Whitman (p.c.) . Photo 1.“Endangered Languages Archive” https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Record/MPI572685 6
Placing Japonic • The Japonic Language Family (Japanese+Ryūkyūan) is rather shallow: late split (Hattori 1956; lexicostatistics), (Lee & Hasegawa 2011; Bayesian phylogeny).
• Japanese is the language of the Yayoi (Iron Age) rice agriculturalists who had started migrating from the Korean Peninsular around 950 BC and eventually absorbed all Jōmon lgs, except Ainu. • There is an evidence that a language directly related to Jap was spoken on the Korean Pen. in 3500BC-300CE:
toponyms/numerals in Samguk Sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms) which is a historical record (12CE) of the Three Kingdoms of Korea: Goguryeo, Baekje and Silla （Whitman 2011）.
• Some scholars even reconstruct the Japanese-Korean lg family which is 4000 years old （Hattori, Whitman,Lee Ki-Moon, Unger, Robbeets), others don’t (Janhunen, Vovin).
Human Population Differences between Yayoi and Jōmon
Hanihara’s (1991) dual structure hypothesis’ claims that the modern Japanese population is made up of both Jōmon and Yayoi ancestries (is often 2:8). http://www.kahaku.go.jp/exhibitions/ueno/special/2005/jomon vsyayoi/img/imagetop1.jpg
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JAHPGC 2012. The history of human populations in the Japanese archipelago inferred from genome-wide SNP data with a special reference to the Ainu and Ryukyuan populations. Journal of Human Genetics 57．
(1) Recent admixture with the Mainland Jap. was observed for more than one third of the Ainu individuals; (2) The Ainu population seems to have experienced admixture with another population [Nivkh?]; (3) The Ainu and the Ryukyuan are tightly clustered. 9
Recent advances in human genetics • By comparing genome-wide SNP data of the Ainu, Ryukyuans and Mainland Japanese it was confirmed that (1) the Ainu are genetically different from Mainland Japanese living in Tohoku, the northern part of Honshu Island; (2) using Ainu as descendants of the Jōmon people and continental Asians (Han Chinese, Koreans) as descendants of Yayoi people, the proportion of Jōmon genetic component in Mainland Japanese was ~18% and ~28% in Ryukyuans (Jinam et al. 2015: 565) • “The Ainu represent a deep branch of East Asian diversity more basal than all present-day East Asian farmers” and they can be traced back to an early split from mainland Asian populations, jointly with one of the earliest American founder populations (Jeong et al. 2016: 261). 10
Formation of the Ainu ethnos • No Yayoi (Iron Age) period in Hokkaido. • Neolithic Epi-Jomon period was replaced in Hokkaido by • - The Satsumon culture (from Northern Honshu; had agricultural practices, built chasi-stockades and exchanged goods with their neighbours, predecessors of modern Ainu) in SW Hok. in 700 AD & • - The Okhotsk culture (from the lower Amur river; primarily seamammal hunters, lived in pit dwellings; Nivkh people?) in NE Hok. around 500-600 AD. • Around 1000 AD, the Okhotsk culture gave way to the Satsumon culture, and its protagonists absorbed into what we know as the Ainu ethnic group. • Cf. ya-un-kur ‘people from the mainland’ who win over rep-un-kur ‘people from the sea’ in yukar ‘heroic epics’. 11
Formation of the Ainu ethnos • Then the 12th-13th cent. the Ainu from Hokkaido expanded into Sakhalin and the Kuriles pushing out the Okhotsk people (Kikuchi 1999: 50). • Evidence from the Chinese texts (Yuan-shi) supporting Ainu expansion into Sakhalin: the Guwei or kui/kuγi (=Ainu) fought against the Jilimi (=Nivkh) between 1264 and 1308, who had already submitted to the Mongols (Hudson 1999: 226). • The Jilimi (=Nivkh) were pushed to the north of Sakhalin.
