Missing:
WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY
Finding Meaning in Sustainability and a Livelihood Based on Tourism: An Ethnographic Case Study of Rural Citizens in the Aysén Region of Chile Trace E. Gale Dissertation submitted to the Davis College of Agriculture, Forestry & Consumer Sciences, Division of Forestry and Natural Resources, at West Virginia University. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Forest and Natural Resource Sciences. Steven W. Selin, Ph.D., Committee Chair; Kelly S. Bricker, Ph.D.; Chad D. Pierskalla, Ph.D.; David A. Smaldone, Ph.D.; Daniel Weiner, Ph.D.; Jaci Webb-Dempsey, Ph.D. Morgantown, West Virginia2006
Copyright 2006 Trace E. Gale Keywords: Access, Amenity Migration, Case Study, Chile, Capital, Development, Ethnography, Geography, Livelihood, Policy, Pro-poor, Qualitative, Rural Development, Social Anthropology, Social Capital, Sustainability, South America, Sustainable, Tourism
ABSTRACT Finding Meaning In Sustainability And A Livelihood Based On Tourism: An Ethnographic Case Study of Rural Citizens in the Aysén Region of Chile Trace E. Gale
Development. Livelihood. Sustainability. Tourism. The post-positivistic approach of this study helped to illuminate the complexity that underscores these four simple words. It helped to fill knowledge gaps through exploration of the lived experience of tourism-based livelihoods within the Aysén region of southern Chile. With an understanding of this lived experience, the identification of more feasible and meaningful development interventions and policies becomes more likely. Results were organized around seven key areas of focus: 1) shaping factors for tourism-based livelihoods, 2) how tourism-based livelihood strategies added meaning, 3) the role that alternative forms of tourism played, 4) tourism livelihood tactics, 5) participant definitions of success, 6) success factors, and 7) vulnerability. This study contributed to emerging theory in a variety of areas including development geography, development theory, tourism development theory, and rural livelihoods studies. It supported the need for better theoretical integration between development and tourism science, by demonstrating the potential for integration of livelihoods approaches to inform tourism research and practice, in a meaningful manner. Based on the findings of this research and a reintegration of relevant literature, a Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) was presented which can assist researchers and practitioners with future exploration. Additional implications of this research included the potential for tourism to be an exchange agent for social learning; tourism as a catalyst for transboundary amenity migration, and tourism livelihoods as vehicles of transferable human capacity. These areas warranted additional exploration. This study will interest individuals, communities, government agencies, NGOs, and specific projects with an interest in the potential of tourism to be a tool for livelihood sustainability and development within the Aysén region of Chile. Results of this study are not generalizable. The ability to transfer implications of this study beyond the sixteen cases of interest will depend on similarity of context and fit between cases in question.
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DEDICATORIA – DEDICATION
"A menudo necesito ir a alguna región lejana del mundo para recordar quién soy realmente. No hay duda de porqué debe hacerse esto. Lejos de tus lugares familiares, tus amigos, tus rutinas diarias, tu refrigerador repleto de alimentos, tu armario repleto de ropa, lejos de todo esto, eres forzado a tener una experiencia directa. Dicha experiencia directa inevitablemente te hace tomar conciencia de quien es quién está teniendo la experiencia. Eso no es siempre cómodo, pero siempre revigoriza". - Michael Crichton, los Viajes
“Often I feel I go to some distant region of the world to be reminded of who I really am. There is no mystery about why this should be so. Stripped of your ordinary surroundings, your friends, your daily routines, your refrigerator full of food, your closet full of clothes, with all this taken away, you are forced into direct experience. Such direct experience inevitably makes you aware of who it is that is having the experience. That is not always comfortable, but it is always invigorating.” - Michael Crichton, Travels
Este esfuerzo es dedicado a las muchas personas de Aysén quienes me hicieron compañía; a la Sra. Anne Loehr, que compartió su valor conmigo y fue una consejera para mí; y a la Señorita Cathy Thomas, que me inspiró más de lo que ella sabrá jamás. Te hecho de menos, Cathy, confío en que sabías que te quería, amiga mía. Hasta que nos encontremos otra vez. Gracias a todos por la profunda diferencia que han marcado en mi vida. This effort is dedicated to the many people of Aysén with whom I have shared mate; to Ms. Anne Loehr, who shared her courage and was an incredible coach to me; and to Miss Cathy Thomas, who inspired me more than she will ever know. I miss you Cathy and I trust you knew I loved you, my friend. Until we meet again. Thank you all for the profound difference you have made in my life.
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AGRADECIMIENTOS – ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Primero, gracias a las personas de la región de Aysén del sur de Chile, los gauchos y los gringos; Ben, mi primer guía, y "Anna", mi más reciente. He aprendido tanto de ustedes y soy una persona mejor por ello. Gracias a los Tonys; por permitirme entrar dentro de su familia y por enseñarme a confiar en otros y a confiar en mí misma. Gracias a todos los empresarios, a los líderes de comunidad, a los expertos en cultura, y gracias a los especialistas en desarrollo que compartieron su trabajo y proporcionaron su perspectiva en relación a la vida de un Aysénino y del sustento basado en el turismo. Gracias a la Escuela de Guías de Patagonia por ser una fuente de acceso, de ideas, y de puntos de vista. Y sobre todo, gracias a cada uno de los dieciséis guías que estuvieron dispuestos a formar parte en este estudio. Ustedes tienen mi gratitud y mi respeto y deseo que mantengan éxito en sus proyectos en turismo, y cualquier otra cosa que el futuro les depare. Gracias a mi familia, por todo su amor y el apoyo, y por estar dispuestos a ayudarme sin importar en qué. Gracias a Katy Araujo, mi traductora y mi amiga. Katy, tu contribución sobrepasa ambos idiomas. Gracias. Y a mis muchos otros amigos también, por cuyo apoyo he sido muy afortunada. Soy bendecida. En cuanto a mi comité…gracias por su guía, sus retos, su fe, y su voluntad de apoyar este proyecto y a mí. Aprecio su liderazgo y su voluntad de permitirme seguir mis sueños. Gracias, Dr. Kelly Bricker, por inspirarme a intentar este proyecto y darme una gran base. Cuando te conocí hace cinco años, en Chicago, Anne me dijo que eras una de las líderes de nuestra industria. ¡Era tan cierto! Gracias por entender esto. Gracias al Dr. Pierskalla, por ser un modelo a seguir; he aprendido mucho de su investigación. Usted proporciona un ejemplo de liderazgo y crecimiento personal. Gracias, al Dr. Dave Smaldone, por acompañarme en este viaje y por enseñarme cuán importante es interpretar así como también informar. Gracias, al Dr. Webb-Dempsey, por darme los instrumentos y la confianza por emprender la "etnografía" y el valor a desafiar la tradición. Gracias, especialmente, por su consejo en relación al “bloqueo del escritor” (efecto que se produce cuando el proceso creativo del escritor se detiene producto del cansancio) funcionó, como las siguientes cientos de páginas lo demuestran… gracias, Dr. Dan Weiner, por permitirme compartir la magia de Chile con otros; por esta investigación, y por su liderazgo con el intercambio internacional. Y GRACIAS, Dr. Steve Selin. Gracias por aceptar ser el presidente de mi comité. Gracias por su liderazgo, por ser mi mentor, por la amistad, y por la fe. ¡Soy tan afortunada de haber tenido la oportunidad de aprender y colaborar con usted durante estos tres últimos años! Finalmente, quiero dar gracias personalmente y formalmente a algunos de los otros líderes y educadores increíbles que conocí en la Universidad de Virginia del Oeste, de quienes he tenido el privilegio de aprender durante estos últimos tres años: Dr. Ronald Althouse, Sra. Karen Beeftink, Dr. Robert Burns, Sr. Greg Corio, Dr. Jinyang Deng, Sra. Donna DeWitt, el Presidente David Hardesty Jr. & Sra. Susan Hardesty, Sra. Vicki Heale, Dr. Steve Lawson, Sr. George Lees, Sr. James Lenke, Sr. Steven McBride, la Decana Asociada Joyce McConnell, Sra. Elizabeth Parsons, Sra. Peggy Piggs, Dr. Chris Plein, Dra. Betsy Pyle, Dr. Jason Siniscalchi, Sra. Judy Spade, Sra. Susan Williams, Sr. Steve Stork, y Sra. Jocelín Tovar. ¡Valoro su pasión y la experiencia que tienen en sus áreas de trabajo, he sido inspirada por su voluntad de compartir, y espero tenerlos como ejemplo en mi trabajo futuro…el cual no puedo esperar por empezar!!! 4
First, thank you to the people of the Aysén region of southern Chile, the gauchos and the gringos; Ben, my first guide, and “Anna”, my most recent. I have learned so much from you and I am a better person for it. Thanks to the Tonys; for allowing me inside your family and for teaching me how to trust others and how to trust myself. Thanks to all of the many businessmen, community leaders, cultural experts, and development specialists who shared their work and provided perspective on the life of an Aysénino and a livelihood based in tourism. Thanks to the Guide‟s School of Patagonia for being a source of access, of ideas, and of insights. And most of all; thank you to each of the sixteen guides that were willing to take part in this study. You have my gratitude and my respect and I wish you sustained success in your endeavors in tourism, and whatever else the future might hold. Now, for the other side of the globe… Thanks to my family, for all of your love and support, and for being there for me, no matter what. Thanks to Katy Araujo, my translator and my friend. Katy, your contribution transcends both languages. Thank you. And to my many other friends as well, whose support I have been so lucky to have. I am blessed. As for my committee…Thank you for your guidance, your challenges, your faith, and your willingness to support this project and me. I appreciate your leadership and your willingness to let me follow my dreams. Thank you, Kelly, for inspiring me to try and giving me a great foundation. When I was introduced to you five years ago, in Chicago, Anne told me that you were one of the leaders of our industry. That was so true! Thank you for seeing this through. Thank you Dr. Chad Pierskalla, for being a role model; I have learned much from your research and the example you provide of personal leadership and growth. Thank you, Dr. Dave Smaldone, for coming along for the journey and for teaching me how important it is to interpret as well as inform. Thank you, Dr. Jaci Webb-Dempsey, for giving me the tools and the confidence to undertake “ethnography” and the courage to challenge tradition. Thank you, especially, for your advice about writer‟s block – it worked, as the next several hundred pages will demonstrate… Thank you, Dr. Dan Weiner, for letting me share the magic of Chile with others; through this research, and through your leadership with international exchange. And THANK YOU, Dr. Steve Selin. Thank you for agreeing to be my chair. Thank you for your leadership, mentorship, friendship, and faith. I am so lucky to have had the opportunity to learn and to collaborate with you over these past three years! Lastly, I want to formally acknowledge and personally thank a few of the other incredible leaders and educators I‟ve encountered at West Virginia University, from whom I have had the privilege to learn during these past three years: Dr. Ronald Althouse, Ms. Karen Beeftink, Dr. Robert Burns, Mr. Greg Corio, Dr. Jinyang Deng, Ms. Donna DeWitt, President David Hardesty Jr. & Mrs. Susan Hardesty, Ms. Vicki Heale, Dr. Steve Lawson, Mr. George Lees, Mr. James Lenke, Mr. Steven McBride, Associate Dean Joyce McConnell, Ms. Elizabeth Parsons, Ms. Peggy Pings, Dr. Christopher Plein, Dr. Betsy Pyle, Dr. Jason Siniscalchi, Ms. Judy Spade, Mrs. Susan Williams, Mr. Steve Stork, and Ms. Jocelín Tovar. I appreciate your passion and expertise in your areas of work, have been inspired by your willingness to share, and hope to carry your examples into my future work…which I can‟t wait to begin!!!
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PROLOGUE Martin has a glacier in his backyard - literally. His land backs up to the Paloma Glacier, part of the Northern Patagonian Icefield. Martin‟s dad got the land originally from the government. One of the bosses at the cattle company told him about it – “way up a valley and up against the ice but, if he could clear it and fill out the papers, he could own it, free and clear.” When Martin was growing up, he was not allowed to go out on the ice. Often, he would walk up to the edge and peer across and wonder, but he knew that the glacier was to be feared. People had gone out on that ice and just “disappeared”. So Martin stopped at the edge. Growing up in the mid-1900s in southern Chile, there was no such thing as a highway. News arrived weeks or months after it happened. There were no cities. There was no refrigerator. There was no electricity. Hot water meant a kettle and a wood stove and time and patience. Life centered on the land and the weather. It was a constant cycle of moving the cattle and sheep from the lower to the upper fields and back again, following the sun and the rains. Twice a year, once he was old enough, Martin and the other men of the valley would move their herds (or the herds of their patrons) across the region to the regional hub of Coyhaique, a town of 8,000 people, where the livestock and the wool was bought and sold. Supplies could be found in Coyhaique, and there was a high school here. But, for Martin, school stopped after the primary grades. It was too far to travel and he was needed to help at home. Martin‟s studies centered on learning all there was about raising and riding his horses and the lay of the land and the movement of the weather and the icebut, always from the edge. In 1979, Martin heard that a bunch of the land that was around his farm had become a national reserve. Didn‟t really mean much to him; the land had never been owned, far as he knew, except by the government. Most of it was way back up the valleys and the cattle could still graze on the land. In fact, nothing really changed. In the 1980s, Augusta Pinochet connected Patagonia with the rest of the world, via the Southern Highway. He wanted to “modernize” Chile. He said he wanted to leave the “third” world and become a part of the “first” world. He said roads were the start. (Martin never knew there was more than one world). After the highway was built, the estancias could move their cattle to Coyhaique with trucks. Sometimes, Martin would ride along to help. He was amazed with the changes he saw in Coyhaique. Used to be that he knew everyone he saw but now, there was a restaurant and lots more government offices. Martin noticed a new office for CONAF, the Chilean Forest Service. They were in charge of managing the reserves, and helping to control the fires that sometimes broke out across the region. They were also in charge of controlling the logging that he was noticing more and more. New people were moving into Coyhaique every day; from Puerto Montt and from Santiago. Every now and then, Martin would see a couple of people with long hair and beards and great big packs on their backs walking along the road. A buddy from Coyhaique told him they were from Europe and were just walking around Patagonia to “see the world”. “Strange”, he thought. Around 1992, Martin had a visitor at his ranch. It was a young man from the United States. He spoke Spanish but really strangely, and Martin could barely understand him. The man asked his permission to walk across his ranch from time to time, with groups of students, from his school. Told Martin he would pay a fee for each student that passed. He said the students came from the United States to learn about Patagonia and about leadership and adventure. Martin had never been asked permission by people for crossing his land. It 6
was just the way – if you needed to go somewhere, you went. But he said sure, and every once in awhile he would watch as a group of people would cross on foot with those same huge packs on their backs he had seen on the long-haired people on the road. Once a year, the man would stop by and deliver the fees he promised. This went on for years, and every year more students seemed to cross. As time passed, more and more people asked Martin to cross his land. They wanted to see the glacier. He began to charge a small fee and lead small groups of tourists to the edge of the ice. They seemed to enjoy the hikes and took lots of pictures of the glacier, from the edge. When Martin went to Coyhaique now, he saw signs for “tourism”. Glacier trips, horse-back riding, that school from the U.S. It was growing. A few people from the U.S. and England had moved to the region to start companies that would run trips for these tourists. And the government said tourism would be a big part of the future. In fact, they said, they were going to put a new fish in the rivers and the lakes that would bring in the tourists in droves. Trout, it was called; brown and rainbow, and sure enough, once the fish took hold, the tourists came. Buses began to show up on the roads with groups of tourists and in Coyhaique there were new people during the Spring and Summer, from America and from Europe, who would show the tourists where the fish were and how to catch them. The crazy thing was, they didn‟t keep the fish. They always threw them back. Martin thought they were nuts. In Puerto Aysén, a company out of Santiago bought a bunch of land from one of the cattle companies. At the port, they built a big hotel. On the other land, they built trails and a quincho and a visitor‟s center. They called this a “reserve”. They brought in a big cruise ship and a huge bus. They started running cruises to the glaciers. They‟d meet the tourists in the airport with their big bus and take them to their hotel for the night. Then they‟d get on the boat and head out to sea for a few days. When they returned, they‟d head out to the reserve for an asado and a hike. Then they‟d head back to the hotel and the next day the bus would take them to the airport. They didn‟t really have much effect on Puerto Aysén; everything went on with the land and the hotel and the boat – but, everyone hated to be behind that bus on the road – it drove really slow and threw off a lot of smoke. Martin wasn‟t sure what to think about the tourism in the region. He was making a little money from it and he knew others too who were driving buses or providing horses or helping with the logistics for the groups – working with the bigger outfitters that had moved in. He wished he understood the language the tourists spoke and he wished they weren‟t always in such a hurry but, overall, they seemed harmless enough. And he saw the big companies in tourism bringing groups out onto the glacier. They had fancy vans and equipment and larger groups than the folks that he sometimes led. They seemed to be making a lot more money. Martin wanted to learn more about how they operated. The man from the adventure school stopped by one day and told him about a new initiative that would be a school for local people of the region where they would learn the skills to be adventure guides. They would learn more about tourism and how to start businesses. Martin applied and was accepted. Once a month, he would walk the 50km across the mountain to the main road where he would catch the bus to go to class. His classes taught him about trekking and mountain climbing and how to finally get out on the glacier and explore. They addressed safety. He finally learned why those tourists threw back the fish they caught. He learned to develop trips. He learned to price the trips and about the types of services tourists were looking for. He learned a little English. He even learned to use a computer and to “surf the web”. 7
Martin also learned about other parts of the region from the other students in the school. There were a lot of team projects and he got to know the other students and their stories and doubts and dreams. Martin went to the school for two years. There were a lot of times he thought he might quit but, somehow he kept on walking the 50km to catch the bus. Last year, Martin graduated, along with 21 other students, and is now a Regional Guide. For the first time, he is able to not only lead groups to the glacier – but to lead them onto the glacier, because he has learned the skills he needs. Life has changed for Martin in many other ways as well. He‟s built a small shelter on the edge of the ice and now he leads trips onto the Glacier. He also offers horse treks and hiking on his property. He visits Coyhaique more often now – for supplies, for contacts, to deliver brochures, to visit his teachers and friends. Coyhaique is a city now – more than 60,000 people. This month two new stores opened: one is a huge grocery store with a fancy English name, “Full Fresh”, and the other a gigantic hardware store named Sodimac – Home Center (again, Home Center is in English). The choices amaze Martin. He found out that the stores are both owned by companies in the United States and he asked some of his US tourists what the words “Full Fresh” and “Home Center” mean. Tourism has become an important part of Martin‟s livelihood. He says there are challenges and rewards to his new life. In January, one of his clients was injured pretty badly during the trip. It was scary for Martin and he considered closing down. And there are other things. It‟s a big risk to buy the equipment he needs for the glacier. Crampons and ice picks and packs. And the more he works, the more he sees other equipment he needs…gore-tex; helmets; satellite telephones; the list just seems to grow. And the tourists themselves – sometimes they‟re great; the groups are polite, healthy, fun to be with, and they tip; but other times, they don‟t listen to him or they are rude or they fight with each other or get drunk or refuse to pay. And sometimes, the women, they flirt with him – it‟s makes him uncomfortable. But, worst of all, lots of times the tourists just don‟t come. He wishes things were a bit more predictable. For sure, his life is nothing like he imagined it as a boy. Strictly speaking, “Martin” doesn‟t exist. His story is based on excerpts of many of the stories told in this region. Over the past five years, I have spent a significant part of my life preparing to tell these stories. I have studied the theories of development and explored various forms of “alternative” tourism. I have studied Chile‟s history, geography, and politics; it‟s natural resource policy and social programs. I have traveled extensively through the region, both as a tourist and as a researcher. I have heard stories like Martin‟s many times, around wood-stoves and campfires, in offices and restaurants. Each time, the story is unique and I learn something new. The details, the land, the challenges, the dreams – all contribute to the unique lived experiences of the teller. But through all, there are common treads - complex undercurrents, which need to be understood in order for tourism to be an effective and sustainable means of livelihood. I begin with Martin‟s fictional story, to demonstrate for you the personal nature of this study, which digs deep into the experiences of people within this region and explores “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a place and its linkages with the wider world” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496). I hope that this “bottom-up” perspective, focused on understanding the lived experiences of the people involved, will be an important factor, which sets this study apart from existing research and helps to fill existing knowledge gaps. Finally, I begin with 8
this story as a tool to capture your interest, to make you want to read more, to get you personally involved with this research, for after all, as my committee, it is you that must approve of and believe in this work.
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CONTENTS Abstract Dedication Acknowledgements Prologue Table of Contents List of Tables List of Figures Chapter One - Introduction Overview Nature of the Problem Purpose of the Study Need for the Study Delimitations of the Study Limitations of the Study Definition of Terms Chapter Two - Literature Review Overview Part One – Review of World & Chilean Development World Imperialism & Colonization Spanish Colonization of Chile The Evolution of Settlement within Southern Chile The Aysén Region A Review of Post World War II Development A New Perspective: Sustainability Current State of Development in Chile Current Socio-Economic Landscape in Chile Rural – Urban Socio-Economic Conditions Study Setting: The Region of Aysén Overview of Aysén Tourism Part Two – Review of Relevant Theory Overview of Livelihoods Studies Core Concepts of Livelihoods Theory Livelihoods Strategies Livelihoods Frameworks Applied Livelihoods Research Overview of Tourism Development Alternative Forms of Tourism and Concepts of Sustainability Tourism as Livelihood Strategy
2 3 4 6 10 13 14 16 16 17 18 18 18 19 19 24 24 25 25 26 31 34 38 46 50 53 57 59 66 71 71 73 74 74 78 79 81 83 10
Conclusion Chapter Three – Methods Overview Study Design Theoretical Framework and Sensitizing Concepts Sampling Pilot Study Final Cases of Interest Industry Support Data Collection Data Management and Analysis Limitations Chapter Four – Findings Introduction Postcard No. 1: What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? Postcard No. 2: How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make their lives more “meaningful”? Postcard No. 3: What role did alternative forms of tourism which address the concept of sustainability play for them? Postcard No. 4: How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? Postcard No. 5: How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? Postcard No. 6: How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? Postcard No. 7: How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? Conclusion Chapter Five – Implications Overview Theoretical Contributions Tourism and Development Alternative Tourism Development and Livelihood Studies Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) STBLF Conceptual System Overview STBLF Environmental Influences STBLF Conceptual Process Map STBLF Capital Analysis Example Expanding Horizons Amenity Migration Potential for Social Learning – Collective Action
87 88 88 90 90 92 93 93 97 98 100 106 110 110 110 119 123 134 137 145 151 161 163 163 164 164 170 170 171 173 175 178 181 182 187 11
Transferability of Tourism Skills Future Research Policy & Programming Considerations Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) Accessible Systems for Reliable Communication Protection of Local Talent Increased Confidence through Certification Integration of Informal Economic Sector Rural Education Policy Evaluation of the Methodology Conclusions References Appendix (A) Reflexivity Analysis of Personal Biases and Perspectives (B) Aysén Summary Table of Programs (C) Interview Guide for Industry Specialists (D) List of Infrastructure by Comuna and Town (E) Full Account of Research Process and Interpretation of Participant Observation (F) Telfer‟s 1996 Conceptual Framework of Tourism as an Agent of Development (G) Telfer‟s 1996 Conceptual Framework of Attributes Associated with Tourism Developed under Economic Neoliberalism (H) Telfer‟s 1996 Conceptual Framework of Attributes Associated with Tourism Developed under Alternative Development. (I) Telfer‟s 1996 Considerations for Appropriate and Sustainable Tourism Development
189 194 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 202 205 207 224 224 226 244 249 252 279 280 281 282
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LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1: Educational Attainment of Selected Age Cohorts by Income Quintile, Chile, as of the year, 2000 Table 2.2. Highest Level of Educational Attainment for Workers in Key Segments of Aysén Regional Tourism Sector Table 3.1. Demographic Profile of Study Cases of Interest Table 3.2. Education, Training & Professional Licenses for Study Cases of Interest. Table 3.3. Aysén Tourism Specialists and Development Experts Interviewed during April, 2006 Table 4.1. Sample of the Meanings of a Tourism Based Livelihood Related to Place & Nature Based Connections for Study Participants in Aysén
56 69 94 96 97 119
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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1. Average Composition of Chilean Household Income, for November, 2000 Figure 2.2. Map of XI Region of Chile, Aysén del General Carlos Ibáñez del Campo with Boundaries of the Ten Political Sub-regions (Comunas) Indicated Figure 2.3. Household Composition for Total Region, Urban, and Rural Areas. Based on 2002 Chilean Census Figure 2.4. Percentage of Employed Aysén Region Residents by Chilean Economic Sector – 2002 Census Figure 2.5. Chambers & Conway 1991 Model of Components and Flows in a Livelihood Figure 2.6. Department for International Development, (DFID) Sustainable Livelihoods Framework of 1999 Figure 2.7. IDS Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework Figure 2.8. Bebbington‟s 1999 Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability, Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes Figure 2.9. A Simplified Livelihoods Framework Used for Study of the Impacts of Tourism on Rural Livelihoods in Namibia Figure 3.1. Age Distribution for Study Cases of Interest Figure 3.2. High-level view of Tourism System Analysis Map for Aysén Region of Chile Figure 3.3. High-level View of Aysén Tourism Capital Map Figure 3.4: Individual High-Level Capital Map for Pedro Valdomar Figure 4.1. Postcard No. 1 - What shaped and has shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? Figure 4.2. Postcard No. 2 - How did incorporating tourism as a livelihood strategy make the lives of participants more meaningful? Figure 4.3. Postcard No. 3: What role did alternative forms of tourism which address the concept of sustainability play for them? Figure 4.4. Postcard No. 4: How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? Figure 4.5. Tourism Based Modes of Work Being Employed by the 16 Cases of Interest in Aysén, March 2006 Figure 4.6. Postcard No. 5: How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? Figure 4.7. SERCOTEC 2006 Publication Celebrating Chilean Entrepreneurial Spirit Figure 4.8. Postcard No. 6: How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? Figure 4.9. Postcard No. 7: How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? Figure 5.1. Clarke (1997) Framework of Approaches to Sustainable Tourism Figure 5.2. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) Conceptual System Overview
55 61 62 65 72 76 76 77 85 95 102 103 104 110 119 123 134 134 137 139 145 157 169 172
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Figure 5.3. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) Conceptualization of Environmental Influences Figure 5.4. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) Conceptual Livelihood Process Map Figure 5.5. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) Social Capital Analysis Example for Carlos Abel; One of the Cases of Interest in the Aysén Region of Chile
174 175 179
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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Development. Livelihood. Sustainability. Tourism. Each of these words produces tremendous discourse amongst scientists, policy makers, industries, and politicians, not to mention, communities and individuals (Bebbington, 2000; Hall & Lew, 1998; Harris, 2000; Mirovitskaya & Ascher, 2001; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Stimson, MacKuen & Erikson, 1994). It is of little surprise, given the pluralistic nature of these concepts that many of the policies, initiatives and theories developed with one perspective of scale, do not easily transfer between contexts. And yet, Bebbington, Hall and Lew, Harris, Mirovitskaya and Ascher, Mowforth and Munt, Stimson, et al. and countless other researchers suggest that a disconnect clearly exists; policies are often formed and enacted from the perspective of one or another narrowly defined disciplines, at a macro-level, with profound and often unanticipated subsequent micro level effects.. During the 1980s, development policy around the world was focused on privatization, reduced public spending and the opening up markets to the outside (Harris, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2003). Many adjustments were made to the structures of development policy in an effort to correct perceived weaknesses of earlier development eras. These weaknesses included a focus on government itself, which resulted in large bureaucratic government structures, massive debt and unbalanced budgets. Harris, and Mowforth and Munt report that developing countries were applauded for the facilitation of a more global focus, often with the rewards of increased access to development funds and other forms of capital from the IMF, the World Bank, and other multi-national lending institutions. According to Mirovitskaya and Ascher (2001), belief in the power of the market to efficiently operate was paramount and government intervention was largely believed to prevent and inhibit growth. Increasingly however, as the decade came to a close, these reforms were criticized as having extremely negative consequences for basic needs priorities (Harris, 2000). Two major criticisms of traditional development efforts began to emerge, which are summed by Harris in his work, “Basic Principles of Sustainable Development”: – The benefits of development have been distributed unevenly, with income inequalities remaining persistent and sometimes increasing over time. The global numbers of extremely poor and malnourished people have remained high, and in some areas have increased, even as a global middle class has achieved relative affluence. – There have been major negative impacts of development on the environment and on existing social structures. Many traditional societies have been devastated by development of forests, water systems, and intensive fisheries. Urban areas in developing countries commonly suffer from extreme pollution and inadequate transportation, water, and sewer infrastructure. Environmental damage, if unchecked, may undermine the achievements of development and even lead to collapse of essential ecosystems (p. 4). Since that time, developmental theory and policy has been influenced by the concept of sustainable development, which has been defined as, “development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet 16
their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987, p. 24). Today there are scientists, policy makers, industries, politicians, communities and individuals around the world focused on how best to operationalize the concept of sustainable development. And so, the discourse continues… Development. Livelihood. Sustainability. Tourism. Tourism has historically developed in a manner largely consistent with prevailing development theory (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). Tourism research has largely followed the course of predominant development paradigms. Jafari (1989) and Sharpley and Telfer found that in the1960s tourism development was advocated by researchers as a general part of the process a country underwent during modernization. They identify that research in the 1970s moved to a more cautionary platform as scholars began to identify problems, such as high incidence of leakage of tourism benefits. During this decade, the disciplines of anthropology and sociology began to take a hard look at tourism and its negative impacts for developing countries. During the 1980s, Jafari and Sharpley and Telfer found that tourism literature focused on how tourism fit into free market development, as a sort of invisible export industry. Toward the end of the 1990s, they note that the literature took on a more evaluative stance, looking at the impacts of alternative types of tourism development. This has culminated in what some now categorize as a knowledge-based approach, which focuses on the development of a scientific base of tourism knowledge and the development of a more sustainable approach. Related to this knowledge-based approach, Smith & Eadington (1992) note that the emphasis of research has moved from mass forms of tourism to alternative forms that propose to address issues of sustainability. However, several studies (Hall & Lew, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Sharpley & Tefler) agree that a clear definition of sustainable tourism and the elements which indicate sustainability remain key aspects of scholarly debate. Bebbington (2000), recognized for his expertise in the field of development geography, makes this suggestion: “…if we look at the histories of places, rather than of discourses, and trace actual processes of livelihood and landscape transformation and the institutional interventions that have accompanied them, it becomes easier to identify elements of feasible development alternatives” (p. 496). The objectives of this study sought to do just that; to explore micro level response to macro level development; by examining the process of livelihood transformation that people have chosen, in order to adjust and respond to national and regional level development policy. Nature of Problem A lived experience view of “tourism”, from the perspective of being a livelihood strategy, has received minimal consideration in either the livelihood research to date or the literature on alternative forms of tourism development, which address the concept of sustainability. As a result, at an institutional level, little is known about how alternative forms of tourism development fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies of rural citizens. Without this understanding, the identification of more feasible and meaningful development interventions and policies becomes a difficult task (Bebbington, 1999a; Bebbington, 1999b).
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Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study was to examine the concept of sustainability and alternative forms of tourism from a “bottom-up” perspective to develop a better understanding of how they fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. This crystallized into the following research questions:
What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make their lives more “meaningful”?
What role did alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, play for them?
How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success?
How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism?
Need for the Study This research contributed to and expanded the limited knowledge of how tourism impacts rural livelihoods. It traced the process of tourism-based livelihood development within the history and culture of the Aysén region of Chile, from the view of those who have chosen to incorporate it as a major part of their overall livelihood strategy. By so doing, it is hoped that this research will contribute to the identification of more feasible and meaningful development alternatives (Bebbington, 1999a; Bebbington, 1999b). Possible audiences for this study included local communities, government agencies, NGOs, and specific projects within the region striving to build regional capacity and capitalize on the potential of tourism to be a tool for livelihood sustainability and development. While results were not generalizable to a larger population, this study contributed to emerging theory in a variety of areas: rural livelihoods and development theory, sustainable tourism development theory, pro-poor tourism theory, and rural economic development theory. As well, insights may provide catalysts for thought, action and further research throughout the world; wherever individuals, communities and regions face similar development and livelihood issues. Delimitations of the Study 1. This study utilized a case-study specific way of collecting, organizing, and analyzing data and presented a socio-cultural interpretation of the data, resulting in a specific product of analysis: an ethnographic case study. 2. This study involved purposeful sampling techniques, including a combination of maximum variation and snowball sampling. 18
3. All selected cases of interest centered on individuals who: (a) were citizens or permanent residents of Chile; (b) had lived in the region for at least 3 years; and (c) had demonstrated the choice to incorporate new forms of tourism as an important part of their livelihood strategy. 4. Sixteen cases of interest were explored, representing maximum variation in that they contained a diversity of: –
Human, Natural, Social, Cultural and Produced Capital Scenarios,
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Demographics (Sex, Age / Life stage, Family Compositions), and
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Geographical Dispersion (coming from different communities within the region and having tourism livelihoods based on a range of geographic and natural features).
5. Data collection incorporated all three sources of data recognized in qualitative research: interviews, observations and documents. 6. The outcomes of this study were produced in a valid and reliable manner. Methods included multiple forms of triangulation, member checking, peer review, reflexivity, adequate engagement in data collection, maximum variation sampling strategies, audit trails, and thick description. Informed consent and IRB consistent principles of confidentiality were employed, whenever data was collected beyond a public setting. Limitations of the Study This study was not intended to be generalizable. Its purpose was not to measure or predict, but to develop a better understanding of how alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. The research sought to understand the meanings people attach to “livelihood” and “tourism” within the context of their social / interpersonal environments. There were no standardized instruments developed to measure these meanings. Limitations of generalizability were inherent within the design chosen for this study. Clearly, the results were localized. Other limitations of this study included language issues resulting from a non-native understanding of the language of the study group, the relatively short period for the collection of field data, a reliance on key informants for sampling recommendations, the tendency that many of the cases participated in the Guide‟s School of Patagonia training initiative, and my personal biases and perspectives as a researcher on this topic. Definition of Terms Asado: A typical cultural event in Aysén; essentially this consists of a barbeque where beef, lamb, or goat is roasted over an open fire, with a basting of chimichurri (spices), and then served with potatoes and salad. Normally, the meat is splayed on an iron stake for roasting.
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Asentados: A term used during the 1960s and 1970s, to describe reclaimed agricultural lands in Chile, owned by the state, and operated by peasant workers in cooperation with extension services. The intention for these lands was to eventually transfer ownership into the private hands of these peasant families, in the form of small plots, or to form socialisttype collectives. Assets or Capitals: Tangible stores of resources, which people access, use, and transform in order to build livelihoods. These resources are categorized as human, natural, cultural, social, and produced. Asset Pentagon: The Asset Pentagon is the representation of information about people‟s livelihoods assets utilized by the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods (SL) Framework and many other SL theorists. Aysén Region: Aysén, (also spelled Aisén), is Chile's eleventh administrative region from north to south. It is the least populous of the thirteen regions. Its terrain and form are very similar to those of the Alaska Panhandle, the northern Norwegian coast, and New Zealand's Milford Sound region. Laguna San Rafael National Park, reachable only by boat or plane, is one of its most popular tourist destinations. Until the construction of Route 7 (the Carretera Austral, or Southern Highway) in the 1980s, the only overland routes from north to south through the region were extremely primitive tracks. Barriers to Entry: Obstacles faced by persons trying to enter a market, such as extensive and/or entrenched competition, the need to have specialized equipment, license requirements, etc. Campesino: Term used to describe rural persons who based their livelihoods on varied forms of agriculture-related enterprise. Capital: In the context of this research, capital refers to six types of assets: human, natural, cultural, social, physical and financial. Capability: The ability to perform certain basic functions, including coping, finding and making use of opportunities, being adequately nourished, experimenting, innovating, etc. Cultural Capital: A category of livelihood assets which includes unique aspects of a particular group which provide tangible benefit. This category of assets is particularly valuable in tourism based livelihoods because it creates new categories of attractions and represents aspects of an environment which hold value for tourists. Encomiendas: Grants of human capital, usually in the form of indigenous peoples, which were granted to some settlers, within the Spanish colonies. Estancia or Latifundia: Large farms, operated for commercial agricultural enterprise, which operated, up until the 1960s, with varying forms of indentured labor.
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Ethnographic Case Study: Merriam (2002) and Patton (2002) describe an approach to qualitative research which incorporates a case-study specific process for collecting, organizing, and analyzing data and presents a socio-cultural interpretation of the data. In this sense, ethnography is not defined by how data are collected, but rather by the lens through which the data are interpreted. External Environment: Refers in general terms to the environment outside of an individual‟s immediate control. External Shocks: A major element of vulnerability. These are typically sudden major impacts coming from the external environment that significantly impact livelihoods. Examples include illness or accident, natural disasters, job loss, war, terrorism, or drought. Extractive: Approaches that involve removing capitals or assets from a setting without plans or means of replacement. Financial Capital: A category of livelihood assets which includes the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood goals. This category may include available liquid forms of financial assets such as cash, savings, livestock, equipment, or jewelry or loans or credit. It can also include regular inflows of money such as earnings from work, alimony, or pensions. Finally it would include the financial value of physical assets such as land, vehicles, and equipment. Gaucho: The term for a cowboy or a person who works with livestock, commonly used in Aysén. Human Capital: A category of livelihood assets which includes skills, knowledge, capacity to work, personal characteristics, and health. Institutional: Relating to institutions, which include mechanisms, rules and norms used when people and organizations deal with each other and the organizations and agencies, themselves, within the public or private sector. Livelihood: A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a meaningful method of living (adapted from Chambers & Conway, 1991). Livelihood Assets: See Assets. Livelihoods Strategies: The choices people make in pursuit of their livelihood. Strategies involve the access, use, and transformation of assets and capitals. Macro Policy: Policy which is implemented at a national level and affects the entire country. Normally, this type of policy is concerned with fiscal, trade, monetary, and exchange rate conditions. Macro policy is developed to drive economic growth, control inflation and affect national employment related issues. 21
Mate – Pronounced “mah-tey”. See Yerba Mate. Micro Policy: Designed to affect only particular sectors, geographies, groups, communities, or neighborhoods. Mestizo: The offspring of a person of Indigenous or African descent and a person of European descent. Minifundistas: Small plots of land, usually utilized for subsistence or small-scale agricultural enterprises. Natural Capital: A category of livelihoods assets which refers to natural resource stocks, such as trees, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers as well as ecosystem services such as climate, hydrology, clean air, pure water, protection from erosion, natural shelter from storms, etc.) Neoliberalism: A school of economic theory dating back to the 1950s, which advocated privatization, reduced public spending, open markets, government efficiency, and the power of the market to efficiently operate. Peasant: Term used to describe rural persons who based their livelihoods on varied forms of agriculture-related enterprise. Physical Capital: A category of livelihood assets which includes physical infrastructure, such as roads, towns, energy, water supply, shelter, attractions, (hotels, restaurants, museums, trails, etc.), technology, and physical or productive goods (versus the financial value of these goods), such as vehicles, equipment, houses, horses, etc. Puerto: The Spanish word meaning “Port”. Quincho: A typical structure in Aysén. Normally these are crafted from wood and are circular, in a similar shape as a gazebo, however enclosed to protect from rain. Quinchos typically have a central fire pit or large fireplace and are used to cook a typical barbeque, known as an Asado. Seasonality: A key element in the vulnerability context which refers to seasonal related changes that affect a person‟s assets. Social Capital: A category of livelihood assets which is related to the formal and informal social relationships that can provide opportunity or benefit for a person through investment in interactions, memberships, development of trust, etc. Social capital provides access to information, to influence or power, and to support, which often comes in the form of opportunity. Finally, for the purposes of this research, social capital includes a person‟s public reputation.
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Sustainability: When something can continue to exist into the foreseeable future, is able to cope and recover from shocks, and does not need to undermine its own resources for existence, it is considered to be sustainable. Sustainable Development: “Development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Council on Environment & Development, 1987, p. 24). Sustainable Livelihood: A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base (Adapted from Chambers & Conway, 1991). Sustainable Tourism: Forms of tourism, which meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Forms of sustainable tourism are generally agreed to provide some combination of the following benefits: positively contributing to conservation of protected and wild lands, improving the quality of life for local communities, providing economic revitalization for communities in decline, offering economic alternatives for rural communities facing a demise of traditional agricultural practices, and protecting and revitalizing community interest in cultural heritage. Triangulation: Seeking confirmation or a more in-depth understanding of something by getting information from a variety of independent sources. Vulnerability Context: A key component of sustainable livelihood frameworks, this refers to the elements of the external environment that are typically outside a person‟s control and that can sometimes be impacted, positively or negatively, through law, policy, institutions and norms. Yerba Mate: A hot beverage, similar to an herbal tea, which is an integral part of daily rural culture in the Aysén region of Chile. Typically, mate is consumed between periods of work, in early morning and in mid-afternoon, with others in an informal ritual, which has an unspoken significance of friendship and camaraderie.
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CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW Generally, this study sought to explore micro level response to macro level development by examining the processes of livelihood transformation that people have chosen in order to adjust and respond to national and regional level development policy. The specific problem was to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. This crystallized into the following research questions:
What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make their lives more “meaningful”?
What role did the alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, play for them?
How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy?
How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success?
How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism?
As this study had a strong connection to place, this review began by examining the literature, which analyzed general world development and specifically, the history of Chile‟s development. This history has shaped the current culture, environment, and economy of the region, and Chile‟s place within the world. Key periods of consideration included Colonization, Frontier Expansion, Structuralism, Socialism, Neo-Liberalism and the expansion of Free Markets. Following this historical overview, current demographic trends were presented to help inform a profile of the population in Chile, the Aysén region, and the tourism sector in Aysén. An awareness of the policy manifestations of development theory, informed by literature and research, helped ground this study in place and set the stage for understanding livelihoods and future development in the Aysén region. The review then turned to a synthesis of current theoretical work related to sustainable livelihoods theory and tourism as a possible livelihood strategy among rural and poor populations. This literature was directly relevant to the nature and purpose of the current proposed study, and helped to ground the questions in current scholarly thought. Insights from this review provided a foundation for methodological choices and pointed out important knowledge gaps that existed.
