is that by Pedersen and Deding (2000) which has been extended in a report ...... Helweg-Larsen, Karin & Helmer Bøving Larsen (2002): Unges trivsel år. 2002.
DENMARK NATIONAL REPORT ON RESEARCH ON MEN’S PRACTICES
LeeAnn Iovanni and Keith Pringle
FoSo Arbejdspapir/Working paper Series Nr. 4, 2008
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Denmark National Report on Research on Men’s Practices
LeeAnn Iovanni and Keith Pringle
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Denmark National Report on Research on Men’s Practices
® LeeAnn Iovanni and Keith Pringle 2008 ISBN 87-91710-03-0
Institut for Sociologi, Socialt Arbejde og Organisation
LeeAnn Iovanni and Keith Pringle are part of the research group FoSo.
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LIST OF CONTENTS Preface ..........................................................................................................7 1. Key points ................................................................................................9 2. The National Gender Background and Context ................................11 a. National/societal situation ...............................................................11 b. General or basic texts; key contributions .......................................12 c. Time scale of the studies .................................................................14 3. Home & Work ........................................................................................17 4. Social Exclusion .....................................................................................25 5. Violence ..................................................................................................31 6. Health .....................................................................................................41 7. Discussion ..............................................................................................47 8. Bibliography ..........................................................................................51 9. Previous publications ............................................................................62
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PREFACE This report is one of three being published within the FoSo Working Paper series. They survey – and re-interpret from feminist perspectives - existing material on men’s practices in Denmark in terms of academic outputs, official/semi-official statistics and legal/governmental documentation. The period addressed by these reports was primarily the last five to ten years. Although the main focus of the reports was men’s violence, they also surveyed to some extent the material related to other areas of men’s lives such as home and work, social exclusion and health – and consider the connections between these areas and the field of men’s violence. However, it is important to remember that the issue of men’s violence was the central focus and the other areas were not covered to the same degree. The analysis underlying the reports was inspired not only by feminist approaches but also, more specifically, by a gender relational perspective. Current debates about so-called “intersectionality” also informed the analysis – therefore much emphasis was placed on considering the way that gender impacted upon, and was impacted upon by, other social divisions associated with, for instance, age, ethnicity, disability, class and sexuality. Once again it is important to emphasize that gender was the central organizing dimension of our analysis – the other forms of social division are not covered to the same degree. These reports represent an important step forward in Danish scholarship on men’s practices in terms of providing an overview – and reinterpretation of the issues in question. Nevertheless, as such, they must also be regarded as exploratory studies, opening up spaces for refinement and more advanced analysis in the future. The work for the reports was carried out by LeeAnn Iovanni, within the FoSo (Research in Social Work and Welfare) research group at Aalborg University and supervised there by Keith Pringle. It was funded by the European Commission as part of the output from a sub-network within a large Framework 6-funded Co-ordination Action on Human Rights Violations (Project PL 506348): the web-site of the Co-ordination Action can be found at www.cahrv.uni-osnabrueck.de. Keith Pringle co-ordinated this sub-network in 2004 and 2005, the period during which these reports were
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produced. The sub-network is focused on exploring the roots of men’s violence and consists of 11 European countries – including Denmark. The three reports have previously been included in the web-based European Documentation Centre on Men’s Practices at www.cromenet.org. However, the reports represent the views only of the two co-authors.
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1. KEY POINTS a. There is very little academic literature in Denmark that can be considered critical research on men. There is a limited amount of academic commentary that calls attention to the need for a focus on men and masculinity. There is more literature with a gender orientation and this appears to generally pertain to women’s equality in the workplace. Recently, the term gender equality has been extended to include men primarily in the context of shifting gender practices. This translates into a focus on fatherhood and on parental/childcare leave, where the issues of men’s need to be fathers and women’s need for equality in the workplace converge. b. Men are a focus in the area of social exclusion/homelessness and this includes both Danish and immigrant men, the context being the failure of the welfare state to meet the needs of certain classes of men. Gender differences in health are being surveyed with minimal attention to social meaning. There is also some work being produced by psychological practitioners who focus on threats to men’s well-being. Limited attention to men’s use of women involved in prostitution also focuses on men’s wellbeing. c. Discussions of men’s violence are weighted by psychological explanations. An exception to this is work that examines men’s violence in Greenland, yet there is little critical research on men’s violence in Denmark itself. There are prevalence studies being conducted on violence and on child sexual abuse, but there is limited contextualization in the data itself and there seems to be no additional work being done on the implications of what these data reveal. d. There is clearly a need for both basic research on men’s practices as well as critical studies on men in all areas. While some works address men, there is virtually no explicitly gendered analysis of men’s practices. Furthermore, it is primarily the problems of men that get attention and discussions of men’s power and men’s privilege are conspicuously absent. e. Conceptually it is significant that “role” (e.g., male role manderolle or gender role kønsrolle) is commonly used in Danish literature on gender and on men within a gender perspective. The latter literature (most obviously Robert Connell) has thoroughly critiqued this concept.
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2. THE NATIONAL GENDER BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT a. National/societal gender situation Academic work either specifically on men or related to men is relatively limited and what does exist is diverse. A mapping of Nordic research on men in the period from 1970 to 1997 generally points to a slow down in the production of Danish research on men after 1995 (the absolute number of titles decreasing from 45 in 1995 to 19 in 1997), compared to an increase for Sweden and stability for Norway (Folkesson 2000). In a recent report on the general state of research in Denmark on men, Reinicke and Ussing (2001) point out that compared to Norway and Sweden, for example, public funding for research in this area in limited. Denmark has lacked any state sponsored initiative to implement a research program on men or to systematically investigate men’s life conditions. It is also worth noting that the work of feminist academic departments studying gender appears to be primarily women-centered. These departments are located in the Humanities and thus are not characterized by a sociological perspective. It would appear that a gender oriented perspective traditionally pertains primarily to women and with an emphasis on women’s equality in the labor market. Prior to approximately 1996 there is a focus on gender segregation in the labor market and the gender wage gap from the standpoint of equality for women. More recently, however, there have been calls for the need to involve men’s perspectives in the political discourse on gender equality. An intense interest in fatherhood and men’s involvement in caring for their young children has meant that social welfare and legislation are prioritizing more equality in parenthood. This is evident in expanded parental leave policies and in child custody and contact arrangements following separation or divorce. However, Reinicke and Ussing (2001) also note that men have their own equality issues apart from fatherhood and that it is time for a more nuanced gender discussion that takes into account the differences among men and among women. Attempts to institutionalize the notion that men also have gender have met with resistance (Reinicke & Ussing 2001). In 1993 the Danish Network for Research on Men (Dansk Netværk for Mandeforskning) was established,
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but to date it has not resulted in an institutionalized field of study within Danish academia. The brief lifespan of an Idea Group on Men (Idégruppen om Mænd, 1994-95) intended to contribute the men’s perspective in the gender equality debate has been attributed to tensions with the then Danish Equal Status Council presumably over disagreements regarding resource allocation, amid claims of backlash from women’s organizations. Some specific earlier efforts to put men on the gender studies agenda include a 1990 theme day on the issue jointly sponsored by Copenhagen University’s current Center for Kvinde- og Kønsforskning [Center for Research on Women and Gender] and Department of History, an effort which resulted in the publication of the proceedings that covered a range of topics, Mandekultur [Man/Masculine culture] (Bonde & Rosenbeck 1991). The former Knowledge Center for Gender Equality (Videncenter for Ligestilling) was closed in 2002 due to cutbacks following the 2001 parliamentary election which brought a neo-liberal-conservative government to power. Part of the work continues at Roskilde University’s Danish Research Center on Gender Equality. The position of Minister for Gender Equality was established in 1999 situated within the Ministry for Social Affairs. The Minister for Gender Equality has recently focused on men with a conference on men’s health, morbidity and mortality in 2003. A conference on men and fatherhood is to be held in January 2005 for health visitors (who visit newborns and parents) to launch the distribution of an information folder to fathers regarding new options in maternity leave, rights and barriers. The conference is also aimed at soliciting new ideas to involve fathers as early and as much as possible in the health visitors’ work. b. General or basic texts; key contributions While there is little actual research on men in a gendered or critical perspective, there is academic commentary related to the issue of men and equality. Some of this comes in the form of general works, reports from knowledge centers, and edited collections on various topics. Specific contributions from these works will be referenced in subsequent sections of this survey. These works include: Mænd i lyst og nød [Men for better or for worse] (Reinicke 2004); Den hele mand - manderollen i forandring
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[The whole man: masculinity in transition] (Reinicke 2002); Hva’ nu, mand? – Mandeforskning og ligestilling [Hey man: masculinity research and gender equality] (Reinicke & Ussing 2001); Mænd på vej [Men on the way] (Ervø, Hove & Mik-Meyer 1999); Mandekultur [Men’s/Masculine culture] (Bonde & Rosenbeck 1991) It is also worth noting that a recent edited collection in two volumes claims a Danish editor, the other being Swedish. These are Among men and Bending bodies. Moulding masculinities, Vol. 1 & 2, respectively (Ervø & Johansson 2003a, 2003b). Two books by Kenneth Reinicke of the Danish Research Center for Gender Equality entitled Den hele mand - manderollen i forandring [The whole man: masculinity in transition] (Reinicke 2002) and Mænd i lyst og nød [Men for better or for worse] (Reinicke 2004) can be considered key works. The first book is a deliberately broad contribution to the societal debate on equality aimed at bringing a critical view of men and masculinity into the political discourse. Reinicke argues for a gendered examination of the “male role” in terms of intimate relationships, gender equality, careers, fatherhood, and what he refers to as the more taboo subjects: violence, rape, and men and sexuality. Reinicke notes that discussions in Denmark about the “male role” can be found in popular texts without any connection to academic research. Moreover, he calls particular attention to the fact that while the discourse on violence refers to criminals, gang members, drug addicts and second generation immigrants, men are rarely visible. While Reinicke (Reinicke 2002. p.13) aims to strike a balance between the “positive sides of men and men’s culture” and “the more obscure aspects of men’s lives,” he states that these “darker sides of men’s thoughts and actions” are most in need of attention. In the second book, Reinicke continues his exploration of the “dark and destructive” aspects of men’s lives. The now self-described pro-feminist Reinicke revisits the “taboo subjects” surrounding men and masculinity in a patriarchal society such as men’s use of prostitution, men’s violence against women and rape. Other topics include men’s health, sexuality, fatherhood, and the gendered labor market. In more pointed discussions of men’s violences, in a country that claims a high level of gender equality, Reinicke calls attention to men’s privileged status, gendered power relations and the oppression of women.