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12th
Ainu: Sociolinguistic situation
century Formation of the modern Ainu culture: the Satsumon culture absorbs the Okhotsk culture. Peacefully trading with the Japanese. Cultural lex. items are borrowed from J into Ainu. Early Ainu-Japanese language contact. 1604 The Japanese warrior clan Matsumae received Hokkaido as its fief, monopolized trade with the Ainu and enforced strict regulations. A ban on the Ainu learning to speak or read Japanese: monoligualism. 1799 The Japan government’s direct control over Hokkaido. The beginning of language shift. 1899 Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act. Destroying traditional Ainu lifestyle. Introducing obligatory elementary educ. Assimilation policy. Post-Meji Ainu-Japanese language contact Early 20th cent. Repression from the state. Abandonment of language and its eventual loss by succeeding generations. In the early 50s of the 20th century, the language shift completed. 1997 “The Law for the Prom-n of the Ainu Culture” Revitalization efforts. 2008 Ainu as the indigenous population of Hokkaido. 13
Ainu Old Records in Hentaigana: “Matsumae no kotoba” (early 17th century)
天理大学付属天 理図書館所蔵に 『松前の言』 と題 された写本が所 蔵されている。 この写本はアイヌ 語・日本語の対 訳語彙集であり， 金田一(1924 (1972)) の研究に より，アイヌ語を 記録した最も古 い文献の一つで あるとされている。 (佐藤1998)
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Ainu Studies • Originally, Ainu was not a written language. • After Hentaigana, it was transcribed with the Latin, Cyrillic alphabet or katakana. • Possesses a huge documented stock of oral literature, extensive documentation started 100 years ago (Kyōsuke Kindaichi, Mashiho Chiri, Suzuko Tamura etc). • The tradition of studying Ainu has in many ways been the converse of what we have for a typical endangered indigenous language studies in the West: - there is a vast corpus (including sound recordings), a large oral literature of traditional epics, and - yet a lack of theoretical engagement with many problems of grammatical analysis. 15
Ainu: Typological profile • Agglutinating, polysynthetic, incorporating; head-marking. 膠着的、複統合的、抱合；主要部標示。 • SOV. More prefixing than suffixing. 語順SOV 。接尾辞より接頭辞が優勢。 • No case marking for arguments. Adjuncts mrk by postpositions. 項への格標示はなし。付加詞は後置詞によりマーク。 • The verb is marked for the prs. & nmb. of S/A/O. 3rd p. is zero. 動詞は人称接辞によりマークされる。三人称はゼロマーク。 • Pro-drop. Zero-anaphora. 代名詞の省略が起こる。ゼロ照応。 • Alignment is mixed: tripartite, nom-acc, neutr (dep. on prs/nmb). 格配列は三立型、主格・対格型、中立型が混在。
Ainu: Typological profile • The opposition of vi & vt is clear-cut. “Adjectives” are incl. in vi. 自動詞と他動詞の違いは明確。いわゆる「形容詞」は自動詞 に含まれる。 • Verbal number: PL marks the plurality of S or O. 動詞数：SまたはOの複数性が表示される。 • No special subordinate morphology on verbs. 不定形がない。 • A number of aspectual and modal markers but no pure tense. アスペクトやモダリティを表わす形式はあるが、テンスはない。 • A four-term evidential system. 4項対立の証拠性のシステム。 • Extensive voice system. ヴォイスのシステムが豊富。
Ainu: Typological profile
• Investigating Ainu (2013-16) within the NINJAL project “Typological and historical/ comparative research on the languages of the Jap. archipelago and their environs”(headed by John Whitman): “Languages of Northeast Asia [the so-called Altaic langs (Mongolic, Tungusic, Turkic), Korean, Jap, Nivkh, Yukaghir, and the Chukotko-Kamchatkan langs] show characteristics of a linguistic area or Sprachbund. Shared typological features include largely head final constituent order, a high degree of morphological agglutination, and retracted tongue root [RTR] harmony. In the diachronic realm, shared features include a notable tendency for nominalized clauses to be reanalyzed as main clauses. In the southeast are languages (Japanese, Korean) with no primary laryngeal consonantal contrast, lexical pitch accent, and almost complete dependent marking. On the northern and western peripheries languages are predominantly dependent marking. ” [東北アジアは1 つの言語地域（Sprachbund）と見なすことができる。この地 域の言語には，いくつかの言語類型論的共通点が見られる。主要部後置の 語順，高度な形態論的膠着性，舌根[RTR]母音調和の他に，通時的側面では， 名詞化された述語が主文に再分析化される傾向が著しい。有声音・無声音の 対立がなく，高低アクセントや徹底した従属部標示を示す言語（日本語，韓国 語）が地域の南東部に集中する。http://pj.ninjal.ac.jp/jparchipelago/en/index.html 18
Ainu: Typological profile Which features does Ainu share with NA languages? • Head final constituent order (SOV)主要部後置の語順 YES • A high degree of morphological agglutination YES 高度な形態論的膠着性 • Retracted tongue root [RTR] harmony (Ko et. al 2014) YES (?) 舌根[RTR]母音調和 • No primary laryngeal consonantal contrast YES 有声音・無声音の対立 • Lexical pitch accent YES 高低アクセント • Reanalysis of nominalized clauses as main clauses NO (except SA) 名詞化された述語が主文に再分析化される傾向 • Dependent marking 従属部標示 NO 19
Ainu: Typological features • Preliminary observations: Ainu shares with Northeast Asian languages only few basic features (SOV). • Its phonology has been heavily influenced by Japanese: the reduction of the phonemic inventory just to 5 vowels /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/ , /u/ and 11 consonants /p/, /t/, /k/, /m/, /n/, /s/, / tʃ /, /h/, /r/, /y/ , /w/ , cf. proto-Ainu in Vovin (1993), and development of pitch accent (de Boer 2010). See more on phonology in Robbeets (2017). • The key feature of Ainu is its HEAD-MARKING 主要部標示, which is the opposite of DEPENDENT-MARKING 従属部標示 of most NA langs.
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Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs • The head- 主要部標示 and dependent-marking 従属部標示 parameter is a morphological-structural parameter which classifies languages according to the locus of morphological marking of syntactic relations within a constituent (Nichols 1986). • Contituents of a sentence: phrases, clauses etc. which are organized hierarchically consisting of HEADs and DEPENDENTs. “The HEAD is the word which determines the syntactic type of the entire constituent and hence the privileges of occurrence and syntactic distribution of the constituent. …For instance, the English noun phrase is headed by a noun, and hence has much the same distribution as a noun (so that, for example, newD houseH has its distribution determined by house, not by new). ”(Nichols 1992: 46) • Syntactic relations between a HEAD and a DEPENDENT: The head governs the dependent, i.e. there is requirement of one word in a particular grammatical function by another. 21
Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs 3 major types of constituent: noun phrase (NP), adpositional phrase (PP), and clause (=verb phrase) (S), with 7 subtypes based on the kind of dependent.