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Part One: Analysis of World and Chilean Development World Imperialism & Colonization: A number of historians (Acemoglu, Johnson & Robinson, 2001; Baretta & Markoff, 1978; Mahoney, 2003; Rodriguez, 2000) have written that prior to the latter half of the 20th century, the predominant structures in much of the world emphasized imperialism and colonization. Colonialism, according to Rodriguez, takes place when one country assumes political control of another. Rodriguez defines imperialism as a broader practice of the exertion of political or economic control, through both formal and informal means. Historians (Acemoglu et al.; Baretta & Markoff; Mahoney; Rodriguez) report that beginning during the 15th century and extending through the first half of the 20th century, colonialism and imperialism dominated much of the world as a means for European expansion and economic growth. European countries, including Spain, France, England, Denmark, and Portugal, forced their cultures, religions, and rule across the globe, from Africa to India and from Indochina (now Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos) to the Americas. Historians (Acemoglu, Johnson & Robinson, 2001; Baretta & Markoff, 1978; Mahoney, 2003; Rodriguez, 2000) convey that colonies differed along a spectrum, ranging from extractive states to settlement states. The main purpose of extractive states was to transfer much of the natural resources of the colony back to the colonizing state. These types of colonies provided little protection for private property and had few government checks and balances to protect citizens from government expropriation. As a result, according to both Mahoney and Rodriguez, extractive colonies were very economically underdeveloped and politically dependent on their mother countries, even after they gained independence. Their economies had two distinct sectors: the export sector and the subsistence sector. Relatively few people were employed in the export sector but most of the investment in infrastructure focused on the extraction and transport of resources. The economy of the rest of the population lived a life based on subsistence, largely a matter of food production and supply. They had little to support their efforts. They experienced poverty, inefficiency, and a lack of basic services such as education or health care. Mahoney and Rodriguez recount that settlement states, on the other hand, represented colonies to which many Europeans migrated and settled. Within these colonies, settlers tried to recreate many European institutions, including those related to private property rights and checks against excessive government power. Early on, the economies of these colonies tended to be based on primary, commodity products like wool or gold. Over time their economies diversified, in part because of their ability to impose tariffs and incentives, which could help to protect their growing industries (Mahoney, 2003; Rodriguez, 2000). As a result, according to Sater (1981), European residents of the settlement colonies (Chile, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, etc.) enjoyed high standards of living. Although settlement states were left in a better economic condition, a number of historians and researchers (Acemoglu, Johnson, & Robinson; Harris, 2000; Navarro & Corcuera, 2002; Pauchard &Villarroel, 2002; Sater, 1979; Smith, 1904) agree that colonization, in all forms, left little room for economic and social advances throughout the developing world. This study sought to understand the tourism related livelihood strategies employed by rural residents of the Aysén region of Chile, a former Spanish colony. Bebbington (1999a) suggests that understanding the historic patterns of livelihood associated with prevalent development strategies such as colonization can help to illuminate important 25
patterns and trends. As these colonies gained independence, Mahoney (2003) states that the nature of their originating structures remained as a part of their development legacy. In the case of this research, discovering the unique characteristics of this legacy through a review of relevant literature helped to promote a rich, historical grounding for understanding the unique lived experiences of the cases of interest. Spanish Colonization of Chile: Chilean historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley Auer, & Lamb, 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) report that in the 1540‟s, Spanish conquistadors established the agrarian colony of Chile as part of the Spanish American empire. Collier and Sater; Hojman; and Mahoney describe that Chile was an extremely isolated land, separated from Peru, to the north, by hundreds of miles of desert, from Argentina, to the east, by the formidable Andes mountain range, and to the west by the Pacific ocean. Within its own borders, Chile faced barriers that prevented the Spanish from moving beyond their stronghold in Santiago, into the southern regions. These included the Andes mountain range, a harsh climate, and what has been estimated to be a population of between 800,000 to 1,200,000 indigenous inhabitants that aggressively resisted the concept of colonial domination. Many theorists (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley, et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) agree that this condition of extreme isolation was a major factor of uniqueness for Chile that has contributed to its current culture and economic state. William Sater (1981) states, “Nature has isolated Chile, interposing high mountains and arid deserts between it and neighboring Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina. Consequently, Chile does not fit either happily or readily into any of the convenient traditional categories…it is, in short, unique” (p. 327). Historians (Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Godley et al.; Hojman; Mahoney, 2003; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith; Solberg) recount that at the time of colonization, Spain had a limited amount of resources for protection and control of its American empire. Given the relative geographic isolation of Chile and the comparatively low supply and high cost of extracting and transporting resources, Chile was given a low priority by the Spanish crown. Consequently, settlers there were largely ignored and operated with a higher degree of autonomy in comparison with many of the other colonies. Sater (1979, 1981) describes that certain colonial laws being imposed by Spain were ignored, such as the law which prohibited the granting of both land and human claims to the same individuals. During the time of the colonies, Spain not only granted rights of land, but also, rights over the indigenous peoples (essentially binding them to labor on behalf of the right holder). Normally, these grants were divided among individuals so as to restrict the concentration of power. Because individuals in Chile were able to largely ignore the laws, many held both forms of rights, according to Sater (1979, 1981). Sater reports that landholders gained incredible power within the country, as a result. Many historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley, et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) convey that this early concentration of power amongst an elite group of Chileans was a pivotal factor for the livelihood conditions of rural residents in Chile. These historians (Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Godley, et al.; Hojman; Sater, 1979, 1981; Smith; Solberg, 1969) report that well into the 20th century, these powerful landowners received uneven and unequal protection from state policy and law. 26
They were able to protect both their land and their power over the labor force; effectively controlling access to resources most would consider basic needs and rights. This control allowed the latifundia (plantation) structures of patron and peasant to become firmly rooted in culture (Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Godley, et al.; Hojman; Sater, 1979, 1981; Smith; Solberg). Colonizers settled in the central valley of Chile, in what is known today as the Region Metropolitan of Santiago, between the 5th and 6th regions (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). This area had the most fertile land and the most pleasant climate. Colonists initially sought to expand their territory further south and for a time established settlements, however, the indigenous groups, known by the Spanish as the Araucanian nation, successfully defended their borders below the Bio Bio River, and maintained their independence (Sater, 1979, 1981; see also Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Godley et al.; Hojman; Smith; Solberg). Although the territory was claimed by Spain, the southern regions were in effect a separate country which outlasted Spanish rule. Relations between the colonizers and the Araucanians remained hostile throughout the 16th century. However, the intensity of tensions gradually diminished throughout the 17th and 18th centuries as cross-frontier trade and missionary activity ensued (Sater, 1979, 1981; see also Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Godley et al.; Hojman; Smith; Solberg). Still, land south of the Bio Bio River in Chile remained completely isolated and untouched by Europeans until the nineteenth century. Sater (1979, 1981) describes the stratification of the Chilean society as being rooted in the time when colonizers and conquistadors established huge estancias of land with land grants from the Spanish crown. These landowners became the elite, upper classes of Chile, forcing the indigenous and mestizo populations to become the rural, poor, working class sectors of the society whose lives were largely spent working these farms (often through encomiendas, or grants of human capital). Although researchers (Collier & Sater, 1996; Hojman, 2004) report a growing middle-class within modern Chile, this initial, highly stratified class order remained throughout much of Chile‟s development. Society consisted of a large lower class made up of both urban and rural campesino or peasant constituents and a small but elite group of families that retained control over the bulk of land, industry, and political power (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley, et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). During the first few centuries, Chile‟s indigenous populations suffered greatly from European diseases brought over by the colonizers. By the end of the 16th century, the indigenous population was in sharp decline. Concurrently, the mestizo population was sharply increasing and the culture of the republic was emerging. Collier and Sater (1996) describe this evolution as follows: Here, in this remote corner of the caste-conscious Spanish empire, there grew up a relatively homogenous population in which only one vague ethnic division was of importance: the division between the predominantly mestizo (Spanish-Amerindian) majority and the more definitely European upper class consisting of “creoles” (Spanish-Americans) and “peninsulares” (Spaniards from Spain). The culture of the upper class was fundamentally Spanish, though inevitably affected in many small ways by the more mixed mestizo culture, where indigenous influence survived in popular sports, 27
superstitions, diet, and vocabulary – all of which played their part in the formation of the Chilean nationality (p. 8). By the 17th century, historians (Acemoglu, Johnson, & Robinson, 2006; Baretta & Markoff, 1978; Collier & Sater, 1996; Hojman, 2004; Mahoney, 2003; Sater, 1981) describe a Chilean economy based on ranching with the main offerings being cattle hides, jerked beef, and tallow. Later, wheat became a staple crop and afterwards, wine. Collier and Sater (1996) and Mahoney (1981) convey that the haciendas on which these crops were grown were an important part of what made Chile distinct. In many ways, these estates were selfcontained communities, supplying their own clothing, food, and social activities. From time to time they supplanted their own labor with labor supplied from drifters, who roamed the central valley and became known as “rotos”. According to Collier and Sater, this term has come to positively characterize certain distinctively Chilean characteristics including “cheeriness, improvidence, a strong gambling instinct, and an almost miraculous ability to improvise” (p. 201). Collier and Sater (1996) and Sater (1981) report that the other component of the colonial Chilean economy that was important (at least to Chile) was mining. Mining took place in the north of the colony and consisted of for the extraction of gold, silver, and copper. In its early era, the mining sector was comprised of small-scale partnerships or individual operations. The overall mineral extraction during this period in Chile was tiny in relation to the mining activities taking place in the whole of the Spanish empire. Extractions from Peru and Mexico dwarfed those of Chile. Therefore, while mining was an important industry within the colony, little was offered in the way of financial or technological support from Spain (Collier & Sater; Sater 1981). Historians (Collier & Sater, 1996; Hojman, 2004; Mahoney, 2003; Sater, 1981) have identified that Chile‟s trade relationship with Spain was highly disadvantageous for Chile during the 16th and 17th centuries of colonial times. The Spanish empire regulated all trade and required Chile to funnel foods through Panama and Peru. The cost of importing goods from Spain was astronomical and much of the regional trading power lay with the more powerful merchants of Peru. This dynamic further contributed to Chile‟s overall sense of isolation and need for self-reliance (Collier & Sater, 1996; Hojman, 2004; Mahoney, 2003; Sater, 1981). The 18th century brought greater diversification and equity, according to Collier and Sater (1996). New shipping routes opened and trade regulations were liberalized. Collier and Sater suggest that during this time, there was probably a large and organized black market, smuggling goods between Chile and Europe and the United States. They theorize that in fact, during this time, Chile‟s greatest trade problem was one of demand rather than supply. The general poverty within the colony meant that there was little internal demand for locally produced consumer goods or trade so according to Collier and Sater, the group of merchant elites in Santiago was more interested in restricting the flow of trade rather than increasing it. According to Anderson and Miller (2003) and Piazza-Georgi (2002) the ability of these merchant elites to control these patterns of trade marked the beginning of a long stand of power held by commercial interests in the country. Even today, policy and law are influenced heavily by the needs of big commerce, big business, and free markets (Silva 1996b; Bauer, 1998, 2004, 2005; Gwynne, 2003). During the eighteenth century, the colonial elite of Chile changed considerably, both demographically and culturally. Collier and Sater (1996), Mahoney (2003), and Sater (1981) describe that during this timeframe more than 24,000 Spaniards migrated to the 28
colony, approximately half of whom were from Basque regions of Spain. These researchers (Collier & Sater; Mahoney; Sater, 1981) report that Irish Catholic, Portuguese, French and Italian families also migrated, however in lesser numbers. According to Collier and Sater, newcomers integrated into Chilean society fairly quickly, with many of the families establishing a place within the elite upper class. By the end of the eighteenth century, historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) suggest there were more than 300 families within this class. They suggest a continued importance of these same families throughout the history of Chile, and reference surnames such as Carrera, Cerda, Covarrubias, Irarrázaval, Ovalle, Toro, Errázuriz, Larraín, and others, to be representative of families in the elite class. According to numerous studies (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) the elite sense of class and autocratic nature evolving within Chile was emphasized through several cultural mechanisms. These included the securing of titles of nobility (amongst Spanish society), a commission in the colonial militia, membership in one of the several orders of Spanish chivalry including the orders of Alcantará, Calatrava, Montesa, and Santiago, and the passing of land through successive generations. There were powerful connections between elite families of the time. These connections formed extensive networks, reaching into politics and the military (Anderson & Miller, 2003; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). Anderson and Miller support the possibility that these early connections and networks began to transform themselves, forming valuable stocks of social capital for the descendents of these families. By the year 1800, historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) report that most of these families were living within the capital city of Santiago, setting up a lasting concentration of population, prestige and power amongst the ever-expanding borders of this city. Santiago, according to these historians, consisted of a population of approximately 30,000 at the time, with roughly 2,000 houses (mostly 1 story, adobe-style), 179 blocks and a few paved streets. There were a few more elaborate buildings including the Casa de la Moneda, the Plaza de Armas, and the cathedral. Historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) report that several small villages and towns had spread through the central valley by this point. They portray numerous disadvantages of rural life amongst these villages. There was little infrastructure connecting the towns and villages with Santiago. There were no printing presses or newspapers so rural residents had little opportunity to follow the developments of the outside world. Most social life was confined to parties within the households of the wealthy. In rural areas this meant that culture had to be “imported” and existed “by invitation only” (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). In their 1996 study, Collier and Sater discuss the evolution of education in Chile. Education options were extremely limited and unevenly distributed for the majority of the Chilean population throughout the colonial era. In 1758 the Royal University of San Felipe opened in Santiago to provide higher education for the sons of the wealthy elite. Missionary schools existed in some places and much later some of the wealthy landowners 29
established schools for the children of their workers, but the peasant class remained largely illiterate throughout the colonial era. Eventually public school options were created but participation and curriculum standards have always varied greatly, especially in rural areas (Collier & Sater). Understanding this context and its longstanding historical roots, provided important insights for this study, in terms of potential barriers for human capacity that exist in rural areas of Chile today (Anderson & Miller, 2003; Bebbington, 1999a). According to Collier and Sater (1996), religion, specifically the Catholic Church, was an integral part of Chilean colonial society. The church was active in education and health care and for a time, was a substantial landowner. However, Collier and Sater report that in the mid-1700s, the Jesuit order, which had owned estancias, vineyards, and workshops, was expelled from the country, as well as from the rest of the Spanish empire, because they were thought to be too powerful. This expulsion, according to Collier and Sater, resulted in gaps in education for colonial Chile as well as the availability of several large estancias for the growing elite and recent Basque settlers to purchase. In the days of colonial rule, political power was concentrated in an authoritarian, hierarchical system, designed to retain loyalty and decision-making in Spain (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). Similar to other Spanish colonies, Chile adopted and imposed the development and political view of the Bourbons during the late 1700s. Topik (1999) informs that the Bourbons sought to repress private interests, which they believed would compete with the Spanish crown. Topik adds that within the Bourbon theories, there was no room for political debate or dissent or religious nonconformity. According to Collier and Sater (1996), persons of “mixed ancestry” or “Creoles” were excluded from the highest forms of government; a matter for which they harbored great resentment. The Bourbon‟s believed that the economy was to be controlled, solely for the purpose of the growth of the Spanish crown, and that individual participation and gains from the market should be strictly controlled (Topik, 1999). Historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) suggest that during this period, the seeds of Chilean cultural distinction were already forming. A sense of social hierarchy was already an important part of this culture and would continue to play a role in the decades to follow. Patterns of deference and snobbery, which arose during this colonial period, have proven a lasting cultural theme, according to a number of researchers (Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979, 1981). Historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) note several food traditions which emerged during this era, including a growth in the consumption of wheat, maize, potatoes, the poroto bean, ocean fish like corvine and congrio, shellfish, and cochayuyu (seaweed). According to Carpenter (1926) and Collier and Sater (1996) popular dishes began to emerge which combined elements of Spanish, Creole and indigenous cultures. Examples of this trend included „cazuela‟ which evolved from the Spanish stew „olla podrida‟, empanadas, beef jerky, and the popular condiment aji. Pastries did not evolve in Chile until later as sugar was scarce; however, fruit was plentiful and popular. Carpenter described typical drinks, including homemade wines and chichi (fermented fruit juices), yerba mate and hot chocolate. Alcohol abuse was a problem; one that would remain for much of the next two centuries (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969). The castellan language which has 30
evolved in Chile is now recognized as one of the five main variant areas for the Spanish language (Collier & Sater, 1996; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981). It is characterized by fast speech, a blurring of words, a dropping of last syllables, and a number of colloquialisms and indigenous terms. Finally, in terms of emerging culture Collier and Sater (1996) speculate that the many natural disasters (earthquakes, floods, droughts, epidemics, and plagues) that took place during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries in Chile may have led to a “psychology of instability” and a propensity for gambling that still holds today. Historians (Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Godley et al., 1960; Hojman, 2004; Sater, 1979; Sater, 1981; Smith, 1904; Solberg, 1969) inform that the path to independence began for Chile on September 18, 1810, following the Napoleonic Wars and upheaval in Spain. An assembly of some 400 powerful citizens called for a “junta” to demonstrate their loyalty to King Ferdinand VII and their disobedience to the French appointment, Joseph, (who was in fact, a brother of Napoleon). Following more than seven years of wars, retreats, and insurgences, Chile finally proclaimed its independence in February of 1818. Collier and Sater convey that it took several more years for Chile to begin to be acknowledged as a separate country. Portugal extended diplomatic relations in August of 1821 and the U.S., in March of 1822. For France, it was not until September of 1830. Great Britain did not officially recognize the country of Chile until 1841. Spain took until April of 1844 to agree to a formal treaty, acknowledging Chile‟s independent state. Sater (1981) sums up this period with the following assessment: [Chile] moved toward independence at a different pace than nearby republics and, once free, it seemed to adjust to its new status more rapidly. While not without internal problems, Chile seemed relatively calm, particularly in a continent where revolution and upheaval appeared endemic. Once assured that revolution would not devour them, the oligarchy softened its harsh stance accepting reforms, which opened up the political system. The economy diversified; the population welcomed the mixed blessings of European culture and migration. Chile was also one of the first to learn that political freedom alone could not resolve a nation‟s social and economic problems,” (pp. 327-28). The Evolution of Settlement within Southern Chile A number of researchers (Baker, Rea, Skarmeta, Caminos & Rex, 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Rudolph, 1934) report that around 1843, shortly after establishment as an independent country, Chile began to refocus its strategy for the territory south of the Bio Bio. Until this point, this territory had remained under the control of a weakened, but determined indigenous population. According to Butland, the most southern portion of this territory, Magellanes, was the first part of Chile to be discovered by Europeans. This occurred during the epic voyage of Magellan in 1520 through the straits which also bear his name. Since discovery however, little to no progress had been made in terms of European settlement until the middle of the 19th century. The southern regions of Chile were characterized by the difficult geography of the Andes mountains, wild rivers, huge lakes, pampas, rainforests, extreme temperatures, the Magellan Straits, predators such as the puma, and hostile indigenous populations. Lacking easy methods of navigation or communication, these lands proved difficult in 31
terms of settlement, yet Chile maintained an interest in establishing its claim (Baker et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Rudolph). In 1843, according to Butland, the strategic decision was made to form a direct occupation within the area of the Straits in order to protect Chile‟s claim on the region. At this time, outside forces were increasingly utilizing the channel through the Magellan Straits as a shipping route to navigate around Cape Horn. The incredible distance between Santiago and the Cape and the lack of Chilean settlement in the southern regions, made it vulnerable, according to Butland. The first outpost was constructed at one of the southernmost points and was named Fuerte Bulnes. A few years later this post was permanently moved to the location of what is now Punta Arenas. Today, Punta Arenas is a vibrant, modern metropolitan area described as the southernmost city in the world (Bernhardson, 2002; Spitzer & Tate, 2005; Youman & Estep, 2003). Historians (Baker et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Reding; 2001; Rudolph, 1934) convey that Punta Arenas was first established as a penal colony. In 1853 it was redefined as a territory for colonization, yet according to Butland, by 1865, the total population numbered less than 200 people; most of whom were serving out mandatory sentences. During the next decade, researchers (Baker et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Reding; Rudolph) recount that Punta Arenas began to establish an economy, based largely on the use and extraction of its natural resources. Mining became an important industry for the region; first with coal and later with gold. Topik (1999) characterized the policy employed by the Chilean government during this time, as social engineering. Policy makers actively encouraged settlement of the area through land grants for families who were intent on establishing pastoral-agricultural holdings. Topik described government-funded advertising and grants awarded to foreignborn settlers migrating from France and Switzerland. Somewhere around 1875, the realization was reached that conditions of the area might be good for sheep ranching (Butland, 1957). At the time, the total number of sheep in the area did not exceed 300. The next decade would be marked by exponential growth and development of this industry. Butland informs that by 1885, there were more than 40,000 sheep and 7,000 cattle, established on estancia after estancia, and rural population was growing at a faster rate than that of Punta Arenas itself. Foreign increases in population continued with newcomers from England and Scotland, according to Butland and other researchers (Baker, et al., 1981; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Reding, 2001; Rudolph, 1934). By 1885, 37% of the population of the region was non-Chilean by birth. Butland characterized the importance of sheep-ranching: “From that time forward the pastoral industry dominated the history and fortunes of its people, and a little known sub-Antarctic wilderness became a new Chilean frontier region with an economic viability of its own” (p. 57). The next two decades brought further expansion of the industry and related enterprises as the sheep population soared from 40,000 to over 1,880,000. Human population increased six-fold according to historians (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Reding; Rudolph), from 2,085 to 13,309 during this time, spreading out from Punta Arenas in all directions. Originally, the land for these estancias was owned by the Chilean government, according to researchers (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Reding, 2001; Rudolph, 1934). It was occupied by ranchers through a system of permits from the local government. Facilities were encouraged to expand indefinitely. Researchers (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; 32
Moreno; Reding; Rudolph) inform that by 1884, the governing bodies realized the potential for economic development in the region and decided to operate land grants on the basis of 20-year renewable leases. Although farmers pushed for the rights to buy their lands, there was no shortage of persons willing to invest under the government‟s terms. During this time, researchers (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Reding; Rudolph) convey that little regulation existed to safeguard against deforestation or overgrazing on these „borrowed‟ lands. As a result, widespread destruction of natural habitat ensued, including active elimination of the puma and overt elimination of indigenous groups. Historians (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Reding, 2001; Rudolph, 1934) report that this arrangement lasted until 1901, when a new government came into power and finally agreed to allow purchase of the lands. All of the lands were brought to auction. While 24 private sheep farmers managed to hold onto their lands, Butland reports that the majority of land holdings went to large sheep holding companies, such as the Tierra del Fuego Exploitation Company, the Philip Bay Sheep-Farming Company, the Tierra del Fuego Sheep Farming Company, the Gente Grande Sheep-Farming Company, and the Ponsonby and Ultima Esperanza SheepFarming and Colonizing Company. Families who had colonized the area suddenly found their homes and their livelihoods in the hands of these large companies. English and Scottish ranch managers were installed to manage the enormous estancias, or as they were often called latifundias (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Reding; Rudolph). These latifundias operated similarly in many respects, to the plantations of the Deep South, in the United States. Butland, and Collier and Sater describe how often, families were allowed to stay on, living in homes that they had originally built and settled, but that were now owned by the companies. Their work was for the foreman, or patron, and profits went to the company, often to be expropriated to the country of the company‟s origin. They had become part of the latifundia system, a system which Collier and Sater, describe as common throughout Chile well into the 1950s. Collier and Sater state that land tenure changes produced extreme social effects, creating a huge latifundia economy throughout the region and a set of resulting social, political, and economic conditions that have prevailed in the province ever since. Many historians (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Rudolph, 1934) who write about this time of development in Chile suggest that government motives centered on frontier expansion and border protection. Steven Topik (1999) theorizes that throughout Latin America during this period of history, motives extended to include tactics of social engineering. Topik believes Latin American governments were making an active effort to shape the markets beginning to form in more remote regions of their countries. Topik describes efforts of social engineering and market influence which took place in Argentina during the latter half of the nineteenth century as being typical throughout Latin America of the time. Describing the experience in one of the agricultural regions of Argentina, Topik states: “The state, through its military and police, undertook an aggressive form of social engineering, evicting or reshaping the native populations, creating landholding elite, and forcefully imposing labor and land markets. As a result, rather than enjoying liberty and equality, Santa Fe experienced subordination and inequality” (p. 12). Whether this was the case in the southern Chilean region of Magellanes remains unclear. However, as industry diversified into mining, forestry and whaling during the next 33
several decades, researchers (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Rudolph, 1934) confirm that immigrants continued to arrive from around the globe. By 1906, new groups of immigrants from Spain, Germany, Yugoslavia, and Argentina had established a clear presence within the region. Collier and Sater note a rising concern amongst members of the Chilean government of this era, regarding the high numbers of foreign-born immigrants in the region. Most were male, living in barracks style housing, and many found only seasonal work on the large latifundias of the region. In an effort to encourage a more permanent and stable population base, Chile actively encourage families in other regions of the country to immigrate, by offering small farms or land grants. Historians (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Moreno; Reding; Rudolph) describe that within half a century, from 1885 – 1945, the population of this region grew tenfold, reaching more than 58,000 by the end of the Second World War. The Aysén Region This study was set within Aysén, arguably the most isolated region of Chile. According to Anderson and Miller (2003), in the mid-1800s, at the time of independence, the land that would become this southern region remained essentially untouched by Europeans. While the Magallenes region further south had been explored early on, Aysén remained largely a mystery. The historical context presented thus far illustrates the development of Chile in general, and of the southernmost region of Chile, the Magellan Region, in particular. Thus far, southern Chile could be characterized as having a heavy economic dependence on extractive uses of natural resources. Settlement in southern Chile was built with active government involvement through land and immigration policy, resulting in unequal and uneven distribution of land, and rigid divisions between the rights and powers of land and business owners and peasant workers (Baker, et al.,1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Moreno, 1899; Rudolph, 1934). Butland (1957) informs that it was not until a vibrant city had been established in Punta Arenas with a rapidly growing economy, that eyes began to look north to Aysén, which was the region of study for this investigation. Butland observes: “Throughout more than three centuries almost the entire interest of Chile in effectively occupying and colonizing its southern domain was concentrated in the Strait of Magellan area,” (p. 75). This section of the review of literature presents the evolution of settlement within the southern frontier of Chile. Who would opt for such a remote life? How would a culture unfold under such isolated conditions? What forces would shape the capabilities and assets for people? How would these forces evolve over the next hundred years? Would these early pioneers of Aysén contribute in some way, to the concept of a tourism-based livelihood for the cases of interest in this study? Exploration of the literature for answers to these questions provided helpful insight for this study, grounding fieldwork in the unique aspects of “place”. Historians (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Kappes, 2002; Moreno, 1899; Reding; 2001; Rudolph, 1934) convey that although the coastal region further to the north of Magellanes had at least been explored, settlers coming from Santiago to Punta Arenas had migrated down the country by sea, in order to avoid the rough trip over the Andes and the wrath of hostile indigenous groups. According to Butland and Kappes, the inland region of Aysén was not even explored until 1870, when 34
the explorer, Simpson, navigated the Aysén fiord into the (Simpson) river valley, and onward to the tributary of the Coyhaique River, in an area east of the main Andean Cordillera characterized as a pampa basin. Historians (Baker, et al.; Butland; Carpenter; Collier & Sater; Kappes; Moreno; Rudolph) describe the frontier treaty of 1881, between Argentina and Chile, as having provided a theoretical boundary through the region between the two countries. Butland describes the wording of the treaty as extremely vague and recounts that this vagueness inspired much exploration and debate in the decade to come. Butland states that the border was described as being “the dividing line of the waters, which passes by the high summits” (p. 85). In the years that followed, a “grey” zone developed between the two countries, which some (Collier & Sater; Kappes; Reding) would argue still exists within the region today. Researchers (Butland, 1957; Kappes, 2002; Reding; 2001) recount that after the end of the War of the Pacific in 1881, there was a colonization movement related to large numbers of returning soldiers. With overcrowding and related social issues in Santiago, soldiers were encouraged to leave the crowded streets in search of open land and livelihood opportunities in the South. Butland and Kappes report that while most of these pioneers planned to settle in the middle of the country, south of Santiago, many ended up crossing the Andes into adjoining Argentinean territories. After a passing of time, which often stretched over several years, settlers migrated through Argentina to settle into this “grey” zone, in the upper regions of the Futaleufu, Palena, and Simpson Rivers, Lagos Verde and General Carrera, and the Baker and Mayer Valley (Butland; Kappes; Reding). This extended time spent in Argentina would leave a lasting cultural impact on the people of the Aysén region, according to several researchers and cultural experts (Butland, 1957; Kappes, 2002; Reding; 2001). Butland (1957) reports that in the final boundary determination of 1902, a majority of the settlers found that they had settled in areas that were to be on the Argentinean side of the border. According to Butland, the majority migrated once again in the period between 1902 and 1920, in order to repatriate to Chilean land. They ended up settling into the Simpson and Coyhaique valleys. This represented the first immigration into the Aysén region (Butland; Kappes, 2002; Reding; 2001) In retrospect, according to researchers such as Butland, Kappes and Reding, the decision to locate within the Aysén region made little sense. The probability of economic success was much greater in the Magallanes region, further south. The accessibility by sea was much more difficult for Aysén. The most favorable lands of the Aysén region were extremely isolated making transportation and communication difficult. Even the weather of the Aysén region had little to offer over the Magallanes region. Nevertheless, settlers arrived in Aysén. Butland suggests that most likely it was a lack of additional funds that kept them from moving further south. Butland (1957), Kappes (2002), and Reding (2001) have stated that most of the early settlers to the region were families and individuals. Butland informs that in 1903 however, borrowing the model it had so successfully implemented, (economically speaking) further south, the Chilean government awarded a 20 year permit to the Aysén Industrial Company for the occupation of most of the useful land in the region for sheep and cattle farming. This land was primarily located in the valleys of the Coyhaique, Ñirehuao and Mañuales rivers. According to Butland, the Chilean government formed this agreement in return for a series of provisions including: (1) the settling of 100 families in the area with the subsequent award of the lands they occupied at the end of the permit, (2) the establishment of a regular shipping service between Puerto Aysén and Ancud or Puerto 35
Montt, (3) provision of employment opportunities for colonists, and (4) transfer of buildings and installations on the lands to the state at the termination of the permit. For the next quarter century, the Aysén Industrial Company dominated economic development for the area, according to Butland‟s research. Within ten years, the region was fenced and 100,000 sheep were grazing. The company constructed the first and only overland paved road from Puerto Aysén to the Argentine frontier districts. According to Butland, the company had little luck (and little real incentive) with recruiting the foreign colonists it had promised in the provisions of its agreement with the Chilean government. Even in 1914, when the government doubled the required number for the company and opened up the colonization incentives for Chileans citizens as well, there was little interest on the part of prospective colonists in making the move (Butland; Kappes; Reding). By the 1920s, the total population of the Aysén region only numbered around 2,000, according to accounts by Butland (1957), Kappes (2002), and Reding (2001). Of these, 300 worked for the Aysén Industrial Company, which had acquired a total of 125,000 sheep by this time; 50% of the region‟s total. Butland reports that around this time, a new government came into power and decided to make the first active effort to settle this last Chilean frontier. First, they reduced the holdings of the Aysén Industrial Company from 1.5 million acres to .5 million acres, freeing up significant blocks of land for colonization. Then, according to Butland, they encouraged settlement through land grants, support and the creation of small villages. With the understanding that the economy of the region would be based on sheep ranching, the land grants were sizeable. Heads of households were allocated 1,500 acres with 125 additional acres for each son. Further, Butland reports that the new government promoted the status of the area to Province, giving it a larger voice within national politics. They began to incorporate townships, such as Balmaceda, Puerto Ibañez and Baquedano, which later became known as Coyhaique. Finally, Butland informs that the government formed another alliance with private enterprise in the remote northern area of the region, known as the Cisnes valley. Butland (1957), Kappes (2002), and Reding (2001) detail that these measures stimulated development in the region, such that by 1952, population had grown to 25,500. Government offices and services were installed in Coyhaique, and improvements were made for communications, such as an airport in Balmaceda. Along with the rest of the country, citizens of the region were exposed, in various degrees, to the benefits of increasing social programs (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Collier & Sater, 1996; Kappes, 2002; Reding, 2001). By 1952, according to Butland, the beginnings of a tourism industry were starting to emerge. The nature of this research required digging deep into the experiences of people within this region and to exploring “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a place and its linkages with the wider world” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496). Thus, elements of the emerging regional culture and historical patterns of access and transformation of capital, which are stated or can be inferred from the literature, were important to understand prior to entering the field. According to historians and researchers, (Baker, et al., 1981; Butland, 1957; Carpenter, 1926; Collier & Sater, 1996; Kappes, 2002; Moreno, 1899; Reding, 2001; Rudolph, 1934), during this era political control over Chile remained highly centralized within the Santiago region of the country. As a result, the remote culture of Aysén contained an element of lawlessness, which Reding compares to the American west in the nineteenth century. According to Butland, more than 90% of the employees of the large company holdings of 36
the region were male; living in barrack-style buildings, in dormitory fashion. Kappes, Butland, and Reding report that until the 1980s, there were no roads or railroads connecting Aysén with the other regions of Chile. According to Kappes, Butland, and Reding, this extreme isolation and communications difficulties with the rest of the republic led to the tendency for the region to be detached from the cultural evolution of the other regions. Many of the original pioneers had spent a significant number of years traveling or living in Argentina during their migration, according to Butland (1957), Kappes (2002), and Reding (2001). Many had married Argentine brides during this time. The west-east highway from Puerto Aysén through Coyhaique and into Argentina was the only major highway of the region until this time and in fact, remains the best stretch of road even today, according to Kappes, Reding, and Youman and Estep (2003). For this reason, Kappes reports that until recent years, most of the regional centers were forced to bring in supplies and export their products via Argentina. The same held true for communications and the transfer of mail and news. According to researchers, such as Butland, Kappes, and Reding, from the time of original migration of settlers until today, this region of Chile has held a special and close relationship to Argentina, in terms of proximity, trade, and geography. This relationship, according to Butland, Kappes, and Reding, has resulted in the transference of a number of Argentinean customs, foods, and colloquialisms that are now considered by residents of the region to be defining elements of their culture and often in sharp contrast to the culture of their Chilean brothers and sisters. Bossert (1980) recounts that throughout Chile, the sharp class divisions between the wealthy, elite landowners and the peasant agricultural workers remained fully intact during the first half of the 20th century. During this time, according to Bossert, there were two forms of work arrangements which existed for the peasants who worked the latifundias. The first type of worker (inquilinos) lived on the estate and held some historic rights to small plots of land for grazing personal livestock, gardening or sharecropping. These rights included the ability to have a house on the estate, to collect firewood, and to receive some form of an income for the work that was performed for the patron. The second form of worker (afuerinos) had none of these rights. They were hired strictly on a daily basis, for cash, and lived nomadic lives, moving from estate to estate as requirements dictated. Bossert describes that often these afuerinos held small plots of land (minifundistas), which they had obtained during colonization. To augment their subsistence, Bossert reports that they often employed a livelihood strategy of temporary work on the larger estates. This practice began long-standing patterns of seasonal migration and extended periods of family separation, which remain a normal part of livelihood strategies for many residents of Aysén, today. Stinchcombe (1961) conveys that for this type of agrarian society in which latifundias prevailed, the divisions of power and access to capital were concentrated entirely with the patron and his agents. According to Stinchcombe‟s research, the legal system and individual rights differed according to which class a person belonged. The peasant population experienced life largely on subsistence terms: with simple houses, few material belongings, and high levels of illiteracy resulting from limited access to education. Stinchcombe reports, “The pattern of life of the subject population is very little dependent on market prices of goods. Consequently, they have little interest in political issues. Even less of the peasantry has the tools of political organization, such as education, experienced leadership, freedom of association, or voting power” (p. 169). 37
Life for the elite landowners was drastically different, according to Stinchcombe (1961). The patron was normally a part of the national scene, with little day-to-day involvement in the latifundia. Often he had a residence in Santiago where he spent much of his time. Members of his class generally had a monopoly on formal education (Stinchcombe, 1961). Even those who lived in more isolated, remote areas brought elements of European culture into their architecture, music, and leisure pursuits. Chinchilla and Sternberg (1974) convey that landowners fought long and hard to protect the rights to their way of life. They wielded considerable power and control within the centralized government controlled from Santiago. They used this power to accumulate wealth and perpetuate their status. Chinchilla and Sternberg state that in and around Santiago, the urban poor successfully began to organize and form strong unions. However, societal acceptance of these reforms had been “on the condition that control of the landed elite over the countryside be left intact,” (Chinchilla & Sternberg, p. 114). A Review of Post World-War II Development Understanding the next 50 years in development and Chilean history is a Herculean task, well beyond the scope of this literature review. Key aspects presented here were chosen for their ability to contextualize the historical events leading to the current social, cultural, natural, human, physical, and financial dimensions of the environment in Aysén. To begin, consider the social and cultural ramifications of the instability in Chile during the 1970s and 1980s, described by Constable and Valenzuela (1991), in the following passage: Chile had long been divided by enclaves of clan, class, and party, but had masked these divisions with a veneer of civility. Within their circles, people were generous and gracious, making social rituals of visits to grandparents and hospitalized friends. But Chilean society was also ingrown and insecure. Even successful people were quick to dismiss others‟ merits, and individuals were marked for life by family names and party affiliations. It was a country of parallel subcultures that never touched, of parochial worlds whose members rarely ventured beyond their familiar, if often claustrophobic confines. By September of 1973, the façade of civility had fallen away, exposing society‟s most primitive fears and permitting democracy to degenerate to a screaming match. Polite relations between social classes soured into sullen suspicion, and emotions were heightened by a polemical tabloid war. Friends hurled unforgivable insults at each other and never spoke again. In the all-consuming debate, everyone had to take sides, turning relatives, friends, and entire categories of fellow citizens into enemies. If the Popular Unity years drew the battle lines, the military takeover hardened them. Chileans needed to come to grips with the collapse of their much-vaunted democracy and learn how to rebuild it. But no healing process was permitted, no objective assessment of blame. Instead, people were insulated by curfews, cut off from debate, and forced to rely on biased information sources that only reinforced their mutual terror and contempt. Retreating into their subcultures, the shell-shocked combatants nursed their grievances and relived the coup through a thousand private prisms. Society divided between winners and losers, and for years there was 38
literally no communication between them. Thus, it was possible to believe anything about anyone on the other side. „Our history was halted and put between parentheses,‟ reflected the playwright and psychiatrist Marco Antonio de la Parra in 1988. Fear and inability to face the truth made Chileans create tiny islands inside their houses and communities, where they became prisoners of opposing myths about the coup – myths which grew, flourished, and remain to this day, (pp. 141-142). Understanding the political movements and events described by Constable and Valenzuela (1991), and how accompanying national and transnational development policies affected economic, social, and environmental life for the rural sector greatly assisted efforts to understand the present dimensions of capital and livelihoods for rural residents. While specific information on development in the Aysén region was limited; literature existed for the Chilean agriculture segment as a whole. This information provided an indication of the social, economic, and environmental effects of the rapid development and change which occurred during this period. It also helped to place development in Chile within the larger context of global development policy and theory. So doing, assisted this study by helping to frame discussions of capitals and livelihoods during time in the field. A number of development researchers and historians (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bossert, 1980; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Hamilton & Dixon, 2003; Harris, 2000; Hodder, 2000; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Rostow, 1960; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Silva, 1991,1996a, 1996b; Steenland, 1974; Stinchombe, 1961) convey that on a global basis and in Chile, economic, social and development policy began to shift drastically at the end of World War II. Harris, Mowforth and Munt, and Sharpley and Telfer describe a new concept of development economics which emerged during the 1940s. During this era, theorists began to focus on countries throughout the world that were considered “less” or “under” developed compared with the world economic powers Harris, and Mowforth and Munt suggest that United States president Harry Truman‟s reference to large regions of the world as being „underdeveloped‟, in his inaugural speech to Congress on January 20, 1949, played a large role in redefining the world on a global level. These researchers (Harris, Mowforth & Munt) assert that this speech contributed to a separating of world regions into „First‟ world and „Third‟ world and created a global vision of economics and development. Along with the rest of Latin America, Chile belonged to the ranks of the “Third World”. Researchers (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bossert, 1980; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Hamilton & Dixon, 2003; Harris, 2000; Hodder, 2000; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Rostow, 1960; Sharpley and Telfer, 2002; Silva, 1991,1996a, 1996b; Steenland, 1974; Stinchombe, 1961; Telfer & Wall, 2000) assert that the first contemporary manifestations of development theory ensued, with a basis in “Modernization” theory. Modernization theory, according to Harris, Mowforth and Munt, and Sharpley and Telfer, held that (1) the countries that comprise the western world are the most developed, and (2) countries not included in the west (the majority of which are former colonies) are not as developed but will eventually progress to the same state as the Western world. Modernization theorists, according to Harris, Mowforth and Munt, and Sharpley and Telfer, believed that countries in the developing world had „fallen behind‟ and needed direction to achieve social and economic progress. Throughout the 1950s, development economics assumed a normative 39
perspective, concerned only with the goals and ends of economic development for these countries, of spreading the principles of industrialization and capitalism, rather than the social and political issues that existed (Harris; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer). Telfer (2002) states that tourism became a tool for development during this time and a part of the modernization process. According to Telfer, it was viewed as a development tool which generated greater foreign exchange, job opportunities, and had multiplier effects for local economies. Researchers (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bossert, 1980; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Reding, 2001; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a; Steenland, 1974; Stinchombe, 1961) agree that the manifestations of this modernization focus in Chile had profound economic and social impacts on the rural peasant, or campesino population. Bossert‟s work in the agricultural sector of central Chile identified five signals of growing capitalism: 1) the adoption of mechanized technology, 2) greater production efficiencies, 3) the relative permanence and closed nature of the system of workers at a farm, 4) the amount of experience and comfort persons had with the concept of selling their labor, as reflected by the presence of workers with other types of work experiences, and 5) the conversion of work forces from predominantly being comprised of inquilinos (permanent residents) to a new structure which increasingly involved afuerinos (day laborers). During the 1950s, capitalist practices, as evidenced by these signals, were rapidly moving into the farms of central Chile, transforming thousands of small farm owners (inquilinos) and their families to day laborers (afuerinos). Bossert, Chinchilla and Sternberg, and Stinchcombe cite this trend as responsible for a large growth in unemployment during this period and for mounting pressure for agricultural reform. Bossert, Chinchilla and Sternberg, and Stinchcombe identify a strong growth in political consciousness, participation in social and political organizations and parties, and social protest among various sectors of the peasant population in Chile, during this era. Harris (2000), Mowforth and Munt (2003), and Sharpley and Telfer (2002) recount that over the next several decades other economic concepts emerged that extended, adapted and departed from Modernization theory. For example, in 1960, Rostow introduced the concept of “Stages of Economic Growth”, which was widely accepted by other development theorists of that era (Harris, Mowforth & Munt, Sharpley & Telfer). This theory, traced to Rostow‟s Non-Communist Manifesto and presented a prescriptive, fivestage process for societies to “modernize”, beginning with economic “take off” and ending with “mass consumption”. (Harris; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer). Rostow‟s work offered an alternative to Marxist views of societal development, and a prescription for coping with a growing global communist threat. According to Harris, assisting countries with the realization of this end-state of “mass consumption” became the driving goal for foreign-development policy throughout the western world. International institutions were designed to assist in this effort, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the United Nations (Harris, 2000). According to William J. Barber (1995) and Patricio Silva (1991), the economics being taught in Chile and much of Latin America in the early 1950s ascribed to structuralist theories presented by Raul Preblisch, head of the UN‟s Economic Commission for Latin America at the time, rather than the concept of stages of economic growth, presented by Rostow. Barber and Silva report that Preblisch‟s theory rested on the idea that international development economics and modernization theories systematically favored trade for the 40
rich, industrialized countries of the “First World”, at the expense of “Third World” countries who were dependent on the exportation of primary products. According to Barber and Silva, Preblisch encouraged Latin American countries, along with others in the Third World, to attempt to correct for this bias by actively promoting policy that would encourage import-substituting industrialization. Specifically, Preblisch suggested high levels of protection for domestic industry; manipulation of exchange rates, high import tariffs, land reform and the redistribution of incomes in such a way as to promote and stimulate consumer spending (Barber; Silva). By the mid-1960s these structuralist principles were being implemented in Chile, as is evidenced by the focus on agrarian reform, income redistribution, and revisions to land tenure found in the literature (Arellano, 1985; Bossert, 1980; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Stinchcombe, 1961). Chinchilla and Sternberg report that from 1965 to 1970, the government of Chile expropriated approximately 1,400 latifundias, on which an estimated 21,000 families resided. These latifundias were transformed into asentados, in which the land became property of the state and extension resources were added to help build human capacity amongst the peasant population (Chinchilla & Sternberg). An additional 11,500 other families were incorporated into the asentado lands. According to researchers (Arellano; Bossert; Chinchilla & Sternberg; Stinchcombe), the intention for these lands was to eventually transfer ownership into either private hands (of these peasant families) in the form of small plots, or to form socialist-type collectives. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, “Modernization” theory was challenged by “Dependency” theory. This theory, introduced by Frank (1969, 1984) stated that the global expansion of capitalism has drawn the Third world into increasingly tight economic relationships with the First world. Dependency theory argued that western capitalist countries had grown as a result of the expropriation of surpluses from the Third World. According to many researchers (Collier & Sater, 1996; Harris, 2000; Mowforth and Munt, 2003; Silva, 1996a), Dependency theory drew more focus and attention toward global interdependencies. Further, developmental theorists and policy makers acknowledged that the benefits realized through development did not automatically “trickle down” to the impoverished citizens of a population (Harris, 2000; Mirovitskaya & Ascher, 2001; Mowforth & Munt, 2001). According to Harris, assistance began to include the provision of resources to help countries meet the basic needs of poor populations, including components of education, nutrition, health, sanitation and employment. Health and education measures began to be combined with measures of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), in order to more holistically measure the success of development efforts (Harris, 2000). Telfer (2002) states that dependency has been one of the main theories used to evaluate the negative impacts of tourism. According to Telfer, the theoretical argument regarding tourism has been that multinational companies have controlled tourism development in Third world destinations through their interests in large airlines, tour wholesalers, and hotel chains. Telfer describes a growing dependency on foreign tourists within these destinations, but a lack of control over the marketing or development of products. In 1970, in Chile, the Socialist party of Salvadore Allende, under the Popular Unity Movement, was democratically elected into power. According to Arellano (1985), Chinchilla and Sternberg (1974), Constable and Valenzuela (1991), and Steenland (1974),one of Allende‟s first priorities in office was the implementation of a 20 point plan for agrarian policy, which stressed the importance of the industry within the new socialist 41
platform. This plan addressed inclusion of the peasant population in decision-making and planning processes, expansion in production, and improved marketing and distribution capacity. From 1970 to 1972, the Allende government expropriated 3,282 additional large farm holdings; approximately 21% of the national total. Together with the reform holdings of the previous five years, this new form of land tenure employed an estimated 18% of the workforce, according to Arellano, Chinchilla and Sternberg, Constable and Valenzuela, and Steenland. Arellano states that the Centros de Reform Agraria, or CERAS, was established as the governing format for these lands. Permanent workers within the geographies of each of the established CERAS were to participate in the planning and management of the lands and to share in the outcomes. According to Arellano, Chinchilla and Sternberg, Constable and Valenzuela, and Steenland, strong political divisions existed amongst the politicians implementing the reforms. They disagreed in terms of how much and how quickly power should be transferred to the peasant class and where investment in the system should concentrate. Some factions advocated a concentrated investment on technology and infrastructure, while others believed that the dismantling of the ownerships systems themselves were of highest priority. Arellano, and Constable and Valenzuela report that Allende felt pressure to show immediate progress and thus new systems were put in place quickly; often before policy and programming could be fully developed. According to researchers (Arellano; Chinchilla & Sternberg; Constable & Valenzuela; Steenland), Allende‟s policy was criticized for its lack of focus and insufficient preparation of the peasantry for the new responsibilities they were to assume. In 1973, a military coup displaced Allende‟s government. Historians (Arellano, 1985; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Constable & Valenzuela; 1991; Steenland, 1994) recount that this coup was assisted by funding and support of the United States government which was actively seeking to suppress the form of socialism Allende‟s government represented. In its place, a military dictatorship headed by General Augusto Pinochet was established, which would retain control until the early 1980s. Constable and Valenzuela (1991) offer this analysis of public sentiment of the coup: The coup shattered not only the brief socialist experiment of Salvador Allende but also the myth that Chile‟s 150 year-old civilian constitutional government was invincible. The inhabitants of this long, narrow strip of seacoast – stretching from arid, copper-rich deserts in the north, through the lush farms and vineyards of the central valleys, to pine forests and alpine lakes in the south – had long believed that their society was more stable and enlightened than those of the volatile continent that lay beyond the towering Andes range (p. 20). According to historians (Arellano, 1985; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Constable & Valenzuela; 1991) the scope of economic, social, and environmental effects of the Pinochet regime cannot be underestimated. Constable and Valenzuela report that the events of the Pinochet years played a key role in shaping elements of the current culture in Chile. Reviewing the literature on this period provided a general understanding of the policies, structures of power, and cultural dimensions of this era. This context helped provide an understanding of the impact of this period on the livelihood strategies of rural populations. As well, it shed light on the legacy left by Pinochet‟s rule, which is still affecting livelihood strategies today. Austin (1997); Barber (1995) Bossert (1980); Constable & Valenzuela (1991); Harris (2000); and Silva (1991) describe the socialist systems put into place by Allende 42
being rapidly dismantled and replaced by the ruling force‟s set of development policies. According to Austin and Barber, these policies centered on theories of “Neoliberalism”, a school of economic theory dating back to the 1950‟s, which emerged from the free-market ideology of Milton Friedman and fellow economists at the University of Chicago. Friedman served as Professor of Economics at the University of Chicago from 1946 to 1976, during which time the school became world renowned for its expertise and advocacy of neoliberal economic policy. According to a number of researchers (Austin; Arellano, 1985; Barber; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Constable & Valenzuela), while Raul Preblisch and the UN‟s Economic Commission for Latin America were advocating structuralist policy as the tool for economic development in the third world during the 1950s, members of the academic team at the University of Chicago were formulating a drastically different view. Austin, Barber, and Silva recount that these University of Chicago economists believed in the primacy of market solutions and were suspect of the effectiveness of the government intervention, which was commonplace in Chile at the time. Barber (1995) and Constable and Valenzuela (1991) report that a member of a US Aid mission to Chile saw the opportunity to influence Chile‟s policies by transferring the economic theories being taught at the University of Chicago. In 1956, he helped broker a partnership arrangement between the University of Chicago and Catholic University in Santiago. According to Barber, and Constable and Valenzuela, professors from Chicago went to the university to teach their principles and to identify the most promising students to return to Chicago for graduate studies. It was hoped that these students would return to Chile to staff a freestanding program at Catholic University. By 1964, this was largely the case (Arellano, 1985; Barber; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Constable & Valenzuela). Later, with funding from the Ford Foundation, a plan was set in place to bring students from other Latin American countries to Catholic University for undergraduate work. For the best of these students, fellowships to the University of Chicago for graduate studies would be offered (Arellano; Barber; Chinchilla & Sternberg; Constable & Valenzuela). According to Barber (1995) and Constable and Valenzuela (1991), the philosophies of professors who had returned from Chicago were not initially popular amongst the other Universities or with the business community. Their teachings were thought to be radical and over critical of the status quo. Yet, through a variety of circumstances, the program persisted and began to gain recognition. Barber, and Constable and Valenzuela report that by the time of the military coup in 1973, these “Chicago Boys”, as they came to be called, had gained respect amongst many of their peers. According to Barber, and Constable and Valenzuela, after the coup, General Pinochet was determined to get the runaway economy of Chile back on a track of stable growth. Barber reports that Pinochet first turned to economists affiliated with the Christian Democratic Party for expert guidance. When relations soured, he turned to the Catholic University professors who had been trained in the 1950s at the University of Chicago. According to Barber, these advisors called for the privatization of nationalized enterprises, the curtailing of public expenditures, and the opening of the economy to trade and investment from the rest of the world. They encouraged private initiatives often related to natural resource extraction. The resulting short-term impact of these policies was mixed (Austin, 1997; Barber; Harris, 2000; Silva, 1991). Inflation rates fell and high growth ensued for nontraditional exports. Yet by 1982, unemployment had increased to almost 24% of the labor force and massive wealth redistribution had taken place (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Harris, 2000; Silva, 1991). 43
According to researchers (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Harris, 2000; Padilla, 2001; Silva, 1991) the policies implemented by Pinochet and the “Chicago Boys” were characterized as “neoliberalist” because of their focus on privatization of state owned industries, establishment of free markets, and reduction of restrictions on trade. Silva explains that these policies were further ingrained into the fabric of Chilean life with a plan termed “the seven modernizations”. According to Silva, this policy included “new labor legislation, transformation of the social security system, municipalization of education, privatization of health care, internationalization of agriculture, transformation of the judiciary, and decentralization and regionalization of government administration” (p. 395). A number of researchers (Austin; Barber; Bossert, 1980; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a) suggest that the social effects of these policies included increased consumerism amongst middle and upper class groups of society, an inclusion of Chile‟s entrepreneurs into the global economy, and the continued exclusion of most services (education, healthcare, etc.) amongst lower classes of society. Silva (1991) relates that the implementation of these policies had a lasting and profound impact on Chilean society. The legacy and societal impact of these policies forms a component of the heritage for the cases of interest to this study. Silva stated, “The majority of the Chilean population…did not participate in the benefits of this process of modernization, because of the non-egalitarian nature of the economic model and the unwillingness of the economic team to implement redistributive policies” (p. 394). According to Austin (1997), unemployment in Chile climbed to 25% by 1981 and reached 34% in 1983. Austin relates that Chilean wealth became concentrated in the hands of a very small portion of the population, with the highest 20% of income earners controlling 65% of total income. Real poverty in Santiago reached a level of 41.2% in 1989, according to Austin‟s research. Public education suffered greatly under the new systems of privatization, according to a number of researchers (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bossert, 1980; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a). Houtzager and Kurtz report that the municipalization of primary and secondary schools pushed economic and administrative responsibilities to the regions, which was especially damaging for rural areas. According to Silva (1996a), rural university campuses were suddenly forced to operate autonomously; a challenge for which they were unprepared. Smaller universities were starved for funds, which led to fee hikes. Silva (1996a) conveys that the increased costs quickly excluded most students coming from lower and middle class working families. According to Arellano (1985), Austin (1997), Padilla (2001), and Houtzager and Kurtz, for-profit training institutes moved in to take the place of universities for many, if access to higher education was even a possibility. Austin reports that during this period, “Australian and US students reportedly received 50% more instruction than their Chilean counterparts in basic education” (p. 36). During the 1980s, Chile was not alone in its focus on privatization, reduced public spending and the opening markets to the outside world. Harris (2000), Mowforth and Munt (2003), and Sharpley and Telfer (2002) report that the global focus also moved to increased efficiencies through market-reforms. Harris conveys that during this period many adjustments were made to the structures of development policy in an effort to correct newly perceived weaknesses in earlier policy which focused on government itself. Prior policies, according to Harris, had resulted in large bureaucratic government structures, massive debt 44
and unbalanced budgets. Several researchers, including Harris; Mirovitskaya and Ascher (2001); and Mowforth & Munt, recount that during this era developing countries were applauded for the facilitation of a more global focus. Often they were rewarded with increased access to financial capital through tools such as development funds and to other forms of human, social and built capital from the IMF, the World Bank, and other multinational lending institutions. Belief in the power of the market to efficiently operate was paramount during this era according to Mirovitskaya and Ascher, who summarize that government intervention was largely believed to prevent and inhibit growth. Mowforth and Munt (2001), and Sharpley and Telfer (2002) recount that neoliberalist policies have also influenced the course of tourism development. During the 1980s, tourism became viewed as an invisible export product in the tertiary sector of the economy. According to Sharpley and Telfer, the World Bank and other international aid agencies began funding programs to encourage the development of tourism policy plans and tourism infrastructure. These plans centered on privatization of the tourism industry and an infusion of free market principles. Mowforth and Munt recount that policy promoting foreign investment was enacted, often through incentives for foreign companies to develop holdings within a destination. Increasingly, tourism became viewed on a global basis. Often, this global view led to negative social and environmental effects for the local destination (Harris, 2000; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer). Harris (2000) states that while economic gains continued throughout the 1980s, free-market reform policy was increasingly being criticized for imparting a number of negative consequences in areas of basic environmental and societal needs. Such was the case in Chile (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bossert, 1980; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a). According to Sharpley and Telfer (2002), alternative views of development began to arise around 1990, which were more focused on self-direction and self-reliance at a local, community level. Sharpley and Telfer recount that during this time a number of grassroots approaches emerged, such as structured flexibility, participatory methods, and learning process approaches; all increasingly facilitated by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) at the local level. These approaches encouraged local level planning and development based on indigenous and social learning principles (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). Along with a more people-focused approach, environmental resource limits began to be recognized by advocates of alternative development paradigms. Two major criticisms of traditional development efforts began to emerge, which are summed by Harris (2000) in his “Basic Principles of Sustainable Development”: – The benefits of development have been distributed unevenly, with income inequalities remaining persistent and sometimes increasing over time. The global numbers of extremely poor and malnourished people have remained high, and in some areas have increased, even as a global middle class has achieved relative affluence. – There have been major negative impacts of development on the environment and on existing social structures. Many traditional societies have been devastated by development of forests, water systems, and intensive fisheries. Urban areas in developing countries commonly suffer from extreme pollution and inadequate transportation, water, and sewer infrastructure. Environmental damage, if unchecked, may 45
undermine the achievements of development and even lead to collapse of essential ecosystems (p. 4). A New Perspective: Sustainability According to Schubert and Láng (2003), in 1984 the UN General Assembly organized the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), and assigned them with the task of designing the long-terms strategy for development through the millennium and beyond, utilizing the concept of “sustainable development”. In 1987, the WCED published a report, “Our Common Future”, which came to be known as the “Brundtland Report”, after the commission's chairwoman, Gro Harlem Brundtland. This report stated that critical global environmental problems had largely resulted from the enormous poverty of the Southern hemisphere and from non-sustainable patterns of consumption and production in the Northern hemisphere. Through this report, the WCED called for a global sustainable development strategy that united development and the environment. The Brundtland Report defined this concept of “sustainable development” as: “Development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment and Development, p. 24). In June of 1992, the United Nations held a conference on the environment and development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro (Harris, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Schubert & Láng, 2003). According to Harris, the Brundtland report formed the foundation for this summit, related policy, and scientific discourse. The focus of this conference was on the environment and sustainable development. The informal name for this summit was “The Earth Summit” and the resulting documents included Agenda 21, the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, the Statement of Forest Principles, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (Harris; Mowforth & Munt; Schubert & Láng). In the years that have followed the Rio Summit, much interdisciplinary debate has ensued regarding the role of the summit and the resulting treaties and declarations (Abakerli, 2001; Armesto & Smith-Ramirez, 2001; Bell & Morse, 2003; Cortez, 2002; Dernbach, 2002; Harris, 2000; López, 2002; Mirovitskaya & Ascher, 2001; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Nepal, 1997; Nolon, 1995; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Ukaga & Maser, 2004; Villarroel, 2004). The United Nations (1997) stated that this conference “influenced all subsequent UN conferences, which have examined the relationship between human rights, population, social development, women and human settlements - and the need for environmentally sustainable development,” (p. 21). Corell and Susskind (2000) express that the 1992 Earth Summit “was a milestone in the creation of consensus on the complex inter-linkages between environment and development” (p. 4). They express that the role of the Rio Summit was to create, disperse and exchange knowledge, to survey and monitor conditions, and to produce an agenda and set of norms for moving forward. Corell and Susskind acknowledge that critics consider the conference to have been a waste of time and money. Harris, and Mowforth and Munt also convey that critics of the conference and its results have accused participants of empty rhetoric and „green washing‟. According to these researchers, (Corell and Susskind; Harris; Mowforth & Munt), criticisms center on the non-binding nature of the treaties developed, the vagueness of the declarations, and the relatively low monetary commitments made. Corell and Susskind suggest several reasons 46
why international treaties, such as Agenda 21, often produce only limited results. They note the lengthy timeframe for securing cooperation and the changing nature of the issues. Corell and Susskind report that often, by the time cooperation is achieved, the problem has changed. They convey the problems related with too few countries ratifying and living up to the agreements. Corell and Susskind suggest that often there is not enough critical mass to make a difference. Corell and Susskind also cite barriers resulting from the elaborate way in which treaties are written and the prohibitive costs associated with implementation. Often disagreements arise over the intent of the language of the treaty, which countries opt not to deal with, according to Corell and Susskind. Bell and Morse (2003), Corell and Susskind (2000), Dernbach (2002), Harris (2000), Mirovitskaya and Ascher (2001), Mowforth and Munt (2001), Nolon (1995), Sharpley and Telfer (2002), Ukaga and Maser (2004), and Villarroel (2004) all convey that weaknesses in the current global system of treaty-making and enforcement make a unilateral, or even grand-scale shift to sustainable development a slim prospect. However, these researchers (Bell & Morse; Corell & Susskind; Dernbach; Harris; Mirovitskaya & Ascher; Mowforth & Munt; Nolon; Sharpley & Telfer; Ukaga & Maser; Villarroel) acknowledge that alternate theory and practice, which mandates “sustainable development”, has continued to emerge since the Rio Summit of the early 1990s. Additionally, a heightened awareness and debate about more sustainable forms of development continues to take place more than a decade after the Rio Summit and almost 20 years after the issue of the Brundtland Report (Bell & Morse; Corell & Susskind; Dernbach; Harris; Marsden, Banks, Renting & Van Der Ploeg, 2001; Mirovitskaya & Ascher; Mowforth & Munt; Nolon; Sharpley & Telfer; Ukaga & Maser; Villarroel). According to Dernbach (2002), Harris (2000), Mowforth and Munt (2001), and Sharpley and Telfer (2002), development theory has evolved in increasingly complex ways since the Rio Summit. For example, understanding environmental and social change has become increasingly important to the development community; thus impact assessments have become an integral part of development policy and process. Linkages between transnational and national policy and local effects for communities are being increasingly considered. The role of these communities in decision making are coming under increasing scrutiny as development theory continues to evolve (Dernbach, 2002; Harris, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). As the negative social and environmental impacts of tourism have become more documented, its role as a development tool has faced increasing scrutiny and debate. Evaluative research, looking at alternative types of tourism development, including nature and eco-based tourism, has become more prevalent in recent years. Similar to general development trends, tourism development in recent years has moved away from mass-forms of large scale destination development, in favor of alternative development paradigms, which include local entrepreneurism, community-based approaches, indigenous development, and sustainable tourism development (Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). While increasingly, rhetoric, debate and focus have centered on these alternative tourism development forms (Dann, 1999; France, 1997; Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Pearce & Butler, 1999; Smith & Eadington, 1992), mass forms of tourism continue to avail the opportunities for global expansion created by neoliberalist policy (Butler, 1999; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002, Wahab & Pigram, 1997). These mass forms of tourism are still acknowledged as the fuel of the economic engine of tourism development around the globe. In addition to the economic benefits of mass forms 47
of tourism for developers, Butler (1999) illustrates a further barrier for the development of alternative forms of tourism, which lies in the basic nature of consumer demand: These concerns [over the impacts of mass forms of tourism] have met two fairly significant problems: first, the economic value of mass tourism, at least at national and perhaps regional levels, and second, the fact that many people seem to enjoy being mass tourists. They actually like not having to make their own travel arrangements, not having to find accommodations when they arrive at a destination, being able to obtain goods and services without learning a foreign language, being able to stay in reasonable and sometimes considerable comfort, being able to eat relatively familiar food, and not having to spend vast amounts of money or time to achieve these goals. Mass tourists are prepared to give up genuine one-on-one authentic local cultural contact and the harsh realities of a Third World or Old World existence in return for these conveniences, seen by them as benefits (p. 32). Further indication of the influence and tension the concepts of sustainable development have placed on development theory can be seen through the recent study conducted by Schubert and Láng, (2003). Schubert and Láng reviewed the extent to which the Brundtland Report was cited in scientific literature from 1987 to 1997. Their methodology included a review of two multidisciplinary bibliographic databases, the Science Citation Index and the Social Science Citation Index. They found a total of 2,434 papers within these databases, contributed by a total of 2,868 authors, from 79 countries around the world. The related studies were published in 696 different journals, with the majority of the papers coming from the fields of Social Science and Agriculture, Biology, and Environment. Schubert and Láng evaluated the focus of the papers, using a review of key words common amongst the titles. Their analysis highlighted the frequency of 20 typical words including: sustainability, urban/city, water, forest, technology/industry, management, health, politics/policy, ecology/ecosystems, sustainable development, economics, planning, environment, green, agriculture, conservation, strategy, energy, global, and development (not sustainable). Schubert and Láng concluded: “the wide and scattered interest (whether in terms of disciplines, journals, nations or authors) led to a multitude of interpretations of the expression [of sustainable development]. During the period under study, the word „sustainability‟ became the dominating term of the field, and operative questions like those of management, technology, and urbanization came into the forefront of interest” (p. 8). Harris (2000) sought to identify the “Basic Principles of Sustainable Development.” His analysis acknowledged the general recognition of three central components (economic, environmental and social impacts), and provides a summary of the goals of each. Harris suggests that in order for development initiatives to be considered economically sustainable, they must be able to (a) be produced on an ongoing basis, (b) be reasonably managed by governments in a way that avoids excessive external debt, and (c) be balanced in terms of their potential damaging impacts on a country‟s agricultural or industrial production. Harries relates that in order for development initiatives to be environmentally sustainable, they must not overly exploit renewable resources or deplete non-renewable resources without investments in adequate substitute resources. Biodiversity, ecosystem functions, and atmospheric stability are included within this charge. Harris adds that in order to be considered socially sustainable, the benefits of development must be distributed fairly and include adequate address of basic needs, political accountability and public 48
participation. Harris concludes that for each of these dimensions taken individually; it is quite possible to develop indicators and measurement tools to assist in the evaluation of a specific intervention. But, together, these three crucial multi-disciplinary aspects of sustainability produce a plethora of potential trade-offs and conflicts which have proven elusive to evaluate using rational decision-making principles found in positivistic theoretical approaches. Harris leaves readers with the question of whether it is truly viable for development intervention to “remedy social inequities and environmental damage while maintaining a sound economic base” (p. 19). According to numerous researchers (Abakerli, 2001; Armesto & Smith-Ramirez, 2001; Bell & Morse, 2003; Corell & Susskind, 2000; Cortez, 2002; Dernbach, 2002; Harris, 2000; López, 2002; Mirovitskaya & Ascher, 2001; Nepal, 1997; Nolon, 1995; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Ukaga & Maser, 2004; Villarroel, 2004), the bulk of theoretical work on sustainable development wrestles with the relationships and trade-offs between the principles of economics, social science and environmental science, and focuses on balancing the conflicting priorities of these disciplines, intergenerational equity and international justice Abakerli; Armesto and Smith-Ramirez; Bell and Morse; Corell and Susskind; Cortez; Dernbach; Harris; López; Mirovitskaya and Ascher; Nepal; Nolon; Sharpley and Telfer; Ukaga and Maser; and Villarroel suggest that the influence of sustainable development theory over the past two decades is closely intertwined with issues of power. These researchers point to development relationships of power and contrast the political, economic, and military power of developed countries to that of underdeveloped countries. They emphasize the influence of international multilateral donors such as the World Bank, the United Nations, and the European Union, which have incorporated theories of sustainable development into their agendas and into the conditions of their work with members of the Third World (Abakerli; Armesto & Smith-Ramirez; Bell & Morse; Corell & Susskind; Cortez; Dernbach; Harris; López; Mirovitskaya & Ascher; Nepal; Nolon; Sharpley & Telfer; Ukaga & Maser; Villarroel). Many of the applied development interventions and accompanying sources of funding supported by these organizations have refocused their emphasis on initiatives which seek to obtain balance between the oftenconflicting goals of economists, environmentalists and social scientists, according to Barkin (2003); Bebbington (1999a); Bell and Morse; Brandon and Redford; Carvalho, Nepstad, McGrath, Diaz, Santilli, & Barros, 2002; Dernbach; Harris; Mowforth and Munt; Ukaga and Maser; and Villarroel. Evidence of this refocused effort, includes: the continued support by these organizations for biodiversity protection, the push for implementation of laws and policies mandating environmental impact assessments by advocates and scholars, tactics such as debt-for-nature swaps, which trade foreign debt for biodiversity protection, support and funding for pro-poor and biodiversity related research, and financial backing for grassroots development initiatives along an array of areas believed to be more sustainable. The power and influence of international multilateral donors such as the World Bank, the United Nations, and the European Union, is substantiated by countries around the world who have begun to incorporate legislation and policy that is directed toward correcting some of the environmental and social justice issues created by the strong neo-liberal economic development measures employed in the 1980s and 1990s. Often with the direct 49
help of global, regional, and in-country NGOs, these countries are beginning to make efforts toward more sustainable development (Barkin; Bebbington, 1999a; Bell and Morse; Brandon and Redford; Carvalho et al., 2002; Dernbach; Harris ; Mowforth and Munt; Ukaga and Maser; and Villarroel). Current State of Development in Chile As noted earlier, Chile faced a plethora of basic-needs related environmental and social development issues as it moved into the current era. An indication of the impact of Chile‟s development policy during the latter half of the 21st century is provided by Castañeda (1999). Castañeda applied the concept of an index sustainable economic welfare (ISEW) to guide his evaluation of Chile‟s development status. The ISEW was an index developed for the United States to measure the welfare of countries from a more holistic view, incorporating economic, environmental and social factors into account. Castañeda used this index to analyze the development of Chile from 1965 – 1995 and compared this index to measures of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the more traditional means of measuring development. Castañeda observed that while GDP had increased 88% during the 30-year period, the ISEW had decreased by 4.9%. Castañeda credited the difference in measures largely to the amount of economic growth coming from the depletion of nonrenewable natural resources and the inability of GDP to accurately measure this dynamic as well as dynamics of social welfare. The following sections examined the components of recent development in Chile; resulting economic, environmental and social factors, and the demographics of the Chilean population today. On a macro level, development taking place in Chile in recent eras has been largely driven by economic neoliberalist principles and policy (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bauer, 1998, 2004, 2005; Bebbington, 2003; Bossert, 1980; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Gwynne, 2003; Harris, 2000; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Padilla, 2001; Perez-Aleman, 2000; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a). Gwynne described, “The opening up of the Chilean economy to international trade and global competition has increased the prominence of TNCs (TransNational Corporations) in all sectors – primary resource production, manufacturing, finance and other services” (p. 311). National policy has strongly supported an outward approach with a restructuring to facilitate freer markets and less state involvement in economic flows, according to Gwynne. Gwynne adds, “With the shift to the neoliberal market-oriented paradigm, economic space in Chile is increasingly linked to the comparative advantage that a space can exert in terms of production for world markets” (p. 311). Gwynne assessed the policy framework of the Chilean regulatory system as having supported the strong market orientation Chile has adopted since the 1980s. He observed minimal government intervention in key industries like fruit production; the focus of his 2003 study. Gwynne noted a relative freedom for transnational corporations to maneuver within contracts, labor and land markets. According to Gwynne, policies of well-defined levels of land ownership rights, granted to transnational players in Chile, have resulted in subsequent vertical integration that has included the purchase of orchards and land from local farmers and other companies. Bauer (2005, 2004, 1998) has produced a significant body of work which evaluates the way in which neoliberalist policy has flowed through water rights in Chile. His 2005 analysis of the state of Chile‟s free-market water code described the approach taken as, “the textbook case of treating water rights, not merely as private property, but also as a fully 50
marketable commodity” (p. 146). Bauer described a development environment with “strong private property rights, broad private economic freedoms, and weak government regulation” (p. 148), which he characterized as incompatible with the objectives of sustainability. As of Bauer‟s 2005 assessment, the original 1981 water code enacted under the Pinochet regime, with its pendulum swinging corrections to the left-wing socialist doctrine of Allende, remained almost entirely intact. Since the 1990s when democratic leadership regained power in Chile, Bauer notes that much discourse and debate has occurred over the need for a more centered approach and water code reform. However, Bauer acknowledged that high levels of political and institutional constraints in Chile had virtually blocked or diffused proposed reform. Bauer assessed that the strength of the 1980 Constitution, with its right-winged political emphasis and accompanying mechanisms and divisions of power, made it virtually impossible for meaningful legal reform to occur without the support of business and development communities within the country. Silva‟s (1996b) analysis of environmental development issues in Chile reported a similar void in addressing environmental concerns during the Pinochet regime. Although a much older account, Silva‟s assessment is still quite relevant, and helps to provide additional clarity around the stalemate in meaningful development policy change described by both Bauer (2005, 2004, 1998) and Gwynne (2003). Silva assessed that few laws or policies were developed during military rule to deal with rising environmental issues and the ministries assigned responsibility for environmental concerns were limited by weakened power, reduced resources, and conflicting regulations. Silva‟s account acknowledges a few positive environmental development responses from that time. First, within the Constitution of 1980, a clause was included which recognized the rights of citizens to live in an environment free of contamination and further acknowledges the duty of the government both to ensure that right and to watch over the preservation of nature. Second, the National Commission for Ecology was created in 1984 and charged with the task to establish a national environmental policy. Third, the CFC Control Convention of 1987 focused on the ozone hole over Antarctica and sought to identify a framework for addressing and controlling CFC emissions. While Silva believes these measures were largely rhetoric at the time, they set the foundation for future action. Silva informs that since the end of the military regime, positive momentum for greater environmental protection has been fueled by environmental groups and NGOs within Chile, a desire to be included in NAFTA which required attention to environmental issues, and active involvement of the World Bank, which has contributed resources in the form of advisors and funds for institutional development. On both the social and environmental reform fronts, change has been slow. Silva conveys that policy and legislation have faced tremendous pressure, amidst push back from the business community, constitutional limitations of power, and a political fear of slowing economic growth. Silva (1996b) reports that in 1992, the Aylwin administration introduced an Environmental Framework Law (EFL) to congress. Two years later, after tremendous debate and multiple concessions, this bill was passed. According to Silva, the EFL framework did not address Chile‟s views on sustainable development. This framework was based on principles of prevention, gradualism, participation and polluter pays; falling short of expressing a commitment to adopt sustainable development principles. Silva added that EFL required the use of Environmental Impact Reports (EIR) for all new investment projects, but allowed private industry to develop the data and reports, leaving room for confusion or unreliability. EFL placed the costs of non-compliance on the perpetrators. 51
The burden of proof was placed on the prosecution, versus the offender. According to Silva, these parameters led to a shirking of responsibilities in some situations. Silva described the principle of gradualism as reflective of the political climate which has accompanied this law. He characterizes this gradualism as manifesting in slow implementation of environmental change; so as not to provoke conflict with the business community. This would support the assertions presented earlier by researchers such as Abakerli (2001), Armesto & Smith-Ramirez (2001), Bell & Morse (2003), Cortez (2002), Dernbach (2002), Harris (2000), López (2002), Mirovitskaya & Ascher (2001), Mowforth & Munt (2003), Nepal (1997), Nolon (1995), Sharpley & Telfer (2002), Ukaga & Maser (2004), and Villarroel (2004) who have suggested that the influence (or lack thereof) of sustainable development theory over the past two decades is closely intertwined with issues of power and political and economic control. The EFL established the legal basis for the protection and preservation of biodiversity. Silva (1996b) reported that the law “reaffirms the state‟s commitment to maintain and expand its National System of Protected Areas, which covered about 18.8 million hectares (18.5% of the national territory) in 1991” (p. 16). While this appears a positive environmental measure, Silva added, “The bulk of the territory actually covered by these protected areas lies in the sparsely populated, extreme south of Chile (regions XI and XII)” (p. 16). This further supports the Chilean tendency to endorse measures of environmental protection that are benign and politically non-controversial. Silva (1996b) reported that the EFL framework was responsible for the creation of the Comisión Nacional de Medio Ambiente (CONAMA), which became the institutional body responsible for the creation of policy related to the environment. This committee coordinated the environmental functions for 10 state ministries – Agriculture, Economy, Health, Housing and Urban Affairs, Mines, National Properties, Planning, Public Works, and Transportation, and was chaired by the Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency (SEGPRES). According to Silva, under the EFL law, each individual ministry retained the full rights to set policy for the areas under its jurisdiction. Historically, reports Silva, these ministries have been made up of policy makers, businessmen, and politicians who prioritize economic growth first and forefront. CONAMA has functioned largely to develop guidelines for the EIR process, oversee implementation of EIR reports, arbitrate disputes between line ministries, and provide an active role in environmental education. According to the provisions of the EFL, CONAMA received its funding largely from international aid, such as the World Bank and USAID. Finally, Silva conveyed that the participation platform of the EFL law was facilitated through the establishment of a “consultative council”, which is comprised of members of the scientific, university, business, NGO, and labor sectors. As well, EIRs must be made public (with the exception of sensitive commercial and proprietal information) and citizens and organizations have a 60-day period within which they can present challenges (Silva, 1996b). Silva (1996b) reported that in addition to the establishment of the EFL, the Aylwin administration addressed a limited amount of other environmental issues related to highrisk, high-priority items such as mining-related pollution and air and sewage pollution issues within the nation‟s capital. Overall, spending on the environment was reported to have quintupled during the Aylwin administration, according to Silva‟s research. Since the end of the Pinochet regime, some modest efforts have been made to curtail the depletion of renewable natural resources. For example, in the early 1990s, the Corporación Nacional Forestal (CONAF) started a National Desertification Plan, which focused on marginal lands 52
in Chile‟s regions I through IV, and emphasized links between economic development and the environment. At the time of Silva‟s assessment (1996b), CONAF had also begun some reforestation projects, and, in conjunction with the Ministry of Agriculture, had proposed a National Plan for Soil Conservation. According to Arellano (1985), a researcher focused on the social history of Chile, “around 1970, Chile had the highest level of State participation in the economy of any of the Latin American countries. Public spending represented 46% of GNP, of which 45% was spent on social programs” (p. 397). According to Arellano, this was the culmination of the previous five decades of social policy within Chile. Between the years of 1920 and 1970, social expenditures per person rose 38-fold, whereas the GNP per capita only gained by approximately 230%. According to Constable and Valenzuela (1991), during the decade of military dictatorship, from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, major priority was placed on privatization of these social services, in respect to education, health, nutrition, housing and social security. For the first time since the 1920s there was an appreciable and sustained decline in social expenditure. In 1971, during the Allende administration, spending reached 25.2% of GNP. By 1981, that percentage had declined to 14.3%, reflecting a decline in real numbers of $7.23BILUSD (Arellano, 1985, Constable & Valenzuela, 1991). Silva (1996) assessed that following the redemocratization of Chile in the mid-1980s, the gaps left between official policy and environmental and social needs have largely been left to the market, local and international NGOs. Current Socio-Economic Landscape in Chile Atria (2004), Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), and Torche and Spilerman (2004) suggest that after a deep transformation during the 1970s and 1980s, today, the economic landscape in Chile today is considered to be a “success story” by the global economic community. Chile has sustained its economic growth for over two decades, with per capita GDP rising from US $2,671 in 1985 to US $5,501 in 1998 (Central Bank of Chile, 2006; National Institute of Statistics, 1998). This represents an average annual increase of 5.5%. According to Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), this long-standing record of growth has been accompanied by large reductions in poverty and improvements in material living conditions. According to the Ministry of Planning (2002), poverty in Chile is measured through the method of income, or "cost of basic needs". This measure holds that an individual is “poor” if their income level is lower than the minimum that permits them to satisfy their basic needs. They are considered “indigent” if their incomes do not permit them to satisfy their needs for food. Thus, the “poverty line” is determined by the minimal income necessary for a person to cover the cost of a market basket for the satisfaction of the individual‟s needs; food and non-food. Households in Chile are comprised of a single person or a group of people, with or without bonds of relationship, who share a dwelling and have a common food budget. Poor households are those whose incomes do not reach the level required to satisfy the basic needs of their members. The poverty line for 2000 in Chile was set at $43,712CLP per month (approximately $85USD) in urban zones, and $29,473CLP per month ($57USD) in rural zones. Households are indigent when, even if they designate all their incomes toward the satisfaction of the food needs of their members; they fail to satisfy them adequately. In 2000, the line of indigence, or extreme poverty, was $21,856CLP per month ($42.50USD) in urban zones and $16,842CLP per month 53
($33USD) in the rural zones. The rural and urban lines are different due to differences in availability and income forms between the zones that permit an equal basic basket to be accessed for lower cost in rural areas (Ministry of Planning, 2002). Between 1987 and 2000, total poverty declined from 45% to 21%. Rates of indigence, or extreme poverty, declined from 17% to 5.7%. Rates for those households whose per capita income fell below the poverty line, but above the extreme poverty line declined from 27.7% to 14.9% (Atria, 2004; Ministry of Planning, 2001a, 2002; Spilerman and Torche, 2000, 2004; Torche & Spilerman, 2004). Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004) note that in spite of these improvements, at the time of their research the rates of income inequalities in Chile were some of the highest in the world. According to the World Bank (2001), they were surpassed only by Brazil, Columbia, and Honduras, in Latin America. Atria, Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), and Torche and Spilerman indicated that although there have been improvements made toward poverty relief; changes had not substantially altered the distribution of income in the population. Therefore, the relative standards of living had remained constant. As this study seeks to understand livelihoods within Chile, it was important to explore dimensions of household income and work. Figure 2.1 represents the average composition of Chilean household incomes for the month of November, 2000, according to the 2000 Chilean National Household Survey (CASEN) conducted by the Ministry of Planning (2001a, 2001b, 2002). This survey, comparable to the Current Population Survey of the United States (Spilerman & Torche, 2004), employs a stratified sample of the 15 and older economically active population and measures a wide range of aspects of the socioincome economic landscape in Chile. The 2000 version, presented in the passages to follow, contained 253,748 cases. Household income, in Figure 2.1, includes the sum of all payments received in a home as a consequence of its productive capitals, plus subsidies. Work-related income represented the main component of household income for Chileans and was comprised of salaries from employers and profits from independent work. The 2000 CASN survey reflected that 80.8% of the total earnings for average Chilean households came from workrelated activities. The subsidies category included the monetary transfers offered to households from the State, including state pensions (PASIS), unemployment subsidies, special family-related subsidies and subsidies for drinking water. In total, these subsidies made up only one percent of the average Chilean household‟s earnings for this timeframe. The remainder of income was formed by non-work related means, such as the sale of assets, interests, pensions and retirement earnings. For the timeframe of the CASEN study, average households earned 18.2% of their income through non-work related activities.
