Behavioural profile

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realisation of the canonical event model (Langacker 1991: 285). AGENT. PATIENT ... entity initiating the action = the entity acted ... Jacek-NOM shave-PST siebie.
Behavioural profiles of reflexive-type markers in Polish Jarosław Józefowski

The University of Sheffield

Why reflexive-type markers in Polish? •

two markers • good testing ground for some theories



big abstract categories vs. usage data



linguists’ grammars vs. speakers’ grammars

Grammatical voice •



Grammatical voice allows the speaker to manipulate the construal of a given situation and alter its linguistic presentation (Langacker 2004: 65)

The active voice is a linguistic realisation of the canonical event model (Langacker 1991: 285)

AGENT

PATIENT

The reflexive voice vs the middle voice John shaved •

Kemmer (1993): active, passive, reflexive + middle



Reflexives and middles: the entity initiating the action = the entity acted upon



Difference: relative distinguishability of participants

John shaved himself

The voice continuum

One participant event

-

Middle

Reflexive

Two participant event

+

Degree of distinguishability Based on Kemmer (1993: 71)

The middle voice in Polish •

Accusative reflexive-type markers in Polish: się and siebie



SIĘ: • • •



a clitic tied to the verb it accompanies usually occurs either immediately before or immediately after the verb Tabakowska (2003): the exponent of the middle voice

SIEBIE: • • •

‘proper’ reflexive pronoun can occur in VPs, PPs, NPs, AdjPs Tabakowska (2003): the exponent of the reflexive voice

The middle voice in Polish, cont. (1a) Jacek

się

ogolił

Jacek-NOM się

shave-PST

‘Jacek shaved’ (1b) Jacek

ogolił

siebie

Jacek-NOM shave-PST siebie i

swojego dziadka

and his-ACC granddad-ACC ‘Jacek shaved himself and his granddad’

A couple of questions… •

Children do not confuse the two markers at all



Się + verb pairs are very formulaic; it would be difficult to arrive at their meaning compositionally •

One Polish dictionary lists more than 6000 się-verbs as entries separate from their non-się counterparts



Alternations between się and siebie are quite rare



Do these categories overlap?

Behavioural profiles of się and siebie Do the markers exhibit clear behavioural profiles, i.e. can contextual information be used to predict the choice of the marker?

Behavioural profiles of się and siebie: method and data •

Behavioural profile: morphological, syntactic and semantic characteristics of elements in a sentence (Divjak & Gries 2006: 28)



Corpus study of 250 independent examples of się and siebie each (500 contexts in total) • •

only finite verb constructions and infinitives data taken from the plTenTen Web corpus

Behavioural profiles of się and siebie: method and data •

Each context tagged for a number of variables: • • • • •



semantic class of a verb (based on Wordnet) agent type (human, other animate, inanimate, abstract) morphological and syntactic properties: position of the marker, verb + INF construction volitionality of action presence of the word sam ‘on one’s own’ (lit. ‘alone’)

Tagged data later analysed with correspondence analysis and logistic regression

Predictions SIĘ: •

motion verbs



less volitional actions (Dancygier 1997)



pre-verbal position



non-human agents

SIEBIE: •

verbs of perception, emotion, communication



volitional actions (Dancygier 1997)



human agents presence of sam



Correspondence analysis SIEBIE

SIĘ

Logistic regression Factors which predict siebie: • animate human agents (~1.83)

• presence of the word sam (~3.16)

• reciprocal situation types (~1.78)

• infinitives (~1.33)

• verbs of:

• communication (~2.3)

• emotion (~1.19)

• perception (~3.14)

• possession (~2.98)

• volitionally performed actions (~0.76)

Factors which predict się: • v-inf constructions (~1.12)

• pre-verbal position of the marker (~0.8)

R2 = 0.565

C = 0.892

Preliminary conclusions: siebie •

Siebie has a well delineated behavioural profile: • •



human agents, volitional actions, sam verbs of emotion, communication, perception, possession

Siebie behaves like a pronoun • •

indicates co-referentiality enters into ‘normal’ transitive semantics of a given verb

Preliminary conclusions: się •

Się appears to be quite a diffuse category



Się might be more of a formulaic lexical phenomenon than a big abstract conceptual category



It is likely that speakers’ mental grammars rely on lowerlevel schemas, e.g. lower-level schemas for different groups of verbs