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Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs • Syntactic relations between HEAD and DEPENDENT within constituents (NP, PP, S) are encoded by morphological marking (inflection, affixation, cliticization) (Nichols 1992: 49-52). • Morphological marking can be located on the dependent word, head word, both words or neither word, hence classified into (a) Dependent marking type, e.g. s-anD a:xčaＨ (Chechen) lsg-GEN money ‘my money’ (b) Head marking type, e.g. saràD sə - yonəＨ (Abkhaz) lsg lsg-house 'my house’ (c) Double marking type, e.g. men-imD kullyg-ymＨ (Nogai) lsg-GEN work-lsg 'my work' (d) No marking type, e.g. miD l'eiＨ (!Kung) I axe 'my axe‘ ※ Examples of Locus of Marking in Possessive Noun Phrases 23
Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs ※ Examples of Locus of of Marking in the Clause (=verb phrases) (a) Dependent marking type
D
D
D
H
(c) Double marking type
D
D
(b) Head marking type
H
D
(d) No marking type
H
D
(WALS 2005)
H
D
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Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs
(Nichols 1986: 75)
(Helmbrecht 2001: 1424) 25
Ainu: Typological features Correlations of dependent- vs. head-marking with some grammatical categories and processes (Nichols 1986: 64)
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Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs • Nichols (1986) hypothesizes that “the head- and dependentmarking characteristics are diachronically the most conservative and stable features of a language so that they can serve as a tool to generate reasonable and substantial hypotheses about the genetic and areal relatedness of a language or group of languages reaching a time depth which transcends the limits of the traditional historical-comparative method.” (Helmbrecht 2001: 1424) • If there is a sharp contrast with respect to the head-/dependent morphological marking type between a particular language and the languages within a proposed language family, this can be taken as negative evidence for the assumed genetic relationship. Migration of people – i.e. non-relatedness – may be the reason for this otherwise unlikely contrast. (Nichols 1986: 98) 27
Head-marking vs. Dependent-marking lgs • The head-mrk type is well att. in the Americas and Melanesia but rare elsewhere;
• The dependent-mrk type is strongest in Africa, Eurasia, and perhaps Australia-New Guinea and infrequent (but not rare) elsewhere. (WALS §25; Nichols & Bickel 2005)
• +Ainu
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Ainu: Typological features • The following features make Ainu special and different from most other NA lgs, except Ket and to a less degree Nivkh: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
Head marking of possessive NP’s; Possessive classes; Neutral alignment of case marking of full noun phrases; Head marking of clause arguments; Inclusive/exclusive distinction; Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion; The lack of non-finite subordinating morphology on verbs. Exclusively borderline case-marking, i.e. overt marking only for concrete or “peripheral” case relations; 9. Noun-incorporation; 10. More prefixing than suffixing, though verb-final. 29
Ainu: Typological features • I argue that all of these features either directly (in black) or indirectly (in blue) related to head-marking 主要部標示, or polysynthesis 複統合性 which is recently defined as • “Open head marking (in clause)” (Nichols, ISPS 2014): - Not just the core arguments (A S O G T; max. 3 / verb: A G T) but also indexing of one or more additional roles (often benefactive, comitative, causee, instrument); - Not just a fixed paradigm of per mrks but others too (e.g. noun inc); - Not just clause members (e.g. ext. possessor; poss. relative)
• As a concomitant of head marking, polysynthesis is naturally frequent in the Greater Pacific Rim (GPR: 33%, elsewhere: 9%) . ※ GPR: New Guinea north coast, Oceania, east coastal Asia, west coastal North America, Mexico and Central America, west coastal South America, and northern Australia. 30
Ainu: Typological features I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 名詞句における主要部標示: 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s; 非所有者NPの主要部標示 2. Possessive classes. 非所有者の分類
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Ainu: Typological features II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 動詞区における主要部標示: 3. Neutral alignment of case marking of full noun phrases; 主語と目的語（項）の名詞句を違う格標示で区別しない。
4. Head marking of clause arguments; 動詞は主語と目的語（項）の人称接辞によりマークされる。 5. Incl./excl. distinction; 包括的1 人称複数と除外的1 人称複数の区別あり。 6. Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion; 補充形 による動詞数。
7. The lack of non-finite subord. morphology on verbs.不定形がない。 8. Exclusively borderline case-marking, i.e. overt marking only for concrete or “peripheral” case relations; 格標示は 周辺的な意味 役割にしか使われない（項は標示） 9. Noun-incorporation; 名詞抱合 10. More pref. than suff., though V-final; 接尾辞より接頭辞が優勢, SOV ※ Features directly (in black) and indirectly (in blue) rel. to head-mrk 32
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s. 2. Possessive classes. Cf. Typological generalizations on possession: - An opposition of ‘alienable’ and ‘inalienable’ possession is almost inevitable in languages where possession is regularly head-marked; - The alienable/inalienable opposition is almost never signaled by dependent-marked morphology (Nichols 1988: 576)
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I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s. 2. Possessive classes. • Ainu makes a distinction between inalien. vs. alien possession 譲渡可能 vs. 譲渡不可能の所有構文 - Head-marking nominal possessive NP for inalienable possession; 譲渡不可能 - Relative clause-based complex possessive NP with kor ‘have’ for alienable possession. 譲渡可能 • The latter encoding type is not attested elsewhere (Nichols 1986), (Nichols & Bickel 2005), (Johanna Nichols p.c.), (Dixon 2010-II: 290), (Aikhenvald & Dixon 2013). 34
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase
• No clear semantic borderline in the membership. - ‘INALIENABLE’ type: (a) all body parts, part-whole relations, phys. strength, secretion, disposition etc. (b) most kinship terms; (c) occasionally ownership (hunting tools etc.); (d) all nouns denoting spatial or temporal relations; (e) product made of some material - ‘ALIENABLE’ type: (a) excretion; (b) some kinship terms; (c) most ownership.