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He is critical of the Danish functionalist view of prostitution, speaks out against a legal system stacked against women in cases of rape, and warns against reducing men’s violence toward their female partners to psychological explanations and men’s loss of control. Reinicke believes Denmark needs new ways of discussing these issues, ways that directly address men’s sense of entitlement as well as men’s sexuality. He also advocates serious consideration of policy changes such as criminalizing clients of women involved in prostitution, legal reform in cases of unintentional rape which all too often result in acquittal, more treatment of violent men who can now legally be removed from the home, and violence prevention efforts starting early in schools. The connection between violences and “traditional attitudes of masculinity” must be confronted; men are socialized to do violence (Reinicke 2004, p. 106). Any initiatives must be followed up by serious work to change attitudes. A 2001 overview report published by the former Knowledge Center on Gender Equality Køn & vold: om vold forskning i Danmark [Gender and violence: On violence research in Denmark] (Sørensen 2001) consists of contributions representing a range of academic backgrounds. The report notes the overall lack of knowledge on violence and makes numerous recommendations for future research and policy in various areas including: knowledge gathering concerning occurrence, frequency and character with a view toward prevention; the implementation of national information campaigns; research on risk factors and consequences within the public health domain; the significance of violence in separation and divorce; the effect of violence on children; the reasons for the overrepresentation of ethnic minority group women in shelters and the needs of these women; knowledge about violent men; knowledge about the circumstances and views regarding the violence of ethnic minority group men, given the disproportionate numbers of minority women in shelters; treatment of violent men as this needs to be a more central focus in prevention efforts; and more research generally about prostitution, a particularly understudied area in Denmark compared to other Nordic countries. c. Time scale of the studies This survey focuses on academic literature relating to men primarily since 1996, a demarcation point that suggested itself during the search. How-
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ever, since this is Denmark’s debut in the database, earlier significant or seminal pieces will be mentioned.
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3. HOME & WORK Time use: In a recent time use survey published by the Danish National Institute of Social Research, Lausten and Sjørup (2003) describe men’s and women’s time use in 2001 based on survey data and time use diaries from 975 men and 1130 women. The study generally found that although men and women spend the same amount of time on combined market labor and housework, two thirds of men’s time is spent on market labor and one third on housework, whereas women divide their time more evenly between market labor and housework. The difference is most pronounced when children enter the picture. Mothers spend twice as much time on meal preparation, childcare, housecleaning and laundry than do fathers. Father’s housework is more likely than mothers’ to include do-it-yourself tasks and garden work; men also grocery shop and visit public offices. The authors point out that although men’s housework time increases with children, that time is more likely to be deducted from their leisure time versus their market labor time. The authors frame the report in terms of gender equality explaining that a woman’s greater share of housework and childcare that begins when children are young has a cumulative effect on career path and ultimately on retirement savings. Women are also more likely to be economically disadvantaged in the case of divorce or separation. The unequal distribution of labor in the home, however, also has consequences for men in that men are less likely to acquire the life skills and social contacts that result from the work of home and childcare, skills that are valuable to women in terms of living alone or in their retirement years. Analyzing data from an earlier 1987 time use survey, Bonke, Gupta and Smith (2003) of the Danish National Institute of Social Research find that housework has negative effects on the wages of women and positive effects for men except at the upper end of the wage distribution where high-wage men receive the largest penalty for housework. This finding may indicate more sharing of housework at the high end. Rather than the amount of housework, it is timing and flexibility that have more of an impact on wages. Women at the upper end of the wage distribution who perform housework tasks during the hours immediately before and after market work or in contiguous blocks of time are more penalized in the form of lower wages. It is noted that the high prices of household services in Denmark
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and the early closing hours of shops and daycare institutions reduce women’s flexibility. Men generally have greater flexibility in that they do household tasks that can be performed on weekends or late in the evening. Fathers and parental leave: Sociologist Bente Marianne Olsen’s dissertation (Olsen 2000) examines among other things the significance of gender for the choice and the experience of parental leave. She conducts in-depth interviews with 13 fathers in the non-traditional situation of being the sole daytime caretaker of a child under the age of three during the then 13 weeks of childcare leave. The study examines fathers’ orientation to work and to family, fathers’ experience of the birth, couples’ negotiation of the division of the leave, fathers’ perception of good fatherhood based on their own childhood and their view of their own parents, and how fathers manage the traditionally female domain of the family and home. The study finds that for the most part these fathers do reflect the notion of the “new father” who desires intimacy with their child and assumes equal responsibility for the child’s care. A smaller group continues, however, to relate primarily to the workplace they miss and these fathers have difficulty coping with the leave. Fathers on leave tend to describe a new masculine fatherhood that is different from motherhood, particularly in terms of more active play that encourages independence. In this study and in other work (Olsen 1999), Olsen contends that childcare leave (at the time, the 13 to 26 weeks after the total 18 weeks of maternity leave) is a political tool of the labor market that effectively obstructs gender equality. Childcare leave is primarily used by women who thus risk losing their ties to the labor market. Olsen’s works include implications for a gender equality perspective and suggestions for making leave schemes more attractive to fathers. As part of larger study conducted by the Danish National Institute of Social Research on factors related to child growth and development based on interviews with a representative national sample of 5000 families, Christoffersen (1998) reports that among children born in 1995, six percent of fathers took parental leave (at the time, the 10 weeks following the 18 weeks of maternity leave). In these cases, the fathers were more likely to be working in the public sector with the benefit of wage supplements to the
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leave and better protections from dismissal while the mothers worked in the private sector or had a longer vocational training than did fathers. Fatherhood: Sociologist Lis Højgaard (1997) examines the changing social construction of fatherhood in a study that departs from a gender equality focus, based on data from three Danish career workplace settings (a government ministry, bank and medical corporation). Højgaard notes that conceptions of fatherhood are fraught with ambiguity on three levels of analysis: at the institutional level in terms of welfare state policy regarding paternal versus parental leave, at the interactional level of work place culture, and at the individual level where the role of active father conflicts with that of the independent hard-working male. A research program Fathers’ relationship to their infants and young children carried out by the University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen University Hospital and Rigshospitalet with economic support from the Ministry of Health and from the nonprofit A Good Start in Life Foundation has yielded several works. In Fædre og fødsler (Fathers and childbirth), Madsen, Munck and Tolstrup (1999) investigate fathers’ expectations, thoughts, wishes, fears and actual experiences as well as midwives’ perceptions of fathers attending the delivery process in order to understand the subjective significance of becoming a father. A point of departure is the gradual change in the division of labor in the home and in childcare in recent times such that women need no longer bear the primary responsibility for childcare and upbringing. This judgment does not seem consistent with the studies mentioned above. Differential gender role socialization (object-relation theory) is also invoked to shed light on how men’s development of a masculine identity might affect their involvement in pregnancy, childbirth and early parenthood. Finding that fathers view themselves as more involved in delivery than the health administration does, the book ultimately recommends changes in practice in order to fully welcome and integrate fathers into the birth process in their own right and not only as support for mothers. The emotional and physical needs of fathers must be met in order to insure that the birth is fully experienced by both parents with the infant as a family. Madsen and colleagues (Madsen, Lind & Munck 2002) also examine the father-infant bond in Fædres tilknytning til spædbørn [Fathers’ bonding to infants]. Fathers’ represent-