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The 2000 CASEN study suggested that the majority of work-related earnings in Chile were earned in the form of salaries. Subsequent analysis of the 2000 CASEN survey, performed by the Ministry of Planning (2002), indicated that approximately 75.5% of active participants in work-related activities were persons who were employed by others. Independent workers made up an additional 20.3% of the active workforce. The final 4.2% of workers were firm owners. Wages between these three categories differed significantly. The average monthly salary indicated by the 2000 CASEN study was $224,400CLP ($432USD) for those persons who worked for wages as “employees” of established firms. On a monthly basis, “independent workers” earned approximately 22% more than “employees”, at $271,000CLP ($526USD). The most dramatic earnings gap was between “employers”, or firm owners, and “employees”. Persons who owned firms earned almost five times the salary of those that worked for firms, or $1,206,600CLP ($2,437USD) per month, according to the data of the CASEN study. Also of interest to this study were differences in urban and rural livelihood activity trends. The CASEN data revealed a large earnings gap for rural wage earners. The average monthly earnings for urban employees were 108% more than the monthly earnings of their rural counterparts. For self-employed workers, the gap closed slightly; urban workers earned 89% more on average, per month. For rural firm owners, this gap closed more significantly; however, urban firm owners still earned 32% more than their rural counterparts. A complicating factor for understanding socio-economic and livelihood trends in Chile, according to Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), involves the large informal sector, 55
which is estimated to employ more than 35% of the overall Chilean labor force (International Labor Organization, 1998). The International Labor Organization defines this sector as involving the spectrum of economic activities in commerce, agriculture, construction, manufacturing, transportation, and services which are unorganized and do not pay taxes. These workers would also be considered as independent or self-employed; however, their earnings data would not be reflected in government reports such as the Census or CASEN. According to the International Labor Organization, this sector is typically viewed as a means of employment for persons in poorer sectors of transitional economies. However, jobs within the sector are usually low paid and do not offer formalized training or benefits. Currently, basic education in Chile consists of eight years of mandatory primary education followed by a four year secondary level of education. Atria (2004), Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), Ministry of Planning (2001a) and Torche and Spilerman (2004) convey that during the latter half of the 20th century, Chile experienced significant expansion in basic educational reach. By 1970, primary education enrollment exceeded 90%. By the year 2000, primary education was almost universal, according to Atria, Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004), and Torche and Spilerman. Secondary school enrollment for students between the ages of 14 and 18 rose from less than 20% at the beginning of the 1960s, to 49% in 1970, and to 84% in 2000, according to the Ministry of Planning (2001a) and Spilerman and Torch (2000,2004). Table 2.1 demonstrates that by 2000, completion rates for basic education were high within all income segments of the population. The rate for the lowest quintile of the population was 85.2%, and for the population overall, it was 92.1%, according to analysis of the CASEN studies, conducted by Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004). Rates drop significantly however, for secondary
Table 2.1: Educational Attainment of Selected Age Cohorts by Income Quintile, Chile, as of the year, 2000. Age Cohort Income Quintile 1 (Low) 2 3 4 5 (High) Total Population
20-24 Cohort Some Completed Secondary Secondary 71.9% 82.1 89.5 93.9 97.7 84.2
42.6% 56.1 71.5 86.6 94.9 68.8
25-29 Cohort Some Tertiary (Academic, Professional & Technical Higher Education) 5.7% 11.0 20.3 40.4 74.8 29.5
Completed Tertiary 3.1% 4.5 10.9 22.0 48.2 17.1
Note: Adapted from “Living Standard Potential and the transmission of advantage in Chile,” by Spilerman and Torch, 2004, in Edward N. Wolff (ed.) What has happened to the quality of life in advanced industrialized nations? Cheltenham, UK. Edward Elgar. Table 8.3. Adapted with permission of the authors.
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and tertiary levels of education (Atria, 2004; Spilerman & Torche, 2000, 2004; Torche & Spilerman, 2004). Although enrollment and completion rates have both improved over the past thirty years, Atria, Spilerman and Torche (2000, 2004) suggest several factors that bring into question the overall quality of education, especially for lower income quintiles. During the 1980s, schools were transferred from national to local control, financing moved to vouchers, and private school incentives were established that resulted in a high increase of private schools, especially in urban centers of population. In lower income, less populated rural areas, private schools did not make financial sense so a heavy reliance remained on the public system. At the same time, public education budgets were significantly reduced. According to researchers (Atria; Spilerman & Torche; Torche & Spilerman), statistics have shown that bottom-quintile income families attend public schools, top quintile income families attend fully private schools, and the middle-quintile families attend semi-private schools; resulting in a situation where educational quality remains closely related to the dollars a family can spend. Rural versus Urban Socio-Economic Conditions As this study focused on the livelihood pursuits of the rural segment of the population of Aysén, the social policy which has emerged related to the peasant, or rural, segment of the population was of particular importance. Consider not only the material changes expressed in the passage that follows, but also the general tone portrayed by government policy makers of the time in terms of this marginalized group. Bebbington (1999b) writes: Throughout the Pinochet era of broadly neo-liberal reforms, the Chilean government gave only limited support to an emerging sector of medium sized capitalist family farms and invested little to nothing in the peasant economy. Support to this sector became largely the preserve of NGOs. At the same time, the medium and large farm sector began to thrive – with certain crisis periods, as in the early 80s – laying the ground for the oft-heralded miracle of Chilean agricultural transformation. By the time an elected government came into power in 1990, any idea of programs of asset (primarily land) redistribution had already been ruled out during the discussions of the pretransition agrarian commissions of the opposition parties. Instead, the new government opted to extend programs of technical, credit and other forms of support, so that they would now reach the Chilean campesino, and indeed the coverage of these programs has increased significantly. However, the programs were being extended within an overall context of continued noliberal economic policy and overall fiscal stringency. Soon, then – and within the context of an often tense relationship between a Ministry of Agriculture wanting to invest in the sector, and a Ministry of Finance wanting to limit such investment if it could not be shown to be profitable – a language emerged that began to differentiate among so-called viable and non viable peasants (los viables and los no-viables). The argument was that a large part of the Chilean peasantry (some suggested 50 per cent) could not possibly be viable – the definition of non-viability being largely based on the land and water assets they controlled. With such limited assets, it was argued that they could not conceivably become competitive production units 57
capable of accumulating capital. As they were not viable, the argument continued, these peasants should not be the object of programs aimed at enhancing their productive capacity but rather ought be supported through social investment programs that would alleviate their poverty and ultimately facilitate their transition out of agriculture and into the urban economy. Others were yet more drastic, arguing that for most peasants, the money spent on programs of technical and credit support would have a far greater impact on rural poverty if spent on secondary and tertiary education. While the government did not take on board these more radical interpretations, policy towards the small farm sector nonetheless became one of promoting so called reconversión or productive transformation. This reconversión would have two prongs – investment in the productive potential of those units deemed potentially viable (according to the land and other resources to which they had access), in order to facilitate their transformation into competitive capitalist family farms by increasing their yields and/or their mix of activities. The non-viables would instead receive other types of support (from ministries other than agriculture) that would ultimately aim to enhance their potential to become a productive proletariat (though this language was not necessarily that which was used), (pp. 2024-2025). Exploring the repercussions of these policies for thousands of “non-viable” campesinos living in the Aysén region was of primary importance to this study. According to the qualitative accounts of cultural writers such as Kappes (2002) and Reding (2001; 2004), many families have migrated into the slums of Coyhaique or government-erected housing projects in the rural areas, often after liquidating land-holdings and other farm-related assets. With low levels of education and a lack of preparedness for having to pay bills or manage an urban household, Reding and Kappes have described the opportunities and quality of life of these relocated families as poor in comparison with their prior lives in rural areas. An assessment of demographic data for the rural segment in Chile contributed little insight into the larger aspects of livelihood meaning for residents of the Aysén region; however, it did contribute to a contextual understanding of the current landscape in which livelihoods have evolved. In Chile, according to government measures at the time of this study (National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning), a rural area was defined as an assembly of concentrated or dispersed dwellings with 1,000 inhabitants or less, or with between 1,001 and 2,000 inhabitants, if less than 50% are economically active. An urban area was defined as an assembly of concentrated dwellings with more than 2,000 inhabitants, or between 1,001 and 2,000 inhabitants, if at least 50% of these inhabitants are economically active. According to analysis of the 2000 CASEN survey, provided by the Ministry of Planning (2002), approximately 85.9% of Chilean residents lived in urban zones, while the remaining 14.1% lived in urban zones. The highest incidence of rural population was within the sixth, seventh, ninth and tenth regions of Chile, where over 30% of residents were in rural zones. The lowest incidence of rural population was within the first, second, twelfth, and metropolitan regions of the country, where less than 6% of residents were in rural zones. Between the years of 1990 and 2000, rural residency declined by 4.4%, or 172,000 persons. The largest decline in rural population over this period occurred in the eleventh region of Chile where this study was concentrated. Within the Aysén region of Chile, rural populations declined by 12% over the years from 1990 to 2000. Other regions with 58
particularly large changes in their rural populations included the ninth region, which declined 10.7% over this timeframe, and the seventh region which declined 8.7%. Ministry of Planning (2002) studies reported that for the timeframe of the 2000 CASEN study, 8.3% of rural residents fell within the extreme poverty classification. Another 23.8% were considered non-extreme poor. Livelihoods theorists, such as Scoones (1998), Cahn (2002), and Bebbington (1999a, 1999b), relate that an important aspect of understanding rural livelihoods lies in the concept of social affiliation, associated with levels of social capital (Anderson & Miller, 2003; Curran, 2002; Piazza-Georgi, 2002; Winters, Corral, & Gordillo, 2001). Ministry of Planning (2001b) analysis of the 2000 CASEN survey reported that 30.4% of the Chilean population over the age of twelve expressed that they participated in, or were associated with some type of social organization. Rural residents tended to be much more likely to participate in some type of organization (39.4%) in comparison with urban residents (28.9%). In general, participation tended to be most prevalent amongst older, retired persons (60 and older). Participation was fairly evenly distributed between income groups in the population. Approximately 31.8% of those citizens in the extreme poverty range expressed their participation in organizations. Amongst the non-extreme poor segment of the population, 31.4% participated. For non-poor segments, the percentage dropped slightly, to 30.3%. In urban areas the participation by men and women was the same; 28.9%. In rural areas, men were much more likely to participate than women; 42.7% versus 35.9%. It is important to note however, that this 30.4% rate of participation for rural women, while lower than the corresponding rate for men was still much higher than the national average rate of 30.4%. The most common forms of participation were religious organizations, associations of neighbors, sports clubs, senior citizen groups, and mother‟s groups. Other associative relationships that were identified included youth organizations, organizations for parents and guardians, political parties, unions, artistic and cultural organizations. Within rural regions, the percentage of persons participating in associations of neighbors was extremely high (43.2%) in comparison with other categories. For urban areas, only 19.3% of the population identified participation in neighbor associations. In urban areas, the highest category of participation was religious organizations, at 32.7%. Correspondingly, only 16.9% of rural citizens identified participation in a religious organization. The Ministry of Planning (2001b) analysis inquired about reasons for not participating in organizations. For the majority of both rural and urban populations, the response was overwhelmingly that either they were not interested or did not have time. However, there was one notable difference for this topic; 18.6% of rural residents expressed that the organizations that were relevant to them did not exist, in comparison with only 3.9% of the urban population. Study Setting: The Region of Aysén This study explored how macro-level policy transformed as it localized in the micro-environment of specific places and livelihoods. This section explored existing literature and data, contextual to the local scale of this study. This data served the research by providing preliminary context and a departure point from which primary data could begin to explore. However, it is important to reinsert that this study sought to move beyond traditional discourse and explore deeper meanings; “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a 59
place and its linkages with the wider world” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496). While it was important to understand the socio-economic conditions existing in Aysén from the perspective of government Census and analysis, accomplishing the objectives of this research was not a matter for systematic, standardized tools of measurement, but one of meaning. Therefore, an open perspective was maintained in order to allow the cases of interest in this study to “tell their own story”. This study took place in the Aysén region of southern Chile (see Figure 2.2), a geography approximately the size of the state of Mississippi (108,494.4 KM2), with a total population of 91,492, as of the 2002 Chilean Census. The region is divided into ten political municipalities, or comunas. Figure 2.2 provides a map of the region, divided by the ten comunas. As of the 2002 Census, the comuna furthest to the north, Guaitecas, indicated as area one on the map, was home to 1539 residents. Proceeding south, Puerto Cisnes, listed as area two, had a population of 5,739. Area three is Lago Verde, which had 1,062 residents. Aisén was home to 22,353 regional residents. Coyhaique, the regional capital and center of population, had a population of 50,041. Río Ibáñez, area six on the map, had 2,477 residents. Chile Chico was home to 4,444 persons. Cochrane (area eight) had a population of 2,867. In the most southern areas of the region, connected with Coyhaique by road for only a few years, Tortel had 507 residents; and O‟Higgins was home to 463 persons. Approximately 80% of the citizens of the region were dispersed between the comunas of Coyhaique and Aisén. Fifty percent lived in the capital city of Coyhaique. Coyhaique housed the regional government and served as a financial and commercial hub. The remainder of the region was considered by residents, travel guides, and visitors as being extremely “rural”, with large isolated areas and occasional small towns and villages that often consisted of a few closely grouped farms (Bernhardson, 2002; Spitzer & Tate, 2005; Youman & Estep, 2003). Interestingly however, according to the government designations described earlier, most of these seemingly rural comunas were officially classified for census purposes as “urban”. At the time of this study, more than 50% of this region consisted of protected lands. The geography of the territory was marked by temperate rainforests, dramatic mountain peaks, the glaciers of the Patagonian ice fields, and a plethora of rivers, lakes and volcanoes.
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Figure 2.2. Map of XI Region of Chile, Aysén del General Carlos Ibáñez del Camp, with boundaries of the ten political sub-regions (comunas) indicated.
1 2 3
2
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4
Legend:
6 7 9
9
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1) Guaitecas 2) Puerto Cisnes 3) Lago Verde 4) Aisén 5) Coyhaique 6) Río Ibáñez 7) Chile Chico 8) Cochrane 9) Tortel 10) O‟Higgins
Government studies (National Institute of Statistics, 2002; Ministry of Planning, 2002), estimated a total of approximately 25,693 households in the region of Aysén. According to the 2002 Census, seventy-eight percent (78%) of these households were in urban areas. The remaining 5,731 households (22%) were located in rural areas. Generally, rural households were smaller, as Figure 2.3 depicts. Approximately 28% of rural households were inhabited by only a head of household. In urban areas, only 11% of households were comprised of a sole person. In urban areas, in households where two or 61
more persons resided, approximately 73% were headed by a couple; either through formal or common-law marriage. In rural areas, this situation was similar for 70% of the households which contained two or more persons. Roughly a quarter of rural households were comprised of only two persons. In urban areas, this number was closer to 17%. The Figure 2.3. Household Composition for total region, urban, and rural areas. Based on 2002 Chilean Census. XI Region of Chile: Aysen - 2002 Census Household Composition 7000
Total HH 6000
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8+
Number inHousehold
more common household in urban areas was comprised of three to five persons (62%). In rural areas, only 44% of households fell into this category. Other categories of relatives living in households included grandchildren, stepchildren, in-laws, siblings, parents, and other relatives. Fifty-one percent of households consisting of two or more persons in urban areas contained at least one relative in these categories; for rural areas this percentage dropped to 47%. The most common category was “grandchildren” in both rural and urban households. Finally, ten percent of urban households with more than two persons contained a non-relative. In rural areas, this number was 14%. Analysis of Census (2002) and CASEN data (2000) suggested a number of aspects of rural lifestyles that were helpful for forming an initial concept of livelihood for the cases of interest in this study. Most (72%) of the citizens of Aysén, aged 15 or older, reported to practice the catholic religion. The second (15%) most practiced religion was protestant or evangelist denominations of Christianity. Other forms of religion practiced in the region included Judaism, Islam, and both Orthodox and Mormon forms of Christianity. Nine percent of regional residents professed no religious affiliation, or to be agnostic or atheist. 62
The Census collected data for household ownership of a variety of types of transportation options: bicycles, motorcycles, mopeds, four-wheeled motorized vehicles, and boats. The majority (3,529; 62%) of rural households in Aysén did not have one of these sorts of transportation vehicles. However, this dynamic may not be representative of the rural landscape for transportation as the Census did not measure the use of “horses” as a vehicle for transportation. Horses are a commonly used form of transportation in the region‟s rural areas (Kappes, 2002; Reding, 2001, 2004). Twelve hundred and sixty-four rural households (22%) owned a motorized four-wheeled vehicle of some sort (cars, vans, pick-up trucks, cargo vans, trucks, or jeeps), as of the 2002 Census. Within urban households, 8,968 (45%) did not own one of the sorts of transportation vehicles measured by the Census. Forty-one percent of urban households owned a bicycle for transportation, versus 21% of rural households. Motorcycles and mopeds were owned by only a very small percentage (one percent) of regional households. Boat ownership was only slightly higher (three percent), and this tended to concentrate in rural areas more than urban areas; by a ratio of three to one. According to the Chilean Census (National Institute of Statistics, 2002), the majority of Aysén residents (98%) utilized either wood (72%) or propane gas (26%) as the cooking fuel in their homes. In rural areas, almost 92% of homes were fueled by wood for cooking. Most households had cast-iron, wood-burning stoves, which served for cooking, a source of heat, and sometimes, were connected to a water tank to provide a source for hot water. Ninety-three percent of the region‟s households contained a television, according to the 2002 Census. In more rural areas of the region, according to the Ministry of Planning (2002), this number dropped to around 73% of households. Overall, 75% of homes in the region had a washing machine, but only 37% had an automatic clothes dryer. In rural areas, only half of the homes had a clothes washer. Seventy-one percent of regional households had a refrigerator. In more rural areas of the region, this percentage dropped to around 45%. Forty percent of total households in the region had a water heater. In rural areas this number was closer to 25%. Within the region, 40% of households had a cellular phone and 35% had a home phone. These numbers dropped significantly for households in rural areas; less than ten percent of rural households had cellular phones and less that five percent had home phone service. Overall, 3,927 (12%) of regional households had a computer. Only 1,287 of these households had internet access. Outside of urban areas, home internet is not an option. Ten percent (2,603) of regional households have no modern appliances or equipment, as measured by the Chilean Census. Literacy rates for the region of Aysén were high for both urban and rural areas; at 95.7% and 90.8%, respectively, according to the 2002 Census and other government studies (National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning, 2002a, 2002b). Data indicated that literacy rates within the urban areas of Aysén were precisely aligned with the national averages for Chile. For the region in total, five percent of citizens, ages twenty or older, reported that they never attended formal school. According to the 2002 Census and other government studies (National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning, 2002a, 2002b), 31% of the residents in this age group (20 years or older) reported that while they did attend some school, they did not complete the basic education, which consists of eight years of primary school. For twelve percent of regional citizens over the age of twenty, formal education ended after completion of the basic level. Fifteen percent report that they had completed some of the four years of secondary basic education offered in Chile. Roughly 20% had completed this secondary basic degree. Just over 20% had completed some higher 63
education beyond high school, in either the form of technical training, or attendance at a professional institute or university. Within the region, 3,481 persons, or slightly more than six percent, held university degrees, according to the 2002 Census and other government studies (National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning, 2002a, 2002b). As of the 2002 Census (National Institute of Statistics), there were a total of 65,484 citizens in the region who were ages 15 and older. Amongst this group, 35,296 (54%) reported themselves as actively participating in labor markets. The remaining 30,188 (46%) reported that they were unemployed. As a group, rural residents reflected a slightly lower rate of unemployment, 45.6%, versus 46.2% for urban areas. Regional employment was spread across a number of economic sectors, as Figure 2.4 indicates. The three largest employment sectors for employed urban residents of the region were “wholesale and retail sales, repairs of vehicles and personal items” (4,346 / 8.4%), “public administration and defense – social security plans of mandatory affiliation” (3,806 / 7.4%), and “construction” 3,226 / 6.2%). In rural areas, employment was more heavily concentrated amongst the sectors of “agriculture, livestock, hunting and forestry” (2,565 / 18.7%), “fishing” (1,010 / 7.4%), and “construction” (843 / 6.2%). A consideration of trends related to differences between men and women reveals that for the population aged 15 or older, 54% (35,040) are men and 46% (30,444) are women, according to the 2002 Census. Concentrating on this group of men and women aged 15 or older, there were some interesting differences between men and women in terms of where they were likely to live and work-related behaviors. Men were more likely to live in rural areas. Twenty-five percent (8,699) of the men in Aysén lived in rural areas, while only 16% (4,991) of the women lived in rural areas. According to the 2002 Census (National Institute of Statistics), women were heads of 22% of the households in Aysén. These households were more likely to be in urban areas. In total, 70% of men were working at the time of the Census, while only 35% of the women were working. However, the Census data did not evaluate the number of women or men who were managing their homes as their job. For men who worked, 75% lived in urban areas while 25% lived in
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Figure 2.4. Percentage of Employed Aysén Region Residents by Chilean Census Economic Sectors – 2002 Census.
Domestic Services for Private Homes Other Activities of Social, Community & Personal Service Social & Health Services Teaching Public Admin & Defense - Social Sec Plans of Mandatory Affiliation Real Estate, Leasing Financial Intermediaries Transportation, Warehousing & Communications Hotels & Restaurants Wholesale & Retail Sales; Repairs of Vehicles & Personal HH Items Construction Utility Providers Manufacturing Industries Mining Fishing Agriculture, Livestock, Hunting & Forestry 0.00%
1.00%
2.00%
3.00%
4.00%
5.00%
6.00%
7.00%
8.00%
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rural areas. Of women who worked, 88% lived in urban areas while only 12% lived in rural areas. Fifty-five percent of men and 60% of women in Aysén were either legally married or considered so by common-law, while 39% of men and 28% of women were single. The remainder were either separated or widowers. There are no numbers reflecting divorces in the 2002 Chilean Census (National Institute of Statistics) because until 2006, divorce was illegal in the country. The literacy rates for men were slightly higher overall at 95.2%, versus 94.1% for women. Gender-related differences in literacy rates were more pronounced in rural areas. In rural areas, 91.6% of men were literate compared to 89.4% of women. According to 2002 Census results, 95.8% of the men, ages twenty and older in Aysén, had completed some form of school. For women, this percentage was 94%. For men ages 20 or higher, 37% reported they had completed four years of high school or more (technical school, professional institute, university); for women, this percentage was 36%. Overview of Aysén Tourism The following section reviewed literature and research specific to the dynamics of the tourism sector in Aysén. Sernatur (2004), the national tourism organization of the government of Chile, characterized the tourism offering in the region of Aysén as being based on “special interest tourism”. Sernatur reported that tourism in Aysén relied primarily on the quality and variety of natural attractions in the area, the condition and prevalence of natural reserves in the region, and the low levels of exploitation and contamination that were widely accepted to exist at the time of this investigation. According to Sernatur, 2002 tourism arrivals were approximately 99,450 within the region of Aysén. Both Sernatur and Chilecalifica (2005) reported that tremendous growth had taken place in the tourism sector in Aysén in recent decades. Chilecalifica reported that direct incomes grew by 347% during the decade between 1992 and 2002, reaching $50,682,000 USD for the year of 2002. Sernatur showed the rate of tourism arrivals as having more than doubled during this timeframe. Sernatur (2004) recognized five key consumers groups for tourism in Aysén, based on qualitative approaches. They characterized these as 1) Chileans of high socio-economic means, 2) foreigners, principally Europeans and North Americans of high socio-economic means, 3) middle-class Chileans, 4) Argentineans, and 5) European “backpackers”. Sernatur considered the high tourism season to consist of the months of December, January, and February. They noted that in recent years there had been an appreciable increase in the shoulder months of March, September, October, and November, in comparison with historical trends. Sernatur (2004) described transportation in the region as heavily dependent on the north-south trajectory of the Southern Highway and side routes between regional towns: La Junta and Lago Verde, La Tapera and Puerto Cisnes, Chacabuco and Balmaceda, and Chile Chico and El Maitén. They noted a need for continued improvement of the quality and coverage of the road system in the region as a condition for tourism growth. Air arrivals for the region were through the airport in Balmaceda, which serviced jets from Santiago, through Puerto Montt, according to Sernatur. Additionally, there were eight smaller airfields in the region which accommodated regional small plane traffic and facilitated tourism excursions. A significant amount of tourists arrived in the region via maritime forms of transportation. The most important port, according to Sernatur, was Puerto Chacabuco, located approximately 82km. north of Coyhaique. This port was utilized for 66
both cargo and for coordination of tourism cruises to Laguna San Rafael. Other ports existed in Puerto Ibáñez and Chile Chico. Boats utilized these ports to move tourists between Chilean towns bordering Lago General Carrera and to points in Argentina. The primary border crossings in the region were located in Coyhaique Alto, Balmaceda and Chile Chico. These three crossings moved 87% of cross-border traffic in 2002, according to Sernatur. A recent study, conducted by the Chilecalifica (2005), which is responsible for continuing education in Chile, reported exponential growth of tourism infrastructure during the 1990s in Aysén. Available beds grew 165%, from 1,299 in 1990, to 3,449 beds in 2000; tourist establishments grew 356%, from 46 to 210. Sernatur (2004) reported similar numbers in terms of infrastructure growth and informed of the existence of two “four-star” lodging facilities, three “three-star” facilities and two “two-star” facilities. Star ratings are a quality indicator commonly used within the tourism industry for lodging facilities. Generally, star-rating systems employ one to five stars, with one star indicating the most basic level of services and five signifying “luxury”. The majority of lodging services were located in the comunas of Coyhaique, Cisnes, Chile Chico and Aisén. Lodging was extremely underdeveloped in more remote areas of the region such as Guaitecas, Lago Verde, Tortel and O‟Higgins. The Moon Hand book for Chile (Berhardson, 2002), added perspective to Sernatur‟s data by describing towns like O‟Higgins who, were literally overwhelmed by the level of tourism demand that had arrived with the opening of the southernmost portions of the Carretera Austral, in 1999. This guide describes that the influx of tourists had caught the town unprepared. With limited options for lodging, people were camping and sleeping in spare rooms. Berhardson included a comment from the mayor of O‟ Higgins at the time, Alfredo Ronín, who is reported to have said, “We didn‟t evolve step-by-step, we went from horseback to jet” (p. 506). According to Sernatur, in 2002 there were 66 restaurants in the region of Aysén, serving a variety of typical and specialty foods. Sernatur‟s research informed that approximately two-thirds of these restaurants were concentrated between Coyhaique and Aisén. Again, restaurant facilities elsewhere in the region were much less developed. Sernatur reported that in July of 1998, 22 travel agencies existed in the region. However, by 2002, this number had declined to 15, with 80% located in Coyhaique. Agencies reportedly functioned primarily to coordinate cruise activities in Aisén and typically worked with pre-booked group travel. Sernatur attributed the decline between 1998 and 2002 to industry consolidation and to a desire for greater service breadth and operational efficiency. While Sernatur (2004) noted that there were a large number of natural resourcebased attractions that could be developed within Aysén, three main points of product differentiation were identified for the region. First, Sernatur suggested that the “Southern Highway” offered a range of product opportunities. At the time of the Sernatur study, these ranged from organized group travel by tour bus or van to independent excursions utilizing a mixture of transportation methods (rented car, bike touring, hiking, public transportation, etc.). Second, there was a developed cruise product within the region which focused on cruises to “Laguna San Rafael”. There, tourists viewed the glaciers, flora and fauna of the region and the unique aspects of the southern Patagonia ice fields. The final point of product differentiation recognized by Sernatur was “Sports Fishing”. The region of Aysén had been recognized as one of the premier destinations for fly-fishing, according to 67
Sernatur. Activity focused on successfully introduced trout and salmon populations and a well-developed high-end product offering, largely reliant on its own internal infrastructure. Sernatur (2004) identified existing limitations for tourism development. These included: the remote and isolated geography of the region, accompanying climatic limitations, the fragility of the ecosystem, and the lack of well-developed financial, human, and physical resources to meet the needs of tourism. Related to the current industry, Sernatur noted the need for greater geographic dispersion between agencies. Businesses were highly concentrated in Coyhaique and Aisén, making it difficult for skills and support infrastructure to diffuse into the outlying areas. Sernatur noted relatively high costs for tourism services and goods, in relation to other zones of Chile. This, coupled with the limited quality of service offerings negatively impacted the potential for repeat business, according to their analysis. Sernatur (2004) referenced a number of limitations for small, local operators working in the sector of tourism. These included a lack of experience, working capital, promotion expertise or opportunities, product development and basic tourism service skills. Sernatur also noted limitations inherent in the current system of tourism information. According to Sernatur, each municipality handled its own local information office. The disparities between municipality practices were considered to be another limitation of tourism growth. Several tourism development needs were identified by Sernatur (2004) including the need to establish strategic plans of product and site development, the need to understand and plan for tourism social impacts, the need for sectoral prioritization by local and regional governments, and the need to protect resources by establishing carrying capacity thresholds and limits of acceptable change. Sernatur called for more focused programs of training and business development. Finally, they identified the need for systems to establish rules and norms of service quality and environmental protection and methods for evaluation of service providers. The Chilecalifica (2005) study was focused on an analysis of the fit between educational offerings and employer needs within the tourism sector in Aysén. This analysis included demographic insights for four primary tourism-related segments: lodging, restaurants, tour guides, and travel agencies. These four segments represented the largest of twelve total segments recognized by Sernatur in conjunction with the Chilean National Institute of Statistics. This study reported that the aggregate of these four segments represented approximately 77% of the formal economic activity recorded for the tourism sector in Aysén. The Chilecalifica study provided interesting perspective on the significance of seasonality for tourism in Aysén. According to Chilecalifica, an average of 1,135 persons were employed in these four areas of tourism during the low season (May through October) in Aysén. During the high season, from November to April, this average almost doubled, reaching a total of 1,911 persons. Concentrating on the high season, the category of lodging employed approximately 63% of workers for the four segments of concern to the Chilecalifica study. Restaurants employed 15% of workers measured in this study, during the high season months. Tour guides comprised another 16% of total workers. The final seven percent of workers considered in this study, were employed in the 68
travel agency segment. Chilecalifica reports that 85% of persons employed in these areas of tourism permanently resided in the region of Aysén. The remaining 15% were from outside the region, according to this research. According to the findings of the Chilecalifica (2005) study, there were employment opportunities within tourism for persons with a wide range of levels of formal education. Table 2.2 portrays the highest level of educational attainment obtained by workers in key segments of tourism in Aysén, as reported by the Chilecalifica study. Each of these segments employed a number of persons with lower levels of educational attainment. The segments of lodging and restaurants appeared to hold the most opportunities for persons Table 2.2. Highest Level of Educational Attainment for Workers in Key Segments of Aysén Regional Tourism Sector Area of Work Lodging Restaurants Tour Operators Travel Agencies Total
Basic Incomplete 9.7% 5.5% 0.0% 6.8% 7.9%
Basic Complete 28.7% 30.9% 15.2% 11.0% 26.6%
High School Complete 33.5% 49.5% 51.8% 41.9% 39.1%
Higher Ed Complete 22.6% 11.8% 29.5% 35.1% 21.8%
Unknown 5.5% 2.3% 3.6% 4.7% 4.5%
Note: Table utilizes data reported in “A Study of Analysis of the fit between Education and Labor Demand of the productive tourism sector of Aysén,” Chilecalifica Ltd Consulting for Chilecalifica, 2005, 90 pages.
with low levels of education. Tour operators and travel agencies tended to employ persons with at least a complete high school education and often some form of higher education; however, this was not always the case. According to Chilecalifica (2005), approximately 27% of tourism workers in Aysén had received some form of specialized tourism training, other than “on-the-job”. In the travel agency segment, this number was much higher (53%). Twenty-seven percent of all travel guides reported specialized training of some sort. Workers in lodging and restaurant segment jobs had a lower incidence of specialized tourism training; 23% and 24% respectively. Chilecalifica (2005) reported that average monthly wages for workers in tourism were approximately $234,000CLP ($454 USD) for lodging employees, $220,000CLP ($427USD) for restaurant related work, $348,000CLP ($675) for tourism guides, and $403,000CLP ($783USD) for travel agency related work. According to the data of the 2000 CASEN survey, the national average monthly wages for employed workers was $224,000CLP ($432USD). These figures suggest that the tourism wages reported by the Chilecalifica study were competitive and/or better than national average wages for employed workers. However, it is important to understand that for approximately half of all workers in these segments, jobs only lasted for the six months of the high season. Using the Chilecalifica data for the levels of employment attributed to these four segments of tourism and the monthly average wages their study suggests, one can estimate the value of tourism for regional employment during this period, from an earnings standpoint. In total, these four segments of the industry provided more than $3.8 billion CLP, or $7.4 million USD in annual wages for regional employees.
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Generally, this study sought to explore micro level response to macro level development; the process of livelihood transformation that people have chosen, in order to adjust and respond to national and regional level development policy. The specific problem was to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. This crystallized into the following research questions: What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make participants‟ lives more “meaningful”? What role did alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, play for them? How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? With a firmer understanding of the historical context of place and the purpose of the study forefront, this review turned to a review of relevant theoretical literature.
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Part Two: Review of Relevant Theory In addition to being firmly grounded in the history of development and place, the context and purpose of this study was sensitized by two specific areas of theory. Merriam (1998) says, “Qualitative research is designed to inductively build rather than to test concepts, hypotheses, and theories. Because of this characteristic, many believe mistakenly that theory has no place in a qualitative study. Actually it would be difficult to imagine a study without a theoretical or conceptual framework” (p. 45). The “concepts, terms, definitions, models, and theories” of livelihoods studies and studies of alternative forms of tourism which address the concept of sustainability formed the theoretical or conceptual framework for this study. This literature sensitized the design of the study and helped to inform data collection. Overview of Livelihoods Studies Alternative approaches to development, such as livelihoods research approaches, have been characterized for their focus on people and their clear connection with the environment and concepts of sustainability (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). Livelihoods research (Adato & Meinzen-Dick, 2002; Bebbington, 1999a, 1999b; Cahn, 2002; Carney, 2002; Chambers & Conway, 1991; Curran, 2002; de Haan & Zoomers, 2005; Ellis, 2000; Nicol, 2000; Thomson, 2000) acknowledges that assets and power are not distributed in an equitable way amongst individuals, communities, regions, or countries. Nevertheless, this research maintains that people make their own history. This research is oriented on local actors: families, networks, and communities. It focuses attention on issues such as poverty, vulnerability, and marginalization. The central focus of this research is on capturing the lived experience. Livelihoods research, in its modern form, dates back to an Institute of Development Studies (IDS) discussion paper published in 1991, by Chambers and Conway. Carney (2002) conveys that research and issuance of this report coincided with the 1987 Brundtland Report, the Greening of Aid Conference at the International Institute for Environment and Development, the first Human Development Report in 1990, and the 1992 Earth Summit. According to Carney and de Haan and Zoomers (2005), Chambers and Conway‟s 1991 report embraced many of the same principles called for by sustainable development. However, it placed an increased emphasis on the trade-offs for poor people between vulnerability and poverty. Within this report, Chambers and Conway define a livelihood in the following way: A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets and activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base (p. 6). Chambers and Conway identified the fundamentals of livelihoods theory as being capability, equity and sustainability. They defined capability as being able to “perform certain basic functionings,” (p. 4), including coping, finding and making use of opportunities, being adequately nourished, experimenting and innovating. Equity, according to Chambers and Conway, implied a more equal state of distribution of “assets, capabilities and opportunities,” (p. 4). Sustainability, in their view, aligned with popular 71
thought of the time by incorporating a long-term view for maintenance of economic, social and environmental assets. Chambers and Conway developed the first model to represent the components and flows in a livelihood, reproduced here in Figure 2.5. Within this model, „stores and resources‟ represented the tangible assets controlled by a household. „Claims‟ involved people‟s opportunities to demand or appeal for assets or support. „Access‟ was associated with opportunities to receive services, technology or employment. Chambers and Conway suggested that the combination of these assets, with people and their capabilities form their lifestyle. According to researchers (Adato & Meinzen-Dick, 2002; Chambers & Conway, 1991; de Haan & Zoomers, 2005, Whitehead, 2002), this simple model became the starting point for much theoretical work over the next 25 years. Murray (2002) conveyed that livelihoods research had been approached from a circumspective, retrospective and prospective standpoint. According to Murray, the circumspective standpoint had “concentrated on the empirical investigation of combinations of modes of livelihood at one moment of time”, with the goal of examining questions “about the relationships between different socio-economic activities” (p. 490). The retrospective standpoint involved “understanding the changes that have taken place over a much longer timescale” with the intent of “analyzing household or family trajectories of accumulation or impoverishment over time and of particular matrices of vulnerability” (Murray, p. 490). The prospective standpoint concentrated on “the distillation of past experience into future policy”, with the objective of “building alternative conceptual frameworks for facilitating opportunities for improving livelihoods, and more effective planning and coordination across sectoral boundaries such as those of conventional economic analysis…or of government departments with nominally discrete responsibilities” (Murray, p. 491).
Figure 2.5. Chambers & Conway 1991 Model of Components and Flows in a Livelihood
Note: From “Sustainable rural livelihoods: Practical concepts for the 21 st century,” by Chambers, R. and Conway, G.R., 1991, p. 7. Used with permission of the authors.
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Core Concepts of Livelihoods Theory Cahn (2002) confers that a core concept of livelihoods research is the idea of assets or capitals. “The livelihoods approach is based on the premise that understanding the asset status of the poor is fundamental to comprehension of the options open to them, the strategies they adopt to attain livelihoods, the outcomes they aspire to and the vulnerability context under which they operate” (p. 2). Researchers, such as Scoones (1998), Cahn, and Bebbington (1999a, 1999b), have identified five main forms of assets or capitals: human, natural, financial, social and produced. Bebbington (1999a, 1999b) identified cultural capital as another important dimension. Analysis works to understand what access a person has to these different types of assets, how access changes over time with changes to the environment or the person, and how access differs between individuals, groups, and societies. Bebbington (1999b) sums up the importance of assets by saying: A person‟s assets, such as land, are not merely means with which he or she makes a living: they also give meaning to that person‟s world. Assets are not simply resources that people use in building livelihoods: they are assets that give them the capability to be and to act. Assets should not be understood only as things that allow survival, adaptation and poverty alleviation: they are also the basis of agents‟ power to act and reproduce, challenge or change the rules that govern the control, use and transformation of resources (p. 2022). Another important concept of livelihoods research is based on Sen‟s (1981, 1983) research on availability and entitlements. Sen studied the ability of people to command food through legal means available within the society during times of famine. Sen developed an approach, which focused on the ideas of entitlements. Sen posed that “Ownership of food is one of the most primitive property rights and in each society there are rules governing this right” (1981, p. 434). Entitlement work (Sen, 1981, 1983; Sporton, 1998) focuses on each person‟s rights to commodity bundles, including food. It regards starvation as being the result of a failure to be entitled to any commodity bundle with enough food. People are endowed through the economy with a particular commodity bundle and they have the options to exchange or transform that bundle through interactions with trade and production. If, through an endowment itself, as well as the options available with trade and production of that endowment, a person still cannot derive sufficient food for sustenance, then they will starve. The ability to effectively enter and transact amongst the trade and production markets is essential (Sen, 1981, 1983; Sporton). Access, and the problems associated with access for rural and marginalized populations, are increasingly being identified as another key component in understanding livelihoods and issues of poverty, according to researchers such as de Haan and Zoomers (2005). These researchers have concluded that “access to livelihood opportunities are governed by social relations, institutions and organizations, and include power as an important explanatory variable” (p. 44). Further, understanding the relationship between access and decision-making is an important component for livelihood research, according to de Haan and Zoomers. They theorize that this relationship involves both strategic and unintentional behavior as well as structural factors. Cahn (2002) cites another key dimension of livelihoods theory as being an understanding of the transforming structures and processes present in a situation and the links between the micro and macro environments. According to Cahn, transforming 73
structures can be thought of as organizations and may include social, religious or political types. Transforming processes are laws, policies, societal rules, norms, or incentives. Cahn suggests that both structures and processes contribute to the access, control and use of assets. Scoones (1998) conveys that by identifying these structures and processes, it is possible to develop an understanding of places where barriers or constraints occur, and to develop strategies that can impact livelihood sustainability. Livelihood Strategies Through observation and analysis of the choices people make about their livelihood portfolio, a number of strategies have been identified by researchers for rural livelihoods. For example, Zoomers (1999) used the categories of accumulation, consolidation, compensatory and security to describe the livelihood strategies she observed amongst her study of rural populations in the Andes. These categories involved a variety of tactics such as migration, land acquisition, labor recruitment, land improvement, economizing, selling capitals, borrowing and bartering, multi-cropping, exploring non-agricultural opportunities, sharecropping, stockpiling, and reliance on family social security. Scoones (1998) formed similar but distinct clusters in his approach, categorizing strategies into just three areas: agricultural intensification/extensification, livelihood diversification, and migration. Zoomers (1999) and Scoones (1998) both mention „migration‟ as a livelihood strategy. Whitehead (2002) describes this strategy as involving the process of leaving „home‟ for another destination in order to pursue livelihood. There are varying forms of migration behavior, including, return, repeat, circular, permanent, and temporary. Reding (2004) reported that temporary, circular forms of migration were employed by persons within the Aysén region and much of South America, involving travel to the United States to work the cattle and sheep ranches in Idaho, California, Utah and Wyoming, for a threeyear period. Workers returned home at the end of the three years. Many resumed their normal lives, with the dollars earned serving as much needed assets. Others returned to the United States multiple times. Livelihoods Frameworks A number of conceptual frameworks have been advanced that depict variations of the components of sustainable livelihoods, including: the Agrisystems Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Carney, 2002), the Khanyas SL Framework, the Brazilian SL Framework (Carney, 2002), the Imperial College Framework (Carney, 2002), the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Department for International Development, 1999), the IDS Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework for Analysis (Scoones, 1998), the Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability, Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes (Bebbington, 1999a, 1999b), the CARE Framework (Drinkwater & Rusinow (1999), the Oxfam Framework (Carney, Drinkwater, Rusinow, Neefjes, Wanmali & Singh, 1999), and the Ellis Framework (Ellis, 2000). 74
These conceptualizations attempt to define the nature of livelihood development and to identify its parts as well as the relationships involved. Anne Thompson (2000) assessed that while each of these livelihoods frameworks contained some important differences, they all shared the same basic tenets: an analysis of the causes of vulnerability – shocks and stresses in the economic, social and political context, trends, seasonality, fragility of natural resources, etc.; an analysis of assets, at the individual, household and community level, comprising human, social, economic, physical and natural resource assets.; the context within which livelihoods evolve – policies at both micro and macro levels; civic, economic and cultural institutions, both formal and informal; the nature of governance and its processes at all levels in society; livelihood strategies, including, but not restricted to, consumption, production and exchange activities; and the resulting livelihood outcome, assessed multi-dimensionally in terms of food and other basic needs security, greater sustainability of the natural resource base, reduced vulnerability and increased income. Carney, et al. (1999), reported that the adoption of the DFID sustainable livelihoods approach originated from a 1997 White Paper on International Development. Carney, et al., conveyed that within this paper, the DFID made a commitment to intervention which promoted sustainable livelihoods. The DFID views sustainable livelihoods as an approach for achieving poverty elimination. Between 1997 and 1999, the DFID developed the conceptual model shown in Figure 2.6, which represented their approach. The DFID framework, according to Carney, employs the Chambers and Conway (1991) definition of a livelihood and acknowledges that there are many ways of applying livelihoods approaches. Carney et al. reported six underlying principles that the DFID has outlined for povertyfocused development activities. These emphasize the need for livelihoods analysis to be dynamic, sustainable, multi-level, conducted in partnership between public and private sector players, responsive and participatory and people-centered. The DFID sustainable livelihoods guidance sheets (1999) describe the framework as a tool that can be used to assist planning and assessment. DFID explains that the framework is a conceptual representation of the main factors that contribute to people‟s livelihoods and the dynamic interrelations of these dimensions. DFID conveys that the framework functions as a checklist for important issues related to livelihoods. As well, it brings focus to the core influences and processes involved in livelihood transformation and sustainability. Finally, the framework emphasizes the highly dynamic and interactive nature of livelihoods. People are at the core of the framework. The DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework views people as operating in a context of vulnerability. These people have options, within this context, to utilize certain assets, which can help them reduce their poverty. There are a series of structures and processes which exist, in which people must engage in order to transform these assets in a meaningful way. The methods that they use to influence and access these structures and processes form their livelihoods strategies, which help them achieve desired livelihood outcomes (Department for International Development, 1999).