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I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s: Nom. possessive NP for inalien poss. 名詞句における主要部表示：非所有者がマークされる。 • The possessee 所有者 (=head) - Takes the “possessed” suffix (POSS) -hV or -V(hV) which only register the presence of a possessor非所有者 (=dependent). - And the person-marking prefix indexing a possessor, which is identical with the transitive subject mrk (A) (Tab 1). (1a) ku-sapa-haH (2a) kamuyD Ø-rus-i(hi)H 1SG.A-head-POSS bear 3.A-pelt-POSS ‘my head’ ; ‘the pelt of a/the bear’ ; (1b) ci-setur-u(hu) H (2b) sayoD Ø-rur-ihi H 1PL.EXC-back-POSS gruel 3.A-soup-POSS ‘our backs’ ‘the soup of a/the gruel’ 「お粥の汁」 36
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s: Nominal possessive NP for inalien poss. • The "possessed" suffixes (POSS) -hV or -V(hV) tend to copy a root-final vowel; • Probably originated in a kind of tongue root harmony [RTR] (Shibatani 1990: 15), which is regarded as an areal feature of Northeast Asia in Ko et al. (2014: 141). • No clear difference between the long and short forms -V and -VhV. 37
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 2. Possessive classes: Relative clause-based complex possessive NP with kor ‘have’ for alienable possession (3)
[__ ku-kor] seta 1SG.A-have dog ‘my dog’「私の犬」 Lit. ‘the dog (that) I have/had’. 「私が持つ犬」 • Object relativization. The (gapped) pre-head relative clause-based const. with kor ‘have sth/sb’ as the RC predicate, • Possessor as the RC subject; Possessee as the head noun. cf. Base clause (4) hure poro seta ku-kor red big dog 1SG.A-have ‘I had a big red dog.’ (K7708242UP.163) 「私は⾚い⼤きな⽝を持っていた。」 38
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 2. Possessive classes. • The same kinship terms (e.g. ‘mother’, ‘father’) may be expressed by different words patterning either as alien. or inalien. poss. (5a) [__ Ø-kor] hapo; (5b) Ø-unu-hu 3.A-have mother 3.A-mother-POSS ‘ h i s / h e r m o t h e r ’ (Tamura 2000:89) *Henceforth, Ø- for 3rd person will be omitted. • “Words formed with the affiliative [=possessive form] are objective, whereas those formed with kor express a feeling of affection.” (Tamura 2000: 88) 39
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 2. Possessive classes. • Some nouns (e.g. ‘grandfather’, ‘village’, ‘house’ , ‘machete’) are attested in both alien. (11a) & inalien. (11b) types. (6a) a.[__a-kor] kotan; (6b) a-kotan-u 4.A-have village 4.A-village-POSS ‘ m y v i l l a g e ’ (K8010281.UP.056), (K7803233UP.298) • Some nouns – even in puzzling alien+inalien combinations. (7) [__ a-kor] kotan-u 4.A-have village-POSS ‘ m y v i l l a g e ’ (Satō 1997: 154) • No apparent semantic difference. Language death symptoms? 40
I. Head-marking in the noun phrase
• +Ainu
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II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 3. Neutral alignment of case marking of full noun phrases (also in Nivkh, Ket; WALS §98). Arguments as bare NPs. 主語と目的語の名詞句を違う格標示で区別しない。 アイヌ語の場合、主語と目的語（項）への格標示はなし。
(8a) kotan kor utar aep u-w-ekar-pa-re pa (K7803232UP.073) village have kin/people food REC-EP-face-TR.PL-CAUS PL ‘The villagers gathered food.’ 「村人たちは食料を集めた。」 • The subject kotan kor utar ‘villagers’ (lit. ‘people (who) have a village’) and object aep ‘food’ are unmarked for case. • No third person markers on the verb. (8b) pirka usi-ke ona-ha ko-pun-i be.good place/time-place father-POSS to.APPL-lift-TR.SG ‘(She) served the good parts to her father.’ (K8010291UP.144) 「よいところを父親によそった。」 Two objects 二重目的語。どちらも 格標示はなし。
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A Glossed Audio Corpus of Ainu Folklore 2016.03.23 Nakagawa, Hiroshi; Bugaeva, Anna, and Kobayashi, Miki.アイヌ語口承文 芸コーパス―音声・グロス付き―
A Glossed Audio Corpus of Ainu Folklore. NINJAL, 日本語版の HP: http://ainucorpus.ninjal.ac.jp/ 英語版のHP: http://ainucorpus.ninjal.ac.jp/en/
Includes 8 prosaic folktales and 2 divine epics, with a total recording time of about 3 hr, and a total of about 20,000 Ainu words. Photo 4. Kimi Kimura (1900-1988) 13 texts will be added in March 2018.