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tations of their own mothers as caregivers are important in understanding the bonding process between fathers and their infants. [This links with international research which suggests that one of men’s primary inspirations as fathers is their experience of their mothers. This casts into doubt the idea of men needing good “fathering” to be good fathers themselves. 1 ] Further, most of the fathers’ representations of the child before the birth are representations of an active pre-school child; after the birth, most change to that of an actual infant. For the few fathers whose representations do not change, difficulties in recognizing and responding to their infant’s feelings and needs can result. Related discussions of fatherhood, infants and birth from this research program can be found in Madsen (2003) and Madsen & Munck (1999). Work – men and care work: The edited collection Mænd og omsorg [Men and care] (Hjort & Nielsen 2003) covers a range of issues related to men’s presence in childcare institutions. For example, Steen Baagøe Nielsen (Nielsen 2003) critically examines how a variety of discourses converge around new notions of masculinity and caring men and the idea that maleness is a unique qualification for childcare work. These discourses (and their implications) include: gender equality (promote the recruitment of men in traditionally female-dominated jobs); the labor market (create a gender-blind, flexible labor market); organizations (gender blending makes for a more cooperative environment); the needs of children (expose children to men’s “special pedagogical and care abilities”). At the same time, “real men” are needed in childcare institutions to serve as role models for minority ethnic group boys and boys with absentee fathers. Nielsen notes that it is only a recent discussion of the risk of exposure to pedophiles in daycare institutions that has called into question the issue of males and care work. Nielsen (1999) has also argued elsewhere that the gender equality debate on men’s possibilities in children’s daycare institutions requires a more nuanced discussion. Other contributions in this collection critically discuss men’s “unique” qualities as child care workers, men’s marginalized status in traditionally female-dominated childcare work, and fatherhood and care. A partial impetus for the Danish discussion of the benefits of men’s presence in schools and childcare institutions was a 1
See Heward, C. (1996): Masculinities and families. Pp. 35-49. In: M. Mac and Ghaill Understanding Masculinities. Buckingham: Open University Press.
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government report on Drenge i kvindedominerede miljøer [Boys in femaledominated milieus] (Bonde & Carlsen 1997) a major conclusion of which was that boys and girls should have access to masculine care because it is beneficial to their psychological and motor development. The edited collection Hvor går grænsen?: køn og arbejdsliv i forandring [Where’s the limit?: gender and work life in transition] (Bjerring et al. 2000) includes contributions related to men and care work. The benefits of male care workers as role models for young male clients, as recreational activity workers, and as a form of violence prevention in a residential institution for the young, mentally ill are noted by organizational consultant Marianne Linnet (Linnet 2000) based on interviews with staff of both genders. Male staff indicated they were hired, among other reasons, because they were young men. (It is noteworthy that the concept of male care workers performing a violence prevention function in residential institutions takes no account of more international literature regarding sexual abuse in such settings.) All respondents indicated that it was important to have staff of both genders, where one female service worker said “Residents need the care women can give and the playing men can give” (Linnet 2000, p.153). [It is interesting to note the assumption of relatively fixed gender dichotomies here.] Exclusion and integration mechanisms with respect to underrepresented groups (men) in care work based on interviews in five institutions are discussed by cultural geographers Hansen and Hjermov (2000) as these processes impact the goal of the “blended workplace.” Work – gender and nontraditional occupations: A recent Master’s thesis published as a book, Køn på arbejde: en kvalitativ undersøgelse af mandlige sygeplejerskers og kvindelige politibetjentes arbejdsliv [Gender at work: a qualitative study of the work lives of male nurses and female police officers] by Lotte Bloksgaard and Stina Brock Faber, is based on qualitative interviews with eight male nurses and eight female police officers (Bloksgaard & Faber, 2004). The study describes the similarities and differences in terms of each group’s “experience” and “handling” of their minority status in hierarchically gendered occupations. (Men comprise 4% of the total number of nurses in Denmark and women comprise 8% of the total police force.) Male nurses in this study perceived
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themselves as masculine, but felt society perceived them as unmanly. At work they were also expected to live up to a female model of delivering care. Researchers interpreted much of the men’s behavior as attempts to live up to hegemonic masculinity, i.e., stressing the most masculine aspects of the work; ritualizing masculinity in the form of male fellowships; and stressing masculine free time activities. They also faced status ambiguities, sometimes ascribed more expertise than was warranted, other times confronting doubt about their nursing abilities. Work – gender and leadership: Sociologist Lis Højgaard (Højgaard 2002) reports on the Danish part of the Comparative Leadership Study, a 27-country study designed to explain gender differentiation in top positions in business, politics and public administration. Differences in the proportions of female and male leaders in the three sectors were examined with respect to structured access conditions in terms of social background (parents’ education and job) and career paths (educational background, job mobility, job-prestige mobility), and structured gender positioning in terms of family situation (civil status; children; partner’s education, occupation and working time; gender distribution of work in the home). Conventional female positioning is least likely in the business sector which has the lowest share of women in leadership positions; male dominance as business leaders is related to traditional male positioning, where their spouses do the bulk of housework and childcare. It is shown that the more space there is for women to negotiate conventional and unconventional gendered positioning, the more women are found in leadership positions – politics and public administration, respectively. This research is very interesting in view of the dominant discourse of gender equality in Denmark. Work – gender wage gap: In a National Report as part of the Expert Group on Gender and Employment funded by the European Commission, Ruth Emerek (Emerek, 2002) reviews Danish studies that estimate both the adjusted and unadjusted gender pay gap. Among the most significant work is that by Pedersen and Deding (2000) which has been extended in a report by the Danish National Institute of Social Research (Deding & Wong 2004). The latter examines percentage differences in men’s and women’s wages for the 1997-2001 period based on one million wage earners ages 25-59 in the private, state and municipal sectors. The study finds there is a
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greater gender gap in earnings based on hourly wage than in total earnings based on worked hours. This is due to the fact that women are more likely to be absent from the labor force for child-related reasons (maternity leave, childcare leave or child’s first sick day). The gender wage gap is generally accounted for by several factors: men have higher education levels and more work experience (human capital) than do women – although the 5year study period shows women are catching up in this regard; men have educational backgrounds suited to higher job functions; men are more likely to be employed in the private and state sectors where salaries are higher; and women are more likely to be employed in the municipal sector in part-time and lower paying jobs. However, statistically controlling for factors such as education, work experience, sector, job function, part-time work and childcare reduces – but does not completely account for – the gender wage gap, particularly in the private sector. The authors speculate that women could have preferences for jobs that are lower paid or point to unobserved factors such as motivation and commitment. In the international literature, these latter issues have been deconstructed and discussed in more critical ways. Nevertheless, the overall picture around the considerable gender wage gap is also interesting in view of the dominant discourse on gender equality in Denmark. Gaps in the literature: • More critical research on men’s interests and attitudes regarding fatherhood and the balance of home and work, and the difference between expressed aspirations and actual practices in a society where gender equality is the dominant discourse • Research that also takes into account women’s interests and attitudes on fatherhood as well as women’s job preferences and attitudes toward the balance of work and home • More critical research on the problematic aspects of men working in formal care settings
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4. SOCIAL EXCLUSION Homelessness, minority ethnic groups: Sociologist Margaretha Järvinen’s book Homeless refugees and immigrants/Hjemløse flygtninger og indvandrere (Järvinen 2004) reports her findings from interviews with 25 foreign, homeless men from non-western countries residing in state-funded institutions for the homeless in Copenhagen. The author notes that the study was originally meant to include women, but homeless women are more likely to be found in battered women’s shelters and less likely in homeless shelters. Järvinen explains that the homelessness of these men is to be understood in terms of their weak position vis-à-vis the labor market as well as the housing market where acute homelessness usually results from separation or divorce from either a minority or Danish partner. Moreover, these men have become permanent clients of a social system that is out of sync with clients’ real life needs for a job and place to live. These men also find themselves in a situation of self-defense/self-legitimation against Danish xenophobia, i.e., proving they are not to blame for their current economic situation and that they can live up to Danish norms and values. Interestingly, most of the men in this sample did not appear to have alcohol problems and found it difficult to reside among the Danish homeless who (according to staff) are more likely to abuse alcohol. (It should be noted that this study did not consider the men’s situation in the context of national or international research on men and masculinity.) Marginal men vs. marginal women: Sociologists John Andersen and Jørgen Elm Larsen (1998) question the restricted focus of the feminization of poverty thesis in terms of economic status and employment, and analyticcally distinguish between poverty (income and position in the labor market) and social exclusion (social citizenship, participation and empowerment). While women remain worse off than men in terms of relative poverty, women are empowered through the experimental part of the “womenfriendly welfare state” in social projects such as daytime folk high schools, popular information campaigns and adult education. They further note that unemployed men evidence higher mortality rates than do unemployed women, and men in general are disproportionately represented among the socially excluded in terms of homelessness, substance abuse, mental illness and extreme loneliness. Elsewhere Andersen and Larsen (1999) argue that