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Figure 2.6. Department for International Development, (DFID) Sustainable Livelihoods Framework of 1999
Note: From “Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheets,” Department for International Development (DFID), 1999, London, UK, Overview 1.1.
The majority of sustainable livelihoods frameworks employ similar dimensions and vary based on the setting and context for which they are used. For example, consider the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) framework (see Figure 2.7) developed by Scoones Figure 2.7. IDS Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Framework
Note: From “Sustainable rural livelihoods – A framework for analysis,” by Ian Scoones, 1998, IDS Working Paper 72, p. 4. Used with permission of the author.
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(1998). Scoones states: The key question to be asked in any analysis of sustainable livelihoods is – Given a particular context (of policy setting, politics, history, agroecology and socio-economic conditions), what combination of livelihood resources (different types of „capital‟) result in the ability to follow what combination of livelihood strategies (agricultural intensification / extensification, livelihood diversification and migration) with what outcomes? Of particular interest in this framework are the institutional processes (embedded in a matrix of formal and informal institutions and organizations), which mediate the ability to carry out such strategies and achieve (or not) such outcomes (p. 3). Scoones suggests that the IDS framework can be used at a variety of different scales including individuals, households, extended families, villages, tribes, communities, regions or nations. Bebbington (1999a, 1999b) presents another conceptual approach to livelihood analysis with his Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability. Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes (see Figure 2.8). Bebbington draws on a Figure 2.8. Bebbington‟s 1999 Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability, Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes
Part 1: Assets, livelihoods and poverty
Part 2: Relationship of resource access, use and transformation
Note: From “Capitals and capabilities: A framework for analyzing peasant viability, rural livelihoods and poverty in the Andes,” by Anthony Bebbington, 1999, A background paper for Policies that work for sustainable agriculture and regenerating rural economies, International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), p. 22, 27. Used with permission on the author.
substantial body of inter-disciplinary research and his own years of analysis in the Andean region to offer this heuristic framework for use as a tool in the analysis of rural livelihoods. According to Bebbington (1999b), the key tenets of this model are: 77
The conception of “livelihoods and the enhancement of human well-being in terms of different types of capital (natural, produced, human, social and cultural)” (p. 2089); The recognition that these capitals are “at once the resources (or inputs) that make livelihood strategies possible, the assets that give people capability, and the outputs that make livelihoods meaningful and viable” (p. 2089); and The focus on household and intra-household level forms of engagement with market, state and civil society actors and relationships, and the implications of these engagements for the distribution and transformation of assets” (p. 2090). Bebbington (1999a) developed this framework in effort to address what he saw as major limitations for other lifestyles approaches. First, he criticized other approaches for merging the terms “agrarian” and “rural” when they spoke of livelihoods. Second, he found limitations in the implication that rural populations based their livelihood choices solely on economic criteria. Bebbington‟s research (1999a, 1999b) has demonstrated that increasingly, rural livelihoods in the Andes are not based on agrarian livelihoods and that criteria other than income are equally important to rural populations in their livelihood choices; including having the option to maintain important cultural and social rituals. Applied Livelihoods Research The Department of International Development (1999) has produced the most extensive set of guidance papers to date related to Sustainable Livelihoods (SL) approaches. According to the Department of International Development (1999), the applied value of SL frameworks is realized through analysis, reflection and debate over the prevailing social, institutional and organizational environments that exist in the geographies of interest. The Department of International Development reports: “The SL approach is not a magic bullet, nor is it a discretely defined way of working that is separate from and contrasts with other approaches. Instead it builds on other approaches and on development good practice” (Uses Section 3.1, ¶ 3). The Department of International Development notes linkage potential with a number of broad approaches to development including participatory development, sector wide approaches, integrated rural development, community-based development, decentralization, and public sector reform. Some of the common methodological tools employed in the SL approach include: environmental checklists, gender analysis, governance assessment, institutional appraisal, macro-economic analysis, market analysis, participatory poverty assessment techniques, risk assessment, social analysis, stakeholder analysis, strategic conflict assessment (SCA), and strategic environmental assessment (SEA). Sustainable Livelihoods work combines both qualitative and quantitative research methods and employs a variety of forms of data including: secondary data, key informants, individual and household case studies, participatory methods, and sample surveys. The Department of International Development recommends the usage of SL approaches at both the field and policy levels of analysis, as using the frameworks places focus on important macro-micro links. Over the past decade, the majority of livelihoods research has focused on “improving the identification, appraisal, implementation and evaluation of development programs so that they better address the priorities of poor people, both directly and at a policy level” (Department for International Development, 1999, Introduction, ¶ 6). A 78
number of international organizations have utilized the SL approach, including the Department for International Development (DFID), the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), CARE, Oxfam, the IDL Group, and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (Cahn, 2002; Carney, 2002; Carney et al., 1999). According to Carney, SL approaches have been employed in a wide range of scenarios, including national level planning, structuring large-scale living standards surveys, emergency response, development of multi-country sectoral partnerships, community-based planning, reviews of existing programs, policy process analysis, monitoring and evaluation, institutional analysis, sectoral reform, structuring research, and teaching. According to researchers (Bebbington, 2000; Bebbington, 1993; Bleahu & Janowski, 2002; Brugere & Lingard, n.d.; Carney, 2002; Davis, Bezemer, Janowski & Wandschneider, 2004; Department for International Development, 1999; Kharatyan, Babajunian & Janowski, 2003; Murray, 2002; Winters, Corral & Gordillo, 2001), some concrete projects have included: a collaboration between the Institute of Developmental Studies (IDS) at the University of Sussex and the UK‟s Department of International Development which sought to connect livelihoods research with the objectives of poverty reduction in various underdeveloped regions; Uganda‟s plan for the modernization of agriculture, assisted by DFID; numerous working papers and briefings from the Overseas Development Institute in London; development of large-scale poverty eradication strategies by Khanya in the Freestate, South Africa; a series of country case studies in Sub-Saharan Africa from the Africa studies center at the University of Leiden, in the Netherlands; disaster response to recent Tsunami activity and other natural disasters; and several projects looking at regions of South America, especially those related to geographies within the Andean Range. Overview of Tourism Development Tourism researchers and theorists (Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002) convey that tourism has historically developed in a manner largely consistent with prevailing development theory. Telfer reports that tourism research has moved with development from an advocacy platform in the 1960s when tourism development was generally considered to be part of the process a country underwent during modernization. Tourism became a tool for development during this time and a part of the modernization process. It was viewed as a development tool which generated greater foreign exchange, job opportunities, and had multiplier effects for local economies (Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Tefler; Telfer). Researchers adopted a cautionary platform in their views of tourism as a development tool as they began to identify problems in the 1970s, such as high incidence of leakage of tourism benefits (Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002). During this decade, the disciplines of anthropology and sociology began to take a hard look at tourism and its negative impacts for developing countries. Dependency theory was employed as one of the main theories used to evaluate the negative impacts of tourism. The theoretical argument has been that 79
multinational companies are determining the path for development in third world destinations, through control of large airlines, tour wholesalers, and hotel chains. These destinations become dependent on foreign tourists but are largely unable to control the marketing or development of products (Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Tefler; Telfer). Researchers (Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002) suggest that during the 1980s, many tourism practitioners focused on how tourism fit into free market development, as neoliberalist development policy became the dominant force in world economies. Tourism became viewed as an invisible export product, in the tertiary sector of the economy. Telfer informs that the World Bank and other international aid agencies began funding programs to encourage the development of tourism policy plans and tourism infrastructure. These plans centered on privatization of the tourism industry and employed free market principles. Telfer reports that policy promoting foreign investment was enacted offering incentives for foreign companies to develop holdings within a destination. Increasingly, tourism became viewed on a global basis, which often led to negative social and environmental effects at the local destination level (Hall & Lew; Hall & Richards; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer). Toward the end of the 1990s, tourism literature took on a more evaluative stance, looking at the impacts of alternative types of tourism development (Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2001; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002). As is the case with more general development theory, tourism development has evolved in increasingly complex ways since that time. As the negative social and environmental impacts of tourism have become well-documented, its role as a sustainable development tool is more uncertain. Tourism was not included as a separate topic of focus at the Earth Summit in 1992 and was not specifically addressed within Agenda 21 (Mowforth & Munt, 1998). However, it has been a focus of much discourse and debate with relation to sustainability in the years that have followed (Epler-Wood, 2002; Hall & Lew; Hall & Richards; Honey, 1999, 2002; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer). For example, in 1997, Elizabeth Dowdeswell, the Executive Director of UNEP, spoke at the 12th General Assembly of the World Tourism Organization (United Nations (Environmental Programme/GRID-Arendal, 1997). In this address, she provided rationale for why tourism must be an industry of focus, in terms of the development of sustainable production and consumption patterns: First, the tourism sector is expanding at an exponential rate. The facts are ones that you know well – the number of international tourists has nearly doubled, reaching 592 million arrivals worldwide in 1996. Domestic tourism has also exploded, especially in countries with emerging economies. Tourism is a major and a highly rapidly developing economic sector and tourists now go almost everywhere, even to remote sensitive areas. Second, in the years since the Earth Summit in 1992, the concept of sustainable development has been widely agreed upon. Tourism, having the environment as its main asset and being an intensive consumer of natural resources which impacts the environment at both local and global levels, has a vested interest and the potential to be a pilot sector for demonstrating what is sustainable development. Third, and most unfortunately, the environment has continued to deteriorate in all regions and is therefore high on the agenda; protection of land, biodiversity, fresh 80
water resources, protection of seas and oceans, climate change and sea level rise, protection of the ozone layer are all topics of concern for the world community. Unfortunately, tourism is one sector that can be particularly vulnerable to environmental degradation (¶ 4-6). In partial response to this growing realization of the linkages between tourism, environmental and social impacts, researchers (Epler-Wood, 2002; Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Honey, 1999, 2002; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Sharpley & Telfer; 2002; Telfer, 2002) report that evaluative research, looking at alternative types of tourism development, including nature and eco-based tourism, has become more prevalent in recent years. While mass forms of tourism still comprise the largest segment of the tourism sector and one that is continuing to grow, some tourism development has moved away from massforms of large scale destination development, in favor of alternative development paradigms, which include local entrepreneurism, community-based approaches, indigenous development, and sustainable tourism development (Epler-Wood; Hall & Lew; Hall & Richards; Honey, 1999, 2002; Mowforth & Munt; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer). Among the research community, this focus has culminated in what some now categorize as a knowledge-based approach, which focuses on the development of a scientific base of tourism knowledge and the development of a more sustainable approach (Jafari, 1989; Sharpley & Tefler, 2002; Telfer, 2002; Smith & Eadington, 1992) As well, a number of conservation organizations, including The Nature Conservancy, Conservation International, Green Globe 21, The International Ecotourism Society, and the World Wildlife Fund have focused research, programs and publications toward development and dissemination of tourism best practices supporting the principles of sustainable tourism development. Alternative Forms of Tourism and the Concept of Sustainability Within the literature on alternative forms of tourism development, case studies abound with examinations of development initiatives based on aspects of “sustainability”, “ecotourism”, “agrotourism”, “nature-based tourism”, “adventure tourism, “educational tourism” and “community-based tourism” (Epler Wood, 2002; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys, 1998). Often, these initiatives occur in and around areas of intense biodiversity and natural beauty, such as global protected areas or World Heritage Sites. According to many researchers, (Epler Wood; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996; Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002; Tisdell & Xiang, 1996; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992) these types of tourism can positively contribute to conservation of protected and wild lands, improved quality of life for local communities, economic revitalization for communities in decline, economic alternatives for rural communities facing a demise of traditional agricultural practices, and protection and revitalization of community interest in cultural heritage. Researchers (Epler Wood; France; Gould; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys; Langholz; Lindberg & Hawkins; Long; Machlis & Field; Middleton & Hawkins; Mowforth & Munt; Rundel & Palma; Schaeffer & Loveridge; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer; Vanasselt; Wahab & Pigram; Wallace; Wells; Wells & Brandon) also agree that tourism development is not without inherent risk. When principles of 81
sustainability are not adhered to or become disrupted tourism can become a destructive force, like any other form of development, causing harm to environmental factors, individual and community quality of life, and economic livelihood. Like most means for development, tourism and protected area researchers, policy makers and practitioners, continue to grapple with how to influence public policy and business practices to encourage and maintain sustainability (Epler Wood; France; Gould; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys; Langholz; Lindberg & Hawkins; Long; Machlis & Field; Middleton & Hawkins; Mowforth & Munt; Rundel & Palma; Schaeffer & Loveridge; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer; Vanasselt; Wahab & Pigram; Wallace; Wells; Wells & Brandon). Common themes that emerge from a review of the extensive collection of existing case studies and best practices on alternative forms of tourism development (Epler Wood, 2002; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996; Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys, 1998; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992) include the recognition of a general intent towards sustainable development, conservation, local community development, local empowerment, rural development, and poverty alleviation. Several studies (Epler Wood; France; Gould; Hall and Lew; Honey,1999, 2002; Jeffreys; Langholz; Lindberg and Hawkins; Long; Machlis and Field; Middleton and Hawkins; Mowforth and Munt; Rundel and Palma; Schaeffer and Loveridge; Sharpley and Telfer; Vanasselt; Wahab and Pigram; Wallace; Wells; Wells and Brandon) have presented cases of tourism development, which researchers consider to be more representative of sustainable development goals. These case studies focus on the evaluations of development along the scale of impacts for specific destinations or through particular tourism initiatives. The general strategies employed in these cases typically involve (a) influencing policy that promotes conservation and ensures community benefits, (b) formalized planning with an emphasis on stakeholder participation, (c) financial incentives and technical assistance for communities and resource managers, (d) training and capacity building programs for local leaders, entrepreneurs and community members, (e) extension services, (f) mechanisms to encourage collaboration and communication, (g) environmental and interpretive programs, (h) new resource management technology solutions, and/or (i) marketing and promotional support. At the same time, the literature contributed by these researchers (Epler Wood; France; Gould; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys; Langholz; Lindberg & Hawkins; Long; Machlis & Field; Middleton & Hawkins; Mowforth & Munt; Rundel & Palma; Schaeffer & Loveridge; Sharpley & Telfer; Telfer; Vanasselt; Wahab & Pigram; Wallace; Wells; Wells & Brandon) reveals a mixture of experimentation, potential, small-scale success and marketing hype, disparate practices, and continuing policy struggles. The scorecard on the ability of these alternative forms of tourism development to contribute to sustainable development is clearly mixed. Destinations continue to face issues of environmental degradation, social marginalization and unequal distribution of costs and benefits from tourism; even those that are developed in alternative ways. Although tourism and development have evolved concurrently, researchers note little interaction between the fields of development and tourism (Epler Wood, 2002; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996; Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys, 1998; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; 82
Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992). Telfer (2002) reports, “Little has been written in the development literature on tourism despite its increasing economic and social significance and its use as a development strategy in developing countries” (p. 51). Telfer adds that while many tourism researchers recognize tourism as being an important development strategy, they rarely make reference to underlying constructs of development theory. This study sought to address the need for improved integration, identified by Sharpley and Telfer, by more strongly linking tourism research with development theory. This study shifted the scale of analysis to a people-centered, micro-level perspective and employed the sensitizing development concepts of sustainable livelihoods approaches in a way that has not previously been done. In so doing, this study contributed to a more in-depth understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism addressing the concept of sustainability fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. Tourism as a Livelihood Strategy Tourism, as a livelihood strategy has received little consideration in either the livelihood research to date or in the literature on sustainable tourism development. There has been some consideration of tourism as a pro-poor strategy in pro-poor literature. This has largely consisted of NGO policy papers and advocacy group publications. The most comprehensive research by these groups was completed during the late 1990s and early 2000s, for the Overseas Development Institute, the International Institute for the Environment and Development, and the Centre for Responsible Tourism (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley, Boyd, & Goodwin 2000; Ashley, Roe & Goodwin, 2001; Bennett, Roe & Ashley, 1999). Much of this research was carried out collaboratively by the three organizations, under the PPT Partnership, which was funded by the Economic and Social Research Unit (ESCOR) of the UK Department for International Development (DFID). The aggregated result of these and other studies from the same core group of researchers has been recognition of tourism as a potentially effective strategy for poverty reduction, provided that it is implemented in a beneficial manner. One of the more influential reports issued by this group of researchers (Bennett, et al., 1999) presented a detailed report on pro-poor tourism as a livelihood strategy. The study addressed three broad issues: “the potential for initiatives in the tourism sector to contribute to poverty elimination; strategies for maximizing the positive contribution of tourism development in terms of its overall net benefits and minimizing environmental and social costs; and, mechanisms for working with the private sector” (p. 5). Methodology included phone and personal interviews with relevant donor and soft loan organizations, discussions with representatives of the tourism industry in the UK, a case study of Namibia as a destination country, review of key literature and internal discussions. Bennett, et al. (1999) identified a geographical overlap between tourism and high incidence of poverty. Additionally, Bennett, et al. identified tourism impacts on poor livelihoods related to a number of dimensions, including economic, environmental, social and cultural. Differences in the impacts of various types and segments of tourism were identified. For example, Bennett et al. suggested that limited evidence had identified domestic/regional tourism and independent travel as having a more substantial economic impact on locals in comparison to international packaged tourism. Bennett et al. also 83
identified that tourism‟s benefits often occurred within informal sectors of the economy. Bennett et al. compared the potential of tourism for pro-poor growth in comparison to other sectors. Results identified the size, labor intensity, and potential cross-sectoral linkages to be advantages of tourism as a potential sector for poverty reduction. Criticisms of tourism as a development tool included high levels of foreign ownership, high leakages and few linkages, and local-level costs such as displacement, lost access to resources, and cultural and social disruption. Bennett et al. (1999) identified some unique characteristics of tourism, as a sector for development. Tourism, according to their study, requires highly complicated marketing techniques, demonstrates unsystematic methods of development, and results in strong competition for natural resources with local residents. According to Bennett et al., tourism is unique in its potential for point-of-production consumption and related linkage opportunities, such as souvenir sales of crafts and local food products. Bennett et al. identified that another benefit may lie in a more widely distributed use of resources which extends beyond human, financial and produced capitals to include natural and cultural capitals. Bennett, et al., reported that access to cultural and natural resources may be easier for poor populations. Tourism provides jobs through its labor intensive nature and has been shown to be inclusive of women, according to this study. Finally, according to Bennett et al., tourism is extremely diverse and can be applied to a wide range of settings and resources. This study concludes that tourism‟s potential should be considered as a development sector, and that further evaluation should focus on its potential to be pro-poor. In 2000, Ashley published results of a second project, which is relevant to this study because it employed the Sustainable Livelihoods Development framework to guide the study. The project focused on the impacts of tourism on rural livelihoods within Namibia. Ashley employed a simplification of the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (see Figure 2.9) to guide the assessment. In this study, Ashley mentions her belief that taking a livelihoods perspective can assist with a more thorough analysis of tourism impacts. Ashley used the SL approach to consider the impacts of tourism on household assets, the contribution tourism made to household goals, the impacts of tourism on livelihood strategies and activities within households, and the influence tourism had on the external environment, in terms of policy and the ability for households to influence external forces. Ashley makes three summarizing conclusions in this study: First, summarizing the development impact of tourism as „jobs and cash‟ is an over-simplification. Local people have complex livelihood strategies, based on multiple land-uses, and diversification of risk across several activities. These are affected by tourism in many different ways, positively and negatively, directly and indirectly. Second, different types of community tourism ventures have different types of tourism impacts. Third, different people have different livelihood priorities (p. 30).
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Figure 2.9. A Simplified Livelihoods Framework Used for Study of the Impacts of Tourism on Rural Livelihoods in Namibia.
Note: From “The impacts of tourism on rural livelihoods: Namibia‟s experience,” by Caroline Ashley, 2000, Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Working Paper 128, p. 14. Used with permission of the author.
Ashley et al. (2001) followed up with an analysis of six case studies of pro-poor tourism development initiatives, which took place in South Africa, Ecuador, Uganda, Nepal, and St. Lucia. This study observed a diversity of approaches, focused on economic benefits, capacity building, mitigating environmental impacts, addressing social and cultural impacts, and policy and process reform. These initiatives were found, in varying degrees, to: expand business and employment opportunities for the poor, enhance collective benefits, provide opportunities for capacity building, training and empowerment, mitigate environmental impacts, positively address social and cultural impacts, build support for policy and planning frameworks, promote local participation, and engage the private sector in partnershipping. Ashley et al. concluded that the benefits of tourism were spread unevenly; however, they found widespread distribution of benefits amongst these case studies and felt that overall, while those involved “often remained poor, they were better-off than before” (p. 27). Ashley et al. concluded four common barriers to success amongst the six cases: 1) access to markets for poor populations, 2) sustained commercial potential, 3) existing policy frameworks, and 4) implementation weaknesses. Based on the same data used for this study, Ashley et al. (2000) proposed that:
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Participation by the poor in tourism, and the benefits they gain, depends on a range of critical factors including the type of tourism, planning regulations, land tenure, market context, and access to capital and training. Many of these can be influenced by changes in policy or external support. Further, there is plenty of unexploited scope for adapting tourism interventions to enhance livelihood benefits to the poor from tourism (p. 1). Ashley (2002) offered methodology guidelines for pro-poor case study development, based on the 2000-2001 research project undertaken by researchers at the ODI. She suggested that it was possible to use a common analytical framework for assessment of multiple projects, even though they spanned diverse situations, geographies, type and scale. The focus employed by Ashley and her research team was to focus on the strategies being employed to enhance tourism impacts for the poor and to examine the impacts of those strategies on poor livelihoods. Methodology involved a three phase approach which began with a definition of scope for each of the case studies. Final case study parameters differed for each country involved. In each country a lead organization was identified for a particular initiative as well as key sites of impact assessment. Second, according to Ashley, field work was conducted, which included writing up the main report. A specific methodology was used, which included participatory work with poor populations affected by the initiative and working interviews with project staff. Third, Ashley details that editing, revising, and further analysis was conducted. The central project team (Ashley et al., 2001) in the UK assisted with structure and helping to draw out implications. Once the individual cases were complete, this team produced a combined report, which provided an overview of the complete project. Ashley‟s evolving use of livelihoods approaches was of particular interest for my research in Aysén. Ashley (2002) states that for her research, methodology focused on other types of impacts (beyond the financial) that tourism had on livelihoods. These included things like changes in the ability of households to access resources, information, or empowerment. She mentions that one effect of this methodological requirement was that researchers had to consult directly with the poor to get a feel for the required indicators. In a Footnote to her report, Ashley expands on her evolution of the use of livelihoods approaches by saying: Thus, it used a „livelihoods approach‟ but did this by identifying categories of impacts that are typical in tourism initiatives rather than simply using categories from a „sustainable livelihoods framework‟, which had proved to be somewhat formulaic in previous assessments. Typically livelihoods analysis involves categorizing impacts according to changes in each type of asset: natural, social physical, human and financial. This was used by Ashley for a methodology for assessing wildlife enterprises in East Africa, but on reflection, led authors to use them as formulas, rather than particularly insightful categories (p. 6). Ashley‟s insights, and those of the ODI team over the 1999 – 2002 timeframe (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley et al., 2000; Ashley et al., 2001; Bennett et al., 999), provided the only foundation of research connecting the tourism sector with sustainable livelihoods in a substantive way.
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Conclusion Bebbington (1999a, 1999b) and other experts in the field of development studies (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley et al., 2000; Ashley et al., 2001; Bennett et al., 1999; Zoomers, 1998) suggest that misperceptions about the way people “get by” and “get things done” are contributing to a lack of effectiveness in development interventions. These researchers (Bebbington 1999a, 1999b; Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley et al., 2000; Ashley et al., 2001; Bennett et al.; Zoomers, 1998) suggest that individuals and communities in rural settings must draw on a wide variety of resources in the creation of their livelihoods, including a range of assets such as those suggested by concepts of human, natural, cultural, social and produced capitals. Developing an understanding of how they access these capitals, transform them into livelihood strategies, define “meaning” in their lives, and sustain and grow the variety of resources within their environment, has largely, to date, remained a story left untold (Bebbington, 1996b, 1997). As previously described, the knowledge gap regarding tourism based livelihoods is even greater, with the limited amount of research to date coming largely from a single source (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley et al., 2000; Ashley et al., 2001; Bennett et al., 1999). Generally, this study explored micro level response to macro level development; the process of livelihood transformation that people have chosen, in order to adjust and respond to national and regional level development policy. The problem specifically, was to develop a better understanding of how alternative forms of tourism fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. This review focused heavily on an examination of the literature, which analyzed general world development and specifically, the history of Chile‟s development. This history has shaped the current culture, environment, and economy of the Aysén region, and its place within the world. An awareness of the policy manifestations of development theory helped to ground this study in place and set the stage for understanding future development in the Aysén region. The review then turned to an analysis of current theoretical work related to sustainable livelihoods theory, tourism development theory, and tourism as a possible livelihood strategy among rural and poor populations. This theoretical literature helped to ground the study in current scholarly thought. Insights from the theoretical literature review provided the foundation for methodological choices and provided sensitizing concepts for data collection and analysis. Further, these insights pointed out important knowledge gaps in the areas of linkages between tourism and development research which this study began to address.
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CHAPTER THREE METHODS Overview Generally, this study explored micro level responses to macro level development; the process of livelihood transformation that people have chosen, in order to adjust and respond to national and regional level development policy. The problem specifically, was to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. This crystallized into the following research questions: What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make their lives more “meaningful”? What role do the alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, play for them? How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? The nature of this research problem required digging deep into the experiences of people within this region and exploring “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a place and its linkages with the wider world” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496). The questions sought to understand the meanings people attached to “livelihood” and “tourism” within the context of their social and interpersonal environments. There were no standardized instruments developed to measure these meanings. Moreover, accomplishing the objectives of this research was not a matter for systematic, standardized tools of measurement, but one of meaning. Qualitative researchers (Atkinson & Hammersley, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002) note that the nature of this research required the longer, more detailed and variable content of qualitative data which permit an understanding of the world, from the unique terms of the participants. For these reasons, an interpretive, qualitative approach was applied for this study. This study sought to explore livelihoods, as bounded systems. Its search for meaning focused on an individual livelihood perspective and bounded itself in the individual, the relationships of the individual within his/her household and relationships the individual had through the organizations to which they and their household belonged. Each of the livelihoods of the participants in the study became bounded livelihood systems, or cases of interest. Patton says, The case study approach to qualitative analysis constitutes a specific way of collecting, organizing, and analyzing data; in that sense it represents an analysis process. The purpose is to gather comprehensive, systematic, and in-depth information about each case of interest. The analysis process 88
results in a product: a case study. Thus, the term case study can refer to either the process of analysis or the product of analysis, or both (p. 447). Merriam says, “For a qualitative study to be ethnography it must present a socio-cultural interpretation of the data. Therefore, ethnography is not defined by how data are collected, but rather by the lens through which the data are interpreted” (p.8). Atkinson and Hammersley, Denzin and Lincoln, (1998), Hammersley and Atkinson, Huberman and Miles, Lincoln and Guba, Merriam, and Patton agree that it is possible to combine both the lens of ethnography and the case study process of analysis. This study utilized a case-study specific way of collecting, organizing, and analyzing data and presented a socio-cultural interpretation of the data, resulting in a specific product of analysis: an ethnographic case study. Data collection incorporated interviews, observations and document analysis. Principles of naturalistic inquiry were employed, as recommended by Patton (2002), in that I did not manipulate the setting, but rather sought to “understand and document the day-today reality of the setting or settings under study…” (p.39), and be open to “whatever emerges” (p.40). The outcomes of this study have been produced in a valid, reliable and ethical manner, following the methodological guidance of qualitative experts, such as Atkinson & Hammersley (1998), Denzin and Lincoln (1998), Hammersley and Atkinson (1995), Huberman and Miles (2002), Lincoln and Guba (1985), Merriam (2002), and Patton. The methods employed included multiple forms of triangulation, member checking, peer review, reflexivity, adequate engagement in data collection, maximum variation sampling strategies, audit trails, and thick description. Informed consent and IRB consistent principles of confidentiality were employed, whenever data was collected beyond a public setting Bebbington (2000) states, “…if we look at histories of places, rather than of discourses, and trace actual processes of livelihood and landscape transformation and the institutional interventions that have accompanied them, it becomes easier to identify elements of feasible development alternatives” (p.496). A lived experience view of “tourism”, from the perspective of being a livelihood strategy, has received little consideration in either the livelihood research to date or the literature on alternative forms of tourism development, which address the concept of sustainability. This research contributed and expanded the limited knowledge base for how tourism impacts rural livelihoods, by tracing the process of tourism-based livelihood development within the history and culture of the Aysén region of Chile, from the view of those who have chosen to incorporate as a major part of their overall livelihood strategy. By so doing, it is hoped that this research will contribute to the identification of more feasible and meaningful development alternatives, as Bebbington (1999b) suggests. Possible audiences for this study include the individual cases of interest, local communities, government agencies, NGOs, and specific projects within the region striving to build regional capacity and capitalize on the potential of tourism to be a tool for livelihood sustainability and development. While results are not scaleable to a larger population, this study contributes to emerging theory in a variety of areas: rural livelihoods and development theory, tourism development theory, pro-poor tourism theory, and rural economic development theory. As well, insights may provide catalysts for thought, action and further research throughout the world; wherever individuals, communities and regions face similar development and livelihood issues. 89
Study Design This study examined the livelihoods of sixteen individuals in the Aysén region of Chile who had demonstrated the choice to incorporate forms of alternative tourism as an important part of their livelihood strategy. Each participant, or case of interest, was viewed as a bounded, integrated livelihood system. Data were collected, organized, and analyzed for each individual participant. These data were collected in the form of: 1) observations of the physical environment, 2) participant observations of respective tourism products, 3) informal interviews with the individuals represented in the cases of interest and their customers, peers, community members and family members, 4) business-related documents, such as marketing materials about their businesses, advertisements, price sheets, and customer correspondence, 5) and school or project records of interest, such as application materials, homework assignments, and final projects. Data were organized around “cases of interest”, forming a picture of each individual as a bounded system. These cases of interest were analyzed, both independently of one another, and then across cases, to draw out patterns, similarities, and differences. Throughout this process, an ethnographic “lens” was employed in order to interpret the data from a socio-cultural stance. The combination of these analyses represents the final ethnographic case study product (Merriam, 1998; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). Theoretical Framework & Sensitizing Concepts Merriam (1998) says: “Qualitative research is designed to inductively build rather than to test concepts, hypotheses, and theories. Because of this characteristic, many believe mistakenly that theory has no place in a qualitative study. Actually it would be difficult to imagine a study without a theoretical or conceptual framework” (p. 45). The concepts, terms, definitions, models, and theories of livelihoods studies and studies of alternative forms of tourism which address the concept of sustainability formed the theoretical or conceptual framework for this study. In Patton‟s (2002) guide to qualitative methods, he discusses the practice employed by many experienced observers of employing “sensitizing concepts” to inform and orient fieldwork. Patton suggests that, “while the inductive nature of qualitative inquiry emphasizes the importance of being open to whatever one can learn, some way of organizing the complexity of experience is virtually a prerequisite for perception itself” (p.278). Bebbington‟s (1999) heuristic framework for analyzing peasant viability, rural livelihoods and poverty in the Andes, provided a helpful sensitizing concept for informing and guiding the initial scripts for the study and for helping to organize the complexity of the experiences I observed and recorded. Additionally, the DFID (1999) Sustainable Livelihoods Framework provided an important sensitizing concept during the data analysis phase of this research. After the initial free-form phases of theme development, this framework provided an interesting conceptual framework for organization of emerging themes. Finally, this study was informed by a critical poststructural feminist theoretical frame that seeks to give voice to perspectives that have been discounted or ignored. This type of framework poses that the race, gender, class, etc., of researchers, governments, participants, customers, community members, and others involved in a study can affect how 90
one collects and accesses data and how one constructs and interprets knowledge. Also, it can affect how one deals with crossing positional borders (Denzin & Lincoln, 1988; HesseBiber & Yaiser, 2004; Tisdell, 2002, Weber; 2004). Weber (2004) says: People‟s real life experiences have never fit into the boundaries created by academic disciplines: Lives are much more complex and far reaching. Just as the social, political, economic, and psychological dimensions of everyday life are intertwined and mutually dependent, so too are the systems of inequality – race, class, gender, and sexuality – that limit and restrict some people while privileging others (p. 121). Review of the history of development in Chile, the region of Aysén, the population of interest and the purposes of this study suggested a number of systems of inequality that may have impacted the livelihoods of local citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. Marginalization has occurred in Chile, based on a variety of factors including race (Mapuche, Mestizo, etc.), gender, geography, religion, sexuality, social class, surname, rural residency, differences in political ideologies, and cultural differences (Arellano, 1985; Atria, 2004; Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Butland, 1957; Chinchilla & Sternberg, 1974; Collier & Sater, 1996; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Larrain, 2001; Mahoney, 2003; Mayer, 2002; Navarro & Corcuera, 2002; Rasnake, 1988; Reding, 2001, 2004; Roberts, 1990; Rodríguez, 2000; Sater, 1979, 1981; Silva, 1996a, 1996b; Silva, 1991; Solberg, 1969; Spilerman & Torche, 2000, 2004; Steenland, 1974; Topik, 1999; Torche & Spilerman, 2004). These researchers report that land tenure, economic and educational policy have played primary roles in relationships of power and control in Chile. This study sought to understand meaning in livelihood for a group of Chilean citizens that have historically been marginalized on a number of levels. For this purpose, the sensitizing concepts of the feminist theoretical framework were critical to the quality and implications of this work. As well, understanding and accounting for my own positionality as a white, middle-aged, American woman with extensive education and a very different connotation of social class was an important methodological consideration for this study. In this aspect, feminist perspectives related to social class were of particular relevance. Says Weber (2004): The dominant ideology of social class is that it is not binary, polarized or biological. Instead, the United States is seen as having an open economic system where talent and hard work – not inherited physical traits – are the primary determinants of one‟s economic location. Our system is not seen as polarized between rich and poor, capitalists and workers, or middle and working classes. Rather it is viewed as a continuous ladder of income and resources, where people can slide up and down based on their own efforts and abilities – not on the biology. In the final analysis, the real power of the middle and upper classes is reinforced through this ideology as well as through the race, gender and sexuality ideologies because all obscure the forces that underlie the social hierarchy. In the case of the social class, however, unfair hierarchy is obscured by referring to ability and effort rather than by referring to biological superiority. Social class ideology disavows biology and categorical binaries, yet justifies hierarchy and dominance nonetheless. The case of social class makes very clear that ideologies are created to justify hierarchies and need not be based in binaries or 91
biology, nor need they be internally consistent or logical. To justify the power or control of the dominant group, ideologies of dominance develop in different ways over time and in different social contexts and can rest on fundamentally very different – even seemingly contradictory – beliefs (pp. 125-126). Heeding Weber‟s advice, I employed these frameworks in my research to more consciously guide examination of the systems of power that existed in Aysén, as well as to explore the effects of race, gender, and class relations at the individual, community, and institutional level, and the complexities of simultaneous factors of positionality (race, class, gender, sexuality) that interacted in social situations. Further, I sought to examine how the results and implications of this study might further knowledge amongst the population of interest, as knowledge and activism have been proven to interrelate. Sampling This study employed a purposeful sampling technique. Patton (2002) argues that “the logic and power of purposeful sampling lies in selecting information-rich cases for in depth study. Information-rich cases are those from which one can learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the research, thus the term purposeful sampling” (p. 46). In order to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile, the following individual attributes were identified to guide the choice of cases of interest. Each case centered on an individual who: (a) was a citizen or permanent resident of Chile; (b) had lived in the region for at least 3 years; and (c) had demonstrated the choice to incorporate new forms of tourism as an important part of their livelihood strategy. Additionally, the range of cases represented maximum variation in that they contained a diversity of: Human, Natural, Social, Cultural and Produced Capital Scenarios, Demographics: (Sex, Age / Life-stage, Family Composition), and Geographical Dispersion (coming from different communities within the region and having tourism livelihoods based on a range of geographic and natural features). Other important considerations for sample selection included the ability to gain access to the cases of interest, time available for data collection, and budget limitations. Early in 2005, I began my search for a selection of sample cases that would fit my criteria. As a newcomer to the region, I needed to be able to gain access to the sample and establish a rapport of trust, within a relatively short time frame. Utilizing existing relationships with industry professionals, I sought advice and assistance. In May of 2005, a colleague invited me to join him in observing classes at the Escuela de Guías de Patagonia (Guide‟s School of Patagonia), in Puerto Ibañez, Chile. After the class, I met with the director of the school to discuss the project. Throughout the following six months, I continued to keep in contact with the project, and its director. I met some of the students and learned more about the curriculum. I determined that the director of the project was a gatekeeper for members of my population of interest in Aysén. Without exception, the people I contacted within tourism in the Aysén region, knew and respected him. 92
Additionally, he knew most of the “locals”, who were currently involved or sought to become involved in tourism and had served as a mentor for many. He was well respected throughout the region, as a guide, as an instructor, as a project manager, as a conservationist, and as a mentor. He has worked for numerous national and international NGOs, CONAF, NOLS, and various outdoor and experiential education projects. As well he has consulted for a number of regional tourism initiatives. Through my contact with the Guide‟s School of Patagonia, I determined that the majority of the students at the school met the criteria I sought for this study. They were from a variety of the rural communities in the region. They had lived in the region for at least three years; many for three generations. Upon review of the Guide‟s School program, I determined that the process of participating in this two-year training program demonstrated an adequate individual commitment of the choice to incorporate new forms of tourism as an important part of a livelihood strategy. After gaining the trust of the director, I shared the goals of my study and discussed the possible strategy of purposefully selecting individual cases of interest from amongst the graduates of the Guide‟s School program to form the sample for my study. He was supportive of the idea. Pilot Study In November of 2005, I conducted a pilot study to fine-tune my methodology and test my sampling strategy. Through this study, I was able to confirm the information-rich potential of my chosen sampling strategy. During the month of January 2006, I met with the director of the school to frame out the sample cases of interest. Over the course of several meetings, I explained my selection criteria and we identified possible cases. Sixteen of these cases would form the final cases of interest for this study, based on their willingness to participate, availability, and fit with the research objectives. It is important to note, that the unit of analysis for this case study remains with the individual cases of interest. I collected data for each of the sixteen cases of interest. For each case, I observed and interviewed a variety of persons within the individual‟s livelihood “system”. Snowball sampling methods were employed for this aspect of the study. The role of the school was as a tool to assist in the sampling process, by helping to provide the information needed to determine individual “fit” with the selection criteria. Additionally, directors of the school provided expert insights, based on the role they played in the livelihood systems of the cases of interest. Final “Cases of Interest” The research was accomplished through the construction and analysis of 16 robust “cases of interest”. The study utilized primary and secondary data, including interviews with the individuals, members of their families, competitors, government agencies, and historical documents such as brochures, research reports, business plans and tools. In addition, they include my personal observations, as a researcher and as a tourist. A summary of demographic information for each of the sixteen cases of interest, included in this study, is provided in Table 3.1.
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Table 3.1. Demographic Profile of Cases of Interest
Name Age Jorge Pumares 44 Sebastian Brisaboa 41
Sex M M
Married Y N
# Children 1 1
Place of Residence Los Leones Rio Tranquilo
Isabel Freire Jorge Blanco Elena Mañan Carlos Abel Amalia Guillen Nadia Iglesias Jose Gorgozo Alejandro Santos Miguel Quiben Javier Cabaneiro
41 37 35 35 34 33 31 29 28 28
F M F M F F M M M M
Y Y Y Y N N Y Y Y N
2 1 0 2 1 1 1 1 4 0
Puerto Ibáñez Chile Chico Coyhaique Guadal Coyhaique Murta Tortel Puerto Aysén Balmaceda Cerro Castillo
Anna Méndez
27
F
N
2
Coyhaique
Alejandro Manin Pedro Valdomar Alvaro Araujo
27 23 21
M M M
Y N N
2 0 0
Bertrand Coyhaique Coyhaique
Place of Birth Guadal Guadal Temuco (9th Region) Mallin Grande Coyhaique Guadal Coyhaique Murta Cochrane Coyhaique Coyhaique Cochrane Angol (9th Region) Chaitén (10th Region) Tortel Guadal
Amongst these cases, there are eleven males and five females. At the time of data collection, the ages for these cases ranged from 21 to 44 years. Distribution of the cases, within this range, is represented in Figure 3.1. Nine of the sixteen cases of interests, or 56%, involved people who were “married”. For the purposes of this study, the category “married” included couples living together in a long-term relationship, with livelihood interests approached as a household. Separated or divorced persons were considered to fall within the category of “single”, as well as individuals who had never been in a “marriage” relationship. Seven, (44%), of the cases of interest were “single”. Twelve of the sixteen cases of interest, or 75%, were parents of one or more children at the time of data
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Figure 3.1. Age Distribution for Study Cases of Interest
Years of Age
41-45 36-40 31-35 26-30 21-25 0
1
2
3
4
5
6
Number of Cases
collection. Seven cases had one child, four cases had two children, one case had four children, and the remaining four cases did not have children. All of the sixteen cases of interest were born within Chile. Thirteen of the sixteen, (81%), were born within the region of Aysén, which is the eleventh of the twelve regions of Chile, moving north to south. Of the thirteen born in Aysén, five were born in the capital city of Coyhaique (population 50,000), four were born in Guadal, (population under 500), one was born in Cochrane (population 4,000), one in Murta (population under 500), one in Tortel (population under 500), and one in Mallin Grande (population under 500). Two of the others were born in the ninth region of Chile, in the cities of Temuco, (population 266,000), and Angol (population 51,300). The final case of interest was born in Chaitén, (population 3,300), which is located in the tenth region of Chile. Eleven (69%) of the sixteen cases of interest were living in a different town from the town where they were born, at the time of this study. All of the cases of interests had lived within the region of Aysén for a minimum of the prior three years. There was one case residing in each of the following towns within the region: Leones, Rio Tranquilo, Puerto Ibáñez, Chile Chico, Guadal, Murta, Tortel, Puerto Aysén, Balmaceda, Cerro Castillo, and Bertrand. Additionally, there were five cases in which the person was residing in Coyhaique. Two of the cases residing in Coyhaique considered themselves to be Coyhaquino; Amalia Guillen and Elena Mañan. The other three, Anna Méndez, Pedro Valdomar, and Alvaro Araujo, had moved to Coyhaique to take jobs with companies based in the town. Pedro and Alvaro still maintained strong ties to the towns of their extended families; Tortel and Puerto Bertrand. Anna‟s family had moved to Coyhaique with her with the intention of making it a more permanent family base. Table 3.2 summarizes the education, training, and professional licenses reported by the cases of interest. All of the cases of interest completed eight years of basic education. Given the remoteness of the region of Aysén, its low population density, and the relative scarcity of transportation options, many children of rural areas end up living at school during the week and returning home for weekends or holidays. Of the group, six (38%) of the cases attended a grammar school in another town, which required them to live away from their parents. High schools are spaced much further apart, in a geographic sense, so by high school, the number of participants attending school in another town rose to eight, or 95
50%. While all sixteen started the secondary phase of basic education, similar to high school in the United States, only eleven (69%) of the cases completed the four year secondary education. Of this number, two completed their studies as adults; attending night school or taking an equivalency exam. Five (31%) of the cases attended professional, technical schools or universities, after completing twelve years of basic studies. The focus of studies for these cases included interior design, emergency medical service, agricultural engineering, tourism enterprise management, and law. Degrees were achieved by three of these five cases, in the areas of emergency medical service, agricultural engineering, and tourism enterprise management. Table 3.2. Education, Training & Professional Licenses for Study Cases of Interest Number of Cases Percentage of Cases Formal Education Grammar School 16 100% High School Incomplete 5 31% Normal 4-Yr High School Degree 9 56% Night School / GED 2 13% Formal Higher Education Studies 5 31% Technical School / University Degree 3 19% Professional Training & Development Personal Development & Training Courses 9 56% Military Service 3 19% Professional Licenses Maritime Captain's License 1 6% Small Scale Professional Fishing License 1 6% Chauffeur's License 3 19% Regional Guide Designation – GSP 11 69% Local Guide Designation – GSP 3 19% Wilderness First Aid Certification 14 88%
Nine (56%) of the cases had completed professional development training courses, through their employers or community resources. Topics for these courses included ecotourism, personal development, computer skills, English language training, agricultural and forestry skills, horse handling, food handling, and wilderness leadership skills. Three (19%) of the cases of interest participated in a one year mandatory military assignment in Coyhaique. Chile has a mandatory military service for all citizens between eighteen and forty-five. They must register for service at eighteen years of age; however, they are not called for service unless there are insufficient volunteers to meet their quotas. The duration of service is twelve months for the army and twenty-four months for Navy and Air Force. There were a variety of professional licenses held by the cases of interest. One of the cases held a maritime captain‟s license as well as a small-scale, (artisan), professional fishing license. Three (6%) of the cases held professional chauffeur licenses, which allowed them to professionally transport tourists and other clients. Fourteen (88%) of the cases of interest had graduated from the Guide‟s School of Patagonia. All of these cases held a two-year Wilderness First Aid Certification. Eleven (69%) of the cases of interest 96
had been designated as “regional guides” by the school, which signified that they had completed the entire curriculum, including multiple areas of specialty, and were prepared for nature tourism guiding throughout the region of Aysén. Three (19%) of the cases of interest had been designated as “local guides” by the school. This designation indicated that they completed the entire curriculum and at least one area of specialization, but that their focus was more localized, on either a more specific geography or specialization area. Industry Support There were a number of regional initiatives and programs in place to assist companies and individuals in their efforts to develop livelihoods based on tourism. During my time in the field, I met with a number of industry specialists; business owners in the larger, more successful enterprises, development specialists with responsibility for the area of tourism in the many government and non-government agencies, directors of training and education programs related to the industry, conservationists, cultural experts, and representatives of government agencies responsible for management of tourism promotion and protected area management. These experts provided important data within each of the sixteen cases of interest. They shared information and opinions about their respective areas of expertise; about key segments of the industry, development trends in Aysén, and the forms of industry support that existed. They discussed how policy, law, culture and institutions affected tourism development and the ability of rural residents to mitigate, change, influence or control the vulnerabilities they faced. They shared their unique perspectives, regarding the opportunities and challenges of tourism in Aysén and their predictions of what the future might hold. A brief profile of these individuals is presented in Table 3.3. All were based in Coyhaique unless otherwise noted.