A Glossed Audio Corpus of Ainu Folklore
I. Head-marking in the verb phrase 4. Head marking of clause arguments, i.e. obligatory person markers for the subject and object on verbs (also in Ket; WALS §23); 3rd pers is zero. 動詞は人称接辞によりマークされる。三人称はゼロマーク。
(9) eani iyotta epon… 2SG(you) extremely 2SG.S(you)- be.small ‘You are the very youngest.’ 「お前が一番年下だった。」 (K8109193UP.148) • If the subject and/or object are not the third person, the predicate (=verb) must “agree” with the person and number of the subject/object by using special markers. 45
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 4. Head marking of clause arguments, i.e. obligatory person markers for the subj and obj on verbs. 動詞は人称接辞によりマークされる。三人称はゼロマーク。 (10) na epon kusu yet 2SG.S- be.small because ‘You are still young.’ 「お前が一番年下だった。」 (K8109193UP.148) • Independent pronouns are normally omitted. 代名詞の省略が起こる。 Like in Japanese, it is most natural not to use pronouns in Ainu, cf. eani ‘you’ in (2) and no pronoun in (3). • But, person mrks on verbs cannot be omitted because if we do we will end up with the 3rd person subj/object interpretation as in (1). 46
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 4. Head marking of clause arguments, i.e. obligatory pers mrks for the subj and obj on verbs . 動詞は人称接辞によりマークされる。
(11) eci- en- hotuyekar yak pirka p 2PL.A- 1SG.O- call if be.good but ‘You(PL) may have called out to me.’ (Tamura 1984: 36) 「あなた達は私に声をかけてくれればよかったのに！」 • Having both subj and obj mrks on the verb is rare since 主語と目的語のマークが二つとも動詞に現れるのは稀。 i. 3rd pers is zero; 三人称はゼロマーク。 ii. “1st pers subj + 2nd pers object” trigger a different (hierarchical) alignment eci- (originally 2PL.A/S/O). 人称階層型的な特徴もある 47
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase Table 1 Person-number marking in SW Ainu (A=transitive subj, S=intrans subj, O=obj) A/S/O pronouns
A mrks
S mrks
O mrks
1SG
káni ‘I’
ku-
ku-
en-
1PL.EXC
cóka ‘we.EXC’ ((s)he/them) and I)
ci-
-as
un-
2SG
eani ‘you.SG’
e-
e-
e-
2PL
ecioká ‘you.PL’
eci-
eci-
eci-
3SG
sinuma `he/she’
Ø
Ø
Ø
3PL
oka `they’
Ø
Ø
Ø
4th person: 1 Impers ‘one’ 2. 1PL INCL 3.2SG/PL honor 4. Logophor SG 5. Logophor PL
----aoka aoka ‘we.INC (you & I & (s)he/they)’ aoka asinuma aoka
aaaaaa-
-an -an -an -an -an -an
iiiiii48
アイヌ語の文法関係－S, A, Oの区別－ 人称・数
人称代名詞（A/S/O） A 接辞 S 接辞 表1. アイヌ語沙流方言における人称・数の標示 1単 káni「私」 ku＝ ku＝
O 接辞 en＝
1 複. 除 cóka「私たち」
ci＝
＝as
un＝
2単
eani「お前」
e＝
e＝
e＝
2複
ecioká「お前たち」
eci＝
eci＝
eci＝
3単
sinuma「彼／彼女」
Ø
Ø
Ø
3複
oka「彼／彼女」
Ø
Ø
Ø
a＝
＝an
i＝
不定 or （aoka） ４人称
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 5. Inclusive/exclusive distinction (also Evenki and Nivkh; WALS §40): Further elaboration on the head (?).
包括的1 人称複数と除外的1 人称複数の区別あり。 主要部をさらに複雑にするのか？ • Isn’t directly related to head-marking. おそらく、主要部標示の性質に直接に関係なし。 • Lost in Sakhalin Ainu. アイヌ語のサハリン方言にはなくなった。 • Cf. Acquired (?) in pronouns in the Amami Ōshima dialect of Japanese (Kibe 2015)日本語の奄美大島方言にもある。 • Is a feature that is a susceptive to language contact. 言語接触のときに取得しやすい特徴なのか。 50
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 6. Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion (Ket; WALS §80) • Many frequently used verbal stems are differentiated for SG/PL by suppletion (5a) or suffixation (5b,c). (12) a.arpa ‘go.SG’ – paye ‘go.PL (many (people) go) vi rayke ‘kill.SG’ – ronnu ‘kill.PL’ (kill (many) bears) vt b.ahu-n ‘enter.SG’ – ahu-p ‘enter.PL’ (many (people) enter) vi c.hopun-i ‘get up.SG’ – hopun-pa ‘get up.PL’ (many (people) get up) vi tuy-e ‘cut.SG’ – tuy-pa ‘cut.PL (many fish or one fish many times) ’vt • In vi: plurality of subject referents (S). • In vt: plurality of object referents (O) or results of actions. 51
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 6. Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion (Ket; WALS §80) • Verbal pluraity in Ainu - Originates in pluractionality as many North Americal lgs (Haida, Zuni, Paiute (Uto-Aztecan lgs), Pomo (Pomoan lgs), Karok (Hokan lgs), Navajo (Athabaskan lgs) (Mithun 1988）) , cf. Nivkh (Gruzdeva 1997).