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the gender equality debate must also extend to gender differences with respect to social exclusion in terms of ethnicity, education and social class. Further, the dominance of women’s values, discourses and practices in welfare state professions – as opposed to the dominance of male discourses in the economic arena – has resulted in a reverse gender blindness with respect to the situation of marginal men, particularly unskilled, middleaged men, in the post-industrial labor market (Andersen & Larsen 1999, p. 40). Larsen also addresses the crisis of the unskilled male worker (Larsen 2002a, 2002b). These marginal men or “heavy cases” are often homeless, drug addicts and alcoholics and have never entered into normal living arrangements. They people the volunteer-run drop-in centers and are considered to be outside the reach of public social service. These men are judged failures by the dominant masculinity and their background circumstances are not fully understood by the social system thus their needs cannot be met. Larsen also notes the change in the nature of marginalized groups in the shift from a time high unemployment to low. Marginalization during times of low unemployment is accompanied by a host of other social problems beyond being outside the labor market. While this work is a valuable contribution to the debate it needs to be contextualized within the larger picture painted by the research mentioned above: that of a “man-friendly” gender wage gap and ongoing inequalities in favor of men both in terms of their relative lack of involvement in child care and the relatively positive status they enjoy in the labor market. Older immigrants in Denmark: Sociologist Charlotte Egeblad examines the lives of older immigrants and refugees (ages 50-85) through qualitative interviews with Turkish men who migrated as workers in the 1970s later joined by their families and more recently arrived refugees from Iran and Palestine (Egeblad 2005). The sample also includes older women reunited with their families in Denmark at a late age. The work analyzes the intersection of age, gender, ethnicity and social class and its significance for the migration experience. All of the men interviewed had experienced unemployment discrimination attributed to age, language, cultural and ethnic background or a more general feeling of not being accepted in Danish society. The men also talked about changes in their family relationships and Egeblad notes that the individual nature of welfare state benefits to the unemployed and to persons in educational programs is a factor.
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Women and children over 18 gain a degree of financial independence at the same time that men lose their position in the family as the sole provider. While Turkish men were better able to maintain their dominant position in the family, having first been attached to the labor market with their wives initially in a more dependent position, Palestinian and Iranian refugees had gone through a more sudden change experiencing a loss of status due to unemployment and discrimination. Male immigrants and refugees who attempt to hold on to a degree of traditional values as a way to maintain identity and status must also face the greater integration of their children as well as their spouses into modern Danish society. Sexuality/male prostitution: The study of males involved in prostitution has been motivated by the desire to shed light on what is currently viewed as an extremely invisible practice and one that may be increasing due to the development of the Internet and phone chat services. Based on interviews with 12 men regularly active in prostitution, some of whom serviced female customers, Claus Lautrup and Jette Heindorf (2003) note that the debut into prostitution can either be deliberate or a function of chance and primarily results from a need for extra cash either due to unemployment, or for those employed, to obtain luxury goods, or from a desire to live out sexual fantasies. The authors note that the consequences of prostitution for men can often be similar to those for women involved in prostitution (loneliness and social isolation, a negative impact on one’s own sexuality, the stress of living a double life given that prostitution is also a source of stigma in the homosexual community, anxiety and fear) and comment that males and females involved in prostitution may be more alike than different. However they also note that the boundary between what constitutes a prostitution experience and what does not is often more blurred for males. [However, we should note that international research suggests that “prostitution” of women may also be a blurred concept and practice, e.g. when does the practice of “Internet brides” become prostitution?”] Based on his work at a support center for men involved in prostitution, psychologist Torben Bechmann Jensen (Jensen 1997) also discusses the similarities in the consequences for men and women involved in prostitution, but points out that male prostitution is often motivated by homosexual experimentation and perceived economic need. It should be noted that in these studies there is no consideration of whether child sexual
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abuse was a significant factor in some men’s lives, or more generally, of a power relations perspective. Homosexuality: Henning Bech theorizes the male homosexual in his sociological work When men meet (Bech 1997), an updated, more internationally oriented version of his similarly titled Danish work Når mænd mødes (Bech 1987). These two books are general theoretical works and the English one omits examples considered to specifically Danish. Bech posits theories of phenomenologically absent homosexuality, the homosexual form of existence, the interconnections and reciprocal influences of these two phenomena and other factors in modern society and the disappearance of the modern homosexual, particularly in light of the establishment of registered partnerships in Denmark in 1989. Minority ethnic group male youth: Sociologist Sune Qvotrup Jensen’s book De vilde unge i Aalborg Øst [The wild youth of East Aalborg] (Jensen 2002) investigates collective groups of young, second generation, minority ethnic group males referred to in the media as ‘criminal second generation immigrants.’ The research is based on participant observation and casual conversations with 15-20 young people ages 10-17, primarily male refugees from Somalia or the Middle East. Several factors identify their subculture: specific language, including the use of stigmatizing terms as positive in-group markers; conflict relationships with school, often the result of time and punctuality problems; petty crime and hustling that does not necessarily demonstrate street smartness; a preference for hip-hop style clothing and rap music; a general territoriality in urban space; and an expressive masculinity deriving from the manual labor class, traditional forms of masculine honor and respect, and the macho attitudes of contemporary hip-hop culture. It is concluded that this subculture forms in response to an underprivileged social position and the general stigmatization of minority ethnic group youth. While violence is not a main focus, the author notes that violent episodes that do occur among these youth are often in the context of territoriality and are related to poor Danish language ability and deficient parenting. [We note the (media) use of the term second generation “immigrant” for a person born in Denmark. A similar terminology is used in other Nordic countries, but not in some other western countries where it would be regarded as discriminatory.] Psycho-
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logist’s Line Lerche Mørck’s dissertation (Mørck 2003) contributes to a social practice theory of “transgressive learning” in terms of promoting the transgression of marginalization and of ethnic othering with a study of street-level social workers, formerly wild youth themselves. The study briefly mentions the manner in which a more nuanced masculinity arises between the discourses of the caring social worker and that of the traditional immigrant family. Crime among ethnic minority groups: Some research has attempted to explain the phenomenon of the overrepresentation of immigrants and descendants of immigrants in the Danish crime statistics. For example, criminologist Britta Kyvsgaard (2001) finds some disparity in the treatment by the criminal justice system of young men of ethnic minority backgrounds. Compared to Danes, persons of a foreign background have higher probability of being apprehended and arrested by the police, and are more likely to be charged and held in custody, and these cases often do not result in conviction. Gaps in the literature: • Men who are disabled • Men and age • Interconnectedness of dimensions of social exclusion associated with gender, class, age, disability, sexuality and ethnicity • Lack of a critical perspective on issues of men and prostitution, both men involved in prostitution and men who use prostitution