Table 3.3. Aysén Tourism Specialists and Development Experts Interviewed March - May, 2006. Name Organization Position Role John Brown Patagonia Voyages Co-owner & Vice Industry Leader President – Cámara of Tourism Coyhaique Jonas Fernandez Guide‟s School Director Training Jessica Amieiro Guide‟s School Coordinator Training Sara Balsa CORFO Tourism Specialist Development Expert Sofia Sanchez ACCA Project Manager Development Expert Lazaro Soto FOSIS Project Manager – Development Expert Ruta TransPatagonia Cristina Vidal INDAP Tourism Specialist Development Expert Sancho Castillo SERCOTEC Tourism Specialist Development Expert Eva Diego Sernatur Tourism Specialist Tourism Promotion Rafael Allende CONAF Regional Manager Forest Service Pablo Mendez Summit Adventures Co-owner & Industry Leader Member of Cámara 97
Juan Castro Pilar Rodriguez Alberto Gallego Kris Tompkins Dr. Ricardo Morono Manuel Dorado Camilo Manin Paolo Salerno Sergio Vales Alex Fachal
Lakeshore B&B – Chile Chico The Light – Puerto Tranquilo The Light – Puerto Tranquilo Conservacion Patagonia - Cochrane Author / Lecturer House of Culture NOLS Regional Government Tres Lagos - Bertrand Regional Museum
of Tourism Owner
Industry Leader
Co-Owner
Industry Leader
Co-Owner
Industry Leader
Founder
Conservationist
Expert
Cultural Specialist
Director Instructor Lawyer Guide Director
Cultural Specialist Industry Expert Government Expert Industry Expert Cultural Specialist
Working with these specialists, prior to the time I spent with the cases of interest, proved to be a valuable strategy. Their expertise and perspectives helped to prepare me for the travels I would make during April and May, and for the experience of the tourism products and lives of my 16 cases of interest. Some of these programs, such as those offered by Sernatur, provided promotional support, such as inclusion in web sites and printed brochures, representation trade shows and even features in national and international advertising campaigns. Other programs involved opportunities for “seed capital” and expansion support or management consulting services. There are programs for training and capacity building and formal networks which seek to join businesses throughout the region for collective marketing and referrals. From a policy standpoint, laws have been established, offering tax relief and other forms of incentives, as rewards for establishing and expanding specific tourism-related businesses. Specific information on the types and depth of support offered for tourism development in Aysén can be found in the Summary Table of Programs, (Appendix, Item B). Data Collection Data collection incorporated all three sources of data, recognized in qualitative research: interviews, observations and documents (Atkinson & Hammersley, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). Principles of naturalistic inquiry were employed, as recommended by Patton, in that I did not manipulate the setting, but rather I attempted to “understand and document the day-to-day reality of the setting or settings under study…” (p. 39), and be open to “whatever emerges” (p. 40). Field data were collected during the period of March, April and May, 2006. Primary data collection consisted of multi-day visits to the communities for each individual case of interest. Employing observation of the setting, participant observation of the respective tourism products, informal interviewing and document analysis, I immersed myself into the livelihood systems of the study participants. I collected data from a variety of 98
perspectives, including the individual, their families, customers, associates, community members, employees and others within the tourism field. Atkinson and Hammersley (1998) inform that the definition of “ethnography” has ranged along a continuum from being considered as a philosophical paradigm that becomes a guiding force of the research to being viewed as a method that is added to research at appropriate points. They suggest that along this continuum most researchers concur that ethnography is characterized by a number of common criteria. This research employed a view of ethnography that is consistent with the criteria laid out by Atkinson and Hammersley (1998). First, it placed a strong focus on understanding the nature of tourism based livelihoods rather than testing hypotheses about them. Second, the majority of data were unstructured. Theory sensitized the data collection but did not move it into a set of closed analytic categories. Third, this research involved a small set of bounded cases which were explored in great detail. Finally, data analysis involved open interpretation of the data, largely in the form of written descriptions. Quantification and statistical analysis played a minor role in the process of analyzing this research. I have provided a full account of my research process and an interpretation of my experiences as a participant observer within the appendix of this report (see Appendix, Item E). As a participant observer, my role was to be both a researcher and a tourist. Past research (Bowen, 2002; Gale & Beeftink, 2005) has identified this strategy to be both effective and creative for tourism-related research. As such, participation in the livelihood pursuits of my cases became a central experience of data collection. Being a “tourist” and experiencing rural tourism through each of the 16 cases proved vital for understanding the complexities and challenges of building a livelihood based on tourism. It allowed me to experience and observe what people did in rural tourism situations, rather than to simply rely on what people said. I was able to observe methods of planning, of leadership, of product delivery, of risk management, of customer service. By observing participants with their employees, employers, customers, mentors, suppliers, families and communities, I was able to observe tourism within the context of their lives and derive meanings that might not have risen through other forms of data collection. The travel journal presented in Appendix E represents a constructed experience. As a researcher, I have tried to represent the nature of the social world of my cases of study. I have employed a critical poststructural feminist theoretical frame in order to more accurately depict the lived experiences and give voice to perspectives that have previously been discounted or ignored. I realized during the process, that one of those voices is the voice of the tourist, who is heard only through his or her choices to return or to recommend an experience and not through the feedback that could provide valuable insights for persons seeking to build a livelihood based on tourism. Therefore, I have also attempted to capture and represent the nature of my experiences, decision making processes, and evaluations of service in the journal I present. This perspective of a customer became another point of data within each of the bounded cases. I utilized the strategy of “key informants” to navigate my time in the field. Patton (2002) says: One of the mainstays of much fieldwork is the use of key informants as sources of information about what the observer has not or cannot experience, as well as sources of explanation for events the observer has actually witnessed. Key informants are people who are particularly knowledgeable about the inquiry setting and articulate about their 99
knowledge – people whose insights can prove particularly useful in helping an observer understand what is happening and why (p. 321). Not only did this help to make my fieldwork more effective, I believe it provided an opportunity for member checking and researcher triangulation. A guide or assistant helped with trip logistics, translation, and facilitation of access, and accompanied me throughout my time in the field. I chose an alumnus of the Guide‟s School of Patagonia program to fill this role. My rationale for this choice was that my assistant would have insider knowledge of the cases of interest and a rapport already built. Additionally, she would have intimate knowledge of the geography and experience with planning logistics and guiding expeditions. In choosing the particular individual, my criteria included the same criteria used for my other cases of interest, as well as an outgoing personality, good communication skills, minimal personal bias, trustworthiness, and the ability to network. I formed my evaluation based on my own interactions with candidates, a formal interview, review of their curriculum vitas, and the recommendation of the school‟s director and current employers. During the early part of March, I worked closely with this key informant to develop the fieldwork protocols. The logistics for the time in the field were finalized and contacts were made with individuals involved. As my assistant had peer relationships with the participants, she was an important part of gaining access. Throughout the latter part of March, April and May, she accompanied me on data gathering trips throughout the region. Patton warns: “The danger in cultivating and using key informants is that the researcher comes to rely on them too much and loses sight of the fact that their perspectives are necessarily limited, selective, and biased. Data from informants represent perceptions, not truths.” (Patton, 2002, p. 321) In order to address this warning, I included my assistant as a case of study, utilizing our experience as an extended opportunity to understand her livelihood in tourism. I conducted informal interviews with her throughout our time in the field, which became part of the data set. By separating her observations from other sources of data and viewing her as a bounded, individual case, I believe I have been able to capitalize on her insights and insider knowledge in a way that kept them in the perspective of one person‟s view, one point of data. Additionally, of all the cases, I spent the most time with her, during the three months. We camped together, traveled together, worked and played together. I gained a more in-depth understanding of her family life and the motivations, challenges, and rewards of her livelihood, based on sustainable tourism. With her willing participation, this extended time allowed for especially rich data collection and insight. Data for this study were organized as they related to each individual case of interest. Where a common source of datum applied to more than one case, it was separated into respective case files. A typical case file might include field notes of observations, photographs, asset maps, interview transcripts, school application materials, homework assignments, business plans, brochures, and photographs. Informed consent and IRB consistent principles of confidentiality were employed, whenever data was collected beyond a public setting. Data Management and Analysis Fieldwork was conducted in a mixture of semi-urban, rural and wilderness settings. A variety of historical documents, including reports, brochures, maps, photographs, business plans, and other documents were collected. Observations were recorded in field 100
journals. A total of 31 semi-structured interviews were recorded and stored, using an Olympus® digital recorder. Twenty-nine of these were recorded in Spanish; two in English, depending on the native language of the participant. Throughout the trip, data was organized and catalogued, and all data returned to the United States, with me, in early June, 2006. During the months of June, July, and August, Spanish documents were transcribed and translated so that both English and Spanish transcripts could be stored. A professional translator was used for transcription work. I translated the Spanish transcripts to English, and confirmed all translations with this same translator. Given the nature of rural Chilean Spanish, with a high incidence of slang and regional terminology, I employed two strategies in my translations. First, rather than a pure, word for word, literal translation, text was translated to maintain the speaker‟s intended context. Secondly, from time to time, special terminology arose; for example, technical terms or specialty food items. When this occurred, I referred to experts in Chile to supply contextual meanings. Secondary evidence, such as historical documents were also translated, when appropriate. During the month of September, a case record was written for each of the cases of interest. Patton (2002) advises that the role of these case records is to pull together and organize the raw case data into a comprehensive primary resource package. This record included all information used for analysis and interpretation. Information was edited to remove redundancies, and organized beyond its raw state so that it became a manageable and easily accessible file. Analysis of data began with a thorough examination of possible personal bias, in order to reduce the risk of personal involvement with the subject material, as recommended by Patton (2002), Denzin and Lincoln (1988), Hesse-Biber and Yaiser (2004), Tisdell (2002) and Weber (2004). As I began to look for themes within each case, I developed a set of “indigenous typologies”, or as Patton describes, “distinctions used by people in a setting to break up the complexity of reality into distinguishable parts” (p.457). Patton advises that “the language of a group of people reveals what is important to them in that they name something to separate and distinguish it with other things with other names” (p. 457). Analysis then moved to the development of analyst-constructed typologies, in which I looked for patterns, categories, and themes to further derive meaning. First, I utilized Mindjet MindManager Pro 6®, to build a visual display of the Aysén tourism system, with information from the historical documents I had collected. The robust data collected during this research allowed for the construction of an extremely detailed conceptual map of the tourism system of Aysén. Information from brochures, maps, websites, reports, and travel guides was “merged” to create a conceptual industry map for tourism in Aysén. This map was extremely detailed with more than 2000 cells of data. It proved especially valuable in that it allowed me to explore both formal and informal sides of the tourism industry in Aysén. A high-level summary of the map is provided (see Figure 3.2) to demonstrate the main categories of information. The “Agencies & Tour Operators/Guides” section encompassed the companies and individuals which provided guided excursions, in a variety of segments. The “Industry Support” area captured the elements of private and public support for the industry, including educational options, funding mechanisms and organizations, government institutions, promotional agencies and mechanisms, formal tourism networks, and programs
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Figure 3.2. High-level view of Tourism System Analysis Map for Aysén Region of Chile
for training and development. The “Transportation” section provided information about the individuals and companies who are providing national air, regional ground and regional maritime transportation services and the location of their routes. This area included the cruise lines as well. The “Tourism Attractions” area was home to an enormous amount of information on attractions that spanned a wide range of tourism interests, including craft and souvenir vendors and artisans, cultural attractions, historical attractions, infrastructural attractions, natural attractions, vendors and manufacturers of regional products, and attractions within the towns. Each of these categories expanded to represent sub-segments and finally individual sites or items of interest for tourists. The “Tourism Consumers” section captured information about the customer segments of “Education Seeking Travelers”, “Independent Travelers”, and “Package Travelers”, which emerged as major categories from the data of this study. Finally, the section about “Comunas and Towns” provided an organized list of all the towns of the region and information on the infrastructure present within each (see Appendix, Item D for a detailed description of this category). The map provided a clear conceptual overview of the organization of the industry. Notes from the participant observation phase of the research were coded to items within the map, as were portions of the interview transcripts and even historical documents. “Flags” within the map indicated a variety of relationships such as membership within networks, participation in initiatives, partnerships and geographic location. The map was also “flagged” according to connections with each of the 16 cases of interest. It could be filtered by any of these criteria to shed focus on various aspects of interest. The ability to navigate the scope of detail provided by the map through filters of the topics of interest provided an important framework for subsequent analysis. Next, I employed the DFID (1999) Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, Bebbington‟s (1999a, 1999b) Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability, Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes, as well as other relevant theory and frameworks from the literature I have collected. Sustainable livelihoods approaches emphasize the role of capitals within livelihood systems. In order to explore the role and use of these resources for the participants the traditional map representing tourism in Aysén 102
was transformed into a map of “Tourism Capitals for Aysén” (see Figure 3.3). Literature on livelihood development and on the various forms of capital was used as sensitizing concepts to inform this stage of data analysis. Information from the traditional map was reorganized along human, produced, natural, cultural, and social capital dimensions. This new map represented tourism in Aysén in terms of how the various components of the industry functioned as assets, or capitals, which could be leveraged and developed by different stakeholder groups. Rather than portray tourism networks as a form of industry support, as the “Aysén Tourism Map” did, the “Aysén Tourism Capitals Map” portrayed the data for this category under the dimension of “Social Capital”. And attractions related to items like crafts, souvenirs, and history, moved under the dimension of “Cultural Capital”. This redimensioning took place across the entire map, resulting in a snapshot of the existing tourism capitals in the region which was still flagged to portray relationships between
Figure 3.3. High-level View of Aysén Tourism Capital Map.
the existing tourism capitals in the region which was still flagged to portray relationships between various items and the cases of interest. Then, the newly formed “Aysén Tourism Capitals Map” became the foundation for the development of sixteen individual capital maps; one for each case of interest. Each of these sixteen individual maps filtered the universe of potential capital for the geography, talents, priorities, histories, entitlements, and permissions, expressed by the individual cases of interest through the data collected in interviews, historical documents and participant observation. Figure 3.4 represents the top levels of the capital map developed for Pedro Valdomar who was one of the cases of interest for this study. This map depicts the “tourism capitals” which Pedro was able to access through his entitlements and position within the region and the personal capitals for which he, his household, and his extended family had more direct control.
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Figure 3.4: Individual High-Level Capital Map for Pedro Valdomar.
Three distinct realms of capital access arose due to distinctions in legal and positional rights of entitlement that determined options for access and use. These included the realms of “individual”, “immediate household”, and “extended household”. In many cases, participants expressed the ability or the potential to leverage not only their own personal assets, but those of their immediate household, such as spouses or parents; people who lived with them on a daily basis, usually in the same house. These assets were included on maps but separated from those of the individual. This was because the rights and abilities for control of these assets differed in a significant way from those directly controlled by the individual. The study also revealed an ability to access and utilize various capitals controlled by siblings, in-laws, cousins, grandparents, uncles and aunts, and other members of an extended household; relatives which did not live in the household or even in the same town. These extended family relationships might afford individuals expanded options such as being able to develop tourism product itineraries that crossed the land of an extended family member or of using the quincho on that land as a place for clients to camp. Often extended family members became important parts of constructing a reliable system of communications in remote areas. As was the case with the individual realm and the realm of the “immediate household”, this third realm of “extended family” behaved differently, in terms of the ways in which entitlements and rights of access manifested. For example, the needs associated with the individual‟s livelihood strategy seemed more likely to influence choices made by immediate household members than extended family members. An immediate family member might be greatly influenced in their choices about holding or selling assets; a horse, a zodiac boat, a piece of land, etc., by the needs of the individual within their same household who relied on this asset for livelihood. While extended family were “happy to help”, this same level of consideration and indirect control did not necessarily exist. 104
Therefore, these three realms seemed to represent important distinct dimensions and were considered as distinct realms on the capital maps developed for the individual cases of interest. A final realm of distinction seemed to lie in the difference between “personal” and “public”. People approached public assets, such as infrastructure, land in protected areas, organizations, and historical attractions much differently than infrastructure, land, relationships, or attractions owned or controlled by themselves, or members of their household or extended families. Therefore, the maps demonstrated distinctions between the personal and public realms. Along the human dimension, assets included the personal characteristics used to describe the individuals, areas of individual specialization, goals and dreams they expressed, and noted deficiencies. The produced dimension was further developed, according to personal and public aspects of financial and physical capital. The personal realm included the individual, immediate household, and extended family. The public realm included the public programs and resources available and physical infrastructure. The social dimension involved three main realms: individual, household, and organizational social capital. The realm of individual social capital included a person‟s reputation, personal friends and associates, informal networks, and their personal connections and relationships within organizations, such as special friendships between alumni, or lack thereof. The household realm involved the halo effects of these same social connections, for members of an individual‟s immediate and extended family. For example, a person might obtain access or special consideration for a job, through a social relationship between one of their in-laws and a hiring officer. This represented a halo effect of the relationship between the family member and the hiring entity, for the individual concerned. This halo effect could work as a positive or negative for the individual. If this same in-law had a negative relationship with the hiring officer, the case of interest might not be considered for the job, despite his qualifications. The organizational realm included groups with which the individual had a relationship. As well, this realm encompassed the various effects of these relationships, such as having greater access to information, or having access to the collective network of the organization‟s members, which often included funding organizations. Throughout the research process, I continually discovered new forms of natural capital present in the Aysén region. This included a plethora of local and regional natural attractions, and aspects of climate, hydrology, and geography. I included natural capital in the map, in terms of its proximity to the individuals‟ range of operation. Rights, restrictions and costs of access would then need to be considered. Clearly, these maps are not complete depictions of capitals or relationships between capitals that exist for tourism livelihoods in Aysén. They only represent the patterns of these specific sixteen cases, and even then, only for the data which this study revealed. Nevertheless, within the conditions of this particular study they provided an effective tool for conceptualization and analysis. They provided a means for aggregation of the many layers of data and a way to easily move between individual, household, extended household and public realms. During this phase, I employed a variety of appropriate computer software, including Microsoft Office®, applications, including word processing, spreadsheet and analysis programs, QSR NVivo®, a qualitative data analysis computer program, Olympus DSS Player Pro® transcription software, and MindJet MindManager Pro 6®. Mindjet MindManager Pro 6® is described as “productivity software”, which helps with visualizing 105
and managing information. Software was used to manage and store information, assist with transcription, facilitate identification of patterns, recognition of processes, outcomes, and linkages amongst the data, create visual maps, and help to maintain an audit trail, as recommended by qualitative experts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Merriam, 1998; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). The final phase of data analysis involved a structured examination of the original research questions; first across each case of interest and then across the aggregate group. The objective was to uncover patterns and disparities amongst the sixteen cases. I relied not only on what the data revealed to exist, but also on what the data revealed to be missing. For example, many typical considerations of vulnerability that are inherent within the external environment of tourism were not evident amongst the data for the sixteen cases of interest. I sought to understand why this might be the case. I employed the DFID (1999) Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, Bebbington‟s (1999a, 1999b) Capitals and Capabilities Framework for Analyzing Peasant Viability, Rural Livelihoods and Poverty in the Andes. As well, I sensitized my work with other relevant theory and frameworks from the literature I have collected on development theory, sustainable livelihoods, alternate forms of tourism and critical poststructural feminist theory. The outcomes of this study were produced in a valid, reliable and ethical manner. The advice of qualitative experts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002) guided my work. The methods employed included multiple forms of triangulation, member checking, peer review, reflexivity, adequate engagement in data collection, maximum variation sampling strategies, audit trails, and thick description. In order to maintain IRB consistent practices and the commitments made to the participants in this study, I have changed the names involved with the cases of interest, including the individuals, their families, friends, industry specialists, and companies involved in primary data collection representation of the actual names of participants or companies. Government-related organizations have been represented by their actual names, however, the names of the specialists I spoke with at these organizations have been changed. When public documents, such as newspaper articles or agency publications were quoted, actual names of public figures were used, only if they did not provide data in a non-public form. However, if public documents referred to the persons who formed the actual cases of interest or companies involved in primary data collection for this project, the names were changed to maintain consistency with other references in this report. Finally, the comments of Kris Tompkins have been presented using her actual name, in accordance with her explicitly stated preference. Limitations: This study is not intended to be generalizable. Its purpose was not to measure or predict, but to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, newer forms of tourism identified as being more “sustainable”, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. The nature of this research problem required digging deep into the experiences of people within the region and exploring “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a place and its linkages with the wider world” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496). 106
The questions sought to understand the meanings people attach to “livelihood” and “tourism” within the context of their social and interpersonal environments. There are no standardized instruments developed to measure these meanings. Moreover, accomplishing the objectives of this research was not a matter of systematic, standardized tools of measurement, but one of meaning, requiring the longer, more detailed, and variable content of qualitative data which permit an understanding of the world, from the unique terms of the participants (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). For these reasons, an interpretive, qualitative approach was applied for this study. Limitations of generalizability are inherent within the design chosen for this study. Clearly, the results are localized. Patton (2002) suggests that, “while one cannot generalize from single cases or very small samples, one can learn from them – and learn a great deal, often opening up new territory for further research…” (p. 46). Patton cautions that “the validity, meaningfulness, and insights generated from the qualitative inquiry have more to do with the information richness of the cases selected and the observational/analytical capabilities of the researcher than with sample size” (p. 245). Thus, the concepts of “transferability” and “fittingness” become more fitting than the concept of “generalizability”, according to qualitative experts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). Transferability, or the ability to transfer the learning from this study, will depend on the similarities in contexts between cases in question. Fittingness has to do with the levels of congruence between the context of this study and the context of other studies. Researchers and policy makers will need sufficient contextual information about this study in order to determine the fit between it and other contexts in question. Sufficient fit may allow the working hypotheses developed within this study to be applied to other contexts. I have delivered this context through my rigorous methods, a thorough final report, and attention to other limitations that exist. Additional limitations of this study included language issues resulting from a nonnative understanding of the language of the study group, the relatively short period for the collection of field data, a reliance on key informants for sampling recommendations, the tendency amongst my sample to have graduated from the Guide‟s School of Patagonia, a regional training initiative, and my personal biases and perspectives as a researcher for this topic. Patton (2002) says, Programs develop their own language to describe the problems they deal with in their work…Fieldwork involves learning the “native language” of the setting or program being studied and attending to variations in connotations and situational use. The field notes and reports of the observer should include the exact language used by participants to communicate the flavor and meaning of “native” program language (p. 289). Patton adds: Capturing the precise language of participants honors the emic tradition in anthropology: recording participants‟ own understandings of their experiences. Observers must learn the language of participants in the setting or program they are observing in order to faithfully represent participants in their own terms and be true to their worldview (p. 290).
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Although I conducted personal interviews, using a combination of both Spanish and English, depending on the native language of the participants, a potential limitation of this study is that Spanish is not my native language. Additionally, the Spanish of this region and in particular, of the campesino community, is laced with colloquialisms unique to the geography and culture. I addressed this limitation by utilizing the services of a nativespeaking translator, to help explain contextual phrases and local figurative speech and by employing data triangulation and member-checking. Patton (2002) says: Naturalistic inquiry designs cannot usually be completely specified in advance of fieldwork. While the design will specify an initial focus, plans for observations, and initial guiding interview questions, the naturalistic and inductive nature of the inquiry makes it impossible and inappropriate to specify operational variables, state test hypotheses, or finalize either instrumentation or sampling schemes. A naturalistic design unfolds or emerges as fieldwork unfolds (p. 44). I was in the field for a relatively short period (three months) for the collection of field data. I have addressed this potential limitation in a number of ways. First, I relied on key informants to help me organize my time in the field so as to allow for the collection of sufficient information-rich data. Second, I incorporated data triangulation, including the use of secondary documents. The final method for addressing this possible limitation incorporated Patton‟s observations regarding the realities of emergent design. As this study unfolded, I employed the right to reconsider my design choices. For example, during my time in the field, I determined that including my key informant as a case of interest would enhance the data for this study. Also, when I entered the field, I planned to collect a minimum of 6 cases. During my time in the field, I determined that data collection should continue until a level of saturation occurred and data became redundant. This situation occurred as I reached my sixteenth case; therefore, I ended field work with 16 cases of interest, rather than the minimum of six. The reliance on key informants for help with sampling recommendations during this study could have become a limitation. Qualitative research experts warn of over reliance on key informants. (Merriam 2002; Patton, 2002) My strategy for overcoming this potential limitation was to refer back to my defined criteria for selection of cases of interest and to evaluate each suggested case with regards to “fit” with these criteria. I sought the input of other tourism professionals in the area, where appropriate. Finally, throughout the study, as Patton recommends, I remained conscious of the potential bias of key informant perspectives, and considered their advice and recommendations as representing perceptions, rather than truths. Fourteen of the sixteen persons chosen as cases of interest had graduated from the Guide‟s School of Patagonia. Their livelihoods have likely been impacted by their involvement with this program. To address this potential limitation, I included data from other guides who had not been involved with the school as parts of the cases of interest. For example, many of the guides competed with or employed other guides. Additionally, the guides of interest often utilized services within other sectors of the tourism industry, such as sources of lodging, restaurants, transportation, etc. When this was the case, I purposefully sought out data from these ancillary sources. This helped me to confirm patterns and discern disparities in the data, between the guides who were the cases of interest and the larger population of guides and tourism employees in the region. 108
The final limitation I identified for this research had to do with my personal biases, skills and abilities. Merriam (2002) advises: The researcher is the primary instrument for data collection and data analysis [in all forms of qualitative research]. Since understanding the goal of this research, the human instrument, which is able to be immediately responsive and adaptive, would seem to be the ideal means of collecting and analyzing data. Other advantages are that the researcher can expand his or her understanding through nonverbal as well as verbal communication, process information (data) immediately, clarify and summarize material, check with respondents for accuracy of interpretation, and explore unusual or unanticipated responses. However, the human instrument has shortcomings and biases or “subjectivities,” it is important to identify them and monitor them as to how they may be shaping the collection and interpretation of data (p. 4). To overcome the subjectivities involved with my own human limitations as an instrument for data collection and analysis, I have completed significant preparatory graduate coursework in research and qualitative methods; both in pursuit of my Masters of Business Administration Degree from Villanova University and in pursuit of my current Doctoral Degree in Forest and Natural Resource Philosophy at West Virginia University. I have sought to gain experience by assisting and leading several other qualitative research projects, both professionally and as a part of my graduate studies. Additionally, I have incorporated respected methods for improving the validity, reliability, and ethical quality of my research, including multiple forms of triangulation, member checking, peer review, adequate engagement in data collection, maximum variation sampling strategies, audit trails, and thick description. In November of 2005, I undertook a pilot of my study, to validate design choices and further refine my research skills. The experience of conducting the pilot study was invaluable in terms of helping me to: (1) understand, first-hand, what was required in the field, (2) realize how difficult it would be to be both “present” and “disciplined”, especially in terms of field notes, and (3) learn to pay attention in an entirely new way. I gained a much clearer understanding of my own strengths and limitations as a researcher and in terms of my perspective. I realized first-hand the absolute essential nature of having informed consent and unimpeded access to my sample. I also realized how critical it is to have an “insider” to work with me; to help establish rapport, navigate fieldwork logistics, and assist with interpreting the native language. Finally, in order to better identify, understand and monitor against my biases and subjectivities, I employed “reflexivity”, in accordance with the advice of qualitative experts (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002), (see Appendix, Item A).
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CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS Introduction The objective of this study was to contribute to and expand the limited knowledge base for how tourism impacts rural livelihoods. It traced the process of tourism-based livelihood development within the context of the history and culture of the Aysén region of Chile. It provided the perspectives of those who had chosen to incorporate tourism as a major part of their overall livelihood strategy. It is hoped that this research will contribute to the identification of more feasible and meaningful policy, law and development support. In the section which follows, the data collected for the sixteen cases of interest are presented in an interpretive response to the following research questions:
What shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did incorporating “tourism” as a livelihood strategy make their lives more “meaningful”? What role do the alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, play for them? How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? How did they define “success” in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? How did they deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? Keeping with the theme of this research, the presentation of emergent themes that evolved from the research takes place through a series of “postcards”. These “postcards” contain observations, document excerpts, and voices from the “cases of interest” for this study; the individuals, their families, their competitors, industry specialists and cultural experts. Figure 4.1. Postcard No. 1 - What shaped and has shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy? Major Themes Included: What shapes, and Previous Experiences has shaped the Realms of Exposure decision to Social Influences incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy?
Number One
Risk Perception/Tolerance
Available Assets
Perceived Opportunities
Livelihood Goals
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The first question addressed was, “What shaped and has shaped the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy.” For the participants in this study, many factors contributed to the decision to incorporate tourism as their primary livelihood choice. Each story contained elements that made it unique, but there were many common themes. Twelve of the participants had grown up in a rural setting amongst families that depended on farming, fishing, or forestry for their livelihoods. Amalia and Javier had alternated between Coyhaique and a second rural home where their family maintained “roots”. Isabel and Anna had spent their early lives near a larger city, Santiago in Anna‟s case and Concepción for Isabel. They both had left Chile during the Pinochet regime for political reasons and during their time in exile, both had been exposed to more rural forms of life. For a variety of reasons, all of the participants of this study had left their childhood homes for an extended period of time, in what could be described as a migratory experience. Thirteen of the participants had left home as a child to go to a larger town for school. In this area of Chile, migration from rural areas into larger towns for primary school is not uncommon and for secondary school, it is the norm. School migration practices changed home from being a daily residence to being a place that was visited during breaks and holidays. Some families maintained two homes, one in the country and one in town, so that their families could remain intact, at least for the years a student was in primary school. The expense and difficulties of having to live in another town for school might partially explain why five of the participants had not completed high school and only three held a higher technical degree. Jose Gorgozo described how he left school after two years of high-school because he missed his life in Tortel: My life was always in the country... in Bravo River we spent the whole year. When we were children we spent the whole year; when we began to study, we stayed here in Tortel… we began to leave to study outside. To Cochrane... but there wasn‟t much that I studied... I did not like studying a lot...only until the second year of high-school. After I left my studies, I came to Tortel again. I could never be comfortable anywhere else because I missed Tortel a lot. Yet, for many this experience of going away to school began to expose them to different realities and ways of life. Many described the first occasion they had to interact with tourists as having been associated with their years away at school. Carlos Abel said: Well, my life in general was always a little bit connected with tourism in some form because of the type of life that I had; because I always studied in Coyhaique and lived in Mallín Grande. During the holidays I always came and it always called my attention. Before, we used to travel via the lake in a barge, there were always backpackers; always foreigners. During that time they were not foreign backpackers. I am speaking to you of the years between 1980 and 1990. I always had a lot of interaction with the people that traveled because it was a small ship and it was very entertaining. It was there that it [tourism] began always to get my attention. For three of the male participants, Pedro, Alvaro, and Javier, a mandatory year in the military had been a reason for a second move, after their first move for school. Alvaro found value in this experience and described its role as: 111
It is good [military service], because it reinforces your values, you learn to appreciate your family, you learn about responsibility. That is a good base for a person to be responsible. The best that a person can be (I). And there, you comply. If not, you are punished. So, it serves well for people that do not have a base from when they were little. Four participants had left Chile altogether. Jorge Pumares had gone to the U.S. for a number of years for work on a ranch in the west. As Reding (2004) describes, many residents of Aysén and other parts of South America have employed this livelihood strategy in recent years. They migrate to large ranches in the western part of the U.S. for three-year work contracts. Many complete two or three contracts before moving home for good. This strategy enabled Jorge to earn and save money, and return with much-needed capital, English language skills and even a wife. Alejandro Santos also left Chile for a period of time. During college, he was offered a job in tourism which took him to Brazil and Venezuela. He spent a number of years alternating between Temuco for the collegeterm and Brazil and Venezuela for holidays and breaks. Anna and Isabel left Chile during the Pinochet regime for political reasons related to their parents. Anna had lived for a number of years in Argentina and Isabel had spent 29 years in Germany. Anna spoke of this time: Many times, we changed houses…I believe that when you live this kind of way as a young child, it makes you a little unstable. Whether you want it to or not, the things you experience as a small child have an influence on you. For us, there was a good change to come in ‟90 when we decided…‟89-90 to go and live in Argentina…I was 9 years old at the time, In Argentina this was the era of the radical party. Things weren‟t as bad as in Chile but they weren‟t great. There was more options though, for my dad to perhaps be able to continue a work in agriculture…and to find a lot better pay … I remember that it was super difficult for me at first, in Argentina, because it is another culture, other things, other thoughts, another form of speaking. What‟s more when you are a child you perceive a lot more that “you are not of this country” and you feel more like an outsider. It was difficult for the first 2 years, but later it was so much better…I believe that I have…that you can mark my history by a time “before” and a time “after” Argentina…in every sense…because economically we lived very well, very comfortably…my dad had good work, my mom also worked…we studied. After time away, each of the participants returned “home”. For the majority of participants, home meant their family‟s home or a place nearby. For Anna and Isabel, “home” meant returning to Chile. Neither was originally from Aysén. Anna‟s family had moved to the region and was living in the rural area of Mallin Grande, so the move for her was motivated by a reconnection with her family. For Isabel, the rural way of life and natural beauty of the region were attractive. Isabel spoke of her decision: I lived for 29 years in Germany... from 1974 to 2002, I lived in Germany… In 1997; we came to Patagonia only to look at farms…And in 1999, we came determined to buy a farm. Many did not have access; others just weren‟t what we wanted. And when …I said no more…I called the lady and I said, “This is going to be the last one and after that we‟ll go”, because we only had 4 weeks of time. It was exactly that farm, the last one, that we liked and that we bought; in that same period… 112
January 1, 2003, I came to Chile with my husband and with my son. I have 2 children. I left a daughter in Germany, and we came, because we had a dream. These homecomings were normally not major events in a life; rather they seemed a normal part of growing up and becoming an adult. The years to follow were usually marked by time with family, marriages, jobs, separations, farming, childbirths and the like. Periods of migration were just another part of life. For many however, these homecomings involved discovering as adults that farming and forestry alone could not meet livelihoods needs. Carlos Abel spoke about his time after high school, “I spent five years on the farm with my wife. In the country, I did a lot of projects. I learned a lot, but I did not have a lot of luck. I had bad luck in the sense that I had made a lot of investments and did not have capital that could support me and my account with INDAP, the credit I had with them, was drowning me over time.” Javier described his rationale for why the rural life he had always dreamed of might no longer be possible: In the country, the farms are being cut smaller…For example, the farm where my mom lives was populated by my great-grandfather, and later my grandfather had it, and now my mom. My grandfather had twelve children. Out of the twelve; two passed away. Ten were left and that farm became smaller. Now there are plots. Now, one cannot live in the country. In those farms that are small…one cannot think that they are going to make money out of those farms. For some of the participants, the realization did not cause great disruption of their rural life; it simply influenced their subsequent livelihood choices. For others, such as Isabel, the discovery was a shock: Finally, we came in 2003, to live in the country. And things did not work out the way that we thought. So, we thought we would work the farm, to live on what one produces but the land did not give. The land did not give; it was very dry. We did not know that before because when we bought the farm, it was winter and there was a lot of water and humidity. The summer here was different and so, like that, we began. We had to begin to spend all the savings that we had brought to eat, to live, and also with our son, the school ended up a lot more expensive than we thought and so, all the money was going. Becoming involved in tourism provided a viable vehicle to assist with their income objectives and an alternative to farming, which for several, had proved not to be wholly sufficient. Said Isabel, “Later, we thought about working in tourism, because the thing was, with the language, German, and a little English that we learned there in school… We thought that we could do something with tourism.” For Javier as well, tourism presented a viable option that would allow him to live his dream of leaving Coyhaique for a more rural life in Cerro Castillo: “Since I want to continue living in the country, I believe that the best that [tourism] can give is…I am a convinced that the tourism can provide for the people from the field.” For many, tourism provided a possibility for getting out of debt. Carlos Spoke of this role: Well, as things were already going very badly for me with my many debts and all that…I got to know Jacque, the Frenchman [who owns TreksSur, a large adventure tourism company]…Because my father-in-law did 113
transportation of passengers. So, he had an opportunity to lease him his buses and well, then he continued to lease them and it was by one of those coincidences of life that one day, I was around when Jacque needed another vehicle. The desire to be able to work regularly and to earn an adequate income that would allow them to accomplish their personal and family goals was a constant for each of the cases involved. Many of the participants faced limited options for building a livelihood strategy. Tourism offered a way for them to leverage their existing talents and equipment in a new way. Pedro Valdomar explained his entry into tourism, the year after he returned to Tortel from the military: It began as a bet with a few people there in Tortel, there were people coming and they had been doing the same for so long, cutting wood; that they were kind of trying out …a new way to earn a living. With the same tools they used for the wood, they could transport timber or transport people…it was easier… That is what drove me to work in this; because it was interesting to meet new people and to exploit the abilities that we had we as seafarers and the endurance we had in the climate and all that we always have here in Patagonia. Many of the other participants described the ability to leverage existing talents or assets as having influenced their tourism-based livelihood strategies. Elena had developed the talent for fly-fishing after years of practice. These skills, her equipment, and a love of being outdoors were all catalysts for the choice to pursue a career as a fly-fishing guide: What happened was, for a birthday, my significant other arrives, and he gives me a cane, reel, the lines, the lanyard, the tipper, a few flies. That‟s when I begin to practice fly-fishing. Well, we searched for a friend that had been fly-fishing here for many years. Well, for 4 years, more or less, I practiced my fly-fishing. And one day, I started thinking that I was able to do this as a profession and to dedicate myself to this, to fly-fishing; and also to the hiking, and trekking, because I liked everything that has to do with the nature; to be outdoors. In the preceding passage, Elena also mentioned the influence of her significant other in her progression towards tourism. Previously, Carlos described the influence of his father-inlaw‟s relationship with Jacque of TreksSur on his opportunity to begin to work as a chauffeur. Several other participants were also influenced by factors relating to family. For several, family had helped through gifts, encouragement, advice, recommendations and financial assistance. For others, personal motivations were influenced by family-related factors, such as the desire to spend less time apart or the determination to find a way to develop a business together. Jorge Blanco, for example, had been exposed to tourism in 1994 in Mallin Grande when he worked with a popular service learning program operating in the region, called Raleigh International. He had assisted an expedition and “discovered a great passion” for tourism but he had chosen instead to work for the gold mining company that operated a large mine near his home. This job had been good for him. It had allowed him to acquire some assets; open a restaurant in Chile Chico with his father-in-law. But Jorge Blanco found it difficult to find a balance between work and family. He explained, “I worked all day in the mines, in the afternoons and nights every day in the restaurant, so that always, after a few hours, I was working again, without rest and with little time for the family. I began to need and want…to dedicate time to them.” So Jorge Blanco quit his job 114
and focused on his restaurant. Said Jorge Blanco, “This worked well enough for me but, I had intentions and visions to do something more…to study…or of doing some other thing with the theme of tourism”. For another participant, Jose Gorgozo in Tortel, the desire to work more closely with his wife was a strong motivation for beginning to pursue a tourismbased livelihood strategy, “I think in 5 more years, I will be working with Gloria [my wife], because the idea to begin to work in tourism is also so we can work together more, to have a life, with more in common.” Jorge Pumares, a participant who lived with his aging parents on a remote ranch in Rio Leones was also influenced by family and the desire to be able to forge a livelihood that would allow him to stay with them and provide for family needs: I went to the United States and was there for many years, before I returned. My parents were here alone. Then, I began to work in the farm and to do everything that there was to do. And that it is one of the reasons that later, I no longer wanted to leave… How could I leave them alone? And I began to work in tourism and later the Guide‟s School was opened. I always had had the idea to take a course of tourism guiding. Always. So, when the opportunity presented itself, I took advantage of it. For Jorge Blanco, Jorge Pumares, and many of the others, when an opportunity in tourism presented itself, they took advantage. For some this opportunity was in the form of a family member or friend with connections for a job. Here Miguel described how the process occurred for him: I studied high school until the fourth year. I took the aptitude tests and went to study civil construction; it was not what I liked to do. So, I didn't go to study and I dedicated myself to working in tourism. In this location was Andes Patagónicos, which was a tourism business [owned by his mother-in-law], and I worked with them for 3 or 4 years. I finished my work with them. I became independent. For two years I was working alone, and then I went to work with another friend, of Hertz (I) and I was responsible for the Rental Cars and later I returned again to work in General Carrera, with the cabins that are of (I), Bahía Catalina and I was the administrator and always going out in boats, riding horseback, it was a bit of everything; I mixed all the activities, all the activities; rowboat, trekking, horses. Alejandro Manin described a similar evolution for how he became enamored with his work in tourism: “I began to work with another person; helping him simply to transport people and I liked working with him. I did my work well and they began to hire me more often and the more I worked, the more I learned that this work is what I like to do.” Alejandro added: “I like to work with tourists. That‟s what I love most now.” Another catalyst was the energy and dollars being pushed into tourism by organizations such as INDAP, SERCOTEC, ACCA, and FOSIS. Several participants had long-standing family relationships with these organizations from their time in agriculture. Here Jorge Pumares described the assessment he made about the potential for assistance with efforts to build a tourism business: “Tourism is what is happening in the region. It is one of the better industries. There is more aid available…it is a good opportunity for everyone. It is a good opportunity for the people that live in these places, where it is possible to develop tourism.” Jorge Pumare‟s family had been a client of INDAP for 115
several years, and as Jorge had predicted, he was able to receive assistance in the form of co-funding for a variety of forms of equipment that have allowed him to move forward. These organizations had also funded a variety of training initiatives; most recently the twoyear Guide‟s School of Patagonia program, in which the majority of cases had participated. Only one of the participants in this study, Amalia, had chosen tourism as a livelihood strategy while in school: When I was in high school, I had to decide what to study. There came all the problems of “What do I do?”…One of the options was communications – I also liked that a lot, even now, and another was Tourism. And inside those two possibilities that I had, in was very costly to study communications at that time, and besides, I would have had to go to Santiago and I have never liked Santiago. So, tourism had a lot more options, it was close, because I could study it in Leon, Valdivia, or in Temuco, and I was already in Temuco. So since it was one of the options that I liked, I decided to concentrate on the area of tourism, where yes, I was going to work with the people that I wanted, I was going to know different lives, cultures, types, forms of being, that in reality was what I always liked because, I was always interested in knowing about things related to other people, of other countries. For the other students, adult education options were an important aspect of their development. For Amalia adult education was also important. The tourism she had trained for was more traditional hotel management so, the regional guides curriculum offered by the Guide‟s School was appealing. The program was advertised throughout the region and persons interested in pursuing tourism careers were encouraged to apply. Fourteen of the sixteen cases of interest for this study were graduates of the guide‟s school program. Several shared that they had heard about the program from a friend, family member, or associate, showing again, the influence of relationships on the decision to pursue tourism. Anna said: The story of my life in tourism begins there… Because one day I went to Chile Chico for the day and my friends told me: “Listen, they are going to open a school for guides. We believe that you would be great because you have the personality, you are sociable and tourism can be a good future for you here” and then they said: “today is the last day for submitting applications. So if you don‟t go for it now – it will be too late.” So I pulled together the papers and sent a package off to Coyhaique, to SERCOTEC because that was where the office was at that point. Nadia Iglesias shared that in fact, it was Anna that encouraged her to attend the Guide‟s School. The orientation session for the school was held at the Tourist Information Center in Murta where Nadia worked. When Anna arrived as a prospective student, she introduced herself to Nadia. Nadia recalled: [My interest in tourism] grew when I began to work in the tourist information center, and there I thought that I needed to continue to develop the qualifications to attend to the people that arrive there…And then, I heard about the possibility of the Guide‟s School, on the radio. I thought a lot about it. It was at the tourist information office, where all the students arrived …where Anna arrived. She was the first person that 116
I met. She asked me: “Where is your half-moon” [smile]? I applied, but I wasn‟t enthusiastic. “But, come,” she tells me. For many of the participants, even though they had been away from their homes for extended periods during their youth, the commitment to alternative forms of tourism, with long periods in the field, and to experiences like the Guide‟s School required an open mind, determination and sacrifice. Here Nadia described her struggle: Two days later, I quit, because I had never slept in a tent. I said this is not for me…to be so close to home and to sleep in a tent. And later I returned again and I told Pancho, “Now, yes, I will stay”. Because I missed my son so much. It was a difficult experience for me. I decided to continue and to finish and to have my diploma and to continue ahead and to work with tourists – because I did not want to remain in the same place. Javier Cabaneiro described a similar inner struggle with his decision to attend the Guide‟s School. Javier had been in the military and had worked on cattle drives and other outdoor related experiences, so his fears were somewhat different from Nadia‟s. For Javier, the style of the Guide‟s School, which emphasized teamwork, inclusion, collaboration and empowerment, represented new and foreign concepts that were uncomfortable. Javier described: They said that we had to get to Murta by our own means. It was one of the conditions. We arrived at Murta…when we arrived at Murta… it is that, my personality… That day, we arrived at the school that was in Murta and Jonas says: “This is an experiment and we are going to see if it goes well. It lasts such and such a time.” It was not formal, what he told us. I stayed a night and the next night, Jonas said the same thing again. “Oh”, I said, “here they are selling me pomade and I did not come from Coyhaique to here hitchhiking, so that they could tell me a joke.” So, I told my companion, “I am leaving and I am leaving tonight, so that tomorrow they do not find me”, and I was going to leave. I left my tent and I told my friend, “I‟ll stop by you at 11 o‟clock”, because he slept in another tent. Also, it was somewhat shocking because we arrived there, they put all our names in a mate bag, shook it, and we all had to remove a slip of paper and [they said], “You sleep with you, with you, with you”. I had to sleep with Angelica, Isabel and Valenzuela. I did not know them. And when…there we became closer because it was all of a sudden that we had to be together. Living together was very stressful and what Pancho said didn‟t seem very professional to me. So, I did not like it and the second night I already thought about aborting the project of the Guide‟s School. I told my friend “I‟m going to take down my tent and we‟ll walk to the crossing of Murta and tomorrow we‟ll go.” I got up and my friend seemed to be kind of conflicted and he told me, “No, Javier, I am not leaving”, so, I stayed. The next day we talked with the [I] and he told me, “Javier, let‟s stay. Something might result from this”. “Okay. Let‟s stay”. In the end, my friend left and I stayed in the school and I became a guide. Other participants described similar feelings of initial discomfort with their experiences in the Guide‟s School, and within tourism in general. Here, Jorge Blanco described an inner struggle he faced during his time with Raleigh with trying to decide whether to accept an opportunity to work with them abroad: “There was the possibility for me to go out of the 117
country to the U.S. or England, but I thought about the time that I was going to lose, how I was going to be a foreigner when I returned to my land.” In the end Jorge decided that there was too much at risk: “I didn‟t want to lose my identity here; that feeling that I was accepted, that I was known. So, I decided to remain here.” It would take several more years before Jorge would redirect his energies toward a tourism career. Many participants had decided differently about these types of risks. Some had gone abroad when the opportunity arose. Some had traveled outside the region for the first time, due to their tourism work. Some had simply opened themselves up to the outside world in conversations and exchanges with tourists. Others had risked through perseverance with programs like the Guide‟s School. All expressed that the rewards for them had justified the struggles. For most of the cases of interest, tourism opportunities had “knocked” on their doors in metaphorical ways. For Sebastian Brisaboa, tourism had not only knocked; it was plowing a path past his door. Sebastian lived almost 40 kilometers into a valley that was not connected by road until a few years ago, when the road reached within a kilometer of his home. This road was planned to eventually connect a route between Argentina and the Pacific and likely would carry a great number of tourists in years to come. Sebastian shared the story of how he became interested in a tourism-based livelihood: What happened was that here there were not any roads – I am going to tell you the story. I was the last settler of the valley. I am far from Tranquilo and far from the sea. So, some gringos from Operation Raleigh arrive in a boat, heading for the river. And the gringos didn‟t know anything about the water, about anything. The gringos arrived up above where I was watching some animals. This was something very difficult; it was somewhat incredible! So I think: I will never be on the road; I am always going to be remote. So, I copied them by getting boat like theirs, of rubber, to be able to transport my things. I made the investment and I bought it and later the road began. I said, “I think that I can work in tourism, because I have a boat. I know how to handle it well. And there is a glacier, the Exploradores, close by.” I spoke with the people [in Tranquilo] that had lodging, and I told them that I was doing an activity: Navigation in the Bayo Lake, going down by the Exploradores River. Later, I would do a trek by the evergreen forest and finally, arrive at the glacier. They began to send tourists. The second year was very good. More than 300 people and there were things that could be done. And in that time, I thought tourism was good. But Sebastian shared with me during our time together that he saw tourism as a doubleedged opportunity; one that he needed to understand and control if he is going to preserve the life he loved. He said, “First, so that you know what I think… I always want to live in the Exploradores Valley, never to change…Because I was born in a rural family; I was raised in the country. I didn‟t do tourism. Before, no tourism existed here. It is something that has come separately… I see that in the future, with the road, a lot of people will come and go. But in my case, I am to the side of the road, where I have more privacy.” Sebastian sought tourism on his terms rather than on the terms of outsiders. Already, he had had several offers to develop or sell his well-positioned, well-endowed 800-hectare ranch. The major themes identified in the preceding passages combine to demonstrate how the decision to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy was shaped for the sixteen 118
residents of Aysén involved in this study. Circumstances of the lives of these residents, including their childhoods, their migrations away and back to their homes in Aysén, and the choices their parents had made about where to live and how to pursue their own livelihoods, have influenced the life choices of the cases of interest. Participants‟ previous experiences, realms of exposure, job histories, family influences, and perceptions and tolerance for risk combined to create a combination of human, natural, cultural, social and built assets, which can be leveraged to construct a livelihood strategy. For the cases involved in this study, tourism represented a realistic and immediate opportunity to employ their talents, equipment, property, relationships, and other assets in a way that allowed them to further develop and advance their individual and household goals. Figure 4.2. Postcard No. 2 - How did incorporating tourism as a livelihood strategy make the lives of participants more meaningful? Major Themes Included: How did incorporating
Connections with Place
“tourism” as a
Connections with Culture
Strengthened Families
Window to the World
livelihood strategy make participants’ lives
Number Two
more “meaningful”?
The second question of this study explored, “How did incorporating tourism as a livelihood strategy make the lives of participants more meaningful?” One of the most consistent themes across the participants was an overwhelming connection with the nature and culture of Aysén that was facilitated and strengthened through their tourism-based livelihoods. For many, incorporating tourism as a livelihood strategy brought meaning to their lives by allowing them to work in conditions they loved. For others, their work allowed them to continue or begin to live where they felt an attachment. Still others expressed meaning through having the opportunity to share their world with others. This sharing in particular, seemed to help them realize and appreciate all that they had. Table 4.1 is a representation of the richness of place and nature related connections expressed by participants and the meanings they found related to their work in tourism. Table 4.1. Sample of the Meanings of a Tourism Based Livelihood Related to Place and Nature Based Connections for Study Participants in Aysén. Case Jose Gorgozo
Evidence To me, more than anything, I like living life in nature. That is the word; I have always lived in the country, I have always been connected with the zone of Tortel. I like this a lot, I feel comfortable…I have worked in things related to the sea all my life. 119
Alejandro Manin
Sebastian Brisaboa Javier Cabaneira
Jorge Blanco
Amalia Guillen
Isabel Freire Pedro Valdomar
Before, I didn‟t have any interest in tourism because I was born and I grew up in Chaitén and I didn‟t see anything special about the mountains. For me they were all the same – the mountains, the rivers – I didn‟t see them the way I do now; with the beauty that I see in them now. The place is precious here. We have a glacier at the front, we have the marvelous waterfall, we have the river, and we have the environment of the trees. I had always had the feeling that the region is very pretty, the culture that we have is very rich in different things, because it is a different one than that of the country. It is like the Polynesian culture of Christmas Island. It is very different than that of the country [Chile]; it is a culture between the gaucho and the huaso. What impassions me about the trekking excursions, aside from being in my territory, which makes me feel very happy, is the cultural exchange, getting to know the tourists a little, that are traveling through Patagonia. Is the same thing that occurred with the Telhueches more than 10, or 8 thousand years ago? It is repeated. For me, it is being able to have that contact with nature; the environment here that, for now, you can say is uncontaminated. Also, the power to interact with the culture of the region that is very different from the rest of Chile; to live a little of the traditions that are being preserved in some sectors; to share with the people. The working; seeing the sacrifice or the sacrifice that it can be to live in this part of Patagonia. Because in the school, I got to know the area where I lived. I began to know everything that I had. I still love that. I find it to be beautiful. And also I like to show that to others; it pleases me. I like the physical work, and what is really good is that, suddenly, there are tense [conflict] situations, but as you are outdoors, you can leave your people there, eating something and you can go take a walk and can become more relaxed...You return like new…That sensation of being more balanced, for me, it is easier...Being in nature, relaxes me, de-stresses me.
Another common theme involved expectations for strengthened stability and family relationships through the opportunities they were pursuing in tourism. For many, family relationships had been a motivation for entering tourism, as discussed in the preceding section. Anna spoke of the frequent moves that had characterized her life and her belief that her work in tourism would add meaning by providing the means for a more stable environment for her children. The hope and optimism she expressed about her work was a common meaning many expressed: My family life is marked by constant instability of houses and of places, and that now I really don‟t feel like I have a place of my own. I believe that that is what is guiding me now. Working in tourism, I expect to be able to save more money, to be able to move toward having my own house. That is what guides me now. I believe that I need it. I need stability. I have 2 children. 120
Carlos Abel found meaning through his work in tourism because it provided a vehicle to facilitate the co-development of a shared vision between him and his wife; a family business. Fifty years ago, they might have discussed their dreams of building a productive family farm, as many of their parents had, but now they were planning to fulfill this shared dream through a joint tourism venture: This year, I told her not to worry about seeking work, because we have a 9 month old little girl... a baby girl...so next season she is going to work with me. It is most probable that she will have a business in Guadal, a small business …I do not know; that I will expand this and that I will set up an agency of information; that is what we need for this place; to have contact for Coyhaique, with the people, by having an office in Guadal. What‟s more, it can be a business for clothes, for crafts, to put some things of her own. So, she is taking the same course and she can do it. For Miguel and several of the other guides tourism provided meaning with the potential of a legacy for his children; values and skills that they would be able to carry on, if they wished. Here, he described one of his daughters: Yes, I would want my daughters to be guides - the second one, it all charms her…she knows the names of all my equipment, knows how to assemble a tent. She is 6 years old. When Andre and I set the climbing wall, she is the first one, she wants to climb and all day is climbing the wall of knobs. When she buys shoes, she says, “climbing shoes, dad”. She likes the fleeces. She is incredible…If she continues this way, she can be a spectacular guide because she knows the region…and I laugh because when we go to Tranquilo, she says, “We will be in Murta in an hour more, we are in Paso las Llaves”. She likes Chile Chico. Another pattern which emerged from the data revealed a meaning derived through cultural exchange and exposure to the world outside their normal realm. Tourism, for many of the participants, provided a portal which opened onto the larger world; a mechanism by which they could interact with a world they had only seen on T.V.; a point of entry that they could access in a relatively inexpensive and “safe way”. Several participants found cultural exchange as one of the most pleasurable and meaningful aspects of their livelihood strategies. Anna shared, “I believe that I like the contact with other people. Tourism gives me the possibility of…of having the exchange with other realities without having to leave where I am.” For Sebastian, being able to talk to people about life in their country was meaningful: “They always ask me the same thing. They always ask about how we live, what it is like here, the climate and all. And one always has the same old opportunity to ask what it is like in their country. The dialogue is the best thing in tourism.” For Jorge Blanco, the excitement his tourists expressed over their experiences was contagious. He shared: This is like an infatuation, when you, the tourists, come to Patagonia. It is like the illusion of those strongest 3 months of a love affair, where you are enchanted, day after day. Later you have to return to your reality, to your work, to your country and all…a total change of reality. But when they are here, they are happy to be in the experience, they have more sympathy, they want to be in contact with the people, to know a little more. And we have discovered that we are able to give a little of that in the excursions, to see 121
their interrelations, according to the culture of each person on the trip, and I don‟t know, to understand each one little by little, to be able to understand how they are. Miguel described a similar exchange relationship between guide and tourist: For them it is most important… mainly to get to see a lot. They mainly want to see and to know it will be safe for them and that inside the security they can have a small experience…Not extreme, but with adventure and something that is unexpected. That is like what they want. And what I want is for them to be safe, that things go well, that they understand the spirit of Patagonia; what it means to be from Patagonia; that they know the people. In some cases to form some ties even, of friendship -with some people, 4 or 5 days of knowing them is very good. For Pedro, the world opened up in a slightly different way; in the form of new opportunities and experiences: “I live at the sea [but] had never gotten into a kayak. I live among the mountains, but had never scaled a mountain. I had hiked up mountains, but not scaling…I was learning to use new things that I had seen only on television, in movies…for me this was super good.” For others, tourism actually opened up the world, by presenting them with opportunities to travel and experience other places and cultures. Jonas shared this story of a local guide from the region, Marcelo. Marcelo was somewhat of a legend amongst local guides; an example of the potential for self-made success. Marcelo is a person from Ibáñez. Marcelo worked in construction and began to work with NOLS because he was doing house construction as a carpenter. He began to be interested and began to stay and wanted to do a course of climbing and began to like…but he worked for a long time doing other things. Little by little he entered [into NOLS]. Then the world began to open up for him. He went to work in the United States, he went to work in Colombia, and he has been going to work in other parts of Chile. He is a person that, having a small opportunity; began to grow. Jonas added that for Javier the case was similar. “Javier went with us to do a course in Torres del Paine. So, the world opened up for him…He had never flown in an airplane before. Then, he went to other regions of the country.” Jonas believed that this type of experience was essential for the development of a wider perspective amongst local guides. One of the assignments he made in the school was for all of the students to plan and take a vacation away from their home. So doing, he said, gave students the experience of being a tourist; one that many had not had. Thus, it prepared them to understand the needs and experiences of their clients in a more meaningful way. Jonas said of Javier‟s experience in Torres del Paine, “This produces change in the people, in terms of being an opportunity for those that dare to take it, but there are many that do not dare to take opportunities for themselves.” For Javier however, the meaning of that trip went much deeper; spanning not only geographical boundaries, but previous, perhaps boundaries he had felt regarding his positioning and social class. He explained: After doing the whole process of the school, one of the biggest achievements that I believe I had inside the school was to become a teacher of the school. They took me to Natales to be a teacher. I had never been a teacher. Being a teacher is like being on a higher step than the people that one is teaching. And for me it was a great challenge because, for example, my life was almost always in the lowest steps and 122
to become a teacher was very complicated for me. The students said, “Teacher”, and I did not know if they were calling Jonas or Paul, but I never thought it was me. People older than me called me professor. Thus, the meaning provided by tourism as a portal into a larger world varied according to the needs and the willingness to dare of the participants. Tourism provided a way that they could ease into this world. The exchange through this “portal” reached both ways for them and the meaning they derived seemed to involve both dimensions; sharing their own world and learning about the world of others. Other meanings expressed by the participants, included the pride, confidence and satisfaction they had in their skills, earnings, and increased social and business networks. Meanings overlapped with the participants‟ concepts of “success” and the role of sustainable forms of tourism, which are addressed in the questions to follow. Figure 4.3. Postcard No. 3 - What role did alternative forms of tourism addressing the concept of sustainability play for them? Dimensions of Impact: What role did
Natural
alternative forms of
Social
Human
Cultural
Physical
Financial
tourism addressing the concept of sustainability play for them?