(13) (aynu) kamuy rayke (Tamura 1996: 568) human/Ainu bear kill.SG ‘An Ainu/Ainus killed a bear (SG).’ 「アイヌは熊を獲った。」 •
本来、アイヌ語の動詞数は動詞が表す行為に対応し、後から参与者の数へ。
(14) a-kor turesi… aynu ronnu kor ek ruwe ne. 4.A-have younger.sister human/Ainu kill.PL and come.SG INF.EV COP ‘My younger sister …came killing Ainu people (PL).’ (Nakagawa 2001: 119) 「私の妹は人間を（たくさん）殺してきたんだ。」
- Was later extended to marking plurality of participants (subj& obj) - Helps to interpret grammatical relations, esp. with 3rd pers prts. 52
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 7. The lack of non-finite subordinating morphology on verbs 不定形がない。 In Ainu, all subordinate clauses (adverbial, relative, complement clauses) and even lexical nominalizations exhibit finite morphology. 名詞化でも定形を使う。 Cf. The lack of non-finite constructions in polysynthetic languages (Mithun 1984; Baker 1996; Evans & Sasse 2002) and “extreme finite languages” in which even lexical nominalizations look like finite clause in Givón (2009: 90) with reference to Iroquois (Mithun 1991).
(15) ci-ronnu-p 1PL.EXC.A-kill.P-thing/NMLZ ‘a fox’ 「キツネ」 Lit. ‘things that we kill’ [我々が・殺す・もの] ※ But, SA has developed a non-finite verbal form containing poss. style marking, probably under lang contact (Bugaeva 2016). 53
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 8. Exclusively borderline case-marking 格標示は 周辺的な 意味役割にしか使われない（項は標示）: Ainu cases are young. (Nakagawa 2003: 216) Q: A:
Any alternative to the “young cases”? Applicatives （充当態）.
Modern applicatives are the original (head-marking style) cases.充当態は主要部表示形言語の特別な「格表示」。 If you need another participant in the clause just mark the case on the verb and turn it into the direct object (recall “no case-marking on arguments”). 54
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 8. Exclusively borderline case-marking, i.e. overt marking only for concrete or “peripheral” 格標示は 周辺的な意味役割にしか使われない（項は標示） (e.g. locatives, instr. etc.) case relations;
delimiting case markers from other morphologicalfunctional entities is difficult 格助詞は他の品詞と区別しにくい (WALS §49). Is also attested in the Americas (Cree, Yurok, Washo,Kiowa, Wichita, Yagua, Piraha) and few African and PNG lgs. 55
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 8. Exclusively borderline case-marking. Case postpositions in Ainu are not homogeneous but most of them originate in vt which are still used in the lang.
アイヌ語の格助詞（=後置詞）は明らかに動詞に由来するものが多い。
• Tamura (2000 (1988): 96) distinguishes between i. postpos. particles: LOC ta ‘in/at’, ABL wa ‘from’ , ALL/LOC un ‘to; in/at’ ( vt and vt > vd. • Is similar to the Dative Shift in English, but the Dative Shift lacks marking on the verb. [英語の与格移動構文に似ている。ただ、英語の与格 移動構文が動詞に顕在的な標識を伴わないので、充当態とは言えない。] :
John gave [NP a book] [PP to Mary]. John gave [NP Mary] [NP a book].
58
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • Instrumental ＜道具＞ applicative in e(17) a. ne sake a-e-kamuy-nomi 充当態接頭辞によって above.mentioned wine 4.A-APPL.with-spirit-worship ‘I worshipped gods with the sake.’ (Tamura 1996: 86） 「私はその酒で神祈とうの儀式をした。」 Cf. Case postpositional instrumental particle ani b. ne sake ani kamuy-nomi-an 後置詞によって above.mentioned wine INST spirit-worship-4.S ‘I worshipped gods with the sake.’ 「私はその酒で神祈とうの儀式をした。」
59
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • But, in Ainu, for many APPL there are no corresponding non-APPL paraphrases. The only alternative is the resp. vi. 充当構文に対応する非充当構文が存在しない意味的なタイプ。 (18) cikap-po poka a-e-omuken. bird-DIM even 4.A-with.regard.APPL-have.a.bad.hunt ‘(Now we are older, and) we cannot even catch small birds.’ (K7803231UP.109) 「（もはや年をとって、）⼩⿃も捕れなくなってしまった。」 (19) i-ramante oruspe ka a-e-u-ko-isoytak sekor APASS-hunt story even/also 4.A-about.APPL-REC-to.APPL-tell. story Q ‘We can also talk about hunting...’ (K7803231UP.086) 「（別の場所に村を作って暮らそう。そして、顔を合わせたときに、） 狩のことでも話し合おう」 60
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • There are three applicative prefixes in Ainu, which I generally label as Instrumental e-, Dative ko-, and Locative o- (all can attach to vi and vt). • However, the referential range of the respective constructions stretches over several semantic roles and the exact role is attributed to the interaction between the semantics of the prefix and verb and also context (Bugaeva 2010).
e-, ko-, o-という三つの充当態接頭辞は、意味上、驚くほど様々 な格関係を表し得る。充当態の具体的な機能を完全に予測する ことはできないが 、基体動詞の意味タイプと各充当態接頭辞の 意味との組み合わせによってある程度推定が可能である。 61
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • The important functions of Ainu applicatives are as follows (Bugaeva 2010):
62
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • Typologically unusual features of Ainu applicatives: I.