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5. VIOLENCES Gender and violence: In an early survey on gender and violence conducted by the Danish National Institute for Social Research for the Ministry of Justice (Christensen & Koch-Nielsen 1992) telephone interviews were conducted with 792 women and 751 men about their exposure to violence. It was found that more men report being exposed to violence than women (overall 36% vs. 19% after age 15 and 12 % vs. 5% in the previous year). It was also found that approximately half of the women experienced violence from a former intimate partner and the other half in the course of care work, the perpetrator being a client or patient dependent on the care worker. Alternatively, 2/3 of the men reported that the perpetrator was an unknown person and the violence was a one-time event in a public, social situation. More men than women also reported having experienced serious violence (23% vs. 9%), however, when women experienced serious violence it was repeated. Very few respondents reported violence from their present partners, but 9% of women reported having experienced general violence (pushed, shaken or slapped) and 5% serious violence (kicked, hit with fist or object, thrown against furniture walls or down stairs, attempted strangling, attacked with knife or gun) from past partners. It was also found that 3% of all women reported having experienced rape and this was most prevalent in the youngest age range, 7% of those 15-24. Minority ethnic groups and men’s violence: Britta Mogensen examines the experience of immigrant women in Denmark who are victims of violence at the hands of immigrant partners and who disproportionately populate the women’s shelters (Mogensen 1998). She notes the pervasiveness of the liberal, psychotherapeutic perspective in the public and professional discourse that absolves “powerless” men of responsibility and portrays women as paralyzed by ‘battered woman’s syndrome’ and ‘learned helplessness’ and at the same time perceives them as aggressive, provoking the violence. In addition to culture-based judgments of the violence, public authorities and police officers often voice support for the sick man who can risk losing his wife and children and a concomitant lack of support for the woman who is partly responsible. Mogensen points out that these ideas hold no meaning for immigrant women who do not blame themselves but
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rather feel shame that they married a bad man. These women are unaware that wife-beating also exists in the developed world and are ashamed to come forward and risk giving all immigrant men a bad reputation. The problems of immigrant women must be understood in terms of the intersection of gendered power relations and xenophobic attitudes (e.g. cultural explanations of the violence). Additionally, immigrant women face a language barrier and in-laws who side with the man. Ethnic minority women are also the focus in work by Diana Madsen of the Danish Research Center on Gender Equality based at Roskilde University, which elucidates the legal bind for ethnic minority women attempting to escape abusive relationships with ethnic Danish men or men of Danish citizenship (Madsen 2005). In her report based on existing data and on interviews with shelter residents and staff as well as attorneys involved with these kinds of cases, Madsen explains the difficulties these women face in terms of their temporary residence permits—conditional upon their marriages—being revoked or not prolonged due to the stringent conditions of Danish integration laws surrounding permits. Not only must these women document the occurrence of violence and show that the violence is the actual reason for ending the cohabitation or marriage, they must also demonstrate a certain degree of attachment to Denmark greater than to the country of origin. Men’s violence in Greenland: Anthropologist Bo Wagner Sørensen examines the representations of men’s violence against women in Greenland (Sørensen 2001, 1999, 1998, 1994, 1990). His ethnographic fieldwork revealed a dominant discourse that accounts for men’s violence against women in terms of men’s vulnerable position due to rapid modernization and social change in Greenland, an explanation of violence where men lack agency. Sørensen takes issue with the Arctic approach that frames indigenous men as the victims of social transition. He contends that the violence of Greenlandic men is not unique and that it can and should be theorized within a sociological framework of power, control and entitlement where men exercise social agency. In considerable contrast, Larsen (1996) hypothesizes that high rates of interpersonal violence among Greenland Inuit can be attributed to the interaction between the culture’s non-confrontational style of conflict resolution such that verbal techniques
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are not learned and alcohol intoxication which creates a situation of reduced social control giving rise to learned disinhibition. Violence against women is further explained in the context of sources of stress that include jealousy and the tension between traditional male dominance and changing gender relations. Rape: Research psychologist Svend Aage Madsen’s analysis of “date/ acquainttance rape” (Madsen, 2002) notes its gendered nature and the need to examine both structural factors and psychological factors if we are to prevent rape and sexual assault. Given gender differrences in socialization (girls are more relation oriented, boys oriented more toward activities, and in sexuality (girls are more emotionally engaged, boys more result oriented and divorced from intimacy), Madsen accounts for men’s and women’s differential perceptions of a sexual encounter. Moreover, male socialization plus lack of empathy, or more specifically, the inability to engage in reflective functioning, is the primary reason for the commission of a rape. Women can also lack reflective functioning, but this deficit is more likely to manifest itself in self-harm. This Danish research should be contrasted with research from the UK where (a) there is much more research on this topic and (b) a gendered power perspective is much more visible. Readers are referred to the UK national report on academic research. In a different vein, research conducted by the Danish National Institute of Social Research (Christoffersen 2000) with longitudinal, population-based, register data examined differences between Danish males convicted and not convicted of rape by factors such as mental and physical health, education, social networks, family violence, self-destructive behaviour, parental alcohol and abuse, and unemployment. An unstable relation to the labor market emerged as the most important factor in rape conviction. In this study – which is based on rape conviction data - the author explicitly argues against a patriarchal culture explanation of rape and interprets his finding in terms of the poor marriage potential of men with poor employment potential, as well as the degradation and humiliation associated with poor education and employment which “put an extra stress on frail boys, which may provide a basis for an elevated risk for sexual coercion.” This stands in marked contrast to much current international research and
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academic literature on the dynamics of rape (for overviews see e.g, Russell and Bolen, 2000, Hearn and Pringle, 2006) The experiences of rape victims have also become a focus with the establishment of centers for victims of sexual assault in seven hospitals in Denmark since 1999. The Center for Victims of Sexual Assault at Copenhagen University Hospital established in 2000 also serves as a national research center. In addition to medical and health issues, work conducted by the Center’s affiliated researchers spans other areas such as rape victims’ underreporting to the police (Rust 2005); the development of a victim-offender mediation program (Madsen 2004); a critical view of the overemphasis of PTSD in current therapy practice and research (Pedersen 2004). A recent master’s thesis also aims to shed light on Denmark’s low rate of rape charges examining police officers conceptions of rape cases in terms of “real rape” and police officers’ representations of their work (Maskell & Poulsen (2004). The study takes a critical stance on the interplay of the nature of police work, police officers’ construction of rape, and the treatment (suspicion) of victims. Other psychology based research examined attitudes toward rape victims, by gender, age, education and traumatic experiences, among visitors to a rape support website primarily in the context of clinical treatment of rape victims (Elklit 2002). Treatment of men’s violence: Against the backdrop of rapid social change and the changing patterns of “gender roles,” Henrik Munkholm (Munkholm, 2002) draws his conclusions from his counseling of violent men in Denmark’s first state-sponsored treatment option for men (Manderådgivning i Aalborg [Counseling for men in Aalborg]. This treatment began as an experimental project in 1994 and was permanently established in 1999. Treatment is voluntary and anonymous. (Two other state- funded options recently became available in 2002 and 2003.) Based on 502 conversations with 67 men, Munkholm attributes violence to men’s lack of identity and low self-worth, inability to communicate, their own and society’s inability to provide a milieu for the satisfaction of basic life needs (personal development and autonomy, intimate relationships, recognition and respect); alcohol use plays a role in the majority of cases (Munkholm,
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2002; see also Olsen 1996). Munkholm divides violent men into essentially two groups: those who witnessed family violence growing up and those who lacked male role models. Again there is absence of a more central perspective regarding power relations and men’s violence which is present in some significant international research – see for instance Jeff Hearn 1998. Men’s violence and child custody: Hester (2002) and Hester and Radford (1996) call attention to men’s violence with respect to child custody arrangements. Current Danish law reflects a shift from a safety-oriented, pragmatic approach to a rights-based approach that emphasizes equal access by non-residential parents (fathers) at the expense of child welfare, quality of access and mother’s safety. There is no legal requirement to consider domestic violence in relation to the best interests of the child and the use of evidence in custody cases in limited (Hester 2002). By contrast, in the earlier work that compared child contact arrangement practices in Denmark and England with respect to domestic violence, Hester and Radford (1996) noted that both countries operated on the presumption that the best interests of the child are served by contact with both parents. The researchers found at the time that Denmark, compared to England, was somewhat more likely to restrict fathers’ contact and more likely to view any lack of agreement between the parents as a symptom of problems that could arise in contact. Danish women generally received more support than did English women in terms of leaving violent men and negotiating or stopping contact. In both countries the primary reason for the failure of contact arrangements was continued violence from male ex-partners. Sexualized violence – men’s use of prostitution: A recent study by sociologist Claus Lautrup (Lautrup 2005) of the Videns- & Formidlingscenter for Socialt Udsatte [Danish Centre for Research on Social Vulnerability] aims to provide knowledge on the male clients of women involved in prostitution. The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data with an Internet survey of 6350 men both with and without experience paying for sex plus 20 telephone interviews of men the majority of whom use prostitution services regularly. It was found that of the 6350 men surveyed, 14% had paid for sex, i.e., most men report no experience (86%). This finding was deemed to be similar to the prevalence rates reported in