Number Three
The third question examined the role that alternative forms of tourism, which addressed the concept of sustainability played in the lives of participants. The majority of participants involved in this study were working, or desired to work in nature-based or soft forms of adventure tourism. Their work relied on the rich natural capital and large number of protected areas which were present in the region of Aysén. Over the past several decades, an evolving body of tourism development research (Epler-Wood, 2002; Hall & Lew, 1998; Hall & Richards, 2000; Honey, 1999, 2002; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002; World Trade Organization, 2001) has identified options and possibilities for the development of tourism identified as being more “sustainable” within these high natural amenity destinations. This question sought to explore possible connections between more sustainable forms of tourism development and the case studies pursuits of tourism based livelihoods. Broadly, the case study participants did not normally refer to their work using formal terminology or principles of “sustainability”. However, the ideas, values and actions of participants often portrayed ethics of environmental conservation and cultural preservation. Some experts in the region spoke in much more formal terms about the themes of sustainability. Many appeared to be incorporating the 123
theories and concepts of sustainable tourism development into their programs and training efforts. A number of themes arose, in terms of the roles played by more sustainable forms of tourism for both the participants and for the region as a whole. Although there is quite a bit of overlap, it was useful to categorize themes along natural, social, human, cultural and physical-financial dimensions, in terms of the areas of capital they impacted in participants‟ lives. First, along the natural resource dimension, several of the persons involved in this study held the opinion that tourism related to natural resources was playing a role in building a new environmental consciousness in the region and seemed to be contributing to changing attitudes, or ethics, about resource extraction and overuse. John Brown offered this observation: Most people who are Aysenians, who have grown up here – have grown up or their dads came here because of the lack of getting land in the place where they lived and that was related to agriculture. So they were typically with sheep or cattle or horses and have put very little value on the aesthetic quality of the land. What you can see, and what is a view worth, and what is a hill worth that is covered in forest as opposed to one that is bare of forest with a little bit of grass on it for the cows. So tourism begins to put that value there – right – and it‟s kind of hard to put any figures on it but, you can see it happening. People who maybe have always appreciated the view. According to some respondents however, these forms of tourism led to a risk of overuse of natural areas & resources, if effective limits and means of protection were not in place. Alvaro Araujo spoke about his views on the risks of over-harvesting of trout, related to flyfishing: I have noticed that the people that have defended this [obeyed limits and rules of catch and release] are doing better than the people that are not there, with that issue; those that are not interested in whether they kill them or not. They are only interested in getting rid of the people; receiving their cash…and it is not important to them, in general, the trout that they kill. If they can kill 50, they kill 50…what interests them is that they pay them their…But what happens? That later they are going to have, maybe, that people are going to come later and are going to be able…instead of being able to take 50; in the future they are going to be able to take 10, or 5. Perhaps, they aren‟t going to be able to take any, because they are going to have other people that fished, previously. They have killed more and then, when…maybe they will never disappear… one never knows, but what if the day arrives when that occurs…they begin to disappear. What happens with the resources? In this example, Alvaro demonstrated a consciousness of concepts related to resource scarcity and an awareness of the need to conserve. His response directly related to his reliance on fish as a tourism attraction and his livelihood based on fly-fishing. He was employing principles of sustainable tourism in his use of these resources and was an advocate that others do the same. The current environment however, where others were making different decisions in terms of resource use created what he felt was a risk for sustainability. His response to this risk was to employ a strategy of diversification of his 124
own reliance on the resource, by learning new skills that will allow him to reduce his dependence on fish, should the supply be exhausted. One must begin to see other ways, as well. We have to be prepared for that. Because of this, I don‟t only have the idea of continuing in fishing, fishing and fishing. For me, I like...it a lot, a ton…the fishing…it is the best talent that I have - fishing…But, I wanted to do this course in the NOLS, to know a little more about mountaineering also, and to know a little more about kayaking…so that if some day, it comes to pass that something is broken, I am going to be able to be prepared for another thing. This seemed to indicate a lack of faith that sustainability could be insured, based on the management practices in place. A third example of the types of evidence contained in the data reinforced that the potential risk of overuse of natural areas existed. Additionally, it provided evidence that at least some of the participants in this study were able to identify that this risk existed and forecast areas where it was likely to arise: I think that because of the difficulty of access, the natural difficulty of access, where there is access, it is probably going to end up overused. So, for example, to get to the Northern Icecap; there are actually 3 or 4 places where you can do that. So those places, as the area gets more widely known, and more people are working in tourism – they‟re inevitability going to get overused – which means everything from erosion to fights and conflicts and so on. The depth and breadth of this awareness cannot be determined from this study. However, what was clear is that participants in this study believed there was risk of environmental deterioration from tourism if effective management action plans were not developed and enforced. According to participants in this study and historical documents, a number of initiatives taking place in the region incorporated principles of sustainable tourism, including programs from NOLS, the Guide‟s School of Patagonia, and ACCA. These initiatives included extension activities, which sought to involve and educate the communities in which they operated and reduce the impact of tourism on the natural resource base. Camilo Manin, an instructor with NOLS Patagonia described the extension activities and exchange programs NOLS was involved in and his assessment of how NOLS was impacting the region: We have, through the years, since the year [19]90 and something, we have qualified all of the park rangers of the twelfth region, part of the tenth, and part of several other regions, in everything that is “Leave No Trace”. We have done training in all of the principles of “Leave no Trace” during the time…many guard parks. Also, we do courses in Wilderness First Aid and we do it for the community. We have done 2 or 3 here in Coyhaique, and in Pto. Natales. We have done a lot because there is a large quantity of guides and a lot more is required. Also, we do specific courses of WFR for certain businesses, hotels or large companies that have enough guides. Also, we have supported to the CONAMA with the Trail of Chile. We have been participating a lot in the evaluation of the project for the path, and have also been dictating a 125
course for their people, the regional attendants, on Leave No Trace, because they do not know a lot about camping or anything… Also we do courses with universities. Specific students that study certain careers can come and to do certain professional practices with us and to teach us as well. The Guide‟s School of Patagonia has undertaken outreach through activities with the schools in the region. Here is an excerpt of an article from the regional paper, The Diary of Aysén, published August, 22, 2006: SCHOOL OF GUIDES CYCLE OF ACTIVITIES CULMINATED WITH A FRESH AIR EXPERIENCE FOR STUDENTS OF THE SOUTHERN ZONE Coyhaique- Taking advantage of the abundant snow and the beauty that wild protected areas offer, the Guide‟s School of Patagonia replicating a prior experience, invited a group of students, authorized guests and professors to the Cerro Castillo national reserve to carry out winter activities in the free air. The Academic Director of the institution, Jonas Fernandez, indicated that students, professors, and others participated from the rural schools of Villa Cerro Castillo, Murta, Tranquilo and Port Ibáñez; 56 people on the whole. Along with some police officials and accompanied by graduates of the Guide‟s School of Patagonia, they left to enjoy and to learn about the snow, building igloos and carrying out excursions in the snow-covered forest with snowshoes. He added that the boys and girls learned to be better linked with their environment, to take care of nature, basic techniques of subsistence in extreme climates and to know the different conditions of the snow. The event described by this account, directly involved graduates of the Guide‟s School initiative, including cases of interest involved in this study. Participation by these alumni was evidence of their willingness to be involved in extension activities which promoted principles of conservation. This type of exchange exposed a wider audience to nature-based tourism and principles of sustainability, including younger community members. It exposed them to new skills, encouraged appreciation and conservation of natural resources, and exposed these younger members of the region to options they might choose for future work. Turning to the social dimension of impact, this project provided public recognition for the school and the guides. The newspaper article presented earlier reinforced and rewarded the participants in a public manner, which might encourage future participation with these types of activities and build goodwill or increases to social capital. The recognition and rewards of this extension behavior become much clearer in the context of this publicly broadcast email, from Jonas Fernandez, the director of the Guide‟s School: Esteemed Colleagues, I am forwarding some photos of the excellent outing that we had with 19 people of the Cerro Castillo School; professors, students and others. The 126
day was Tuesday, August 8, 2006. And the group was accompanied by 5 members of the Guide‟s School of Patagonia. In the framework of our activities of extension, the Guide‟s School of Patagonia has begun to work with rural schools of the community of Rio Ibáñez, with the idea to support and to help them in the theme of enjoying activities in contact with nature, teaching safety and some hard skills they need to carry out winter activities. In this opportunity we were working in the construction of Igloos and walking with snowshoes. It was a beautiful experience; good learning for all that were present…a large quantity of snow, cold, forest and mountains. Thanks to Javier Cabaneiro, Miguel Quiben, Pedro Valdomar and Amalia Guillen; Guides of the School who supported us in teaching and heading the activities carried out. Thanks also to Patagonia Voyages and Summit Adventures Educational Trips, for supporting us with equipment for the trip. Thank you so much for your contribution. I hope you enjoy the photos. And soon we will be getting out with the School of Ibáñez, that of Tranquilo and Murta. Through this recognition, the extension and community service actions of the individuals involved were actively acknowledged and encouraged. Their willingness to participate strengthened their social affiliation with the Guide‟s School and with the community of interest addressed by the communication. It could lead to a widening of their informal networks and increased social capital. Another social role of sustainable forms of tourism involved an increased social awareness, or consciousness, and an ability to employ an understanding of the social principles of sustainable tourism development to identify positive and negative aspects of existing behaviors. Here, Anna discussed her assessment of social aspects of the growth of foreign-based tourism operators in the region: I like it when people come here from elsewhere, with new ideas and ways of thinking but I don‟t like it when they live in their own little social circles, closed out from having to deal and interact with the local culture. They come to Patagonia to work and to make money and they sell a Patagonia that comes with people and all. They market Patagonia to the rest of the world; a Patagonia that is not only made of nature, forests and lakes and things, but also of people…but as of late I have come to see that there are many closed circles and private communities here and that many foreigners are not really integrated into the local culture. For example the lodges of fishing…These lodges bring a lot of tourists through Aysén and a lot of money passes through their doors. There are a lot of foreigners that want to work with people from here. And that is good…or of people that want to be involved with local people in the community. And I don‟t mean in the capacity of having locals clean their bathrooms, I mean as assistants or guides or drivers. These kinds of opportunities are great and give locals opportunities to advance in life. Whether conscious or not, Anna was employing social principles of sustainable tourism development. This passage demonstrated her advocacy that the fly-fishing industry should not simply exploit natural resources; but instead, should provide benefits for the local 127
population. Clearly, a growing social awareness had informed her thinking. If Anna were able to productively share her opinions in the region, she might inform the actions of others in a way that leads to greater sustainability. Moving to the human dimension, that the results of this study identified that one role of alternative forms of tourism in Aysén was to provide a basis for new life skills. Elena Mañan, a participant in the guide‟s school initiative related an increased knowledge of the culture and folklore of her region, of principles based on sustainable practices, such as “Leave No Trace”, and of hard skills that promote a new relationship with the natural environment: I believe that the experience…The fact that you learn, I believe, for any person, is good. In the school they were lots of classes that we had; theoretical classes and classes in the field. There were lots of good things. In the theoretical classes, you learned about culture and folklore, of… There were several modules… first aid, leave no trace, we had the opportunity to do a hike, solo, and we had the class in rational breaking [with horses]. There were lots of things we learned in the school. I took fly-fishing, rock climbing, ice climbing, horseback riding...and that seems like…almost everything. Of practical benefit for participants, these new skills provided a greater diversity of livelihood options and opportunities for teaching and influence. Lazaro Soto of FOSIS made this observation: The experience of the Guide‟s School really says it. The “young people” that graduated; because of the formation that they received; because of the personal reinforcement that they received; they have had access to a more stable level of work than they had had before. It is not ideal, it is not a lot of money, but for the regional market, it seems to me that it is good enough. Jonas and Jessica, directors of the Guide‟s School offered the perspective that many of the graduates of the Guide‟s School were becoming “thought leaders” within their home communities and that the practices they employed were being emulated by others: Jessica: Another thing that I believe, that has been noted a lot with the students that passed through the school … that they have not only been in this educational process but that they are internalizing the concepts and that they have changed their way of life in the territory. So, one is with them and goes out into the terrain and it is also a process of learning from their lives. That is to say, they transmit all this know-how. And that can be perceived when they are working. It is being seen in what they offer. Jonas: I believe that they are leaders in their localities because many are seeing their business progressing and the others are watching them and how they are doing things, because they are progressing. And that is noted. Not in all, but it is noted in a lot. Earlier, a discussion of the results related to how participants derived meaning from tourism-based livelihoods, initiated the discussion of tourism providing a “portal” into the outside world through which participants could reach into other cultures, experiences and places. The new skills and perspectives that came as a result of these interactions were another aspect of how alternative forms of tourism were affecting the participants of this study along the human dimension. This dynamic also involved concepts and exchanges of 128
cultural capital. For example, many of the alternative tourism related businesses were owned by persons who had relocated to Aysén from another country, including Patagonia Voyages, which was owned in part by John Brown. Amalia Guillen, an office manager for Patagonia Voyages, described the differences she had noted in working for John: There is nothing bad [about working for foreigners]. I haven‟t had any bad encounters. On the contrary, I believe that it is good. Let‟s see…In my case, I work with foreigners. The environment and the way of work is very different [than when I worked for Chileans]. I have a lot more enthusiasm for working with people from abroad. That is to say… I have had the experience of working with people from here in the region, when I was teaching classes and the truth is that I didn‟t like the relationships that there were. When I worked in Pucón, I worked with Chilean people, with Germans, [and] French people and always, the dealings with the foreign people were a lot better - for both parts - than those with the Chileans. Because the Chileans noted – or that is, the bosses or the leaders from Chile – they noted a lot, the difference between boss and employee. It was very noticeable. In Amalia‟s opinion the difference in how she was treated by John in comparison to other employers had to do with ideas and approaches to class relations; which she attributed to his being “foreign”. Discussions often arose during my time in the field about “foreigners” and “outsiders”. I began to surmise that for most Aysenians, the concept of foreigner included persons from other parts of Chile as well. I began to probe this phenomenon. Here Jorge Blanco responded to my question about whether his references to “foreigner” included “Santiaguinos”. His response echoes Amalia‟s earlier comments, but with much clearer conviction: Yes, also. They are foreigners in our territory. And at times, they come with a culture a lot more aggressive and evasive that that of true foreigners, like Americans or Europeans. These foreigners [Americans or Europeans] often come with an extensive cultural vision, but with more willingness to work with the local people. Perhaps the bigger problems, or where you have seen the large differences have been with people that come from Santiago, or that come from other regions of the country, to establish themselves here because they have seen the state give a lot of aid to people with very little resources, very little capital. And they look at all the people as Indians that work for them. Others also discussed different management styles and approaches they had experienced in their work in alternative tourism. Carlos Able worked for Jacque at TreksSur for several years. Carlos discussed frustrations he had felt with Jacque. Carlos felt that he was doing the same level of work as other guides but was being paid as a chauffeur. At the time we met, Carlos had recently decided to leave TreksSur and begin working on his own. Yet, he spoke of nostalgia he felt for the company and his experiences over the years. He described the management style at TreksSur with admiration; as a well-functioning system of work teams. Through his work with the company he said he learned about how to work as a team and why a properly functioning team could be both effective and efficient with tourism work. He described what it took to work as a team: I believe that to have [a good team you need] a clear idea of what you are going to do…to start. Knowing what you are going to do. And the other 129
thing is to get to know the others…more than you to know what the other people do …it‟s knowing that you can trust in a person…For example, I can trust in you to know where you can go, to know your limitations and to know what you can do. I believe that is like the key, because when a person wants to take many things or if, in a team, there is a person that wants to do it all or that he wants to surpass the rest…I believe that the key is the trust and the knowledge they are sharing with the rest. That is to say, it is necessary to participate with the other people. Of course, there has to be an organization, which is the work plan. That is fundamental when a lot of the people are familiar with each other. But inside that work plan you are going to the other people and they are going to you in the same way. So you go about learning how the others function and how you function, with regard to what you want to do. Carlos conveyed that he was trying to employ these same types of team skills that he had learned with Jacque in his new independent venture; thus transferring the importance and methods of teamwork to new companies and groups. I asked Carlos if he felt teamwork was a common approach to things in Aysén. He did not. He described the lack of teamwork as: It is like something that is in the people because always there has been a competition among the people. For example, the builders and the way they have of taking construction projects. It is very common in this zone that a builder takes on a super large construction project and later, that he cannot finish. Or that he begins working with other people and they fight amongst themselves along the road. I believe that it is in small part cultural and also a little bit that the theme [tourism] is still new. How things function is not well known and there are many people that believe that they can do it all alone, and that is impossible. These new approaches, ideas, and management styles arose as examples of how alternate forms of tourism were impacting the participants of this study. Jonas Fernandez, of the Guide‟s School offered this perspective: A lot of the successes of people are of people that come from outside, that come with other ideas and that know how to handle clients from outside better. And they have a vocation toward the activity, as an exclusive activity. I believe [these people are successful]… I do not know… because, perhaps, the environment in which they are formed. They have had to face, perhaps, more things, that have led them to come to a region to work in something. Many examples arose during this study of “outsiders” that were employing locals in their successful ventures in meaningful capacities such as guide, manager, partner, etc. This provided locals with opportunities for learning new management concepts and skills and added exposure to other cultures, languages and levels of customer service that better prepared them for their own tourism-based livelihood success. Kris Tompkins shared a particularly vivid example of how this process occurred: In Pumalín, you know, we have cabanas there and a big restaurant, and for years, the woman who ran it, was a woman from the Fiords, you know, right there, she was a friend of mine. She was born in the fiords…I think that most people, most people don‟t have the experience of having needed 130
those kinds of services so they don‟t know what it means. You say you need good service…well, what‟s that? And in Pumalín, at the restaurant and the cabanas; they were fancy, they were expensive. And so…God, for year after year, I‟d say every summer, before the summer would begin, I‟d say, “Okay, let‟s have the classes again…Here‟s the table, here are the people.” And I‟m not being condescending, this is just, these are the facts. “You set the table like this. Here‟s the cup, here‟s the plate. If it‟s dinner, here‟s the wine glass, here‟s this, this goes on that side, the fork is here, always cloth napkins, don‟t serve from the left hand, pick up from the right hand, dada, dada, dada, da.” “Okay, okay, okay, we‟ve got it, we‟ve got it, we‟ve got it.” And the first day, people arrive and it‟s [speaker throws her hands in the air]…it didn‟t work. Year after year…and I, and I, and I was bloody desperate! I didn‟t know what to do. I thought, you know… it‟s obviously my fault, because I‟m not training, you know, something is missing…and then, it dawned on me…Andrea had never been in a restaurant…in her life…ANY restaurant. So, why would she know? Why does it matter? So, duh…I um, gathered her up and I said, we‟re going for a week trip. And we bought stuff to sell in the park…different artesian stuff. We went all the way up to Chillán and then slowly came down, buying stuff. So, during that trip, we went to all the best restaurants, wherever we were, we went in the best restaurant, morning, noon, and night. And we ordered…different things…we had class…for, for a week, and I would comment on the stuff that was wrong, you know, “See how they did this, this isn‟t right. It should go like this.” And finally, she said, “You know, I think that this isn‟t right, because, don‟t you think this should go here?” and I would say, “Yes, that should go there.” And I‟d say, “What do you think of the waitress? How was the service?” Well, then she got on to it and changed the whole story. And that was a big lesson for me because it had never occurred to me that she‟d never been in a restaurant…which is my problem, not hers. A final insight into how this “portal” created by the interface between locals and outsiders functioned in Aysén at the time of my study was offered by Amalia. She commented: I believe that they [foreigners she works for] are trying to save something that is being destroyed. So, they try to save something that they already destroyed in their own countries; they want to do things well here. And in their countries, they cannot do anything, because things have died already, because there is nothing they can do; so they are trying to do things here. Now, how is it bad? It‟s not. Amalia‟s comments indicated an awareness of the environmental degradation that has occurred in other areas of the world and the need for a more sustainable path. She confirmed in subsequent conversations that this awareness had been heightened through her work with John Brown, his partner, and others involved with the industry of alternative tourism. In addition to the cultural exchanges involved in the concept of a “portal”, evidence supported another cultural role for alternative forms of tourism, based on sustainable use of 131
natural resources. Sofia Sanchez, of ACCA suggested that these forms of tourism provided a vehicle for cultural sustainability and for retention of youth within the community: I believe that over the long term, it is possible that the youths of the localities will remain because of tourism, whenever the tools they need arrive, so that they can remain. They see the tourist attractions in their own localities, every day, but there is not a value placed on the heritage. So, they have the glaciers there…They are raised knowing about the glacier…but there is no work going on to know the glacier. So, while these types of projects exist, for example, CONAMA is doing the same thing through their environmental education… Delivering tools like those that exist nowadays, with the Guide‟s School, which is a regional alternative for working in the area of tourism. As long as there are not clear policies within the localities and the counties, with regard to tourism education in the schools and high schools, I believe that the people are going to continue leaving, are going to continue leaving… But when a clear position exists and all of the services are coordinated, with respect to tourism and there is work and a process that has to be developed, what we also say, “To put a value on the resources.” I believe that also, the people are going to begin to return because they see tourism as a growth possibility. It is a long- term process… I am not speaking of 30 years, but it is possible that the generations that are in the schools today will remain working here. This was further evidenced and developed by the recognition that tourism can be culturally based. Alejandro Santos expressed the belief that culturally-based tourism which celebrated and shared in preservation of culture was both viable and desirable for inclusion in a tourism-based livelihood: I want to work with rural tourism. Rural tourism attached with the agriculture. That is to say, that if I bring people to the house of a farmer, that the farmer can live like always and can do his work and that this tourist can learn from the farmer, can learn to (I) firewood, can take mate, can know how to handle the tractor, that type of tourism. Now, the costs of that tourism are not very high. How much will they pay? (I) That the farmer can have that passenger 5 days… I do not know…Charge him a thousand pesos and we are going to do a cheap kind of tourism, but with those conditions, and then they can leave to go fishing, can leave to go horseback riding, can learn to milk a cow, to make cheese… Evidence of a growing environmental consciousness and land conservation ethic, demonstrated by this final passage, supported another cultural role for alternative forms of tourism development. Here Miguel expressed a common attitude amongst the cases of interest, about the importance of transferring conservation values to younger generations in the region and the incorporation of new, more sustainable attitudes within the traditions that existed: I do not know if it is that today‟s generation of Patagonia [has changed] or if it is because our children have a different conscience. None of my daughters would throw a candy wrapper on the ground; they always throw them in the trashcan, as opposed to my nieces and nephews that are from Santiago. I have a nephew that comes here fishing and throws them 132
on the ground. My daughters challenge it; they tell him that, “Don‟t do that. Throw the papers in a trashcan.” That is a very good conscience. The physical or financial dimension was the final dimension that arose in consideration of the potential role of more sustainable forms of tourism for the livelihood pursuits of the residents of Aysén. Participants expressed a shared opinion that as tourism gained economic force, it helped attach an economic value to “nature as nature” and reinforced a more sustainable outlook on resource use. For example, earlier in this section I presented John Brown‟s opinion on how tourism played this role. More concretely, John suggested an example of how these new levels of consciousness were manifesting into action in the region: A good example on the Rio Baker is Cecil Ibáñez – so his father was one of the first colonizers in that area right – to set up a farm. And he has kind of been coming out right now – saying a lot of - kind of coming out quite strongly now in opposition to Endesa and the dams. And his argument basically is one of “I love this place – it‟s where the kids have grown up and I love the view, yeah. And that‟s what the tourism does. He suddenly realizes that other people have traveled around the world to see what he‟s living in front of. So, I think the two things there are linked. The potential for tourism to influence a change in the way that land and viewsheds are valued may promote greater collective action to protect the natural capital of Aysén, according to this example. As this passage indicates, increases in tourism related to an appreciation of natural resources may influence an increased emphasis on sustainability of natural resources for the region. If locals had a voice in the form development took in their region, and the choices they made included protection and conservation of natural resources, this could increase the options for locals seeking to build a livelihood based on tourism and protect and preserve important natural resources. As well, it could create new vulnerabilities for them, as the market developed and owners began to realize that the “views” their properties offered contained value and could command a variety of fees. The Guide‟s School and other regional projects in Aysén that sought to teach and promote principles of sustainable tourism appeared to contribute to raising the consciousness of some residents of the region. A growing knowledge of the principles of sustainable tourism, whether transmitted through the curriculum of projects like the Guide‟s School or transmitted by tourism leaders through their actions in the field was supported in the evidence of this study. Potentially, sustainable forms of tourism could play a role in the accumulation and sustainability of capitals across a wide spectrum of dimensions, including human, natural, cultural, social, and economic capital realms. The evidence suggested that sustainable forms of tourism could influence a change in attitudes toward environment and a growing appreciation in “nature as nature”. It could provide an option for younger residents to remain in the community in a viable way that preserved and protected essential elements of the local culture. If this in fact happens, tourism may be a sustainable livelihood option that could be employed both now and by future generations. However, there was also evidence that not all of the tourism development in the region adhered to principles of sustainability. Concern was expressed for the future of resources as tourism continues to grow; that behaviors inconsistent with principles of sustainable tourism led to damage and depletion of resources through overuse and conflict related to issues such as access. If tourism based livelihoods are to be sustainable, the role of sustainable tourism 133
may be to guide policy that can further protect the resources upon which these livelihoods depend. Figure 4.4. Postcard No. 4 - How did people pursue tourism as a livelihood strategy? Modes: Tourism-based Work: How did
Working For Self
people
Working For Others,
pursue
Not Working In Field
Preparing For Future Work
tourism as a livelihood
Number Four
strategy?
The next question of this study was concerned with how people pursued tourism as a livelihood strategy. The data collected during the study provided insights into the modes of work that existed for employing tourism as a livelihood strategy, information about different areas of specialization that were employed, and an understanding of some unique aspects of employing a tourism-based strategy related to the relatively short season of tourism work. Three modes of work emerged within the data, in terms of strategies being employed for tourism-based livelihoods; working for others, working for self, and not working. Figure 4.5 portrays the modes of work that were represented among the sixteen cases. Six of the cases of interest were pursuing a tourism-based livelihood by working for Modes of Work Amongst Tourism Based Livelihood Strategies Figure 4.5. Tourism-based modes of work being employed by the sixteen cases of interest in Aysén, March – May, 2006
Not Working in Tourism (2 cases)
Work for Others (6 cases)
Work for Self (8 cases)
134
others in tourism-based enterprises. Three of the six worked in more administrative types of jobs in office settings and the other three worked as guides in the field. Two of the field guides were in positions that required a general knowledge of a range of adventure skills and the ability to guide multi-day treks. The third was a specialized fly-fishing guide. Of the administrative specialists, one worked as office manager for an adventure tour operator, one for a large hostel, and the other for a local tourism information office. Of the six cases employing this mode of work, four had moved, or migrated, in order to obtain work during the past three years, and another was commuting for weeks at a time, considerable distances from her house. Five of the individuals working for others were single; the sixth married. Three had children; three did not. Two had technical degrees; three others had four years of secondary education and the other had completed two years of secondary education. Finally, four of the six were female. Eight of the cases of interest were working for themselves at the time of the study. All eight worked in guide-related areas of tourism. Three of the cases were focused on horse treks, one on more generalized aspects of Agrotourism, three on general adventure skills involving a variety of different activities, one on trekking, and the last on boat trips. Of the eight cases employing this mode of work, six worked in relation to a specific geographic area or attraction. Only one of the eight had moved during the past three years; however, his motivation in moving was to follow a dream. He had always wanted to live in the country, and his move was facilitated by his ability to work independently in the field of tourism; first in the town of Pto. Ibañez and later in the rural community of Cerro Castillo. Seven of the eight were working in close proximity to their homes. The other often spent time involved in work, several hours from his home. However, the location of this work was on a tourism property, owned by his wife. Two of the individuals working for themselves were single; the other six were married. Seven had children; one did not. Of the eight cases working for themselves; three had completed four years of secondary education in a normal fashion. Two others had completed the equal of this degree, through night school or an equivalency exam. Two had completed only two of the four years of normal secondary education, and the last had completed only one year. All eight of these cases involved males. The final two cases involved persons not working in tourism at the time of this research. Alejandro Santos was currently employed as a rural engineer. He had a four year technical degree in the field of agricultural engineering and was married to a doctor, who earned a good, regular salary. They had a small daughter and had recently moved from Chile Chico to Puerto Aysén for his wife‟s job. He was working on a regular basis with area farmers for regional institutions such as INDAP. His work consisted of things like GPS mapping of water systems and researching land titles. While he had been at university, he had worked in tourism during holiday breaks, and this experience was a positive and defining one, according to him: Look, I believe that I have a lot of experience in tourism. But in Chile I have only worked a little. I have worked in San Rafael Laguna and some days I have taken people to the streets. Now, I earned my career working in tourism; but that was not here in Chile. It was out of Chile. I lived in Brazil and I had to go to Brazil with groups, returned to Chile, and from Santiago, Chile, I went to other countries. I knew Venezuela. I was working in Venezuela. At first, I was a guide and later, with time, I was learning and I was no longer a guide; I was a coordinator, or leader of 135
operations. I worked with Aquasol, and with several businesses in Santiago. In the end, the tourism circle in Chile is very closed with only a few businesses. And they all know each other. So, it was super easy to be offered work in one business or another business. When we talked, he was actively seeking to re-enter the field: I studied in INACAP, in Temuco. I am an agricultural engineer. I am working in that now, but I still want to be able to do something in tourism. I have the know-how; I have contacts, I have [I]. I am lacking, we say, the investment; and more than the investment, what I am lacking is the sale because I believe that it is more complicated; to be able to sell something. Now I work on fees, with boletas, I make my schedule, my hours. I am always seeking my work. I have to compete for my work. In my area, I seek my work. It is very flexible. The final case involved Elena Mañan, a 35 year old woman from Coyhaique, who was married to a person with a good job within the municipality. Elena was focused on developing her skills in outdoor leadership and on construction of a fly-fishing lodge on a piece of property that she owned. She had just been accepted to participate in “A Year in Patagonia”, which was a new course being offered by NOLS. Elena completed all four years of secondary education, and had not moved during the prior three years. She did not have children. An interesting phenomenon that existed amongst the participants of this study related to the impacts of seasonality and other forms of vulnerability affected how they pursued tourism related livelihoods. According to the sixteen cases of interest involved in this study, having a livelihood based on tourism did not mean that tourism-related work necessarily comprised their main source of income. Many considered themselves to be employed in a tourism “career”, yet were only working in tourism for up to 6 months a year. In fact, for half of the sixteen case studies involved in this research, deriving the majority of their annual income from tourism was not a possibility. Anna Méndez expressed the problem by saying: It is a problem, that the season of tourism is very short. Oh, definitely, yes, because for example, now, I have as 6 months working in tourism and not much opportunity for work during the rest of the year. Maybe I could have had a possibility to work longer this season but, who knows? As well, I believe that winter tourism is a possibility and that if winter tourism grown I will have more opportunities. But for that, I will have to learn more – like how to ski…and other things too. I will probably work in a restaurant or look for a job in an office in town. The shortness of the tourism season in Aysén required many to work in other jobs for the winter. Even those who maintained employment, such as Pedro Valdomar who worked with Patagonia Voyages, said their winter duties were drastically different: “The differences [in the winter] are super noticeable because in the winter there are not excursions, There is not rafting, there is not kayaking, there is nothing. I only remain to make repairs and maintain the equipment and the trail, also.” Diversification was an important tactic for dealing with the short season for tourism. Three of the participants balanced their livelihoods based on tourism with other businesses, including restaurants and agricultural pursuits. This diversification provided food, fuel, and income for participants when tourism-related income was not an option. For 136
most, participation in a diverse set of livelihood activities was considered a normal part of their strategy for a tourism-based livelihood. This dynamic was not confined to rural tourism participants. Owners of the more established businesses, such as John Brown, of Patagonia Voyages, Alberto Gallego and Pilar Rodriguez of The Refuge, and Jonas Fernandez and Jessica Amieiro of the Guide‟s School, also diversified their livelihood strategies with work in other fields during off-peak periods; fields such as real estate development, consulting, project management and architecture. All related that their earnings in tourism were not sufficient to meet their needs for the entire year and that these other activities enabled them to “move ahead”. “Moving ahead” involved a variety of financial uses of income, ranging from paying bills to reinvestments in businesses, savings, land purchases, and other types of material purchases. Alberto and Pilar shared: Alberto: For us personally, this does not give us enough to live all year. We do tourism for 4 intensive months and a pair of months in spurts, before and after, but that does not permit us to move ahead, with what we will gain from now to October, when you begin to feel that it begins to be productive. In September, at times we have people, but it is not a lot. [In the down period] I work as the architect if I am able, or doing what I can do. Pilar: At times, I do management plans, as an agronomist in the fields and give support to the children in their education. These modes of tourism pursuit: working for self, working for others, and not working, or preparing for future work, formed the major strategies employed for tourism based livelihood pursuit. Within this, a range of work specialization occurred, as previously described. An interesting dynamic involved the short seasonality of tourism work in Aysén and the various strategies employed to address the remainder of the year. Figure 4.6. Postcard No. 5 - How did participants define success in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy? Aspects of “Success” How did they define “success” in their pursuit of
tourism as a livelihood strategy?
Number Five
Material Needs
Social Connections / Status
Place Based Connections
Quality of Life
Independence
Entrepreneurialism
The next question related to understanding how the participants of this study defined success in their pursuit of tourism as a livelihood strategy. There was a lot of 137
overlap in the way “success” was described by the participants of this study and the ways in which they derived “meaning” in their tourism-based livelihoods. Essentially, participants sought the earnings they needed to maintain their concepts of “meaning”. These concepts involved work conditions, aspects of family relationships, independence, stability, learning, social relationships, and a connection to the world, as was described earlier, in post-card number two. Participants discussed various material things they desired in life. Paying their bills, funding their children‟s educations, taking care of older parents, affording health care, being able to invest in property, comfortable housing, dependable vehicles, gear, clothing and sufficient food were the types of material needs participants mentioned. Several of the participants expressed the desire to travel, to learn about other places and cultures, and to continue to develop skills. For some, the exchanges they had in their work with clients were sufficient to satisfy these criteria; for others the desire was to experience other places and cultures-first hand. Pedro Valdomar shared this idea of success: I want to leave…to continue meeting…I want to continue interacting with new people, but the first thing, the fundamental thing for me is … suddenly having the earnings that I have, this is the bottom line …being able to leave; knowing that my old man is well, that my parents are able to go on subsisting for themselves because, at this point, I support them economically. My short term goal is with them. Later…to travel; to acquire experience. If I can leave Chile, fantastic. If I have the possibility, I‟ll take it. I am not going to let the train pass me by, because I was born in Tortel, where 500 people live there and I am going to go to a place where there are 5 million. The majority of participants expressed a strong desire to maintain and build their connections to specific areas in the region through land ownership, establishment of businesses, and social involvement. Success for the majority meant being able to live and work where they loved. For some this meant a specific place such as Tortel, Chile Chico, or Cerro Castillo. For others it was a type of geography; the sea, the mountains, the forests, etc. Still others dimensionalized place as “outside” or “in nature” and regarded success to entail work that allowed them not to have to be confined to an office. Alejandro Santos held a professional degree in agricultural engineering and had a successful private consulting business. He was married to a doctor. They owned two cars, lived in a comfortable house adorned with nice furnishings and had both the access and means to meet their livelihood needs. Yet, Alejandro yearned for a livelihood based on tourism. For him, the conditions of tourism work contributed to his concept of livelihood success. He explained: “It is freer. Now, the income can also signify something, but it is more…it does not stop being a responsibility, but you walk more freely. It is better than working in an office.” Pedro Valdomar shared a similar sentiment: I tried working in an office once. I lasted a month and a half, seated there in the computer, answering the telephone and talking with someone. I went out to the street and I looked at the people that passed; dogs and cars, and returned to the office in the same state as when I had left. Being in nature, relaxes me, de-stresses me. Overwhelmingly however, when participants spoke to me about “success”, they described their dreams and visions for a business of their own. Unanimously, the cases of interest involved in this study desired an entrepreneurial lifestyle and believed that tourism provided the opportunity to realize this desire. This type of thinking was encouraged by 138
local development agencies in a variety of ways. For example, the Guide‟s School asked participants to define and prepare a final project that consisted of a tourism-based business plan. INDAP, ACCA, SERCOTEC, and FOSIS all provided seed capital for equipment and business support. FOSIS, INDAP, and ACCA had all established promotional tourism networks which attempted to connect small businesses along tourism routes and provide promotional and training support. Perhaps the most vibrant evidence of the level of celebration that occurred in relation to the entrepreneurial spirit was a 2006 publication from SERCOTEC (see Figure 4.7). All one-hundred and eleven pages of this full-color custom-sized book were printed on card-stock quality paper; seemingly an expensive publication to produce and print. Inside the stories of 25 entrepreneurs were featured, covering each of the 13 zones of Chile and a range of businesses and industries. These entrepreneurs were celebrated! One full page contained an artistically produced picture of the person being celebrated, with the majority of the image in sepia-tone and key details of their respective products in full color. Figure 4.7 portrays a few of the pictures within this publication as well as the front page and introduction page, to demonstrate its tone and opulence. Another full page in each of the twenty-five stories contained a small sound bite or quote from the entrepreneur related to their efforts and successes. Then, two more pages told the story of their development and current success. I learned that shortly after the publication was launched, there was a celebration ceremony in Santiago where these entrepreneurs were honored by government officials. They were flown in from all over the country to meet with members of the government; it was described as being “a big deal!” Figure 4.7. SERCOTEC 2006 Publication Celebrating Chilean Entrepreneurial Spirit
139
The introduction page of this publication provided valuable insight into the cultural significance placed on these entrepreneurs in Chile and the spirit of success for the common man their stories represented: In these pages you will encounter 25 stories of life, of dreams and efforts to make them reality. It was difficult work to select these stories, because there are hundreds, thousands of men and women that could serve as examples for understanding that which signifies entrepreneurship in Chile. The Chileans have the willingness and capacity to undertake; and this is, without a doubt, a powerful engine of development of our businesses and our employees. The 25 entrepreneurs, men and women that we present subsequently are simple people, that live in distinct regions of the country and that are developing very diverse activities. Nevertheless, they have something fundamental in common: talent, years of effort and a spirit of beating everything they face. Rising up, time and again, is a characteristic of the enterprises, as well as to work without stop to make a dream reality. The powerful thing is that when these individual dreams materialize, a collective welfare is generated. Whether in the north, the south or in the southern extreme; in the city, the country, or the coastal extremes; the fisherman, the artisans, the small merchants or the tourist guides manage to initiate and to maintain their businesses and not only do they improve their standard of living and that of their family, they also give employment to other people and they positively influence the cultural and socioeconomic conditions of their communities. To help these micro and small businesses has been the work that SERCOTEC has realized from our beginning, for more than half a century. Nevertheless, in the last six years we have placed emphasis in areas of business with greater possibilities of commercial success and in improving the conditions of the environment in which these projects unfold, particularly access to markets, credit and technology, as well as the legal framework and policies. We are convinced that Chile is a country of entrepreneurs. That our people have the capacity, imagination, tenacity, and sufficient commitment to move an idea for a business forward. And that, therefore, at times, they only require a small push as well as the favorable environmental conditions mentioned to unfold all their talent. Therefore, the challenge persists to improve and to generate more inclusive public policies in this area, that give life to this dream of a Chile, fueled by the force of its entrepreneurs. This publication provided valuable insights into the goals and priorities of SERCOTEC as well. I was provided with a copy of this publication because one of the stories featured Isabel Friere, a case of interest for this study. She was featured because of her connection to the Guide‟s School, a project partially funded by SERCOTEC. Amongst the cases of interest and others I encountered during my time in the field, I heard a wide variety of ideas for business concepts, ranging from a fly-fishing lodge targeted exclusively to women to a hand-crafted, cypress, ocean cruising ship with multiple sleeping cabins. Plans were in various stages of implementation. Four of the participants had established independent guiding services and were working regularly during the season, in accordance with the business plans they had developed. Six others were working sporadically as independent guides; actively pursuing their entrepreneurial goals, with the 140
expectation of being operational in time for the following year. The remaining six participants expressed plans of working for others for the immediate future. But these six also envisioned long term success to include entrepreneurial ventures. Pedro shared: My idea is to continue working for this business, [Patagonia Voyages] and to improve my know-how as for the labor thing, and to save, also. Saving my money that I make - and I have talked with my dad- a construction; some cabins or a lodge or a restaurant. Doing something there [Tortel]; something to build. Because my old man is exhausted of working in the wood; he has forty and something years… My idea is to…help them to build something and they can subsist by themselves...and there… None of the participants involved in this study expressed a vision of long-term success that involved extended careers as “employees”. Working for others was considered a part of short-term success, but its role in the participants‟ lives was usually as Pedro described; a short-term tactic which enabled stable earnings and opportunities to gain confidence, experience and skills. Short term success for participants was often related to aspects of personal development they felt were necessary to master before they would be ready to seek an entrepreneurial venture: new skills, greater experience, world knowledge, increased opportunities, equipment, financial capital, and sales and management skills. Working for others was viewed as part of a progression from employee to independence. The passage which follows, offered by Miguel, was representative of conversations with many of the participants. It described the evolution from employee to entrepreneur: I studied high school until the fourth year. I took the aptitude tests and went to study civil construction; it was not what I liked to do. So, I didn't go to study and I dedicated myself to working in tourism. In this location was Andes Patagónicos, which was a tourism business [owned by his mother-in-law], and I worked with them for 3 or 4 years. I finished my work with them. I became independent. For two years I was working alone, and then I went to work with another friend, of Hertz (I) and I was responsible for the Rental Cars and later I returned again to work in General Carrera, with the cabins that are of (I), Bahía Catalina and I was the administrator and always going out in boats, riding horseback, it was a bit of everything; I mixed all the activities, all the activities; rowboat, trekking, horses. Miguel explained his rationale for independence in a way that I heard from several during my time in the field. Many had “eased into” independence. The progression usually began with work as an independent contractor. Guides were hired by the day or assignment to execute the itineraries developed and sold by one of the many agencies in Coyhaique. Later, they would become savvy of the differences between what the agency charged clients and what the agency paid guides. They would decide to develop their own itineraries and methods of sale and strike out alone; as full-blown independent guides. For many guides, the transition proved to be a difficult experience. Miguel described this time in his career: I said, in reality the business charges “X” dollars for doing a circuit and I am doing the circuit. It is not fair that they pay me very little money if I can do the same thing. So I said, “No, this is not how it is going to be. I am going to dedicate myself to developing the best thing possible”. The first year was super complicated because I had little money, little 141
equipment and the people that took those circuits the most were Europeans and Americans…so you needed to speak English… But later, with the years, as you do two or three circuits, you begin to know the people and the people trust more in you. So you can have prices in some lodgings that in general are a lot cheaper than what they charge the remainder of the people, and besides, you have more quantity of work. John Brown helped to better frame this dynamic by providing perspective from the agency side of the equation. He described: They see us earning…for a day‟s horse ride we earn $20,000 pesos, per person, for a horse ride. So they take 5 persons riding, so that‟s $100,000 pesos, but we only pay them $20,000, yeah? So they want the $100,000, not the $20,000. So they try to take that step but then there‟s a kind of breakdown for them, as I‟m not sending groups their way. I think it‟s partly seeing what we do and having a little taste of it, but not understanding what‟s actually behind it all and all of the other costs that are involved. And so, when it does happen that a bunch of people turn up and they try to charge the same price that they know we charge, and then they get a bunch of dissatisfied people because they are not actually getting what they are paying for. And so, it‟s an evolution and they‟ll get around to understanding. And what they‟ll probably do is not try and be kind of 100% independent and pretend to provide everything. But understand that there‟s a role within the whole kind of chain umm, where they do have a key role but it‟s not as big a role as maybe they once thought they were going to have or were going to be. Several participants planned to leverage their existing natural assets or to capitalize on access to natural assets afforded through public lands. The majority planned on creating an enterprise with others in their family and hoped that their children would someday want to follow the dream of being a guide. In addition to family, participants expressed the desire to involve others in their plans; neighbors; associates; other guides. The passage below is an excerpt from the Chile Chico Strategic Tourism Plan prepared for the upcoming 2006-2007 season. This plan was developed by Jorge Blanco in conjunction with his role working at the Chile Chico Tourism Information Center. He was not required to develop this plan. However, he believed that it would help to move tourism forward in the Chile Chico community. Other than strategic plans from Sernatur, this was the only formal tourism plan that I encountered in my fieldwork. Jorge noted that the plan was presented and supported by the Chamber of Commerce, Tourism, and Transportation of Chile Chico, in a meeting performed on Saturday April 22, 2006. The meeting included the presence of representatives of the Office of Promotion, the Mayor and some councilmen, according to Jorge. The plan contained a number of passages which demonstrated the importance Jorge placed on involvement of others in his community and his ideas regarding the potential for collective action. While others I spoke with in his community expressed skepticism over the ability of organizations to work toward a common vision, Jorge was clearly developing plans and visions which included this objective. For him, realizing these visions was an important part of his success. Key evidence of his desire for collective action and community-level involvement has been marked in italics to demonstrate the degree to which it was emphasized in Jorge‟s work: 142
Objectives: To position and establish a territorial identity for Lake Chelenko [Jorge is referring to the lake known as Lago General Carrera in Chile and Lago Azul in Argentina], we should unify our efforts and resources. Considering that tourism is our main economic development area for the future, we are all responsible for supporting tourism development plans and consistently working for plans and goals of integrated development of the territory, to which we belong and have been historically connected with Lake Chelenko since the time of the first Telhueche migrations more than 10 million years ago. Coordinating and unifying efforts to integrate all the organizations and tourist groups of the basin of the Argentine - Chilean lake. Establishing meetings of work with the county of Ibáñez and the representatives of Los Antiguos and Perito Moreno. Working with representatives of services which offer support for diffusion and financing of projects, along with the authorities responsible for the administration of transportation services, banks and others that finance tourist projects. Participating in fairs of promotion, like: Launch of High Season, Patagonian Regions of Chile, destination of Aysén, August, 21 and 22, 2006, in Santiago Chile. Patagonia Lakes and Volcanoes Workshop; August 26 – 28, 2006, in Pucón, Chile. Regional Workshop, October 27, 2006, Coyhaique, Chile. Carrying out Press Trips or Site Inspections that help us to show ourselves as a tourist alternative, we need at least five businesses or concrete services to submit, before May 31 2006. Carrying out campaigns of education and tourist participation with citizens and with the students. Working as a group with the organizations of the basin of the lake Chelenko in order to devising concrete products, like a great, reversible poster, with all the attractions and the connections of the lake, on one side; and on the other, to deliver some alternatives for trekking in the territory. Also, to construct signage of each locality with maps and all its services. Carrying out a project to bring a designer to Chile Chico for a month for the design of the poster and of the local signage, with each detail of the project to be supervised in collaboration with a group of representatives from the basin. Devising local projects in order to improve our main attractions, especially those which are nearby, like the "Cave of the Indian". Developing a plan of contracting by the half day, in January and February, for free local guides, (university students, who are natives of Chile Chico), who will direct tourists to our more nearby attractions. Carrying out bylaws to set a place for comings and goings of the truckers. Improving the coordination with neighboring counties in order to schedule out the celebrations of the different localities and to give greater tourist diffusion to celebrations. Studying the alternatives and coordinating a project for the Jeinemeni River in order to have a study of the river, supported by the Center of Studies Trapananda, a unit of the Southern University, which would permit us to find financing to eliminate the indiscriminate fishing with nets and to establish a basic tourist conscience and to promote the advantages of fly-fishing. Devising and 143
restructuring the organizations and chambers of tourism in order to improve participation. The majority of the plan Jorge developed incorporated aspects of community involvement. But involvement was not the only end goal participants expressed. For Jorge and several others involved in this study, success involved the ability to give back to their community and to help others succeed. He expressed: One of my interests is to have more people that are enthused about this, that can participate in forming and growing a business. In the community, I hope to include more local people that like the theme of guiding people that can do it with the same kind of passion that we have. If we are going to advance we need to take a step ahead in preparing new routes. Isabel shared a similar desire when she discussed her entrepreneurial plan. At the time of the study, Isabel was working for Joy Sandy, an adventure tour operator based in Coyhaique. But in the future, she planned to develop a tourism product and market it overseas. She had applied to SERCOTEC for funds to procure a laptop computer which would enable her to communicate with clients over the internet. She shared her vision and her views on bringing her dreams to realization: I do not know to what point my farm can be used…yes, to camp. For that, yes. But in reality, I would prefer that the hotels that are there be used more; the cabins; the things that exist in Ibáñez. I imagine incorporating more people from the farms of Ibáñez. I think that is possible. But only if they see that things go well for me; then they are going to want it. But at this time, to begin to organize something; to assemble something. They always say yes; but they never do anything. It is important that things go well for me and that they see that it works. Then I can incorporate them. I believe that the most important is the contact. I have been watching now with Joy [her boss], how to offer entire packages. For example, “they are going to sleep this day here; they are going to eat this and this other thing; they are going to have a hike for so many people and so many hours, to this and this part.” Doing it like that. That contact, according to my thoughts, I can only do it by using the Internet, in German and in English. But, I cannot offer everything because I do not want to and I am not able to either, because these trips cover many things, for example, to show them a farm. My neighbor can show how he lives, what their lives are like, have them eat there. Show them, not only the festivals, many times the festivals do not interest them a lot. They only want to know what the people lives are and what their lives are like. Clearly, the ability to secure funds to cover material needs was a factor of success for the participants in this study. However, the evidence of this study suggests many other aspects that contributed to their concept of success. There was a lot of overlap in the way “success” was described by the participants of this study and the ways in which they derived “meaning” in their tourism-based livelihoods. Participants wanted to experience the world, while maintaining their cultural heritage and sense of identity. They sought the ability to work in nature, to have freedom and balance in their work, to live where they loved, and to accomplish personal development goals, which they often achieved by working for others. 144
Participants also described criteria that were more associated with building a legacy. These were usually expressed when participants discussed their long term goals and visions for what the future would bring. Unanimously, future expectations included having a fully functioning tourism enterprise of their own. These enterprises often involved partnerships with family members, giving back to the community, multiple generations, and aspects of client satisfaction. Figure 4.8. Postcard No. 6 - How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success? Success Factors:
Number Six
Effective Use of Assets Social Cultural Human Physical Natural Financial Ability to Navigate Aspects of Scale External Environment
The next question asked, “How and why did they “succeed” (or not), according to their own definitions of success?” I explored a variety of perspectives to construct the response to this question for the cases of interests. As the previous postcard explained, for many of the cases of interest success involved a transition from contracting for tourism agencies to becoming fully functional independent guides with services of their own. Yet this transition had proven to be turbulent for most. For others, a tourism-based livelihood strategy was something fairly new. Success involved the immediate horizon and strategies like working for others or preparing for tourism work, which focused on accumulation of assets. In short, the cases of interest were still in early stages of work to reach their dreams of long-term entrepreneurial success. While they could offer a vision of what success meant, their limited experiences could only partially illuminate the path for reaching that success. For these reasons, I turned to industry experts and business leaders in the region. John Brown was a co-owner of Patagonia Voyages, one of the more successful and established businesses in the region. He responded to the question of why his business was a success with an answer that well-represented the complexity involved, (key phrases are emphasized in italics): I mean lots of things are intertwined. Like having a long term view is really important. When you‟ve got that you, when you‟ve got a long term view…And even if it‟s only one product or a couple of products that you can hang your name on and are easy to explain, and so. Like the Plomo 145
Glacier Trail is something there. It‟s got a name, so it exists. Its not, “oh yeah, we do kind of hiking.” It‟s much easier to communicate that. And then having and maintaining a confidence in that and in your long term view. So, if I believe it‟s going to work, then it probably will work eventually. But, if I‟m kind of doubtful and wandering around, “well maybe we don‟t put any more money in there or any more time there”, then it‟s never going to work, or it‟ll take a lot longer. So, that confidence. I think the commitment as well, in that, both Randall and I, at different times and from different kinds of starting points, decided that yeah we‟ll give it a period of time and put everything into it for that period of time. But yeah, it‟s a struggle and I guess, if we have an advantage, it‟s that we‟ve got slightly easier access to clients than some other operators, but not all. A lot of people here have got partners who are just dedicated to selling; the fishing businesses particularly. So, that kind of helps but, it‟s not the only thing. I think another thing is that on a local level; is being straight with people that are working for us. So like the guys that do transport and the guides that are working. And trying, just on a personal level, but trying to actually help people do what they are doing, because we depend on them, rather than try to just get the very, very best deal out of them. Which is… financially it can work well for one trip, but then if you want to get those people to work for you again and rely on them… And then the program changes, so you‟ve got to ask them to go to Cochrane, instead of Bertrand, to pick someone up. It all comes unstuck you know; so I think that‟s important as well. The combination of factors mentioned here, along with a few “really good helps from local government” had proved successful for Patagonia Voyages, according to John. In terms of the assistance he received, John said, “you‟ve got to fight for them if you want something that‟s useful.” In Patagonia Voyage‟s case, these “helps” included partial funds to conduct exploratory work for development of the Plomo Glacier Trail and later support for a press trip that led to an article in U.S. based “Outside Magazine”, publicizing the company and the trail. After several years of “just scraping by”, John and his partner felt that they were beginning to recognize a level of sustained success. Patagonia Voyages represented the cumulative conditions for success that emerged in this study; both for foreign-owned and locally-owned busineeses. A more in-depth analysis of John‟s strategy and operating principles revealed underlying patterns for his success that were reinforced by other operators, experts, and the rest of the data collected in this study. His case provided a good summary example of the key themes or ingredients of tourism-based entrepreneurial success. First, John effectively employed a variety of assets in his tourism-based livelihood pursuit. These assets included social, human, natural, cultural, physical and financial. John employed conscious strategies for building local supplier relationships that increased his social capital. He called on that capital in difficult times to keep things from getting “unstuck”. John leveraged the joint human capital of his own skills as a wilderness educator and his partner‟s as an adventurer to form his company. He demonstrated his ability to leverage natural capital through the development of the Plomo Glacier Trail, which draws on some of the most unique and interesting natural attractions of the region, according to experts. John had studied the local culture at length and understood the 146
importance of long-term relationships versus the short-term gains of a bargain. John leveraged the physical capital of the region by locating his offices in Coyhaique and a satellite office in their field headquarters in Bertrand. This enabled access to communications and financial infrastructure as well as supplies. Finally, John demonstrated his willingness to invest the financial capital he and his partner could assemble and to continue to invest for a sufficient period of time so that the business could develop in a successful way. A second dimension of John‟s success was the knowledge and ability to maneuver between “levels of scale” in an effective manner. At a local level, John established strong relationships with suppliers and government representatives that helped him to navigate the issues that he knew would arise during trips. John was the vice-president of the Coyhaique Chamber of Tourism. This placed him in a position to affect local policy and programming. John‟s involvement with the Chamber also helped him navigate on a national scale. Years of living in Santiago had provided him with both insights and contacts that helped him succeed. John demonstrated his ability to maneuver issues at a national scale in this characterization of the national tourism promotional system: You‟ve got SERNATUR which is the national tourism board or agency, right? So they are supposedly responsible for promoting tourism and for organizing it to some extent and. But they are financed centrally and then that money goes out to different regions. And then there‟s another organization called the CPT, which is a private corporation, which is – which receives money from SERNATUR to promote commercially. So they go off to all the fairs – to a lot of the different fairs and do different promotional stuff, right? But their main partners of the CPT are LAN Chile, Tourism Culture and a couple of other big, national, conglomerates – who handle the whole country and 1000 operators like us who. So traditionally, where they get most money is – or where they get the most return on their investment on marketing is the Atacama Desert, or Vina del Mar, Valparaíso – that kind of central area, or Torres del Paine. And more recently, the Lakes District – so like Temuco to Puerto Montt. And now this year – for the first time – they‟re actually focusing a little bit more on this region. So, traditionally, there‟s been very little support for this region. Yeah it‟s been there but you‟ve gotta fight for it. But nothing like if you look at the amounts of money compared to Magallanes, because of Torres del Paine – so they know they‟re gonna get a fast return on it. LAN Chile knows they‟re gonna sell a shitload of tickets to go down there but there not gonna sell so many for here. So there‟s interest there but it‟s obvious, and nobody‟s denying it – but - they do affect where and what gets promoted. On a global scale, John understood how to market a product to the European and American market that would command the clientele he sought. He had successfully created a brand with the “Plomo Glacier Trail”, and was able to differentiate himself through this brand so that he was not simply offering a “hike”. Additionally, John mentioned his ability to access foreign clientele and the advantage this created.