Some of them lack the corr. non-APPL paraphrases (11), (12); 充当構文に対応する非充当構文が存在しない意味的なタイプもある。
II. APPL derivations from vi are much more frequent: 自動詞から派生さ れた充当動詞は他動詞から派生された充当態動詞よりかなり多い。
90% for e-, 78% for ko-, and 88% for o- (Bugaeva 2010), which is unusual cross-linguistically,cf Polinsky (2005:443) 通言語学的に不思議。 III. There even exist applicatives from a special class of unaccusative intransitives, banned in Baker (1988: 254). 非対格自動詞 (unaccusative: So; e.g. die, fall) からの充当派生も可能。
IV. APPL obj. can easily be incorporated, i.e. backgrounded, though crossling. they tend to be topical and foregrounding.e-, ko-, o- 充当 態目的語の抱合の可能性。
V. There are double APPL.多重充当標識が有る（e-ko-、ko-eの組み合わせ）
• Why so many unusual features cluster together?
63
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase III. There even exist applicatives from a special class of unaccusative intransitives, banned in Baker (1988: 254). 非対格自動詞 (unaccusative: So; e.g. die, fall) からの充当派生も可能。 (20) a. e-an ‘live/exist (SG) somewhere’ 「～に住む」(T 71) (Loc場所) < an LIVE/ ‘exist (SG)’ e-isam ‘die at some time’ 「～（のときに）死ぬ」(T167)(Loc場所) < isam ‘not exist/die’ e-rok ‘live/reside (of a God at’ 「（神様が）～に住む」(T 120) < rok ‘sit’ (PL) (Loc 場所) (lex) b. ko-rewsi ‘stay overnight with sb’ 「～と泊る」(Co-patient共同非動者) < rewsi ‘stay’ c. o-rewsi ‘stay overnight at some place’ 「～で泊る」(T 481) < rewsi ‘stay’ ) (Loc場所) 64
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase • Q: Why so many unusual features cluster in Ainu APPL? • A: There must be a historical explanation for this. • Hypothesis: APPL in Ainu has not always been (and has probably still not fully turned into) a VOICE, i.e. an operation that adjusts the relationship between semantic roles and grammatical relations in clauses. • Originally, it was used not for the “promotion” of arguments like voice, but just for the encoding of participants on the verb, i.e. as a polysynthetic equivalent of adpositional marking (Bugaeva, to appear). Cf. Mithun (2002) for Iroquoian. 65
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase Ainu-internal evidence to support my hypothesis: (a) The exuberant frequency of applicatives in the yukar ‘heroic epic’, which is the oldest genre of Ainu oral litr. ; (b) The innovative nature of case postpositions in Ainu; their development may have been activated by the influence of Japanese (in press) Bugaeva, Anna. Polysynthesis in Ainu. In: M. Fortescue, M. Mithun, and N. Evans (eds) Handbook of Polysynthesis. Oxford: OUP
66
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 9. Noun incorporation (NI) 名詞抱合 (attested in Ket and the Chukotko-Kamch. langs). There are 4 major types of NI in Ainu: (1) O-incorporation; 目的語の抱合 (2) S-incorporation: natural phenomenon; 自動詞主語の抱合:自然現象 (3) S-incorporation: body part; 自動詞主語の抱合:身体部分 (4) A-incorporation: (super)natural forces and insects. 他動詞主語の抱合：自然力、虫 • All these types are word-formation patterns, with differing productivity and syntactic and semantic effects, or regularity. 名詞抱合を持つ言語は世界の諸言語の中でも比較的珍しく、とくにA の抱合(4)は、 名詞抱合を持つほかの諸言語でもほとんど見られない。Ｃｆ。 a. 蝕む musi-bamu (lit.bug-bite)(tr.)=‘ruin,erode,affect adversely b. 神がかる kami-gakaru(god‐be.obsessed) (T. Kageyama, NINJAL ISPS 2014) 67
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 9. Noun incorporation: O-incorporation 目的語の抱合 (21) a.turep-ta-as kus paye-as wa NI lily.root-dig-1PL.EXC.S for go.PL-1PL.EXC and ‘We went for digging lily roots and….’ (Satō 2008: 220) 「ウバユリ掘りを私達はしに行って」 Cf. Base sentence (without incorporation) (22) b. poro-n-no turep ci-ta wa sa-p-as big-EP-ADV lily.root 1PL.EXC.A-dig and descend-PL-1PL.EXC.S ‘We … came back having dug up a lot of lily roots.’ (Satō 2008: 220) 「たくさんウバユリを掘って下さった。」 • Ta is a transitive verb ‘to dig sth’. In (22), turep ‘lily root’ is its object. In (21), turep ‘lily root’ is incorp-d , i.e. becomes part of the verb. The transitive verb of (22) becomes intrasitive in (21). Cf. Lexical incorporation tosi-toru (年取る ) in Japanese. 68
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 10. More pref. than suff., though verb-final. 接尾辞より接頭辞が優勢, SOV • Approximate verbal structure in Ainu (Bugaeva, to appear): PRS-APPL-APASS/REC/REFL-APPL-base-INTR/TR.SG/PL-CAUS-CAUS-PRS ※ Ainu has a mixed templatic (in suff)/scopal (in pref) organization: (23) yay-ipe-e-ko-sunke (K8010291UP.183) REFL-food-about.APPL-to.APPL-lie 自分－食事－～について－～に対して－嘘をつく ‘meager meals.’ lit. ‘lie to oneself about food’ 「いいかげんな食事をする」 (24) po-sir-e-sik-te (K7798242.UP296) child-appearance-with.APPL-be.full-CAUS (子ども-あたり-～で-満ちる-～させる)