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other Scandinavian studies and similar to findings over the last 15-20 years. Most of these men (60%) had paid for sex 1-5 times, 12% had done so 6-12 times and about one third had done so more than 12 times. Among the other findings, the younger men are when they first use prostitution services, the more often they do so in their older adult years. The most reported motivations for using the services of women involved in prostitution are sexual experimentation/the desire to try it (60%); the desire for sex without commitment (over 33%); and the opportunity presented itself (30%). Far fewer men report the desire to be the one calling the shots, having special preferences, feeling this is their only way to have sex, feeling sex is simply a commodity, or experiencing mutual sexual or social enjoyment with the woman (between 10 and 6%). While some of the interviewed men experience a moral dilemma in that they are aware of the negative consequences for the woman – for which they feel partly responsible – and also perceive some degree of disapproval by society, they nevertheless continue with their use of prostitution. Most of the interviewed men perceived the women as businesswomen who have the right to say no; some also perceived the women as selling sexual services due to their own lust. The author notes that “although power was not an element of the study” (Lautrup, 2005 p. 22) and the powerlessness of women in prostitution individually and structurally cannot be denied, a nuanced picture emerged where the men themselves experience a sort of powerlessness if they are refused services or feel they need the women more than the women need them. In addition, the men were also aware that especially non-Danish women can be victims of human trafficking and they do not want to pay for sex with women who are forced into it. The author expresses optimism for information campaigns on the circumstances that propel and keep women in prostitution to help decrease the demand for prostitution services. Some men expressed a desire for counseling services and this is also recommended. In an earlier study, Paul Lyngbye (Lyngbye 2000) examined men’s use of women involved in prostitution from a psychology and communication studies perspective. In a qualitative study of 41 men, 13 of which were indepth face-to-face interviews, Lyngbye uses a life-span psychology approach coupled with traumatic separation theory to shed light on men’s initial encounter with a woman involved in prostitution as reaction to a
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crisis situation. Whether prostitution use becomes part of the life structure depends on general life circumstances. Lyngbye pointedly argues against a feminist, patriarchal discourse as this is dissonant with men’s selfperceptions and thus precludes effective communication with them as well as meaningful dialogue on the issue of reducing prostitution. Lyngbye recommends provision of counseling for male clients (as there are statesponsored options for the women involved in prostitution) who are often using prostitution visits as a solution to a problem or seem themselves as victims of compulsion and caught in a downward spiral. In other work, Lyngbye (no date) argues against a solely consumer demand explanation for the rise in the number of non-Danish women (defined as Thai and black) working in prostitution in Denmark in the last ten years. Shared linguistic and cultural codes and the woman’s attitude, degree of courtesy and service-mindedness appeared to be more important than preference for the exotic or a dark complexion. This research obviously has a very different perspective from much of the international and indeed Nordic research on men who use prostitution.2 Readers are referred for example to the Swedish national report on academic research. A considerable proportion of this non-Danish research adopts to a greater or lesser extent gendered power perspectives which are absent from Lyngbye’s work. Child sexual abuse and physical abuse: A study by researchers at the National Institute of Public Health reports findings from a survey of a representative sample of approximately 6000 Danish youth at age 15 (the sample comprises 11% of this age group in Denmark), carried out via computer assisted self-interview (Helweg-Larsen & Larsen 2002; Larsen & Helweg-Larsen 2003). A total of 657 youth (11.3% of the sample: 15.9% of the girls and 6.7% of the boys) reported having experienced a sexual assault punishable in Danish law before the age of 15. This includes cases with a relatively modest age difference between victim and offender. Of the 657 youth, 44% (n = 287) reported that the assault was perpetrated by a person at least 5 years older. This number represents 4.9% of the total 6000 respondents, (7.9% of the girls and 2.0% of the boys). In 503 of the cases the perpetrator was a boy or man and in 154 of the cases a girl or 2
See e.g. Månsson, Sven-Axel (2001) ‘Men’s practices in prostitution: The case of Sweden.’ Pp. 135149. In: Pease, Bob and Keith Pringle: A Man’s World? Changing Men’s Practices in a Globalized World. London: Zed Books.
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woman. In 98.7% of the assaults against girls the perpetrator was a male compared to 24.1% of the assaults against boys. Of the 657 youth, 25% (n = 165) believed that the punishable act had been a sexual assault. This number represents 2.8% of the total respondents (4.5% of the girls and 1.1% of the boys). Of the total 657 cases of abuse, 60 entailed no physical contact (such as exposure), 205 involved physical contact (such as fondling) and 392 involved attempted or completed intercourse. In all cases, 85% of the youth reporting assault were 12-14 years old at the first occurrence. The older offender was most often a friend, play- or classmate (44% of cases with girls, 41% of cases with boys). In 11% of the cases of assault, the offender was a family member (biological father/mother, grandfather, stepfather, uncle/aunt, brother/sister, male/female cousin). In 9% of cases with girls and 4% of cases with boys, the offender was a teacher or other educational worker, a coach or a scout leader. Few children reported abuse by unknown offenders and this was most often abuse without contact (13% of girls and 14% of boys). The researchers found for both boys and girls that the more extensive the form of abuse (no contact, contact, intercourse) the more likely the risk of psychological problems such as anxiety and depression. In conflicts with their parents, most of the youth report that their parents became silent or angry, criticized or scolded them. With respect to physical violence overall, 5 % of these youth indicated that they had experienced threats of violence, 7% said they had been hit and 2% had been subject to other types of force. The study also revealed 9% of girls and 12% of boys had experienced physical violence in the last year. Furthermore, physical violence against mothers was experienced by 9% of girls and 6% of boys; physical violence against fathers had been experienced by 3% of girls and 2% of boys. With respect to ethnicity, findings published elsewhere (see (Helweg-Larsen & Kruse 2004, p.67-68, referenced in the Denmark national report on statistical information) show that 16% of non-western immigrant girls and 17% of girls with at least one non-western immigrant parent had experienced physical violence in the past year. Furthermore, among non-western immigrants or children of nonwestern immigrants, 11% of these youth report having experienced violence against their mother compared to 6% of the “Danish” youth (emphasis in the original).
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The report (Helweg-Larsen and Larsen 2002) notes a connection between the experience of violence and sexual assault; significantly more victims of sexual assault had also experienced violence themselves or violence against their parents than did non-victims. Moreover, children who had experienced sexual assault often came from unstable families defined as either: parents not living together, children lived with other adults who were not their parents, or violence occurred between the parents. But the researchers note that the majority of children in these circumstances had not experience sexual assault. This research is a major contribution to the Nordic literature on child sexual abuse. There will of course be potential questions about methodology, for instance, retrospective prevalence surveys of adults vs. surveys with children, use of computer technology vs. telephone interviewing; but these debates relate to any survey of child sexual abuse. This survey, like any other, needs to be questioned in this way. One should also note that the proportion of abusers who are below adult age in this survey is higher than the statistics derived from many retrospective surveys with adults. As part of larger survey on childhood development that has followed 5000 children born in 1995, the Danish National Institute for Social Research posed questions to parents (mother or father) in 2003 concerning suspected sexual abuse of children in day care institutions (Christensen 2003). As described in a working paper, the survey revealed that 93 parents (2%) indicated that suspicions of child sexual abuse had been raised at their child’s institution, however these responses may not represent different facilities. Nine of the parents were of the opinion that their own child (4 girls and 5 boys) had been victimized by an adult at the institution and four of these parents believed their child had been by affected the course of events to some degree. None of these 9 cases had resulted in legal proceedings, but 12 other cases of the 93 had. The researchers state that the survey indicates sexual abuse of children in day care institutions in all probability is a very small part of the total picture of child sexual abuse. Methodologically, one would of course have to ask how much awareness exists among parental respondents about the possibility of abuse in daycare, and indeed, about public awareness of this issue more generally.