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The skills demonstrated by John were similar to those which others mentioned to describe successful tourism operators in Aysén. These included the following list: showing perseverance, being extroverted, working long, hard hours, self-confident and determined, being self-driven, creative and innovative, having a desire for change and open-minded, improvement, healthy and energetic, being action-oriented, an ability to delegate, able to learn from mistakes, having financial resources, being good at assessment and investing significant amounts of time, situational problem solving, using role models and mentors, being independent, having intelligence, able to influence others, being calculated risk-takers, having the ability to get along and good written and oral communication adapt to all types of people, skills, and the ability to work as a team, having adequate general business skills. The final element of John‟s success involved the external environment in which he was operating and his willingness and ability to deal with inherent vulnerability. He mentioned his long-term view and willingness to stick with things for a given horizon while maintaining confidence in his products and ideas. This tenacity was also suggested as important in the 2006 SERCOTEC publication featuring Chilean Entrepreneurs, which was discussed at length in the preceding postcard. SERCOTEC has worked with entrepreneurs in Chile for over 50 years. In this publication they suggested common traits amongst those that succeeded, (key phrases are emphasized in italics): …they have something fundamental in common: talent, years of effort and a spirit of beating everything they face. Rising up, time and again, is a characteristic of the enterprises, as well as to work without stop to make a dream reality…We are convinced that Chile is a country of entrepreneurs. That our people have the capacity, imagination, tenacity, and sufficient commitment to move an idea for a business forward. SERCOTEC also recognized the importance of favorable environmental conditions, including “access to markets, credit and technology, as well as the legal framework and policies.” CORFO concentrated on assisting medium-sized enterprises with system efficiency and profit improvement. Like the majority of development assistance agencies, CORFO focused on tourism as a regional category of growth. Their client list included a number of the successful tourism enterprises, including fly-fishing lodges, adventure tourism suppliers, spas and hotels. Sara Balsa, of CORFO, shared this perspective on the ingredients of tourism success: I believe that the success factors for the businesses of the region are precisely that they have fought against all the difficulties that the region presents. First, in terms of communications, there are businesses that are online all the time. There are businesses that have generally contact in other countries. They are businesses that have strong networks of contacts abroad, which are passionate about their work. Their owners are people 148
that like the region; that fight for the region. That is fundamental. They are people that are willing to take risks, generally. They are “open- minded”. They are open to new business possibilities and are very comfortable with their environment. Generally the groups of businessmen that work together are always the same. They promote each other. They are friends with each other. They are competitors many times, but better…they collaborate. Again, the themes of leveraging capitals and mobility between local and global scale were included, as well as the ability to fight through environmental vulnerabilities. John Smith believed that one of the barriers which prevented many locals from achieving tourism success involved their limited world view; and the accompanying limitations this presented for moving between local and global, or even national scale. John described the problem is his characterization of what he needed from a guide: We need people who have some local knowledge and we also need people who are really good and fast at solving problems. And the first, you can learn. You can get your local knowledge by dedicating some time to it. And the second, of being a problem solver; is a much longer term process, I think, and the typical education system here does not really encourage that. So, to get a local person who has the local knowledge, but who‟s also a really fast and able problem solver is hard „cause there‟s not that many of them. So, people that are actual kind of problem solvers don‟t leap out of places like Tortel. And the other thing is, well, there are two aspects. One thing is language. For this company specifically, we need English speakers, and that‟s improving, but there‟s still a long way to go for people to come out of school with the ability to communicate in English. And with that, and I think it‟s more of a characteristic of the rural skills and the rural areas – is just social ability. If you come from New York, you‟re kinda, you‟re really good at talking to other people and at getting your point across to other people, but here people are overimpressed and…shy, but not so much shy personally, as over- retiring. You know, they won‟t push their point or won‟t fight to be heard, and they‟ll just kind of take a step backward and not participate rather than kind of struggle to be heard. Jonas Fernandez expressed similar views when he shared his opinions on the ingredients of success for local guides: I believe that they [the guides who are the most successful] are persons, each one individually, that have had a lot of experience in life. Many of the students of the Guide‟s School have a very small world and when they do not leave that small world… They have always lived in Murta and have only moved around in Murta…You believe that Murta is your life. But when you have someone that comes from Santiago, who can explain things better…Since you only know things from your language, your perspective then, is a constraint that exists in the development of the capacities of the people. Both Jonas and John agreed about how important it was for local guides to somehow garner the courage to step through the “world portal” described in this study to obtain first-hand knowledge of the outside world. Jonas said, “yes”, it was extremely important to have experience in other places, “or cultural education”. Further he expressed, “I believe that it 149
is possible if one dares to decide to leave. To go to Rio Mayo in Argentina, or if I am from Murta then I am going to go to get to know Tortel. It can be done, but there is a lot of fear.” John summed up similar sentiments by saying: [People can gain this kind of experience and learn these skills by...] like going somewhere else. And I think most people are limited not so much by the lack of opportunities…I‟m talking about traveling out of this region and going somewhere else…but more by the lack of, or limited horizons, which are put on people because of their family, social and educational formations. So, um, there‟s, there are some financial implications. But, there are always exceptions that prove that you can do it – of kids that just up and go and then come back 10 years later, and have spent a bunch of time in different places, doing different things, and have got all of these skills that we‟re talking about. A final example of the role of an expanded “world view” in the success of local entrepreneurs was offered by Alex Fachal, a local of the region who has spent many years in formal study of the culture of Aysén and at the time of this study, was the director of the regional history museum. Alex made this prediction: I believe that this is like when someone goes to a university. There are some that are going to obtain their degree and others that are going to fall by the wayside. And this is the same. There are people that are going to qualify, that are going to accept the new technology, that are going to incorporate the economic system and that will employ the strategy of taking advantage of all the best tools that modernity gives us. But there are others that are going to renounce all that and they are never going to be qualified and they are going to want to continue doing the things they way their parents or their grandparents did. And in that sense, they are not going to be able to compete with the others, because when a person has a computer that has access to everyone and when he presses a button and... learns English and can communicate with agencies in the United States or with agencies in Germany, and can capture tourists, there is another that is going to continue working in the country and waiting for the people to come. They cannot compete against the others that are seated at their computer and that continue to grow by generating resources, resources, resources…and that go on learning, that go traveling, that CORFO sends as part of a delegation to Germany to learn more; or maybe they go to France, or they go to see a network in Brazil, etc. They cannot compete against the others, because for the others, the world has opened. Unanimously, the participants in this study expressed success in terms of entrepreneurship. For them, long-term goals encompassed an ability to compete and sustain with a tourismbased enterprise. The primary themes that emerged in this study related to tactics for success of entrepreneurial tourism based livelihoods included the effective use of assets, supportive environment conditions (and/or the ability to survive environmental shocks), and the skills to navigate between local, national and global levels of scale. Finally, Alex‟s prediction that future tourism success for locals in the region would be largely related to a willingness to accept a more global view was well aligned with the views of industry experts and leaders and clearly a common thread. 150
Figure 4.9. Postcard No. 7 - How did participants deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism? ? How did
Recognized Vulnerabilities
participants deal (or not) with the “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism?
Number Seven
Natural Human Social Cultural Physical Financial
The final question posed by this study explored “vulnerabilities” inherent in tourism and how the individuals involved in the cases of interest in Aysén were able to deal with those vulnerabilities. Throughout this study, variables arose which influenced the vulnerability of participants. As identified in the previous postcard, which focused on success criteria, the ability for a livelihood based on tourism to be sustainable depended in part on the environmental conditions present. These conditions involved a plethora of external influences that formed inherent vulnerabilities for tourism. The degree to which persons in Aysén were able to identify, prepare, and respond to these vulnerabilities impacted the level and sustainability of success. The same dimensions used to characterize forms of capital (natural, human, social, cultural, physical, and financial) proved valuable for thematically grouping the vulnerabilities identified by participants during this study. Additionally, these realms provided a framework during data analysis that helped with conceptualization of vulnerabilities that were not recognized or went unspoken by respondents. In the section which follows, examples of the vulnerabilities that arose along each of the six dimensions are presented. Climate and seasonality arose as primary external influences along the natural dimension. Javier Cabaneiro described the uncontrollable nature of climate and seasonality with these words: My final project was called and is called “Patagonia Untamable”. Someday, I am going to do it. It‟s the same name as my mail. I chose that name because of the climate, because of the geography that Patagonia has. The human being can do many things in life. The human being arrived on the moon but, for example, when there is snow and the roads are closed, we cannot do anything. As previously discussed, these environmental conditions affected participants in a number of ways, including the length of time they were able to work each year, the experiences they were able to provide, and the satisfaction their clients took away. Other vulnerabilities related to the natural realm included potential issues of resource availability and/or quality, such as water supply contamination or fuel scarcity, and potential resource change related to 151
development, pollution, or non-sustainable use. Amalia shared, “For me, it is being able to have that contact with nature; the environment here that, for now, you can say is uncontaminated.” This sentiment of a pristine environment being a key component of tourism success was consistently presented in the data and risks of contamination formed a primary vulnerability. Within the human dimension of vulnerability, issues and risk related to human health and well-being arose. For example, according to 1998 reports from medical researchers Toro, Vega, Khan, Mills, Padula, Terry et al., between the six months of July, 1997 through January, 1998 an outbreak involving 25 cases of Andes virus-associated Hantavirus Pulmonary Syndrome (HPS) occurred in the Aysén region. In 1997 the Centers for Disease Control reported: The basic clinical features in humans include fever, headache, myalgia, and gastrointestinal symptoms, followed by noncardiogenic pulmonary edema, cardiovascular collapse, and a 40%-60% case-fatality proportion. HPS results from infection with New World hantaviruses that are maintained by a single rodent reservoir species belonging to the subfamily Sigmodontinae (Order: Rodentia; Family: Muridae). Infection and disease in humans can occur after exposure to aerosols of secretions and excretions from infected rodents. Approximately 400 cases have been detected throughout the Americas, with retrospective cases identified as early as 1959. Although most cases occur sporadically in areas with endemic disease throughout the Americas, periodic outbreaks, such as the current episode in Chile, intermittently occur in association with meteorologic and ecologic conditions that facilitate increased rodent densities and contact of rodents with humans (¶ 6). During my study, traces of this outbreak still existed. Throughout the region there were a number of billboards encouraging rural residents to control rodents and avoid the conditions that might lead to the disease. Most of the participants were aware of the risks of HPS; however, there were occasions during field research where we were placed in situations with high potential risk, according to the description above. Clearly, with the rural nature of many tourism products and itineraries that include the potential for tourists to come in contact with “aerosols of secretions and excretions from infected rodents” (Centers for Disease Control, 1997, ¶ 6), this disease constitutes an environmental risk for tourism industry participants. Yet, its management largely depends on factors outside of these participants direct control. Other forms of illness, accident, and injury would also fall into this realm. Few of the participants had formal risk management plans to deal with accident or injury. Communication technology adequate for back-country emergencies was one of the weaknesses several expressed. For example, Carlos Abel shared, “Most of all, what I lack is in the area of communication. I have a “handy”, but I am lacking something for emergency situations, or to be in contact with the people. Some type of radio, satellite telephone, or something like that would be ideal.” Support agencies were not prepared to provide support for emergencies either, as evidenced by this comment from Rafael Allende of CONAF: Here in the first place, no detailed plan exists to depend on the forest system for evacuations. Here the evacuation is done through other classes; in the case of the mountain system, the system of air rescue and 152
also, the army. In that way, the rescues are structured in different points, but...no prepared plan exists with respect to the visitor that walked in the trails in Cerro Castillo, fell, and was fractured. That, we are lacking. We lack the mechanisms so that the person can be evacuated. We are the ones responsible for our territory and therefore we have to prepare those plans. We are involved in that. It is not the same as in the United States where the Forest Service has its own system of rescue… Clearly, the risk of back-country emergencies and this lack of preparedness created considerable vulnerability, which could not readily be controlled with the resources and skillsets available to the cases of interest in this study. Other human-related aspects of vulnerability which arose during this study related to labor markets and intense competition for jobs and/or employees. Alberto Gallego described the impacts of this environmental condition on his business: For us it has been really hard to obtain guides; that is a big problem. The Guide‟s School has certainly generated qualified guides, but each guide has the sensation that they want to start their own business. The guides do not continue being guides but become small businesses. So, there are few available guides in the market to be able to work with. I would say that there are very few guides and is a super large problem because you cannot assemble something without having people to operate it…Because you cannot do everything in the business and that is the problem that have we at this time. Because there are more [opportunities], but we cannot do it, and many times we see ourselves limited by this, because we do not have trustworthy people that do the things. Along the social dimension, the data included vulnerabilities associated with differences in levels of power and voice. For example, participants mentioned their difficulties in influencing or controlling the scarce resources involved in national tourism promotional activity coordinated by Sernatur and CPT, as described in an earlier section by John Brown. Promotion also manifested as vulnerability in another way, related to coordination. Several participants shared stories of formal or word-of-mouth promotion their destinations had received that led to more tourists than they were prepared to handle. Sofia Sanchez, of ACCA described this occurrence related to the unanticipated vulnerabilities created by a promotional activity of Sernatur: What happens is that Sernatur is going to take the region as a tourist product and offer it. So, for example, 2 years ago there was a large super problem in Tortel, where they received 3 thousand people in the tourist season, but the capacities to serve these people did not exist in Tortel. So there were people sleeping in the walkways, tents on the beach. It was impressive. And the following year, when it was time to begin to work in the area of what to offer, Sernatur, published its page and all its posters, with Tortel. So, there they were a little…there was not a connection between what really exists and what was being done, on the other hand. This situation caused stress and degradation for resources within the host community and dissatisfaction and negative impressions amongst tourists themselves. Clearly local involvement would have allowed for better preparation and coordination. However, repeatedly, the participants of this study, especially those in more rural or distanced areas, 153
described feelings of detachment and low levels of control related to these types of regional and national resource issues. Juan Castro, owner of the Lakeshore Bed and Breakfast in Chile Chico described: At the regional level, things are always given in Coyhaique and the small business resources arrive there as well. That seems to be the destination of resources that arrive for the small businessman, it seems that the small business generally, are also very centralized in Coyhaique or that there is a bias of certain interests that things are given to relatives or friends or these types of things. We inhabitants of this zone remain cut off from all it. Very little interest is shown centrally toward this zone. Consequently, when we initiate action in tourism; 3 or 4 years ago, we did it, due to our own initiative, because we know the different natural resources that are very attractive: lakes, forests, cultural attractions, historic attractions…This has been a very successful experience. Later we transformed this work, expanding a little bit more to offer excursions. And that is a problem. Because, in Chile Chico, the people are not prepared. They absolutely don‟t know anything about it. As well, they do not have training. No training…no familiarity… ignorance. The other problem is the authorities. The authorities do not have any interest. Generally they speak of tourism as having big potential, saying that one of the most important economic factors of this zone should be tourism…but they do absolutely nothing for tourism. Consequently, it is a permanent struggle… Along the cultural realm, vulnerability related to both host and originating cultural influences arose. Jonas Fernandez described one of the most common examples of vulnerability related to cultural aspects of the host culture of Aysén: Or if it rains…everyone knows that things are not done, but the tourist does not understand because, it is part of the culture…when you learn to understand the culture…for example, yesterday was a day that it rained a lot. I knew that it was a day that nothing could be done because the culture is designed in that way and you begin to understand that on a day like that, if you arrive with tourists, the trip is not going to be able to be done. That it is how the culture here is because it is how the life functions… The situation Jonas described was evident throughout my research. The regional culture was described as one that “waits”, at times to excess. Whether for good weather, for supplies, for customers, or for government hand-outs, participant after participant in this study, described the long-standing cultural tradition of waiting. Time after time, I was told that life in Aysén meant learning about patience. But, as John Brown described, at times, too much waiting became vulnerability: Waiting. People here are really accustomed to waiting, yeah? And uh, you know, it will get here in the end. And I think that goes back to what life was like here. You know, waiting for supplies that are coming in. But, between 200 km across Argentina and a storm, or whatever, you know, yeah, they got there, but not when they were supposed to. So there‟s that kind of history and I think more recently, there‟s a growing dependence on handouts. So, this region has been heavily subsidized, and you could get a government grant for anything from buying a new 154
chainsaw or an outboard motor to zinc for a new roof for your house to whatever. So, there‟s been a lot of dependence on those and so now people kind of expect to be helped here…And I think that a lot of people who have gone from agriculture into tourism kind of expect that there will be… that it‟s a simple thing. I mean, instead of building a barn they‟ll build a cabin, and you can get a grant for the barn and the same for a cabin as for the barn. But the help that you really need is in learning how to work tourists and how to get them here in the first place; and that still isn‟t there. Cultural vulnerability also arose related to the cultural practices of the tourists. For example, throughout this study, participants discussed the prevalence of European backpackers. In fact, the majority of these clients were young Israeli youth. After mandatory military service, the cultural practice in Israel was for citizens to travel for an extended period in what seemed to be a “voyage of discovery”. For reasons that were not well understood, Patagonia and the Aysén region had become an important destination for this culture. The cases of interest described them as an important and valuable part of their client base. Javier explained, “I also receive people that come as backpackers; the people from Israel. They are the people we get the most… I cannot underestimate the clients of Israel, because they are the ones that have taken our service the most, 99.9% of the services…we have been able to work well with them.” More generally however, this segment of local tourism revenue was little understood and passed off as relatively unimportant. One development expert characterized: Then there are the “backpackers.” Those are the “Freelanders”. They are very interesting because they promote the country a lot, but they do not leave a lot in the local economy. These people are interested in the theme of eco-tourism, know the sector and have desires to know the region, but come a little blindly. So they organize their trips solely through the Internet; there they discover a little about what is here and Chile in general. I believe that for them, Chile is the second or the third destination. The majority come through Argentina first. So, Aysén is not the primary destination in terms of the objectives of the “backpacker.” Yes, there is an impact. Of course there is that, but it is not a strong impact of consumption. This client segment proved to be a quite vital part of the client base for the majority of independent guides amongst the cases of interest for this study, yet others in the development community also discounted their importance and value. From an external environmental standpoint, these backpackers represented an important cultural dimension of originating destinations. Changing preferences and trends amongst Israeli youth for Patagonia as a destination could seriously impact the sustainability of tourism-based livelihoods for several of the participants of this study. Along the physical dimension of vulnerability, influences included changes to airline, boat, and bus routes, or mechanical issues, which often affected the itineraries of clients. The roads themselves created vulnerability within tourism. Lazaro Soto, of FOSIS described, “I have a lot of distrust in the ability to work in these roads because they are a risk factor that you cannot control; especially if you have a business that requires a constant flow with cars. With few qualified chauffeurs, it causes even more tension; it is super problematic.” Limited communication technology constituted another key vulnerability for 155
tourism operators, along the physical realm. Pablo Mendez described his strategy for dealing with the issues that arose as a result of inability to communicate between Coyhaique and the field: In the end, the only option that I had was to call by radio to a guy that lives over there in the Central Lake in Cerro Castillo and that guy had his radio broken…So, the communications permit that at times you cannot give the service that you initially offer and that obliges you to always have a plan “B”. Here in Patagonia. One must always have that. “We are going to go to Cerro Castillo to do this, after we are going to go to Bahía Murta for another” and in some form, you are in contact with local people that you know that do not have very high resources and cannot guarantee that service, so you have to have a plan “B”. If I arrive in Pto. Tranquilo and the guy is not with the rowboat because it broke, I have to be able to say, “Okay, there are no Caverns of Marble but we are going to Exploradores Glacier.” Physical vulnerabilities also arose related to changing rights and costs of “access” to land and attractions. Changing land use and ownership was creating issues along this dimension that affected several of the participants of this study. Alejandro Manin described one of the more developed issues of access. The area where he worked had experienced a large degree of natural amenity related migration in recent years and newcomers held different values about the use and rights of access for their land. Alejandro‟s perspective was: The land along Lake Bertrand is owned purely by foreigners … we have Argentinean, Italian, Mexican, American, German, Japanese, no.... Korean owners. We are super limited in terms of access to land because, foreigners are the owners of much of the land here and we are already having problems with that. Because for example, our access is no longer is the same as before, our access is cut. Before we were free to arrive freely wherever we wanted at the end of the lake [I] because before, the settlers were Chileans, were Patagonians…and they were more open to letting other people come and go across their land…this directly effects what I do because to get to the glacier where we were yesterday, you have to pay the business that has the concession. That is a problem because it may be that there are lots of people with 100 thousand pesos who will come to me and want to go to that glacier that will not have another 20 thousand - and if they are two people, they might not have the 40 thousand pesos to pay extra. Finally, along the financial dimension, vulnerabilities related to economic shocks and trends within both host and originating markets were identified, including the recent weakness of the U.S. dollar which was making the region less affordable for U.S. clients. The informal portion of the tourism economy created vulnerability in a number of ways. Because the revenue generated in this sector went unmeasured, the role of tourism as a development agent for the region and its impact on rural livelihoods was extremely undervalued. Many regional assistance agencies, such as CORFO, SERCOTEC, and Sernatur, refuse to work with “unofficial” off-the-books businesses. Therefore promotion and funding was withheld from these types of operations. These businesses were unregulated, which heightened service inconsistencies and increased risk. Finally, resentment and misunderstandings arose between participants in the informal economy of 156
tourism and those more established players which were often owned by “outsiders” to the region. Many felt government policies favored outsiders, when in fact they simply favored legally established, tax paying members of the sector. John Brown shared his impressions of the informal portion of the tourism economy and how it was leading to an undervaluing of tourism in Aysén: Tourism isn‟t producing the big figures yet that will convince the majority of people that are sitting on the fence that are saying “well, if tourism really takes off then I will support it but until it does, then I‟ll kind of hedge my bets with forestry, with agriculture, with fishing, and with other stuff…Part of that is because, like mining is really simple. There‟s two mines – so you‟ve got two sets of accounts to look at and it‟s really easy to say that the mines are producing such and such millions of dollars. And the same with forestry – everything gets exported from the region so it‟s really easy to tell what is going out. But, with tourism – the consumers are coming here and they‟re consuming everything here and they‟re consuming it in 500 different restaurants in Coyhaique – in a bunch of different hotels and guesthouses – a lot of which aren‟t legal - a lot of which aren‟t registered for tax. And there are a lot of operators like us, who um, we actually, we have our one set of receipts – which are for our services – but then, by bringing most people here we are typically more than doubling that in what we pay to other people for their services, who probably aren‟t declaring that to the taxation agency of the government, and making payments of tax, so it‟s really hard… So there‟s a bunch of green that‟s just not passing through the books yet and but it‟s going to be a long while before that really, really happens. If I were absolutely honest about what I – what we‟re writing receipts for then they would be knocking on the doors to find out why I wasn‟t doing the other half of it. And it‟s practically because there are so many of the services that we need are from people that just don‟t have any kind of receipts so I can‟t get any of that back… Horses, transport, hotels – there‟s a whole ton of different businesses that provide services which aren‟t registered. The leakage of tourism based revenues was another element of vulnerability for tourism in Aysén and for the cases of interest in this study. Tourism “leakage” involves the amount of tourism revenues that are transferred out of the host country, as compared to those that remain and are reinvested. The two most developed segments of tourism in Aysén involved cruises to San Rafael Laguna and a number of high-end fly-fishing lodges. According to the data which arose in this study, many of these cruises departed from Puerto Montt in the Tenth region of Chile. Clients rarely set foot in Aysén and when they did, they were often whisked away to a private reserve owned by the cruise companies. There was very little financial or local impact for the region of Aysén from these cruises, which are estimated to bring 30,000 people through the region each year. The majority of employees were based in the home port. Backward economic linkage potential for purchase of local goods and services often went unrealized. Environmental impacts of these cruises were cited by several in this study as a topic for future concern. The fly-fishing lodges received similar criticisms in this study. One regional development expert offered this assessment: Well, the fishermen are not good clients for the region either. Because they do not consume local products. They consume what the lodge gives 157
them; not what the region gives them. And the money from the lodge leaves. There are not policies to control this. And the cruises...It is a closed circle…like a closed circuit of television…a little closed. When the people arrive, they arrive with everything already bought. They arrive with the cruises, and disembark to the land, accompanied. They disembark with everything [they need] and then return to the cruise. So, there is not a very positive impact either. These segments of the industry utilized regional resources and competed with locals for tourist dollars. What‟s more, their considerable presence on the Chamber of Tourism provided them with institutional strength needed to move forward an agenda that perpetuated their interests. A perspective of the vulnerability for locals that was created by the business practices of some of the players in these segments was offered by Jonas Fernandez, one of the directors of the Guide‟s School: It is like McDonald‟s. The type of clients that are involved in the flyfishing, are the McDonald's type of clients; they always want the same thing, because they have 5 days, or because they have 7 days, and they want their service guaranteed to be of a certain quality. And that is fine but it is important that laws exist that protect the people so that they can work in their own country and that don‟t permit for other people to work in illegal form, because that is what happens here. Most probably, they [the fly-fishing guides from other countries] have tourist visas. And they are here 3 months, they go to Argentina, they return, and have 3 months more. They even have a house that they lease here and they live there…6 fishing guides of the business of [I]…And there are many guides that work in independent form and that sell their product in the United States, and here they have a small truck and they pick up their clients at the airport. They bring them, they lease the lodges and they are here a week with them, and then they go and others come. There are many guides that work like that, that use this region to work. And they hire restaurants, hotels, cabins; but they have the business in the United States. And they operate here, but they are working with tourists. All of these vulnerabilities had significant potential impact for the sustainability of tourismbased livelihoods. The one which received the most attention during my research related to the lack of power locals felt for controlling the path of large-scale development within the region. At the time of this study, there were several potential natural resource-related, mega-development projects proposed for the region. These initiatives included the installation of a number of proposed mega-dams by multinational Endesa, the development of an aluminum smelting plant by a Canadian firm, and the continued expansion of largescale salmon-related aquaculture activity by Chilean-based firms. With regard to tourismbased livelihoods, each or any combination of these projects could significantly alter the natural landscapes of the region and would require additional infrastructure to be installed, with a significant amount of accompanying social disturbance and change. Kris Tompkins, director of Conservation Patagonia, the private foundation who at the time of this study, was trying to establish a new Patagonia National Park, shared her organization‟s perspective and interest in potential tourism development: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah, we are. Very [interested in helping to develop tourism]. Well, I think…well, let me start by saying the whole issue of the 158
dams throws all of this into question now. Not the park…But, the potential for tourism down here…it really…the possibility of the dams puts the potential for tourism in risk… Really it does. People won‟t come down here if it looks like shit. The cases of interest in this study had strong sentiments about the vulnerability the dams would create for their livelihoods. Alejandro Manin in Bertrand, and Jose Gorgozo in Tortel would be the two cases most directly impacted by the project. Manin shared: I believe that there aren‟t many limitations [on tourism‟s potential] at this moment in time…but I believe that with the time… I believe that there will be. I think that Endesa is going to close things. For example, many people comes here to discover this river, to make a descent in the Baker river – many people come to learn and to experience this river in it‟s full natural state…it is possible…that of 100 people that come to see the Baker now, only 20 will come in the future, because the river will not be the same thing…It is going to lose a little ground. It is a threat. Also, for example, right now, Port Bertrand, is safe. There aren‟t many people here. We have a safe community where our kids can play outside, can ride their bikes, all that. They are predicting that there will be 4,000 people working to build these dams. If that happens, then things may not be so safe. There aren‟t 4,000 people here – so if half of the people are coming from other places, who knows what kind of outside influences and ideas will arrive. Gorgozo expressed similar uncertainty and concern regarding the future and potential sustainability of his livelihood in Tortel. Here he described his forecast for how life would be in five years; with and without the dams: Shoot, how will tourism be in Tortel in five years? We need to see what happens with the dams, with the rivers. Well, when there are dams, I can‟t imagine what is going to happen …I believe that the same quantity of water will be here, because…but I don‟t know what will come to pass with the arrival of so many people to the sector. Because I suppose that the businesses, when they begin to work and all that– and with a work as large as that - they are going to bring many people to work, and at the end, when they finish that work, the people are going to be without work. And then surely in this zone, it is going to produce a large population of unemployed people, and with that…and what‟s more, they are surely going to change some rivers, and things, but if they arrive, so much will change. And if the dams don't exist, well, God willing, tourism will be a little [improved]…with the same quantity of services that exist. I believe that here, what is lacking is not that arrival or more or less tourists; but that the quality services that there are must improve; that the lodgings will be more comfortable, more comfortable. Most of the experts I spoke with expressed doubt in the collective strength of the tourism industry alone to affect the outcome of these types of initiatives. Lazaro Soto, of FOSIS, shared his perspective on the potential strength of collective action in this regard: When the events happened with Alubisa [an Aluminum Smelting Plant proposed previously], yes, the people could achieve a sufficiently strong group to stop Alubisa, but I do not believe that it was the factor of 159
tourism that did it…there are other motivations that acted in that case…It is not that the persons that work in tourism have the conscience and the force to say “no” to the dam and have that be sufficient. It is not the tourist industry, by itself, alone, at the local level that is going to put scorn against the other business. Identification of this particular vulnerability was important to the results of this study in multiple ways. This vulnerability helped to illuminate aspects of the financial dimension of vulnerability by indicating the high degree of external influence these forms of economic development represent. Secondly, it identified that for certain scales of external-based influence, such as global-level mega-development initiatives, tourism stakeholders needed to be able to align with other sectors and institutions to mitigate, change, influence, or control the vulnerabilities that arose. For the cases of interest of this study, with their limited experience and access to institutions, a heavy reliance was placed on governmentrelated support agencies and regional organizations such as the Chamber of Tourism. More generally, participants responded to the range of vulnerabilities they faced through a variety of tools, including policy and law, collective action, choices of livelihood tactics, resignation, disregard, or just “waiting” and hoping things would change. Several examples of their responses have already been presented in this chapter. Jorge Blanco‟s initiative in development of a proposed tourism plan for Chile Chico represented an attempt to identify, influence and control a variety of the vulnerabilities faced within that community. Rafael Allende was managing risk in the National Reserves by requiring concessionaires to develop and implement risk management plans. As well, he described efforts to develop more formal tools and procedures for CONAF to employ on an institutional level. The livelihood tactic of “working for others” represented another way participants of this study were mitigating risks and vulnerability. As previously described, this tactic enabled participants to avoid many of the vulnerabilities faced by independent guides and entrepreneurial tourism enterprises. In much the same way, many of the participants who were functioning as independents sought to mitigate some of the vulnerability they faced through lower levels of personal risk and investment. They turned to government programs, such as those offered by INDAP and FOSIS, for promotional and financial support which assisted them in dealing with a number of the external influences they faced. However, it is important to note that many of the vulnerabilities typically associated with tourism were not mentioned by the participants of this study; including tourism experts and policy makers. For example, there was no mention amongst participants of the potential for global events such as natural disasters, terrorism, or war to affect the level or form of tourism in Aysén. Similarly, world environmental concerns such as the potential for global warming received more mention on internet news fields than in conversations with participants. Global warming would have devastating potential effects for the Patagonian Ice Cap, one of the key natural amenities for which tourism in this region relied. However, the subject arose only once during my time in the field. Jorge Pumares mentioned, “Well, I tell them about the lake. For example, there is a part in which the glacier is a little uncovered. I relate to them that, 20 or 30 years ago, more or less, that was still covered. So, I think that it is retreating, anyways.” Some consideration was offered in terms of the recent elections in Chile. Several participants commented that elections always created a slow period for tourism because people waited to see how results would affect policy. But, for the most part, the scale of consideration for vulnerabilities was limited to 160
more localized issues that were more immediately mitigated, changed, influenced or controlled. Conclusion: The objective of this study was to contribute to and expand the limited knowledge base for how tourism impacts rural livelihoods. It traced the process of tourism-based livelihood development, within the context of the history and culture of the Aysén region of Chile, from the vantage point of those who have chosen to incorporate tourism as a major part of their overall livelihood strategy. First, findings addressed the major themes related to the factors that shaped participant decisions to incorporate tourism as a livelihood strategy. For the participants of this study, these factors included previous experiences, realms of exposure, social influences, risk perception and tolerance, available assets, perceived opportunities, and livelihood goals. Secondly, the findings addressed how tourism based livelihoods added meaning to participants‟ lives. The major themes that emerged for participants included connections with place, connections with culture, strengthened families, and providing a portal to the world. The third emphasis of findings was on the role that alternative forms of tourism played for participants; especially forms which emphasized the concept of sustainability. This study revealed that these roles extended to both the participants in relation to their own tourism-based livelihoods, and through the participants and industry, to the region as a whole. These roles were classified along several dimensions, including natural, social, human, cultural, physical and financial. The fourth area of findings focused on the tactics employed by participants in pursuit of a tourism-based livelihood strategy. Primary modes of tourism-based livelihood activity emerged: working for self, working for others, not working in the field, and preparing for future work. Next, results addressed the definition of success participants held with regard to tourism as a livelihood strategy. Aspects of success included addressing material needs, meeting expectations for social connections and status, sustainability of participants‟ place based connections, realizing quality of life objectives, independence, and entrepreneurial viability. The sixth area of results focused on how and why participants accomplished their concepts of success. While the majority of cases could offer a vision of what their success meant to them, their limited experiences could only partially illuminate the path for reaching that success. Therefore, I turned to industry experts and business leaders to assist with understanding in this area. They confirmed that sustained success required effective use of assets, an ability to navigate between local, national, and even global levels of scale, and a the ability to create effective environmental conditions or withstand vulnerabilities and shocks. For participants, this last area was a key challenge, given their relative lack of a world view. Lastly, this study addressed the vulnerabilities inherent in tourism by examining the vulnerabilities expressed (and omitted) by participants and the strategies they employed to mitigate, change, influence or control, the impact of their context. The nature of this research problem required digging deep into the experiences of people within this region and exploring “the ways in which development interventions and market transactions become part of a longer, sedimented history of a place and its linkages with the wider world.” (Bebbington, 2000, p. 496) The questions were designed to facilitate an understanding of the meanings people attach to “livelihood” and “tourism” within the context of their social and interpersonal environments. Results for these 161
questions provoked a number of implications for the participants of this study, for tourism in the region of Aysén, and for theory. These implications will be discussed in Chapter Five, which follows.
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CHAPTER FIVE IMPLICATIONS Overview Development. Livelihood. Sustainability. Tourism. The search for contextual understanding of the way these words related to sixteen people in the Aysén region of southern Chile was the motivation of the journey taken in the preceding chapters of this manuscript. In the previous chapter, I presented the findings for the seven research questions that guided this study. These findings facilitated a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism addressing the concept of sustainability fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. Perhaps the key theoretical contribution of this research has been an illumination of the complexity involved in the lived experience of tourism-based livelihoods that until now had been largely unexplored. The sections which follow will help to further illustrate the value and implications of this research and the accompanying need for continued research. Specifically, the following sections will summarize theoretical contributions in the areas of 1) tourism and development, 2) sustainable tourism-based livelihoods studies, and 3) “expanding theoretical horizons”. The section on tourism and development builds on the importance of an interconnected study of tourism and development suggested by a number of researchers (Dann, 1999; Dann, Nash & Pearce, 1988; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002). This study confirmed the conceptual value of having a better integration between these areas of theory by demonstrating the usefulness of sensitizing tourism sector research with the theoretical frameworks of modernization, dependency, structuralism, economic neoliberalization, alternative development and sustainable livelihoods development approaches. This study suggested a value for further integration of a livelihoods approach within tourism research and practice. Based on the findings of this research and a reintegration of relevant literature, a conceptual framework of sustainable tourism-based livelihoods is offered as a tool that can assist researchers and practitioners with future exploration. This framework is presented in the form of a conceptual system overview and then a more detailed look at the spectrum of environmental influences and the tourism-based livelihood process. Several theoretical implications arose from this research that extend beyond current boundaries of livelihoods and sustainable tourism theory. These new directions included the potential of tourism to be an exchange agent for social learning, a catalyst for amenity migration, and a vehicle for construction of transferable human capacity. Linkages are made between each of these areas of theory and the results of the current research. Additional research needs are suggested throughout the section and a consolidated list of areas for continued exploration is offered at the end to guide future research. Next, some of the higher priority policy and program considerations that emerged from this research are addressed. The review begins with an applied perspective of potential field applications for the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF). The review then shifts to address the area of the framework where policy can 163
have its most direct impact: the vulnerability context. The themes of this research suggested a number of specific priorities for reducing the impact of vulnerability in Aysén. These included: accessible systems for reliable communication, protection of local talent, increased confidence through certification, consideration of the informal economic sector, and rural education policy. Finally, an evaluation of the methodology employed in this study is presented, in terms of its contribution as qualitative, post-positivistic research within the field of leisure, recreation and tourism studies. Theoretical Contributions of the Study Tourism and Development This research has clearly demonstrated the value of examining tourism development in the context of developmental history and politics of place. A significant amount of research time was dedicated to constructing an understanding of the larger context of world and Chilean development (see Chapter Two). Key areas of emphasis included colonization, frontier expansion, historic state and local relations, distribution of power and land, and a chronology of the social and economic development that have accompanied more recent political and economic policy. My use of such a thorough analysis of the context of place, was based on the recommendation of Bebbington (2000): “…if we look at the histories of places, rather than of discourses, and trace actual processes of livelihood and landscape transformation and the institutional interventions that have accompanied them, it becomes easier to identify elements of feasible development alternative,” (p. 496). The connection of tourism-specific phenomenon observed in this study to larger developmental theory was also guided by the work of Dann (1999) and Telfer (2002). Telfer recommends: Despite a simultaneous evolution, there has been little interaction between the fields of development and tourism. Little has been written in the development literature on tourism, despite its increasing economic and social significance and its use as a development strategy by developing countries. Tourism papers, which refer to development, are more often written in terms of the impacts of tourism. Authors of tourism literature recognize the importance of tourism as a development strategy but only a small number of studies make any reference to the underlying theoretical constructs of development theory. More integration of the two fields is needed (p. 51). In this research, as a result of the integration of tourism and development theory, I have been able to dissect key aspects of present-day cultural, human, natural, social, and built capital that have arisen from micro-level responses to macro-level development policies. This research contextualized the vulnerabilities related to important trends in the environment of tourism in Aysén, such as high levels of leakage for key segments, the large informal economy, and a rural dependency on social assistance. These trends were more logically understood within the frameworks of specific eras and development theory in Chile. Results indicated additional vulnerabilities that seemed to arise from the attempt to implement local and regional-level tourism initiatives structured on alternative models of development within a larger national setting of neoliberalist economic and development policy. Implications of these insights suggest that for alternative forms of tourism to be sustainable they must not only be designed with sustainability in mind; and managed using 164
a sustainable approach. Initiatives must also be implemented within an environment that contains low enough levels of vulnerability to allow their sustainability within the larger contextual space of competing development initiatives. This insight begins to move traditional tourism development research in new directions of understanding. By assuming that tourism development initiatives do not occur within the walls of a box formed solely on the discourse of tourism study, the insights for this study were greatly enhanced. This study viewed local tourism initiatives in Aysén as agents acting and competing for resources within the larger context of potential development agents that held rights and powers to stake a claim. Given the open markets and neo-liberalist policies that are widely employed and celebrated in Chile, scale rapidly moved to a transnational level. Local guides were attempting to build tourism-based livelihoods, to manage and build assets and to carve out a space for their livelihoods to develop, within an external environment that crossed local, national, and increasingly global aspects of scale. This new and enlarged development context provided the lens I needed to realize how important it was for locals, hoping to develop their own tourism-based livelihoods to open a global portal and understand the opportunities and vulnerabilities associated with differing aspects of scale. An interesting pattern appeared in the data, which suggested that there are unique exchanges taking place in tourism-related work; multi-cultural exchanges between guides and guests, and opportunities for exposure to differing aspects of scale. These alternative forms of tourism, which encouraged local participation and respected their culture, also seemed to lead to possibilities for locals to transfer their skills to new markets and geographies, if they desired. Through experience with new markets and geographies, they gained social, human, and financial assets that often returned home to benefit their own livelihoods, their families, and the communities. And in the process of exchange, the participants of this study emphasized they felt a renewed appreciation for their own natural and cultural capital; that provided added meaning in their lives. All of these factors suggest the need for further study to explore the possibility that tourism might provide a vehicle to facilitate learning across scales of development and greater capacity for local populations to interact within a transnational competitive environment on their own terms. Perhaps, this is an important dynamic of tourism‟s potential to contribute to livelihood and global sustainability. The implications of these findings along with other new possibilities that arose through this study‟s integration of theory from both the fields of development and tourism have led me to join in the call for better theoretical integration made by Dann (1999) and Telfer (2002). The rural, independent tourism described in this study usually consisted of small, bottom-up initiatives, supported in varying ways by local regional offices of national development and social support agencies (CORFO, INDAP, SERCOTEC, FOSIS, etc.). As a rule, these projects leveraged the existing skills and assets of locals and provided opportunities for small scale asset augmentation through training, seed capital, networks, and occasionally, opportunities for protected area concessions. The focus of initiatives tended to be on building a livelihood strategy that locals could eventually sustain on their own. When participants took advantage of one of the opportunities described for augmenting their assets they normally were required to enter into a more formal relationship with regional institutions and NGOs, in which they were required to meet certain requirements such as re-payment of debt, minimal levels of service, incorporation of 165
specific business practices, and/or completion of training. During this course, they were sometimes exposed to more formal principles of sustainability. For example, participation in the Guide‟s School, in the TransPatagonia network, or as a CONAF concessionaire, all led to exposure with the principles of “leave no trace”. Sometimes, participation in these programs mandated involvement in formal programs of certification. Participation in the Ruta TransPatagonia network established by FOSIS required compliance with the community and ecotourism standards mandated by the Green Globe certification program. The Green Globe certification program was also referenced in this study as part of a larger compliance and certification initiative being implemented nationally by SERNATUR. This initiative was supported by the representatives of other agencies, such as CORFO, FOSIS, ACCA, and INDAP. On a national scale, development taking place in Chile is largely driven by economic neoliberalist principles (Austin, 1997; Barber, 1995; Bauer, 1998; Bauer, 2004; Bauer, 2005; Bebbington, 2003; Bossert, 1980; Collier & Sater, 1996; Constable & Valenzuela, 1991; Gwynne, 2003; Harris, 2000; Houtzager & Kurtz, 2000; Perez-Aleman, 2000; Roberts, 1990; Silva, 1991, 1996a). Gwynne reports, “The opening up of the Chilean economy to international trade and global competition has increased the prominence of TNCs (TransNational Corporations) in all sectors – primary resource production, manufacturing, finance and other services” (p. 311) National policy has strongly supported an outward approach with a restructuring to freer markets and less state involvement in economic flows, according to Gwynne. Gwynne adds, “With the shift to the neoliberal market-oriented paradigm, economic space in Chile is increasingly linked to the comparative advantage that a space can exert in terms of production for world markets” (p. 311). According to Silva (1996b), the Environmental Framework Law (EFL) framework, passed in 1995, does not address Chile‟s views on sustainable development. This framework was based on principles of prevention, gradualism, participation and polluter pays; falling short of expressing a commitment to adopt sustainable development principles. Silva adds that EFL requires the use of Environmental Impact Reports (EIR) for all new investment projects, but allows private industry to develop the data and reports, leaving room for confusion or unreliability. This law places the costs of non-compliance on the perpetrators. The burden of proof lies with the prosecution, versus the offender, which has been shown to lead to a shirking of responsibilities in some situations, according to Silva. Silva describes the principle of gradualism as reflective of the political climate in Chile. Gradualism involves implementing environmental change slowly and not provoking conflict with the business community. Gwynne (2003) assesses the Chilean regulatory system more generally as having had a strong market orientation since the 1980s. He notes minimal government intervention in key industries fruit production and a relative freedom for transnational corporations to maneuver within contracts, labor and land markets. Gwynne notes the well-defined level of land ownership rights granted to transnational players in Chile. He links these policies to subsequent vertical integration that has included the purchase of orchards and land from local farmers and other companies. These essentially polar development strategies and objectives being employed at local, national, and transnational levels of scale create vulnerability in the places where they intersect. There was a considerable amount of data in this study that seemed representative of the tension between scales of development. According to the evidence presented by Gwynne (2002) and Silva (1996b) and Bebbington‟s (2003) theoretical 166
contributions, balances of power and control over the course of development are likely to fall on the side of national and transnational development in Chile. This would in part explain the perspective of participants in this study. Throughout this study, participants expressed their frustration over their inability to control rights of access or the transformation of resources. An increasing multinational focus was placed on the rich natural resources present in the Aysén region, locals struggled to understand and control a continuing claim to place. For those involved in this study, that struggle involved a tourism-based livelihood. Thus, understanding the potential for sustainability of this livelihood and needed policy support demands a further integration of development and tourism theoretical frames. Telfer (2002) recommends a framework for analysis of tourism as an agent of development. This four-phased framework (see Appendix, Items F, G, H, and I) proved extremely helpful for this study; first during contextualization of the history of development and secondly as an interesting catalyst for thought during data analysis that helped me account for some of the patterns which arose. Telfer‟s conceptual framework highlights tourism as an agent of development under each of the four major development paradigms (Modernization, Dependency/Structuralism, Economic Neoliberalization, and Alternative Development) that have influenced global development during the last sixty years. The elements classified within this framework are divided into two broad groups: (A) the scale and control of development; and (B) linkages to the local community and environment. These classifications were determined through patterns that emerged in Telfer‟s review of predominant tourism research and the resultant linkages between those studies and larger aspects of development theory. Telfer (2002) suggests this model only as a demonstration of the links between tourism and development. However, for my research, it proved to be a valuable tool for conceptualizing the importance and differences between the dominant theory of development in Chile and locally-driven tourism development, forged on alternative models. The vastly different objectives between economic neoliberalization and alternative development, described in Telfer‟s model support the likelihood of conflict at points of intersection for initiatives developed under the two realms. Telfer‟s model provided a valuable context for understanding the vulnerabilities that arose for locals in relation to neoliberalistic driven development projects, such as a mega-project focused on hydroelectric power generation by multinational Endesa that would require damming of several rivers in the southern part of the region. For tourism development specialists and industry participants, understanding the differences in post-colonial development paradigms might be an important part of an analysis of vulnerability and potential sustainability of tourism-based livelihoods. Telfer‟s tools provide a conceptual framework, through which this form of analysis can occur. Telfer‟s (2002) model assists a clearer conceptualization of more established forms of tourism in the region; the cruise lines and fly-fishing. In particular, the second component of Telfer‟s framework (see Appendix, Items G and H) suggests positive and negative attributes for tourism developed under each of the theoretical paradigms. Sifting of the data for this study through the attributes of Telfer‟s framework revealed that many of the characteristics participants used to describe these segments (leakage, limited local involvement, enclave-style accommodations, and foreign ownership) were considered traits of development based on Telfer‟s principles of tourism as an agent of the economic neoliberalist paradigm. The behaviors I observed with regard to the local, independent 167
segment did not fit the characteristics of development under the paradigm of economic neoliberalist. The traits described by participants in the study for local, independent tourism included a mixture of formal and informal employment, small scale forms of development, dispersed spatial distribution, and protective cultural awareness. Within Telfer‟s framework, these themes aligned better with tourism developed under an alternative development paradigm. Telfer (2002) concludes his conceptual framework with a list of considerations for appropriate and sustainable tourism development (see Appendix, Item I). Telfer described tourism development as appropriate and sustainable if it included a profitable focus. The scale of development should include a mixture of scales in terms of attractions. Telfer suggested that development should occur in increments, based on the size of the community. It should include a high level of economic participation for locals and should employ local assets. Tourism planning should occur, with community involvement and stakeholder participation. Ownership should include a mixture of locals and foreigners, according to Telfer‟s model; however control of the industry should remain local, with foreign input. Government‟s role in the process should be to facilitate investment and provide environmental regulation. The origin of industry management should include a mixture of foreign experts and locally trained specialists. Telfer suggests a mixture of options for accommodations; integrated resorts as well as small scale options. Tourism development should be spatially dispersed but may include some points of greater concentration. Telfer (2002) continued this list by suggesting that appropriate and sustainable forms of tourism development should attract a variety of tourist segments from mass to explorer, depending on the particular local environment. Codes of conduct for tourists should be established. Marketing should focus on segments best suited for the local communities involved. Employment options should include opportunities for participants in both formal and informal economic sectors. Levels of tourism infrastructure should integrate with the local economy and community capacity. There should be a mixture of opportunities for development with varying levels of capital inputs. Technology transfer should integrate with the capabilities and needs of the transnational tourism community. Tourism should efficiently utilize resources and manage its waste stream. It should employ environmental management tools, such as E.I.A. and establish indicators which protect and ensure sustainable use of environmental resources. Tourism development should integrate, with linkage opportunities for local products. External leakage should be minimized. Tourists should be aware of local culture and the integrity of that culture should be maintained. Coordinated efforts for involvement and strengthening of local institutions should be encouraged. Finally, according to Telfer, tourism development should incorporate local compatibility; thus, local considerations should have a voice in scale and rate of development. The local independent tourism which existed in Aysén at the time of this study did not adhere to many of the criteria of the list presented in the final component of Telfer‟s (2002) model. Its characteristics were more closely represented by the attributes Telfer described earlier for tourism developed under an alternative development paradigm (see Appendix, Item H). As already discussed, the characteristics of fly-fishing, cruises, and many of the larger adventure tourism operators would be closer to Telfer‟s list for economic neoliberalism based tourism development (see Appendix, Item G). However, the current status of tourism in Aysén involves a mixture of all of these segments. In fact, analysis of 168
the aggregated composite of Aysén tourism revealed a list of characteristics that closely resembled the list presented above. This implies a sum greater that the total of its parts; that coexistence of a mixture of tourism development paradigms might be, as Bebbington describes (2003), a “fruitful tension” which collectively, can assist sustainability goals within a community. Perhaps this type of integrated system might prove more effective than a system developed completely on principles of alternative forms of development. Consider this idea in the context of the framework of approaches to sustainable tourism Clarke (1997) presented a similar idea in the context of her framework of approaches to sustainable tourism (see Figure 5.1). Brooks suggests that large scale and small scale tourism can both contribute to the goal of a more holistic approach to tourism sustainability. She identifies contributions made by both, within a continuum and suggests that as tourism development continues to evolve, the tools and policies used to promote sustainable development, within each of the two scales, (large and small), may converge to create a greater whole then either could contribute on its own. Future research in this area is encouraged, to examine the role of tourism developed under different development paradigms, in the context of the overall economy of a host community. Clearly, there is value in a stronger connection between tourism development research and the larger body of development theory. Analysis of the development environment, both past and present, helps to provide the context for understanding how a place has evolved and where it is likely to go. It may also yield important insights for future development and the overall sustainability of a destination. Figure 5.1. Clarke‟s (1997) framework of approaches to sustainable tourism.
Note: From “A Framework to Approaches in Sustainable Tourism,” by Jackie Clarke, 1997, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, p.230. Used with permission of the author.
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The preceding section on tourism and development solidified the importance of an inter-connected study of tourism and development that has been suggested by a number of researchers (Dann, 1999; Dann, Nash & Pearce, 1988; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Telfer, 2002). This study confirmed the conceptual value of having a better integration between these areas of theory by demonstrating the usefulness of sensitizing tourism sector research with development theoretical frameworks such as modernization, dependency, structuralism, economic neoliberalization, and/or alternative development. The following section presents a more people-centered connection between tourism and development theory specifically related to sustainability and a livelihood based on tourism. Alternative Tourism Development and Livelihoods Studies Alternative approaches to development, such as those taken by livelihoods studies have been characterized for having a focus on people and a clear connection with the environment and sustainability (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). To date, they have largely remained within the body of work related to poverty-reduction; however, this study confirms Bebbington‟s (2003) suggestion that they hold much broader potential for use. Theories of capability, equity, vulnerability and sustainability, which form core tenets of livelihoods studies, were identified early on as sensitizing concepts for this research. As the study emerged, the sensitizing concepts of sustainable livelihoods were integral to the process of data analysis and helped to construct an interpretation of the findings for each of the research questions. The results of this study required conceptualization and analysis, beyond the consideration of scale presented by existing livelihoods models. I found the linkages between place and scale to be a critical factor of vulnerability for participants in alternative tourism-based livelihoods in Aysén; one that overshadowed the external influences that contributed to existence and control of vulnerability. My exploration was strongly rooted in place; the rural areas of the Aysén region where the participants of this study called home. But linkages and disconnections between “home” for the cases of interest, and other aspects of scale (Coyhaique, Santiago, Argentina, Europe, North America, etc.) quickly reframed my consideration of place. Because this study was also rooted in the tourism sector, with its inherent nature of constant migration and spanning aspects of scale, these linkages took on further importance. What other sector places locals in such constant and intimate forms of exchange across scale? Bebbington (2003) suggests, “the importance of linking place and scale given that the places we are concerned with have long been part of global relationships, and any attempt to understand those places without considering how these relationships affect conditions and possibilities is inevitably partial” (p. 302). Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) The following section presents a new conceptual model, specific to tourism-based livelihood development, which I have named the “Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF)”. This framework is grounded in the sensitizing concepts and models of modern livelihoods research (Adato & Meinzen-Dick, 2002; Bebbington, 1999a, 1999b; Cahn, 2002; Carney, 2002; Chambers & Conway, 1991; Curran, 2002; de Haan & Zoomers, 2005; Mayer, 2002; Nicol, 2000; Norton & Foster, 2001; Rasnake, 1988; Scoones, 1998; Sen, 1981; Sporton 1998; Thomson, 2000); but adds the unique and 170
specific dimensions and areas of emphasis, suggested from this research and key alternative tourism literature (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley, Boyd, & Goodwin 2000; Ashley, Roe & Goodwin, 2001; Bennett, Roe & Ashley, 1999; Clarke, 1997; Epler Wood, 2002; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996; Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys, 1998; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992). The resulting framework is a sector-specific conceptual tool which assists the understanding of the dynamics and relationships involved in construction of a sustainable tourism-based livelihood. It is offered as a nonfigurative tool for future researchers to employ and evolve; a point of departure from which I hope there will be subsequent movement, through conversation, study, evolution and debate. Key points of difference between this tool and existing livelihoods models include: 1) its emphasis of the linkages between tourism-based livelihoods and aspects of scale, 2) the inclusion of cultural capital as a distinct form of capital important to consideration of tourism-based livelihoods, 3) the concept of a spectrum of external influences that further ingrains the idea of capital realms and connects it more clearly to concepts of scale, access, and control, and 4) the identification of tourism-specific process related elements (forms of vulnerability, tourism-based livelihoods strategies, incomes, income strategies, and outcomes). A weakness of this model, other than its limits of transferability and fit, is the limited representation of how sustainability evolves. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Conceptual System Overview Figure 5.2 provides a representation of a conceptual Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF), based on the findings of this study and sensitizing concepts. Key elements of the system include consideration of Scales of Development, which is represented near the top of the diagram, the Vulnerability Context, which incorporates the scales of development and extends through the center of the diagram, and the Livelihood Process which runs along the bottom. The dimensions of capital are incorporated throughout the framework, and emphasized at three points; as a set of external influences forming a component of the vulnerability context, as a set of inputs into the livelihoods process, and as a set of outcomes extending from the livelihoods process. While earlier livelihoods work, especially that of DFID, has provided a strong foundation for this framework, several differences should be noted, resulting from the data.