‘have many children’ lit ‘fill appearance/land (=make full) with children’ 「子どもがたくさん生まれる」 逐語的な解釈では 「あたりを子どもで満たす」
•
Explanation: a common source for pref. is compounding and for suf. “serialization”, but the latter is not a conspicuous feature of Ainu. Most prefixes in Ainu originate in erstwhile nouns, through O-incor. 69
Summary Features attested in Ainu: I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s 2. Possessive classes
Cf. Attested elsewhere in NA:
II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 3. Neutral alignment of case marking of full noun phrases 4. Head marking of clause arguments 5. Inclusive/exclusive distinction 6. Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion 7. The lack of non-finite subordinating morphology on verbs 8. Exclusively borderline case-marking 9. Noun-incorporation; 10. More prefixing than suffixing, though verb-final
Nivkh Nanai, Yukaghir
Ket, Nivkh Ket Evenki, Nivkh Ket ----Ket, Chuk-Kamch Ket, ?Nivkh
• I argue that all of these features either directly (in black) or indirectly (in blue) related to head-marking which is marginal in Northeast Asia. 70
Summary I. Head-marking in the noun phrase 名詞句における主要部標示: 1. Head marking of possessive NP’s; 非所有者NPの主要部標示 2. Possessive classes. 非所有者の分類
Nivkh Nanai, Yukaghir
• I argue that all of these features either directly (in black) or indirectly (in blue) related to head-marking which is marginal in Northeast Asia.
このすべての特徴はアイヌ語の主要部表示的な性質に関連される。 そういった性質は北東アジア諸言語にはない。 71
Summary II. Head-marking in the verb phrase 動詞区における主要部標示: 3. Neutral alignment of case marking of full noun phrases; 主語と目的語（項）の名詞句を違う格標示で区別しない。 Ket, Nivkh 4. Head marking of clause arguments; 動詞は主語と目的語（項）の人称接辞によりマークされる。 Ket 5. Incl/excl; 包括的1人称複数と除外的1人称複数の区別ありEvenki, Nivkh 6. Verbal number (SG/PL) involving suppletion; Ket 補充形 による動詞数。
7. The lack of non-finite subord. morphology on verbs.不定形がない。-8. Exclusively borderline case-marking, i.e. overt marking only for concrete or “peripheral” case relations; 格標示は 周辺的な意味 役割にしか使われない（項は標示） -9. Noun-incorporation; 名詞抱合 Ket, Chuk-Kamch 10. More pref. than suff., though V-final; 接尾辞より接頭辞が優勢, SOV Ket, ?Nivkh 72
Summary • Ainu is an atypical Northeast Asian language since - None of the ten features are shared by Jap, Kor, Mong or Turkic, - 1 feature is shared by Yukaghir, - 1 feature is shared by Chukchi, - 2 features by Tungusic (Evenki and Nanai), and - 5 features are shared by Nivkh. • Yet, as many as 8 features are shared by Ket (Yeniseian) for which a genealogical link with the Na-Dene languages of northwestern North America has recently been proposed (Vajda 2010). • Moreover, many of those features are also conspicious in all of the Americas, and at least half of them further in the Greater Pacific Rim (Nichols, Witzlack-Makarevich, Bickel 2013), which calls for an interdisciplinary explanation on early human expansion in Asia. （Bickel, B. & J. Nichols. in prep. The AUTOTYP database. Electronic database; http://www.autotyp.ch.） 73
Postscript : Towards interdisciplinary research on Ainu and beyond
Bickel (2016): “The Trans-Pacific area was first proposed by Nichols (1992) and is shown in Map 2. Its motivation lies in the population history of the Americas out of the same East Asian migration routes that were also at the source of the earlier settlement of New Guinea and Australia. The details of these routes deserve a new review in the light of recent advances in population genetics (Rasmussen et al. 2011, 2014, Raghavanet al. 2014, 2015, Skoglund et al. 2015)”
+Ainu
Based on a genealogically balanced sampling from data on 100 variables from WALS
“If family bias signals statistically characterize an area as wide as the Trans-Pacific, i.e. an area that has not been been continuously connected through area-wide contact events during the past 10ky, the signals are likely to stem from much older contact events. In the case of the Trans-Pacific area, it is possible that the few family bias directions that we found to encompass the entire area, from Australia to South America, arose in Asia 50-60ky BP.” 74
Iyairaykere! ‘Thank you!’