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Gaps in the literature: • More basic survey research into prevalence and incidence that incorporates the latest and most sophisticated research techniques for violence context and consequences • Research on men’s violent practices and attitudes that departs from a psychological focus and incorporates structural power/ oppression • Research that explores connections between the different types of men’s violence • Transnational work that could shed light on the implications of a welfare state culture that is assumed to support and empower women • Basic research on youth populations’ violent behaviors and attitudes on violence • research on violence among same-sex couples
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6. HEALTH Health consequences of violence: Researchers at Denmark’s National Institute of Public Health examined gender differences in the health consequences of violence (intentional injury). With self-report data from 12,208 persons age 16 or over on experience of violence, health ratings and morbidity symptoms, Sundaram, Helweg-Larsen, Laursen and Bjerregaard (2004) found that men age 16-24 were significantly more likely to experience violence in the past 12 months than were women. In addition, compared to female non-victims, female victims of violence were significantly more likely to rate their health as poor and to report anxiety, depression and stomach ache. Male victims of violence were significantly more likely to report stomach ache than male non-victims. The association between physical violence and poor self-rated health was statistically significant for women but not for men. Given the gender differences in violent victimization and in health ratings, the authors propose that there is a gender specific process of violent victimization. A public health survey (Curtis, Larsen, Helweg-Larsen & Bjerregaard 2002) on violence, sexual abuse and health among a sample of 1393 Inuit in Greenland in 1993-94 found no gender difference in the overall prevalence of violent victimization (women 47%, men 48%). Women, however, were signifycantly more likely to have been victims of sexual abuse than were men (25% vs. 6%) and more likely to have been sexually abused in childhood (8% vs. 3%). Violent or sexual victimization was related to health problems such as chronic disease, recent illness, poor self-rated health and mental health problems; these associations were stronger for women than for men. With register-based data, Helweg-Larsen and Kruse (2003) compare women exposed to domestic violence in 1995 (defined as intentional injury by blunt force occurring in a residential area) to a control group of women with hospital contacts for all other reasons. The relationship to subsequent hospital contacts in 1996-98 is examined. Reasons for subsequent hospital contacts were measured as any disease, induced abortions, gynecological disease and mental illness. The study revealed that 1815 women were the victims of domestic violence in the study year while 388,366 non-victims were identified. The rate of subsequent hospital contacts was significantly
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higher among violence victims in all three age groups studied (15-19, 2029 and 30-49). The authors identify violence against women as a major public health problem and advocate proper registration of hospital contacts due to intentional injury. Helweg-Larsen and Kruse (2002) also examined gender differences in violence and subsequent health problems with register-based data on men and women age 15-24 who had hospital contact in 1995 for intentional injury in a residence (domestic violence) and intentional injury outside a residence, compared to a reference population of the same age with hospital contact in 1995 for any reason. Subsequent hospital contacts were measured for 1995-99. The number of men contacting hospitals because of violence is greater than the number of women who do so (5601 vs. 1146) and this difference is most prominent with injuries due to violence outside a residence compared to inside a residence (4527 vs. 594 compared to 1074 vs. 552, respectively). However, female victims of violence had significantly higher rates of subsequent hospital contacts due to any disease than both female non-victims and male victims. There was little difference in the rate of hospital contacts for male victims and male non-victims. The authors conclude support for the hypothesis that physical violence is more likely to result in health problems for women. Health – gender differences: In an investigation Denmark’s National Institute of Public Health for the Minister of Gender Equality, researchers report on gender differences in disease and health and attempt to explain these differences in terms of biology, health behavior, life conditions and reactions to symptoms and discomfort (Kruse & Helweg-Larsen 2004). The work is based on national register data of hospital contacts and contacts to general practice doctors as well as a national health and morbidity survey (interviews and questionnaires) of a sample of 22,500 citizens age 16 and over, as well as existing literature. The authors point out that while a gender orientation in health studies often means a focus on women, the pendulum has swung in recent years to a more explicit focus on men. Of note in this report, men are more likely to report that their health is very good; women are more likely to experience discomfort and symptoms in daily life and are more likely to report that they suffer from a named disease. This suggests a threshold difference in men and women feeling ill. Men are also less likely to react to discomfort and symptoms than are women in terms of contacting their doctor, taking medicine or
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using alternative treatments. Women more often visit their doctor, men more often contact an emergency room in the case of sickness or other health problem. The authors cautiously conclude here that serious illnesses requiring hospital stays could possibly be prevented among men if men contacted doctors sooner instead of waiting until symptoms become serious. Concerning lifestyle practices, men get more exercise but have poorer diets compared to women. With the exception of young women, women of all other age groups smoke far less than men; women also drink less alcohol and do so less often than men. Men are admitted most often to psychiatric units as a consequence of substance abuse related problems, whereas women are most often admitted for mental/emotional disorders such as depression. This is attributed to a difference in social roles where men are more likely to engage is risk behavior such as narcotics abuse and women are more likely to report overwork, stress and burnout. Mental health – gender differences: A 2003 book by clinical psychiatrist Karin Garde, Køn, psykisk sygdom og behandling [Gender, mental illness and treatment] provides essentially a review of existing knowledge in an effort to disseminate information to generate interest given that gender has “nearly disappeared” from the psychiatric view and or is discussed in terms of biological explanations of gender difference. The book examines schizophrenia, depression, anxiety, personality disorders, psychosomatic disorders, eating disorders, sexuality and mental illness, alcohol/drug abuse and suicide, and incorporates the social structural aspects of gender. Men and well-being: Jungian and Cybernetic psychotherapist Ole Vedfelt’s 2003 book Manden og hans indre kvinder [Man and his inner women] provides a comprehensive description of masculine development at all life stages and the prospects for connecting to the masculine and the feminine. The author contends men would have a richer existence if they were liberated from the most rigid and dominating characteristics of the male gender and more connected to those characteristics traditionally associated with the feminine. Theoretical discussion of psychological processes, which are influenced by societal and cultural processes, is combined with knowledge from intensive psychotherapy with two individual men. An admittedly brief discussion of men’s violence toward known women refers primarily to factors such as separation anxiety,
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castration anxiety, and to provocation by women who had been abused in childhood. In his book Mænds midtlivskriser [Men’s midlife crises] (Thomsen 2002), practicing psychologist Jan Bo Thomsen presents statistical evidence on the problems of men age 40 to 60 such as increased use of alcohol, sleep aids, antidepressants, an increase in successful suicides, and increased impotence to conclude that the problems of men need to be taken seriously. Thomsen hypothesizes that men’s midlife crisis is a result of socially constructed expectations around masculinity that are a function of the times we live in and that biology (hormone levels and age) is a contributing factor. Two examinations of male menopause found that hormone levels measured over time up to age 51 played little role in men’s experience of a menopause; belief in a menopause was simply that, and actual or desired changes in lifestyle were more a result of individual social and psychological circumstances (Solstad & Garde 1992). Relatively few men believe male menopause exists and even fewer indicate that they themselves experienced it (Solstad, Køster & Porsdahl 1995). Sociologist Henning Bech (1996) reflects on masculinity in Mandslængsel: hankøn i moderne samfund [Male yearning: masculinity in modern societies]. The article essentially argues that modern masculinity constitutes itself in opposition to femininity as a reaction to women’s advancement into male functions. As social gender disappears, masculinity is celebrated in bodily gender (sports, sexuality) and cultural gender (clothes, gestik and posture). Masculinity also constitutes itself in modern society’s tendency toward aestheticization, providing a form of cultural competency that leads to privileges the world of city life and image media. This contribution needs to be seen in the context of other research reported above which suggests that women’s advancement into male functions is actually rather limited. Men’s bodies: Hans Bonde (Bonde 2003a) discusses the current Danish interest in the martial arts in terms of masculine hero fantasies, the father figure role of the martial arts master and as a masculine initiation ceremony. Participation in the martial arts represents a re-ritualization in response to the youth rebellion’s de-ritualization of authoritarian society. Bonde (2003b) also looks at the masculinity ritual of sport historically. At the dawn of the 20th century, sport became a ‘laboratory of masculinity,’
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reflecting the norms and values of the new, working class male culture as the educational sphere of the family became dominated by women. Men’s suicide in Greenland: Jørgen Thorslund (1996) theorizes suicide among young Greenlandic Inuit men based on data from public files, interpretations of literary and public discourse, survey data, field observations from teaching, and the existing literature on socialization among Inuit. In this cultural analysis, suicide is associated with a casual relationship to both modern and traditional occupations; a general cultural acceptance of suicide in the face of shame or anger or when problems grow too big; and the tensions associated with a new social category of ‘youth.’ Young men especially are caught between traditional Inuit culture (and its ambiguity over aggression) and modern socialization practices. Infertility/well-being/fatherhood: In her 1999 article “Det føles ikkemandigt på en måde:” mænd og infertilitet [“In a way, it doesn’t feel macho:” men and infertility], anthropologist Tine Tjørnhøj-Thomsen examines coping with infertility through the lens of gender. While infertility is viewed as a loss of control for both men and women, men must confront the cultural connection of fertility, sexuality and masculinity, as well as notions of men as independent, able to be providers, and possessing intact bodies. Men’s experience of infertility treatment must also be understood in terms of the ideology of authenticity and the symbolic significance of biological procreation and genetic connectedness. Gaps in the literature: • Qualitative studies on men’s health practices • Research that examines issues related to men’s health and wellbeing and the connections to other areas of life • More research on men’s sexuality • More critical research on men’s well-being, for instance, exploring links between some men’s health problems and hegemonic forms of masculinity
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7. DISCUSSION There appear to be relatively few scholarly voices represented in the literature that is related to men or which calls for a critical focus on men. This fact in itself is troubling and could in part be a function of the lack of research funding in the area as noted above. Much of the current discussion on men seems to come in the wake of the gender equality debate, where there are now demands for equal time for men in light of societal changes and changing gender practices. Explicitly gendered analyses and attention to power relations are lacking from most of the literature. The relative paucity of academic research and the lack of attention to gendered power relations can be viewed in terms of Nordic welfare systems’ problematic response to issues of “bodily integrity.” Based upon a recent qualitative research project on the Swedish child welfare system (Pringle 2005) and an earlier similar one on the Danish child welfare system (Pringle and Harder 1999), supplemented by data from the Framework 5 – funded Thematic network on “The Social Problem of Men” (see Pringle et al (2006), Hearn and Pringle (2006) as well as the European Documentation Centre at www.cromenet.org), Keith Pringle has questioned the largely positive reputation which the Nordic welfare systems enjoy both abroad and at home. He does so by focusing not, as usual in welfare research, on issues of labor in the home and the marketplace – where the Nordic countries still score highly compared to many other European countries – but on issues of what he calls “bodily integrity:” specifically men’s sexual violence to children and men’s violence to women. Using this focus, he suggests that the reputation of the Nordic welfare systems for “child-friendliness” and “woman-friendliness” can be seriously questioned. His work also indicates that similar analyses can be made about other social problems in the Nordic countries associated with bodily integrity such as welfare responses (or non-responses) to racism in the lives of service users. For instance, in the Swedish study (Pringle 2005), he interviewed a range of “actors” in the Swedish child welfare system including welfare managers, welfare practitioners, local and central government politicians
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from a range of parties, governmental and non-governmental policymakers and some key academics. He found a considerable number of these respondents seemed to use relatively weak research evidence to support arguments which diverted attention away from the problematic aspects of men’s practices in relation to children and women; especially the practices of some men from the white Swedish majority ethnic group. At the same time, some respondents would ignore relatively strong research evidence which highlighted those problematic aspects. Pringle believes that the responses of the Nordic welfare systems to issues of bodily integrity are more problematic than the responses of a generally less well-regarded welfare system such as that of the UK. In fact, in terms of responses to issues of bodily integrity, he suggests the Nordic systems may well rank low in relation to other European welfare systems: Denmark towards the bottom and Sweden in a middling position. The striking difference between, on the one hand, the relatively high performance of the Nordic countries on dimensions of poverty alleviation and, on the other hand, their relatively poor performance in responding to child sexual abuse, abuse of women and racism, is partly explained by Pringle in terms of culture and history. For he suggests that precisely the same dynamics which promote the greater resourcing of the Nordic systems to deal well with poverty alleviation, compared to the UK, may also be those which limit the Nordic systems in their ability to acknowledge other forms of social divisions and address them. The greater state collectivist and consensual ethos of social institutions in the Nordic countries seems to promote a more entrenched commitment to welfare structures there compared to the relatively individualistic and conflictual ethos of such institutions in the United Kingdom. However, paradoxically, it may well be that this same state collectivist and consensual institutional ethos has hindered acknowledgement in the Nordic countries of some profound social divisions associated with, for instance, gender, ethnicity and age. His conclusion is that a truly child-friendly welfare system would need to combine the commitment of the Swedish one with the recognition of difference and of social division which characterizes the UK one. He believes such a combination is in fact more likely to be achieved in the Nordic countries (some more than others) than in the UK – but only if those Nordic societies can become open about their inadequacies and
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actively address them (Pringle 2005; Pringle et al, 2006; Hearn and Pringle 2006).
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Hjort, Katrin & Steen Baagoe Nielsen, eds. (2003): Mænd og omsorg [Men and care]. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel. Højgaard, Lis (2002): Tracing differentiation in gendered leadership: an analysis of differences in gender composition in top management in business, politics and civil service. Gender, Work and Organization Vol. 9(1): 15-38. Højgaard, Lis (1997): Working fathers – caught in the symbolic order of gender. Acta Sociologica, Vol. 40(3): 246-261. Järvinen, Margaretha (2004): Hjemløse flygtninger og indvandrere [Homeless refugees and immigrants]. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel. Jensen, Sune Qvotrup (2002): De vilde unge i Aalborg Øst [The wild youth of East Aalborg]. Aalborg: Aalborg University Press. Jensen, Torben Bechmann (1997): Drenge i prostitution, et skjult problem [Boys in prostitution, a hidden problem]. Psykologisk Set, Vol. 14(26): 2537. Kruse, Marie & Karin Helweg-Larsen (2004): Kønsforskelle i sygdom og sundhed [Gender differences in sickness and health]. Copenhagen: Minister for Gender Equality. Kyvsgaard, Britta (2001): Kriminalitet, retshåndhævelse og etniske minoriteter [Criminality, law enforcement and ethnic minorities]. Juristen nr. 9/2001. Larsen, Finn Breinholt (1996): Interpersonal violence among Greenlandic Inuit. Pp. 47-69. In: Jensen, Henrik Garlik & Torben Agersnap: Crime, Law and Justice in Greenland. Copenhagen: New Social Science Monographs. Larsen, Helmer Bøving & Karin Helweg-Larsen (2003): Psykiske problemer hos unge, der har været udsat for seksuelle overgreb
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Lyngbye, Paul (2000) Mænd der betaler kvinder: om brug af prostitution [Men who pay women: on the use of prostitution]. Roskilde: Roskilde University Press. Lyngbye, Paul (no date): Prostitute-client interaction in Denmark: the significance of skin color, language and culture. Retrieved October 9, 2004 from http://www.lyngbye.net/uk-paper.html Madsen, Karin Sten. (2004): Mediation as a way of empowering women exposed to sexual coercion. NORA 12(1): 58-61. Madsen, Svend Aage (2003): Hvor er barnets far? – om forandringer i spædbarnsfaderskab [Where is the child’s father – on changes in infantfatherhood]. Pp. 164-180. In: Hjort, Katrin & Steen Baagoe Nielsen: Mænd og omsorg [Men and care]. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel. Madsen, Svend Aage (2002): Socialisering, køn, fortællinger og vold. Når samvær bliver til seksualt overgrab – et bud på en kønsbaseret udforskning af kontaktvoldtægt. [Socialization, gender, narratives and violence – a preliminary gender-based investigation of date/acquaintance rape]. Pp. 385397. In: Eriksson, Maria; Aili Nenola & Marika Muhonen Nilsen: Kön och våld i Norden [Gender and violence in the Nordic countries]. Report from a conference in Køge, Denmark, 23-24 November 2001. TemaNord 2002:545. Madsen, Svend Aage; Dennis Lind & Hanne Munck (2002): Fædres tilknytning til spædbørn [Fathers’ bonding to infants]. Copenhagen: Hans Reitzel. Madsen, Svend Aage & Hanne Munck (1999): Fædres deltagelse i fødsler – nærvær eller afstand [Fathers’ participation in delivery - presence or distance?] Pp. 105-113. In: Ervø, Søren, Peter Andersen Hove & Nanna Mik-Meyer: Mænd på vej [Men on the way]. Copenhagen: Ligestillingsrådet [Danish Equal Status Council.] Madsen, Svend Aage, Hanne Munck & Marianne Tolstrup (1999): Fædre og fødsler [Fathers and childbirth]. Copenhagen: Frydenlund.
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9. PREVIOUS PUBLICATIONS Alle kan downloades på FoSo’s hjemmeside: http://www.socsci.aau.dk/foso/ Nr. 1, 2005
Keith Pringle Paradise never attained rather than pradise lost: - some Nordic welfare systems in a comparative perspective
Nr. 2, 2006
Anne Breumlund og Inger Bruun Hansen Skaber rummelighed forandring?
Nr. 3, 2007
Morten Ejrnæs Risikable risikoanalyser Eksempler fra Socialforskningsinstiutttets publikationer om børns risiko for at pådrage sig sociale problemer
Nr. 4, 2007
LeeAnn Iovanni and Keith Pringle Denmark National Report on Research on Men’s Practices
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