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Figure 5.2. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Conceptual System Overview
For example, the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, which formed the foundation of this new tourism specific conceptual framework, suggests five forms of capital; “natural”, “human”, “social”, “physical”, and “financial”. My research in Aysén strongly indicated that the sixth form of capital, “cultural” capital, is an important dimension for tourism based livelihoods. This form of capital has been identified by many researchers (Bebbington, 1999a, Bebbington, 1999b, Bebbington, 1999c; Piazza-Georgi, 2002) but was not included in the DFID Framework. I have added it to the conceptual framework suggested here, to form a hexagon, versus the pentagon, more commonly seen. Secondly, I have incorporated the influence described in the data, related to scales and paradigms of development as a factor of the vulnerability context, and have given it prominence, based on the patterns of this research and on the sensitizing concepts provided through the work of Telfer (2002). Scales of development and the political power they yield largely influenced the external environment and vulnerabilities locals faced in pursuit of tourism-based livelihoods in the Aysén region of Chile, as described in the previous section. Based on these findings and the findings of other tourism researchers, I have given this aspect of the 172
framework significantly more emphasis that the existing livelihoods frameworks. Other external influences occur across the spectrum of scales; local, national, and global. These influences fall across the six capital-related dimensions and are generally outside of the control of individuals working in tourism. However, they are mitigated, changed, influenced, and controlled, to greater or lesser degrees, through laws, policies, norms, and institutions. An individual‟s ability to affect that process is reflected by the dotted lines in the upper portion of Figure 5.2. These lines are intended to demonstrate the dynamic nature of this vulnerability context. Further, the diamond shape, used to represent the vulnerability context, is intended to portray the constant pushes this context receives from external influences and scales of development and the constant pushes it applies during all phases of the livelihoods process. The tools and means of impacting that context are portrayed as a sort of “buffering mechanism”. This ability to mitigate, change, influence or control, is displayed closest to the process itself as it is helpful to assess this ability in the context of the individual lifestyle process. The process overview demonstrates key stages of the process. The patterns of the research, sensitizing concepts, and models drove these stages. They include: inputs, tourism livelihood strategy, incomes, income strategies, and outcomes. From outcomes, a loop is formed, as the outcomes of the process are the incomes for the next revolution. The livelihood process cycle is constantly interacting and influenced by the vulnerability context. The ability an individual has to mitigate, change, influence, or control this vulnerability context will greatly affect his/her likelihood for livelihood sustainability. For example, participants that were able to leverage the agencies of Coyhaique to provide access to international, pre-booked customers did not experience the same vulnerability others faced with regard to the temporary downturn in independent travelers that arose in relation to the recent presidential elections in Chile. A livelihood is considered to be sustainable when it does not depend on unsustainable forms of outside support, is resilient to external shocks and stresses, can maintain the productivity of natural resources for the long-term, and does not undermine or compromise the options or livelihoods of others. This basis for sustainability draws from the DFID (1999) process, and is consistent with the frameworks suggested by Telfer, and much of the literature on sustainability and tourism. (Barkin, 2003; 2003; Barrett & Brandon, 2002; Bebbington, 1997; Bebbington, 1999b; Bell & Morse; Brandon & Redford, 1998; Carvalho et al., 2002; Dernbach, 2002; Department for International Development, 1999; Harris, 2000; Mowforth & Munt, 2003; Telfer, 2003; Ukaga & Maser, 2004; Villarroel, 2004). Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework -Environmental Influences Figure 5.3 provides an assessment of the external environment, which currently exists in the Aysén region of Chile. It includes factors identified by the participants of this
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Figure 5.3. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Conceptualization of Environmental Influences
study, and unspoken factors which are documented in the tourism literature (Epler Wood, 2002; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996;Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys, 1998; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992). Conceptualizing these influences along the six dimensions of the capital hexagon assisted this research, in that it provided a useful and logical method of organization, a checklist of sorts for important issues, and was consistent with other evaluations of capital. This further ingrains the idea of capital and connects it more clearly to concepts of scale, access, and control. Analysis of this hexagon should incorporate local, national, and global frames of scale along each of the six dimensions. The hexagon is offered as a tool only; it is not all-encompassing and many of the dynamics could in fact, span several of the dimensions. Additional work could include utilization of this spectrum in other settings and 174
segments. It would be interesting to apply this spectrum and the rest of the framework in a range of ecosystem and regional settings (mountainous regions, island regions, desert regions, urban settings, frontier settings, etc.) to explore geo-specific based influences. The triangle in the center of this hexagon represents the changes that occur within this external environment and the changes this environment can produce within the livelihood process. These changes can be affected through policy, law, norms, and institutions. The use of dotted, rather than solid lines is an indicator of the overlap between dimensions and the constant interaction between influences and the overall vulnerability context. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework – Conceptual Livelihood Process Map Figure 5.4 depicts the STBLF Conceptual Livelihood Process Map, which represents a more detailed look at the tourism livelihood process. The inputs portion of this
Figure 5.4. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Conceptual Livelihood Process Map
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process reflects the levels of natural, human, social, cultural, physical, and financial capital, with which a person enters into the process of a tourism based livelihood. It involves the trend portrayed in the data of this study, of distinct aspects of control and influence, based on differing levels of relationship: Individual, Immediate Household, Extended Household, Private Institutions, and Public Institutions. This phase also includes prompts for the concepts of sequencing and substitution, which arise in the literature on sustainable livelihoods. “Sequencing” refers to the consideration of order of accumulation of assets (Department for International Development, 1999). For example, it is not necessary to directly control land assets in Aysén to begin pursuit of a tourism livelihood strategy. An individual may start with land they have access to through their household or public institutions and then sequence toward purchase of land assets of their own. The same might apply, for example, to the communications technology, or even a business license. However, for other assets, such as having knowledge of trails, or of basic first aid, sequencing requirements may mandate ownership as an initial input. Substitution involves the possibility of substituting capital in one area for capital in another (Department for International Development, 1999). Examples of substitution include utilization of a relative‟s camp in place of expensive camping equipment. During the participant observation expedition in the Soler Valley, we camped in the quincho of Alejandro‟s uncle-in-law. Alejandro did not have adequate equipment for us to camp outside. However, Alejandro had the ability and permission to utilize his uncle-in-law‟s quincho, therefore, rendering the use of tents unnecessary. Substitution and sequencing can play a key role in the choice and success of various tourism livelihood strategies (Department for International Development, 1999). The second phase of the model is the actual tourism strategy employed; the way that work is structured and performed. Results of this study revealed four main modes of work taking place during the year for people who had chosen tourism as their major livelihood strategy. These included: “tourism work for others”, “tourism work for self”, “work outside of tourism”, and “not working”. “Not working” in this sense involved a conscious choice related to some aspect of tourism-work preparation. Examples included taking training courses or working on a construction project, a cabana or quincho, for future use in tourism. These modes of work were assembled in various ways, depending on the individuals‟ inputs and objectives. They often were accompanied by three supporting strategies: “migration”, “commuting”, and “diversification”. The choice for “migration” or “commuting” was often related to choices of “working for others”, and the individual‟s “attachment to place”. For example, Pedro Valdomar chose the “working for others” mode of work and employed the supporting strategy of “migration” to Coyhaique, where he could access greater opportunities. While he felt a strong connection with his hometown one of his motivations was to “see the world”. Coyhaique was actually a step in the direction of the outside world, and therefore fit with his goals and objectives. Isabel Freire also had chosen the “work for others” mode; however, she had an extreme attachment to the farm which had motivated her return to Chile from Germany. For this reason, she opted to “commute” as a supporting strategy, returning to her farm in Puerto Ibanez, in between work. Diversification involved a person‟s income strategies and desired outcomes. Depending on their objectives, they often combined modes of work, so that they could extend their earnings timeframe or potential. 176
Another aspect of tourism livelihood strategy observed in Aysén was the type and degree of work specialization. The forms this dimension might take are variable based on the context of the area of study and types of specialized activities that are possible. For Aysén, key areas of specialization included “administrative and office management”, “general adventure guiding”, “specialized adventure guiding”, such as fly-fishing, horse treks, or multi-day treks, and “agro-tourism services”, focused on a specific land resource that was usually owned by the individual. In other areas, these areas might include mountaineering, white water rafting, ski instruction, deep sea fishing, etc. The third phase of the livelihoods process involves the forms of income earned through employment of tourism livelihoods strategies. These include forms of direct and indirect income. Direct income encompasses several types of rewards given in return for work that directly affect the level of an individual‟s capitals. Examples that arose from the participants in this study included cash, equipment, lodging, an ownership share, tips, room and board, training and insurance benefits. Indirect income represents other benefits received for work that provide sources of satisfaction and “increased wealth”. These criteria contribute to the meanings participants‟ derive from their work in tourism and their ideas of success, according to the results of this study. For the participants of this study, these include entrepreneurialism and the ability to leave a legacy, recognition, exchanges with tourists, travel, ability to live in a lower cost environment, and increasing personal horizons through new cultures and experiences. The fourth phase of the livelihoods process involves an individual‟s strategy for use of their income. Individuals choose some combination of the following strategies for using their incomes: investment in items directly related to their work, outlays for maintenance or growth of their personal assets (upkeep costs for a house or tuition fees for training), social payments such as debts or taxes, and consumption related spending for material and normal household costs. Alvaro Araujo, one of the cases of interest in this study, described this aspect as follows: There are cases of people that began to work along with my dad. Then, there are people that are following behind. Why? Because, they do not have a mindset to continue improving their things. For example, if I have already bought a boat… I say: “OK, next year I am going to have carpet for this boat, to give a better service, to give a better presentation”… cleaner, things like that… buying a new motor, buying new things for the clients. Because those clients that came this year, if I attend to them well, they are going to come next year or they are go to recommend their friends. And that‟s it. Every year, to go showing them different places…different places, different things. To have tools for different jobs. Things like that… There are other people that do not want it... that say: “No, I have this and I am going to work with this.” But, they do not think that maybe they can improve their service and they can acquire…with people that have a lot more education…they can have more…they can pay him more. They do not think about that: that they will be able to gain more, but they have to invest more…I believe that they try to live for the day. Saying: “Okay, today, I have 5 hours of fishing. I am going to make 25 thousand pesos. Okay, with this I will buy gasoline for going tomorrow, and I‟ll be ready.” 177
For Juan Castro, the owner of the Lakeshore B& B, this strategy had involved reinvestment of income into his work. He attributed his success and the differentiation of his current tourism product to his use of this income strategy: We started as a family business with camping, with a capacity for 15 to 20 people. With that green area over there of 30 x 30 meters, we strove to provide hot showers, good bathrooms that have electric light and an atmosphere that provided a possibility to be able to rest. Now, the camping enterprise has been tremendously successful, extremely successful. Things have gone very well. And that has permitted us to make a subsequent investment and we have installed a family- run lodge. We provide lodging, including breakfast, and generally we cook things that are typical gastronomy for Chile Chico… Subsequently, we have bought another parcel of land that has enabled us to supply a cabin, with capacity for 6 people. And this was important because the lodging here was very limited and consisted only of small cabins or small lodges that did not have the level or the characteristics of hotels or apart hotels. Nothing like that exists here. Income strategies are an important dimension of the livelihoods process, according to many of the cases of interest, because the choices made during this phase are directly related to outcomes, future success or failure, and long-term livelihood sustainability. The fifth and final phase of the livelihoods process is “outcomes”. This phase involves the results of the tourism based livelihood strategy employed, the incomes earned, and the strategies employed for those incomes. The outcomes reflect changes to individual, household, and institutional capital. For a livelihood to be sustainable, these outcomes should lead to greater stability for the individual and his household. This includes aspects of increased well-being, reduced vulnerability, increased resiliency, and more sustainable use of the resource base. As with the more general sustainable livelihoods models, this process is conceptualized as being an ongoing cycle, with outcomes forming the inputs of another revolution in the cycle. In thinking about the cycle, it is important to bear in mind that throughout the process the vulnerability context can have effects on the choices made by individuals and the success of chosen strategies. A big component is being able to move between local, national, and global scales in order to mitigate, change, influence, or control the vulnerability context. Another important aspect of this overall process involves understanding, assessing, and employing capitals in a meaningful and effective manner. A final tool which assisted this research helps with conceptualization of that process and is Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Capital Analysis Example Capital analysis was a major component of the overall examination that took place during this study. The six dimensions of natural, human, social, cultural, physical, and financial capital, proved to be a powerful set of components for understanding the vulnerability context, the tourism system and the potentials and outcomes of the livelihoods process. The final conceptual tool which assisted this research was used for capital analysis of the inputs and outputs into the tourism livelihoods process. First, as described in more detail in Chapter Three of this research, a traditional map of the tourism system in Aysén was transformed into an Aysén tourism capital map. Next, specific capital maps were 178
developed for each of the cases of interest. Figure 5.5 was developed utilizing the data from the capital maps phase of results analysis. Figure 5.5 represents the analysis of social capital that was conducted for Carlos Abel, one of the sixteen cases of interest. Figure 5.5. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework - Social Capital Example for Carlos Abel, one of the cases of interest in the Aysén Region of Chile,
This example of capital analysis demonstrates relationships and forms of capital. In this case, the map represents Carlos‟s social capital along the three main capital dimensions that emerged in this study: individual, household and institutional dimensions. Comparison of maps for the cases of interest helped to demonstrate patterns and possibilities for further research. For example, during data analysis, I noticed several comments that indicated the presence of a “halo effect”, extending through a person‟s relationships and associations with others and with institutions. Halo effect refers to a theory involving cognitive bias. According to this theory, the assessment people make of an individual quality in a person, influences their judgment of other qualities. The halo effect theory has been applied in brand marketing, as well. Here, the halo effect occurs when positive features of a particular 179
product are applied to perceptions of a broader brand. It can also apply to the effect a spokesperson has for the overall image of a brand. A halo effect can extend in a negative fashion as well. A negative perception can be extended well beyond an individual person or product to influence others' perception of the person or brand, in general (Herbig & Milewicz, 1995; Morgan & Hunt, 1994). Pablo Mendez, the owner of Summit Adventures, described how his trust in the reputation and work of Jonas Fernandez, the owner of the Guide‟s School led him to utilize the services of Javier Cabaneiro, one of Jonas‟s students, rather that one of the more established service providers, Miguel Soto. If you ask me, at this time, what has been the only bonus that has helped me, it is my knowledge of Javier Cabaneiro and his work with horses, and that he studied in the Guide‟s School. If Javier had not studied in the Guide‟s School and I had not known the form of work of the Guide‟s School and of Jonas Fernandez and all that stuff, I would possibly be working with Miguel Soto, with the horseback rides…All the horseback rides that I have done I have done them with Javier; none with Miguel. Pablo explained that he came to know of Javier through his relationship with Jonas: “Through Jonas, through the Guide‟s School. Jonas gave me a list of people that offered services and in some way I convinced him to tell me which ones he considered as the best in each of the areas that I would be able to develop offerings.” Later, based on the positive experiences Pablo had with Javier, a trust developed. Pablo has developed confidence in Javier‟s skills and judgment. Now, in much the same way an original halo was extended from Jonas to Javier, Pablo has extended a halo from Javier to others: No. I work uniquely and exclusively with Javier or someone that he tells me. Let‟s see… What happens with the theme of the horseback rides as well as the theme of the fly-fishing? It is something that I do not know. I derive everything that is activities of horseback riding to Javier and for me; he is the one that decides the service that I am offering. If he tells me, “Pablo, you know that I cannot go because I am going to have to go to another place but Nelson, he is going to go, and he works super well and he works with me”, I trust in the word of Javier and I do the activity the same, although it is not Javier. From that point of view I am gambling 100% with someone that I know is going to make all the effort, and be able to give that 100%. Many other examples arose during my analysis of social capitals where I noted a possible connection with the theory of a “halo effect”. Clearly, further research is needed to delve into this phenomenon and its relationship to social capital and tourism related livelihoods development. However, this example provides an indication of the usefulness of the maps as an analysis tool for uncovering patterns within this research. They supplied a vehicle for capturing these ideas and for conceptualizing other relationships and themes. The Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) provides an integrated conceptual tool, which informs analysis of the overall tourism based sustainable livelihood development system. Clearly, these tools are conceptual and not meant to be used in any literal or predictive manner. The concepts captured within are not complete, generalizable or scaleable. While they may have application across a variety of similar contexts, issues of transferability and fittingness will need to be assessed. The main 180
contribution of this framework is not the ability to directly transfer to other settings; but rather, the potential to sensitize future work in the area of tourism-based livelihoods. Some of the potential applications for the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework include use as a sensitizing concept for the development of additional research in the area and also for development of curriculum based on a more bottom-up focus for tourism development. So doing would facilitate a new set of theoretical constructs to enter into a tourism curriculum which might further extend theory through research it inspires. Additionally, a list of recommendations for policy and programmatic use of the framework will be suggested at the end of this chapter. Expanding Horizons - Connecting Sustainability, Tourism, and Livelihoods Within the literature on alternative forms of tourism development (Epler Wood, 2002; France, 1997; Gould, 1999; Hall & Lew, 1998; Honey, 1999, 2002; Langholz, 1996; Lindberg & Hawkins, 1993; Jeffreys, 1998; Long, 1992; Machlis & Field, 2000; Middleton & Hawkins, 1998; Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Rundel & Palma, 2000; Schaeffer & Loveridge, 2000; Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Vanasselt, 2000; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Wallace, 1993; Wells, 1997; Wells & Brandon, 1992), case studies abound with examinations of development initiatives based on aspects of “sustainability”, “ecotourism”, “agrotourism”, “nature-based tourism”, “adventure tourism, “educational tourism” and “community-based tourism”. Often, these initiatives occur in and around areas of intense biodiversity and natural beauty, such as global protected areas or World Heritage Sites (Epler Wood; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys). The general consensus through research and theory is that these types of tourism offer an alternative to mass tourism which can positively contribute to conservation of protected and wild lands, improved quality of life for local communities, economic revitalization for communities in decline, economic alternatives for rural communities facing a demise of traditional agricultural practices, and protection and revitalization of community interest in cultural heritage (Epler Wood; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys). Researchers (Epler Wood; France; Gould; Hall & Lew; Honey, 1999, 2002; Jeffreys; Langholz; Lindberg & Hawkins; Long; Machlis &Field; Middleton & Hawkins; Mowforth & Munt; Rundel & Palma; Schaeffer & Loveridge; Sharpley & Telfer; Vanasselt; Wahab & Pigram; Wallace; Wells; Wells & Brandon) agree that alternative tourism development is not without inherent risk; when principles of sustainability are not adhered to or become disrupted, both alternative and mass forms of tourism, can become a destructive force. Like any other form, or agent, of development, tourism can cause harm to environmental factors, individual and community quality of life, and economic livelihood. Tourism and protected area researchers, policy makers and practitioners continue to grapple with how to influence public policy and business practices to encourage and maintain sustainability (Armesto & Smith-Ramirez, 2001; Gould; Langholz; Rundel & Palma; Sharpley & Telfer; Torres, 2001; Vanasselt, 2000; Wallace; Wells; Wells & Brandon). This study contributed to sustainable tourism theory by illuminating dimensions of tourism-based livelihood that have not received a great deal of attention in the past. Most of the research in sustainable tourism development is focused at a macro level evaluation of policies or initiatives. Very little focus has been placed on understanding the place based, 181
lived experience of tourism, as a livelihood strategy. There has been some consideration of tourism as a pro-poor strategy in pro-poor literature. This has largely consisted of NGO policy papers and advocacy group publications. The most comprehensive research by these groups was completed during the late 1990s and early 2000s for the Overseas Development Institute, the International Institute for the Environment and Development, and the Centre for Responsible Tourism (Ashley, 2000, 2002; Ashley, Boyd, & Goodwin 2000; Ashley, Roe & Goodwin, 2001; Bennett, Roe & Ashley, 1999). The aggregated result of these and other studies from the same core group of researchers has been recognition of tourism as a potentially effective strategy for poverty reduction; provided that it is implemented in a beneficial manner. The research in Aysén has provided an intimate look at how tourism based livelihoods produced meaning for participants. It illuminated the catalysts and motivations for entering into tourism. It explored the strategies people employ to manage their assets and to produce outcomes. It helped to provide an insider understanding of success, as defined by the participants. It examined coping and recovery mechanisms that currently exist for the stresses and shocks that tourism vulnerabilities create and identified gaps in local knowledge and levels of preparedness. Finally it probed the role of alternative forms of tourism in the lives of individuals. This study contributed to a better understanding of sustainability and tourism based livelihoods. By approaching the discussion of tourism sustainability through the microlevel lens of livelihood, the conversation shifted from the macro-level perspective to the lived experience of tourism at the local level. In the process, a number of theoretical implications have been identified, including the importance of viewing tourism as one, among many agents of development that span local, national, and global levels of scale. The previous sections have begun to address those implications with review of tourism and development implications and sustainable tourism-based livelihoods studies implications. Principles of naturalistic inquiry were employed in this research, as recommended by Patton (2002), in that I did not manipulate the setting, but rather sought to “understand and document the day-to-day reality of the setting or settings under study…” (p.39), and be open to “whatever emerges” (p.40). Thus, several theoretical implications arose from this research that crossed over the sensitizing concepts I chose for this research, spanning current boundaries of development, livelihoods and sustainable tourism theory in new directions. These “expanding horizons” include the potential of tourism as an exchange agent for social learning, a catalyst for amenity migration, and a vehicle for construction of transferable human capacity. This section identifies and explores these areas in terms of their potential role in the potential sustainability of tourism based livelihoods. Each represents an important area of consideration for additional research. Amenity Migration Amenity migration involves the movement of people into an area for reasons related to a number of social, natural or even infrastructural features that they consider to have a substantial impact on their quality of life. Amenities might include climate, topographic relief, low crime rates, cultural practices, or infrastructure, such as shopping, education, or access to technology (Deller, Marcouiller, English & Lledo, 2005; Judson, ReynoldsScanlon & Popoff, n.d; Marcouiller, & Clendenning, 2005; Power, 2005). Judson et al., (n.d.) found that often persons relocating to an area for amenity related reasons are willing 182
to pay a price for those features; through lower wages, higher rents, or other inconveniences. Buckley (2005), a researcher in the area of social trends and ecotourism, stated that “increasing interest in outdoor recreation is closely coupled with a second major trend, namely amenity migration” (p. 58). He suggests a progression in which tourists and recreationists move from visiting areas in pursuit of their passions to migrating to those locations, either in full or in part. Buckley found “for many people, amenity migration is simply an extension or progression of a long-held interest in adventure recreation” (p. 60). A number of physical, social and economic implications have been identified for host communities and their residents related to natural resource amenity migration and migration led growth. According to researchers (Buckley, 2005; Clendenning & Field, 2005; Deller, et al., 2005; Judson et al., n.d; Marcouiller & Clendenning, 2005; Power, 2005), as population growth occurs and demographics of the population change, inflation of property costs and material goods can lead to marginalization for historic population groups. Economic shifts can occur which call for new human resource skills and infrastructure capabilities. Researchers (Buckley; Deller, et al.; Judson et al.; Marcouiller & Clendenning; Power) have found that added demands on the host communities can place stress on infrastructure and services, such as utilities and healthcare. A wide range of social impacts can lead to conflict and alienation between groups, and issues of changing power bases can result in inequities for long-term residents of a community (Buckley; Clendenning & Field, 2005; Deller, et al.; Judson et al.; Marcouiller & Clendenning; Power). Impacts also arise for the amenities in question. Ecosystems become fragmented and issues of encroachment arise as settlement spreads. Consumption patterns in energy and water can lead to stresses and degradation. Use of resources for recreation and tourism can lead to carrying capacity strains (Buckley; Clendenning & Field; Deller, et al.; Judson et al.; Marcouiller & Clendenning; Power). Researchers (Buckley, 2005; Clendenning & Field, 2005; Deller, et al., 2005; Judson et al., n.d; Marcouiller & Clendenning, 2005; Power, 2005) have also noted positive aspects of amenity migration. Increased job opportunities and interest in land create economic growth for locals as well as newcomers. Often, newcomers demand better quality education and healthcare, which can raise quality of life for all if benefits are able to be accessed in an equitable fashion. According to research findings from Buckley, Clendenning and Field, Deller, et al., Judson et al., Marcouiller and Clendenning, and Power, newcomers add diversity to a community and often offer tangible skills that can strengthen the asset base of a community. New residents tend to have high attachment levels for the natural aspects of the landscapes to which they are migrating. Researchers (Buckley; Deller, et al.; Judson et al.; Marcouiller & Clendenning; Power) report that these attachments can motivate varying levels of contribution to conservation, especially in areas where there has been historic overuse of resources for grazing or agriculture. Buckley conveys, “Indeed, where new migrants have personal interests in conservation, or where they rely on undisturbed scenery either for personal amenity, to maintain property values, or to underpin new tourism businesses, such effects may be stronger still” (p. 59). Amenity migration arose in this study with regard to aspects of sustainability and a livelihood based on tourism in the Aysén region of Chile. There were a number of amenity migrants who were using tourism as a livelihood strategy because tourism supported their choice of migration. John Brown conveyed, “And that was one of the things that we wanted to do here, was to find a way to actually live here. And then in that sense, although the kind of business is important, if the business suddenly collapsed, I wouldn‟t just move 183
away; I‟d find something else to do.” Alberto Gallego shared a similar experience, “I am an architect, photographer and now a guide, but the truth is that [guiding] began here in the region of Aysén. It is part of the process to live here and I have come to understand that it is part of the things that one can do.” Guiding was not part of Alberto‟s consideration set as a livelihood choice until he moved to the region. However, once he arrived and began to consider his options, a tourism-based livelihood fit his needs. Guiding added meaning to his life by facilitating his ability to live amongst the natural amenities of Aysén, where he felt an attachment. Moreover, this progression seemed to manifest in sharing and dissemination of his respect for the ecosystem. He finished his earlier thought by saying, “It is something that I like to do. It has created a desire to go, to guide, to learn of the environment, the nature, and also to be able to share it.” Sara Balsa, a development expert with CORFO made this observation about the successful outsider-owned tourism businesses she supported: “They are businesses which are passionate about their work. Their owners are people that like the region; that fight for the region. That is fundamental”. Her comments also support the theory that these amenity migrants are willing to fight to protect the values and amenities they moved for. Amalia Guillen provided further evidence in her observations about the amenity migrants that own the company she works for: I believe that they are trying to save something that is being destroyed. So, they try to save something that they already destroyed in their own countries; they want to do things well here. And in their countries, they cannot do anything, because things have died already, because there is nothing they can do; so they are trying to do things here. Now, how is it bad? It‟s not. The individuals described in the preceding comments had created a variety of new opportunities for employment in tourism. They had also contributed to their communities in other areas. John Brown was active in a number of organizations and often donated his time to mentoring and supporting community projects that provided outdoor recreation opportunities for locals within the region. He had been an instructor at the Guide‟s School and in other community capacity-building projects. He was the vice-president of the Chamber of Tourism. Alberto Gallego had worked with the school children in his community to teach outdoor skills, conduct field trips, and provide new opportunities for them to learn about the local environment. Both John and Alberto, along with many of the other outsiders I spoke with supported local linkages within their tourism enterprises and had provided employment and development opportunities for local guides and managers. Currently, within tourism in the region, their enterprises drew largely on a different customer base than locals involved in tourism. However, as local entrepreneurs developed more lofty entrepreneurial expectations, their business plans reached into the markets of the businesses managed by newcomers. At this point of intersection in scale, conflict sometimes arose between outsiders and locals. Amenity migrants normally arrived with intact networks of contacts in other places and the advantage of being able to span national and transnational boundaries to reach customers in a much more effective way. In this aspect, locals faced high barriers to entry. Their ability to compete seemed uncertain as they attempted to bridge from a focus on “walk-in” businesses based on independent travelers such as backpackers to a business based on the global market and pre-booked, prepackaged itineraries. While some of the participants in this study were aware of the technological complexity of managing and executing reservation systems, only one was capable of implementing these systems in their own business at the time of this study. 184
While technology transfer projects, such as the Guide‟s School, agency guidance and informal mentorship were helping to bridge the technical knowledge gap, the relationships that outsiders had were more difficult to construct. Puerto Bertrand seemed to have an especially high concentration of amenity migrants, perhaps due to its high levels of natural capital. Puerto Bertrand was also one of the more established destinations for fly-fishers and adventure tourists, with a longer heritage of hosting outside guests. Perhaps, amenity migration follows in the path of tourism development, implying that alternative forms of tourism might actually be catalysts for destination development. Consider the two points of view described in the following comments. The first was offered by John Brown who relocated to Aysén fifteen years ago and operated a successful adventure tourism operation, Patagonia Voyages. Puerto Bertrand, for example, really struggles with this difference between people who were born there and have lived there by having a farm out in one of the valleys or on one side of the hill living next door, and people who have come in from other places and dropped, to them, huge amounts of money on building a really comfortable place and work for only two months out of the year. So, there are contrasts there which are going to take a while to, to not be important any more. The second perspective was provided by Alejandro Manin, one of the cases of interest. Alejandro has lived in Aysén for several years and considers himself a member of the local culture, a “Patagonian”. Alejandro‟s significant other is from Bertrand. Her parents live just next-door to Alejandro. Alejandro has established a strong attachment to Bertrand and clearly considers himself a “local” as opposed to the “outsiders” he described: We in Port Bertrand are going to be foreigners in our own country… We are surrounded by foreigners and that is something that will hurt us, but in the future, we are going to have to adapt a little… because…it is incredible…but the people…of all the people that come here, there are very few people that adapt their style to the way of life of the Patagonian…and there are many people that in fact, do just the opposite. They want the Patagonian people to adapt to be as they are. Alejandro described a number of ways amenity migration was directly affecting him. The most serious impact Alejandro described involved differences in rights of access, “Before we were free to arrive freely wherever we wanted at the end of the lake [I] because before, the settlers were Chileans, were Patagonians…and they were more open to letting other people come and go across their land…” The current situation described by Alejandro was much different: Now this is changing, because the people come and purchase and the first thing that they do is say: „I don‟t like the animals. We are going to close in this land and I do not want animals here. If an animal enters, it will be confined, as punishment.‟ And that is not a way to live in Patagonia. That is not a way to live. And there are laws that these people from other places can impose on us and they aren‟t even from here – they came from outside and they bought only by having money. And it is sad to see that…that this can happen. It is sad to see them put a fence with a padlock and to see that people cannot even pass through there. And for example, the people with farms and grazing lands in the Soler valley that need to move their animals to Bertrand to be able to 185
take them to market – to cross them, to drive them over the mountain to get here… what happens is that now it is no longer going to be possible to do, because the lands they need to cross are being bought. In one place by one person – in another by others and all have their own rules for access. I don‟t know what people are going to do in the future. Alejandro also described differences in more general cultural attitudes and willingness to help. He shared, “People have always been super hospitable with everyone, with any person … if I arrived at a farm, and said to the people, „It is raining and the river has risen so I cannot cross. Can you lend me a pasture?‟ they would call back: „Yeah, no problem – here you go.‟” Throughout my research in Aysén, banners were raised proclaiming the difference between “outsider” and “local”. Actually, locals usually used the term “foreigner”. However, I have used “outsider” because further probing revealed that the foreigner label included persons from Santiago or other regions of Chile. In fact, one participant, Miguel, put a name to the phenomena. Here he is describing why his father-in-law wanted him to go to the Guide‟s School: “Álvaro, that was my wife‟s dad, told me: „Miguel, I want…[you to go to the school]‟, because he did not want to continue working with guides from outside, Americans either, none of that, because he wanted to work with the people of the region. He was super regionalistic, my wife‟s dad, and he was one of the main persons that obliged me to take these courses and this program of the school. This type of “regionalistic” attitude was prevalent throughout this study. Clearly, the social and cultural implications of amenity migration and the connection between amenity migration and alternative forms of tourism are both important aspects for consideration, in terms of their implications for locals and outsiders, tourism, regional development, and sustainability. This research contributes to the under-developed body of work on tourism and amenity migration by 1) identifying the theme raised by the cases of interest, 2) establishing amenity migration as vulnerability for tourism basedlivelihoods, and 3) suggesting that it may affect tourism-based livelihoods in both negative and positive ways. An increased understanding of amenity migration as a contributor to the vulnerability context of tourism-based livelihoods may facilitate development of more effective policies, laws, norms, and institutions. Research in the area of natural amenity migration is relatively underdeveloped. Marcouiller and Clendenning (2005) concluded: “The natural-amenity-driven rural development linkage has much for academics to discuss, conceptualize, and discover. In the realm of economics, one area that remains relatively unexplored is the conceptual basis for provision of amenities and their role in development,” (p. 9). The link and relationships between amenity migration and tourism have not been explored, except on a cursory level. Little is known about how communities change when migration takes place. Clendenning and Field (2005) added: “The literature on community is largely devoid of any discussion of the role of seasonal homeowners in the social fabric of rural communities,” (p. 217). The research which does exist focuses on in-country amenity migration, making the cross cultural considerations of expatriate amenity migration another important dimension in need of exploration. This study illuminates the need for additional analysis of the dynamics of amenity migration as vulnerability for tourism based livelihoods, so that better means can be identified to control and leverage its potential for benefit and harm.
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Potential for Social Learning – Collective Action Another emergent theory that potentially impacts sustainability of tourism based livelihood and the ability for locals to mitigate, change, influence, or control their vulnerability context lies in developing a better understanding of connections between tourism interactions and experiences and aspects of social and collective learning. How does social and collective learning relate to social movements and collective action? What potential role does tourism play as a catalyst of these processes? Kilgore (1999) wrote: There is increasing interest among adult learning theorists in developing alternatives to individualized learning theories to explain how and why learning occurs in groups. Individualized learning theories do not adequately explain a group as a learning system nor do they necessarily situate the learning process correctly between „knowing‟ and „doing‟. In particular, understanding learning in social movements requires not only a concept of the group as a learner and constructor of knowledge, but also an understanding of the centrality of the groups‟ vision of social justice that drives it to act – mostly in conflict with other groups – in the larger social, economic, and political field of meaning making (p. 191). Brown and Timmer (2006) and Kilgore (1999) offer that collective learning is believed to involve a process which occurs between two or more people with a diverse set of perspectives, in which shared meanings are constructed during an experience and are acted upon by the group. Social learning theories are more developed than theories of collective learning, according to Brown and Timmer and Kilgore. However, having evolved through a number of disciplines, there is little consensus around constructs. In general, these theories assume that learning happens both within the human mind and through social interaction. These concepts extend beyond individuals learning within a social context to the idea of learning occurring as a collective entity. The concept of learning as a collective entity such as a social group, an organization, a culture, or perhaps, even a group of tourists and guides, focuses on an understanding of the acquisition of skills, knowledge and understanding as a collective learning system (Brown, 1999; Brown & Timmer; Juma & Timmer, 2003). Most recently, these theories of collective and social learning have been applied to the idea of transnational social learning and learning through grassroots movements (Batliwala, 2002; Brown & Timmer, 2006; Finger & Verlaan, 1995; Juma, Calestous, & Timmer, 2003). Particularly, this style of learning has been associated with problem domains, which often have included environmental and social problems. Researchers (Batliwala; Brown & Timmer; Finger & Verlaan; Juma et. al., 2003) are beginning to focus debate around the concept of cross-border social action, which includes the idea that social movements can be catalysts for group learning, which leads to collective social action. This phenomenon has been linked to transnational civil society actors and international non-governmental organizations. Batiwala, Brown and Timmer, Finger and Verlaan, and Juma and Timmer have suggested that this phenomenon has the potential to lead to social-environmental action and associated collective action. Research conducted by Brown and Timmer (2006) leads to the identification of five roles in domain learning: identification of issues, facilitation of a voice for marginalized groups, increased importance of issues, networks and connections between groups of stakeholders, and ongoing assessment and monitoring of solutions. 187
McGehee (2002) and McGehee and Norman (2002) have connected these theoretical constructs with alternative forms of tourism in their work on understanding how Earthwatch Expeditions; a form of tourism which offers 10-14 day research oriented field expeditions on a range of scientific topics, motivates volunteers after their trip. Their study of over 350 volunteers revealed that both network ties established during the trip and perceived changed in self-efficacy as a result of the experience, had a positive and significant influence on consciousness-raising about the issues of political justice that were raised. McGehee and McGehee and Norman suggest a role for tourism as a means for raising consciousness. Within this report, results suggested that dynamics of social and collective learning occurred in relationship to alternative forms of tourism. There was substantial data indicating the perception that tourism was changing local views on the value of the environment and that these changes were leading to increased collective action around transnational issues such as the development of proposed dams. Consider this passage: I think it‟s [tourism] important culturally – and that is linked to environmentally as well. Most people who are Aysenians, who have grown up here – have grown up or their dads came here because of the lack of getting land in the place where they lived and that was related to agriculture. So they were typically with sheep or cattle or horses and have put very little value on the aesthetic quality of the land. What you can see, and what is a view worth, and what is a hill worth that is covered in forest as opposed to one that is bare of forest with a little bit of grass on it for the cows. So tourism begins to put that value there – right – and it‟s kind of hard to put any figures on it but, you can see it happening. People who maybe have always appreciated the view. And a good example on the Rio Baker is a man named [I] - so his father was one of the first colonizers in that area right – to set up a farm. And he has kind of been coming out right now – saying a lot of - kind of coming out quite strongly now in opposition to Endesa and the dams. And his argument basically is one of “I love this place – it‟s where the kids have grown up and I love the view, yeah –So, and that‟s what the tourism does. He suddenly realizes that other people have traveled around the world to see what he‟s living in front of. Although the process of this learning is unclear, the evidence raises a possibility of social and collective forms of learning, with tourism as an agent, and a resulting propensity for greater collective action around perceived social and environmental problems. Another interesting research distillation involved the idea of exchanges and contacts between persons of different cultures and positioning, through work in tourism. The following passage illustrates a common sentiment which appeared in the results, of the satisfaction derived from exchanges with other cultures and perspectives. I believe that I like the contact with other people. Tourism gives me the possibility of…of having the exchange with other realities without having to leave where I am. I like knowing the region, having the capacity to explain things about this place, this region….I like having the contact with people, because it helps me see what is happening in the region. Being involved with Jonas and the guide‟s school and tourism has helped me to get “tuned in” to different projects and situations in the region that 188
I want to participate in. I have had the opportunity to participate in some seminars because Jonas has called and said “Hey, you ought to be involved in this.” I like continuing to grow as a person and as well it interests me to be part of this world of tourism in Aysén. It may not be the most important industry in Aysén now, but it might be in the future. Why not? A particularly interesting aspect of this commentary was the connection made by the speaker between tourism and a greater involvement in projects and “situations” in the region. The speaker was Anna Méndez, one of the cases of study. As a post-script to this quote, Anna recently accepted a position with a regional grassroots organization focused on raising consciousness and collective action against the proposed development of several mega-dams on regional rivers in Aysén. This provides further indication of a possible propensity for tourism to be a catalyst for social learning and collective action. A greater understanding in this area could lead to clearer conceptualization of the role of alternative forms of tourism in the lives of locals. It could also illuminate the process locals take for addressing vulnerability. Finally, it could assist an understanding of the role tourism plays as an agent for transnational social movements and global civil society. A synthesis of the existing literature reveals that this area of research is virtually unexplored, from the vantage point of the destination community. Therefore, the need for focused research which can add to the limited knowledge in this area is clear. Transferability of Tourism Skills A third theoretical area of interest pertains to transferability of tourism-related skills. Many of the participants of this study had developed a range of specialized skills in their pursuit of tourism-based livelihoods. A number of these focused on aspects of wilderness learning, outdoor leadership and risk management. How do these skills transfer to other aspects of their lives? How do these and other skills developed in tourism work, such as driving skills, time management, planning, group management, environmental interpretation or other forms of storytelling, and language skills transfer to other livelihood strategies? Finally, how does tourism provide opportunities for cultural and technology transfer that might contribute to participants‟ ability to navigate aspects of scale? By September of 1995, more than 187 research studies had presented ideas and concepts for how a better understanding of wilderness use could lead to personal growth, education and leadership development (Friese, Pittman & Hendee, 1995). A meta-analysis of this body of research at the University of Idaho (Friese, et al., 1995) reported that research findings generally supported the concept that participation in experiences in wilderness led to positive benefits, such as a greater self-esteem and better personal control. Negative aspects of these experiences seemed non-existent. However, Friese et al, criticized the rigor of the research, noting that most reports appeared in non-peer-reviewed outlets. In 2002, this analysis was revised (Moore & Russell) to include 247 studies. Moore and Russell reported that studies had focused on “two primary effects on participants a) the development of various aspects of self-concept, and b) the development of appropriate and adaptive social skills” (p.2). More recent studies (1996 – 2001) tended to focus on how outcomes were applied in the lives of participants after the experience had been completed. This more recent era of research was increasingly appearing in scientific journals, indicating for Moore and Russell, an increasing methodological rigor. 189
According to researchers in this area (Gass, 1999; Holman & McAvoy, 2005; Priest, 1999), the question lies in how learning gained through participation in outdoor experiences can transfer to other situations, These researchers (Gass; Holman & McAvoy; Priest) instruct that three of the main theories in this area are specific transfer, nonspecific transfer, and metaphoric transfer. Specific transfer involves the ability to perform tasks that are highly similar to the ones originally learned. Nonspecific transfer involves the transfer of the principles and attitudes originally learned, to other contexts (Gass; Holman & McAvoy; Priest). For example, trust and teambuilding skills, learned in a wilderness course, might be employed in the future in a work setting. In this manner, the underlying principles learned about how to give and receive support would be generalized to other contexts and situations. Metaphoric transfer involves the ability to connect the underlying principles of one learning experience to another seemingly unconnected situation (Gass; Holman & McAvoy; Priest). For example, a person might learn the importance of passing the ball between team members for effectively moving down the court in a basketball game. Researchers (Gass; Holman & McAvoy; Priest) propose that later in life they may metaphorically transfer this lesson to their management approach, sharing responsibility and tasks, as a means for accomplishing a joint goal. These three theories have often been linked with learning in an outdoor, wilderness, or adventure context. Gass (1999) encouraged outdoor educators to assist their students with linkages and connections between the lessons of the day and the larger opportunities to apply those lessons in life. Raiola and Sugarman (1999) report that much has been written on the outdoor leadership development cycle, was first developed by Edward Raiola in 1990. This cycle outlined four stages of learning that occurred in the development of outdoor leadership skills; unconscious incompetence, conscious incompetence, conscious competence, and unconscious competence. Through a blend of formal skills training and experiential practice, the student moves from being unaware of the factors associated with effective leadership, to eventually demonstrating a high level of competence with these factors without conscious effort (Raiola & Sugerman, 1999). Another theory related to the transferring of benefits gained through wilderness learning is “means-end theory” (Holman & McAvoy, 2005). This theory contends that people form selections based on expected consequences or outcomes. Holman and McAvoy applied this theory to integration of wilderness based adventure learning programs with daily life. Their study revealed primary outcomes of these types of programs to include better self awareness and understanding, new relationships, higher awareness and understanding of nature, new opportunities, and new skills. This study also looked at how outcomes produced value for participants. Homan and McAvoy found that the major sources of value included enhancing aspects of home life, selfawareness, personal goal achievement, and “warm” relationships with others. The concept of skills or occupational transferability has been a longstanding area of research within the areas of human resource development and labor studies (Ahamad, Sobkow & Boothby, 2003; Shaw, 1985). These fields have examined the concepts and factors involved in transferring skills from one occupation into new and different employment opportunities. Ahamad et al. (2003), and Shaw report that transferability of competences is considered to be a key element of a person‟s mobility; and an important dimension of human capital. Around the world, many countries have developed formalized matrices of transferable skills and occupations between sectors (Ahamad et al.) 190
The majority of cases involved in my study of tourism-based livelihoods in Aysén had been exposed to a variety of forms of wilderness and outdoor adventure education. For some, this education came in the form of the Guide‟s School. For others it involved their experiences in the military or coursework taken at NOLS. Generally, participants spoke of these experiences as having provided positive and valuable outcomes for their professional lives. Many also described less tangible outcomes such as a growing appreciation of the place where they lived. Pedro spoke with me about his work in tourism before the Guide‟s school, his experience in the Guide‟s School and how he was continuing to develop his thinking about tourism since the school. These comments represented in these excerpts indicate a significant evolution in Pedro‟s understanding of tourism service, risk management and outdoor leadership. First, Pedro reflected on his attitude about his work in tourism prior to his experience in the Guide‟s School: When I first began to work, I worked in my boat; I didn‟t spend more than 8 to 10 hours with a group of people. It was easy, light. I wasn‟t wasting my time worrying a lot about if they were cold or if they were bored. The thought that I had was that they hired me to that carry them and bring them back…that is my “job”. Next, Pedro reflects on the experiences he had in the school. He shares that he found the experience to be motivating and more positive than the army had been. He appreciated the camaraderie between students, the willingness to mentor he felt from more experienced students, the sharing. Pedro also speaks of the satisfaction he felt in learning about outdoor skills and how to utilize the natural capital he had always lived amongst in new ways. For Pedro, this experience brought him closer to worlds he had only seen on television. For me it [the Guide‟s School] was interesting, it was super good, it was motivating…because… it‟s as…as…was not as depressing as the army was for me. Because…clearly, I arrived at the school, I met new people and we began on a super good note; to act super well together, people from all over the zone, taking mate together. The good thing was that some of them had a little experience in this and they were willing to help those of us that didn‟t have a lot of experience. There was always a predisposition. Besides that, I wanted to learn, because I was really attracted to climbing and to skiing, and getting into a kayak, because, in spite of the fact that I live near the sea, I had never gotten into a kayak. I live among the mountains, but I had never scaled a mountain, I had hiked up mountains, but not scaling…I was learning to use new things that I had seen, only on the television, in movies…for me this was super good because it was all new, it was unique; the only thing that I didn‟t have to learn was how to get from one place to another. This final passage reflects Pedro‟s assessment of his thinking about the tourism-related work that he was doing one year after his graduation from the Guide‟s School. He actually began this work his last year in the Guide‟s School. He was required to do an internship as part of the program requirements and had interned with John Brown at Patagonia Voyages. Afterwards, he was offered the opportunity to stay on. He said: I have acquired a lot of responsibilities also [over the past two years]… you are contracted to do a service, but always you have to be attentive to the mood of the client, because when a client is tired or cold or hungry, it 191
is going to be a very unpleasant client. In terms of that, I have changed a lot in my form of thinking. And also, as you said, the responsibility is no longer so “light” The work that I do now. I have to walk for various numbers of days with the people. Passing by sectors and places where it is not easy to go from one place to another and if people do not have a lot of experience then I have to always be attentive and predict situations of risk. Through the combined experiences Pedro has accumulated, he had learned and was demonstrating leadership skills, such as responsibility for self and others, attentiveness, analysis of risk, and customer service that would make him a valuable participant in a variety of situations, both in and out of tourism. For others, coursework taken through NOLS, the National Outdoor Leadership School, or time served in the military has filled a similar role. Alvaro Araujo described examples of non-specific and metaphoric transfers of the skills he obtained through wilderness and traditional learning during his experience in the military: It isn‟t a job, but they teach you a... They assign you to a company and they teach you to handle arms… of the company. That is. They teach you something about mountaineering, about survival, first aid. It is good, because it reinforces your values, you learn to appreciate your family, you learn about responsibility. That is a good base for a person to be responsible. The best than a person can be (I).And there, you comply. If not, you are punished. So, it serves well for people that do not have a base from when they were little. It serves for this; for exchanging ideas. Because when you leave there, it is a new life. Well, it isn‟t a new life; you begin to live the life you receive when the active duty ends. After, when you leave the service and go into the outside world and say: “What I am going to do now, what I am going to make now? Still others had learned leadership skills, informally, working as a guide for one of the companies in the area. Here, Carlos Abel describes learning the importance and potential of teamwork, during several years of employment as a guide for TreksSur, a large and well established adventure tour operator. I trusted a lot. It is one of the things that I learned in TreksSur. Working in teams; it is fundamental, and for each person to know their functions is a lot more fundamental, still. I can tell you that, for example, that with the people that I worked with before, we could receive a group without planning things beforehand. A guide, an assistant and a chauffeur... From the start, each one did his job, since we arrived the first day, we assembled the camp, one person assembled the kitchen, the other…I don‟t know... assembled the tables, the other putting the aperitif. When the people know what they have to do, things function by themselves. At the beginning when something starts, one must determine who does what, but later, each one knows what he has to do. After several years of working for TreksSur, Carlos attended the Guide‟s School. Several other students reflected that he had had the most experience of all of them. He was one of the “more experienced” students described earlier by Pedro. I was interested in Carlos‟s perception of outcomes from the Guide‟s School. His response indicated that the more formalized educational framework of the Guide‟s School had helped him 192
to think more strategically about what he was doing; an important skill for business management and leadership: [I learned this] in TreksSur and a lot in the Guide‟s School. It [The Guide‟s School] also served me a lot because everything that I learned working – that I learned from other people also – there, I learned how to organize it; I do not know... everything about the methodology. There are many things that one does, but does not know why he does them or how he got there. Understanding the value of these unique skill sets, the ways to develop them, and their ability to transfer into other areas would provide important insights for tourism based livelihood development. Comparing this knowledge with other livelihood options available to individuals would assist in a better understanding of the role and potential for tourism to be an agent of sustainability for livelihood development. This concept of transferability plays an important role in the evaluation of a livelihood‟s ability to provide sustainable outcomes for individuals. As development occurs, industries move in and out. Technology and infrastructure create new opportunities and alternatively render others obsolete. For this reason, it is important to develop an increased resiliency for livelihoods and their overall sustainability for individuals involved. Several of the tourism experts that participated in this study described a need for locals to develop a broader world-view. This was felt to be important for person‟s social skills, leadership skills, problem solving skills and overall ability to interface with persons of other cultures and means. This was a common thread wove throughout this study. At the same time, tourism itself was described by participants as a portal of sorts, which provided an opening between cultures; one that could be passed through in many different ways. Just as tourists explored through their travels, the cases of interest in this study described exploring through their tourism work. Repeatedly they described their work as a sort of portal that allowed them to explore other worlds and experiences. Some passed through this portal in the exchanges they had with other guides and tourists and the sharing of cultures and perspectives that arose. Sebastian Brisaboa described, “What I also like is the dialogue; to converse. They always ask about how we live, what it is like here, the climate and all. And one always has the same old opportunity to ask what it is like in their country. The dialogue is the best thing in tourism.” For Miguel Quiben, sometimes the dialogue extended into friendship; ones that reached into other worlds after the travel had ended, through email and photos. Miguel explained that he hoped “that they understand the spirit of Patagonia; what it means to be from Patagonia; that they know the people. In some cases to form some ties even, of friendship –with some people, 4 or 5 days of knowing them is very good…generally, we write each other for mail or photos.” Others passed through the portal in a more physical way, through short travel exchanges for teaching or training opportunities. Jonas Fernandez, the Director of the Guide‟s School described, “Javier went with us to do a course in Torres del Paine. So, the world opened up for him…He had never flown in an airplane before. Then, he went to other regions of the country.” This type of travel and exposure, even for short times and to places nearby, seemed to provide an important development experience. Jonas assessed, “This produces change in the people, in terms of being an opportunity for those that dare to take it, but there are many that do not dare to take opportunities for themselves.” 193
Still others described leaving for an extended period; going out into the world, often as a guide for NOLS, or RALEIGH, or one of the other internationally connected companies present in the region. These individuals often returned with new forms of capital (language skills, confidence, savings, contacts, etc.) that prepared them to take on roles of a larger scale in their tourism-livelihoods pursuit. When I spoke with Pedro Valdomar, this sort of exchange was a major aspiration. He said, If I have the possibility, I‟ll take it. I am not going to let the train pass me by, because I was born in Tortel, where 500 people live there and I am going to go to a place where there are 5 million.” Perhaps the “portal”, which appeared in the results of this research, represents another important role for tourism. Perhaps tourism development can and already does play an important role in facilitating technology transfer, leadership development and asset building for locals, by serving as a portal for local/global learning and exchange. As with all of the considerations presented in this section, more research is needed. Future Research This study has focused in a unique way on finding meaning in the complexities of sustainability and a livelihood based on tourism. It has contributed to theory in a number of areas. First, it has provided an indication of the importance and potential for a stronger link between tourism development and development theory. Second, it has informed theory and contributed conceptual tools through the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF), which assists understanding of the dimensions of sustainability and tourism based livelihoods. Third it has raised consciousness of apparent connections between sustainability of tourism livelihoods and theoretical considerations related to amenity migration, the potential for social learning and collective action, and the transferability of tourism skills. I have noted a number of research needs and opportunities within each section of this chapter. To facilitate ease of access and provide catalyst for thought, the following list summarizes potential needs and areas of inquiry: Tourism and Development How do alternative forms of tourism become more sustainable? What is the potential for tourism, as an agent of development, to compete for resources and prioritization within the larger context of potential development agents? How can working in tourism provide a vehicle to facilitate learning across scales of development? Does tourism facilitate a greater capacity for local populations to interact within a global competitive environment on their own terms? Power and development paradigms: What does it mean to compete for development space? What strategies could be developed for dealing with tourism vulnerability related to more “powerful” development initiatives and paradigms? Is the sum greater than the parts? How do businesses developed under a mixture of tourism development paradigms coexist in a community and assist with the formation of a holistic system for addressing sustainability goals?
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Does an integrated type of tourism industry, with a mixture of development styles, prove to be a more effective sector for a community in comparison to a system developed completely on principles of alternative forms of development? What is the role of tourism initiatives developed under different development paradigms in the context of the overall economy of a host community? Tourism-based Livelihoods Are the concepts presented in the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework meaningful? Transferable? Measurable? What methodologies can best support use of this model as a tool for planning, capacity building and evaluation? What would a curriculum based on a more bottom-up focus for tourism development look like? Are there geo-specific tourism spectrums of external influences? Do these spectrums need to consider tourism life cycle? What is the informal tourism economy? What does it mean? Can it be measured? What is the nature of tourism vulnerability? (This might include an overarching analysis of impacts of scales of development, external influences, policies, laws, norms, institutions and ability to mitigate, change, influence or control, or it could focus on an in-depth perspective of any one of these factors.) What are the best practices for dealing with tourism vulnerabilities? How do tourism-based livelihood patterns change over time? What are the trajectories of a tourism-based livelihood? How do meanings, vulnerabilities, assets, and success factors evolve? How does a legacy form and evolve? What are the factors of tourism entrepreneurial success? What are the characteristics and behaviors of tourism livelihoods strategies, including livelihood modes, areas of specialization, supporting strategies, etc.? How do planning and management tools (ROS, LAC, Concessions Management Systems, CC, etc.) integrate and assist tourism based livelihoods strategies? What role and impact does language have on tourism-based livelihoods? How can new language skills change livelihoods trajectories? Tourism and Amenity Migration What are the social and cultural implications of tourism-based amenity migration? What are the linkages and relationships between amenity migration and alternative forms of tourism? What are the implications of tourism-based amenity migration? For locals? Outsiders? The tourism industry? Regional development? Sustainability? How does amenity migration contribute to the vulnerability context of tourismbased livelihoods? How do communities change when tourism turns into migration? Are there special cross-cultural considerations for expatriate amenity migration that need to be taken into consideration by policy-makers and developers? Tourism Exchange, Social and Collective Learning Do/are/should forms of tourism (Educational [NOLS, Raleigh], Eco, Scientific, Adventure, etc.) functioning as agents of social and collective learning within their host communities? 195
Is there a propensity for greater collective action around perceived social and environmental problems as a result of tourism-related exchanges? Does/could/should tourism play a role as an agent for transnational social movements and global civil society? Transferability of Tourism Skills What is the value and transferability potential for the unique skill sets involved in tourism-based livelihoods and compared to other local options? What are the livelihood implications of outdoor/adventure training initiatives offered to local residents within communities? (rural, impoverished, urban, geospecific, etc.) Is transferability of skills an important aspect of livelihood development? How does transferability impact the likelihood of livelihood sustainability? What role does migration play in tourism-based livelihoods? How does tourism facilitate technology transfer, leadership development, and asset building for locals, by serving as a portal for local/global learning and exchange? The final section of this report examines the value of this research for practitioners and policy makers. Policy and Programming Considerations Until now, researchers have given little consideration to understanding the lived experience of “tourism” from the perspective of it being a livelihood strategy. At an institutional level, little is known about how alternative forms of tourism development fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies of rural citizens, especially from a citizen perspective. Without this understanding, the identification of more feasible and meaningful development interventions and policies becomes a difficult task (Bebbington, 1999a; Bebbington, 1999b). This research contributed to and expanded the limited knowledge of how tourism impacts rural livelihoods. It traced the process of tourism-based livelihood development within the history and culture of the Aysén region of Chile, from the view of those who have chosen to incorporate as a major part of their overall livelihood strategy. By so doing, it is hoped that this research will contribute to the identification of more feasible and meaningful development alternatives (Bebbington, 1999a; Bebbington, 1999b). The results and related policy and programmatic considerations of this study will be of interest to a number of people and institutions in the region of Aysén including local citizens, community groups, business owners, government agencies, NGOs, planners and project managers. This study has the potential to inform specific projects within the region striving to build regional capacity and capitalize on the potential of tourism to be a tool for livelihood sustainability and development. While results are not generalizable to a larger population, insights may provide catalysts for thought, action and further research throughout the world; wherever individuals, communities and regions face similar development and livelihood issues. Policy and programmatic considerations are presented throughout this report. However, to facilitate ease of access and provide catalyst for thought, a distillation of some of the larger and more pressing considerations are presented in the following sections. The review begins with an applied perspective of the potential field applications of the 196
Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF). The Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) was an outcome of this research and has been presented in detail earlier in this chapter. The review then shifts focus to address the area of the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) where policy can have its most direct impact; the vulnerability context. The themes of this research suggested a number of specific priorities for reducing the impact of vulnerability in Aysén. These included: accessible systems for reliable communication, protection of local talent, increased confidence through certification, consideration of the informal economic sector, and rural education policy. Each is briefly discussed as a catalyst for future action. Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) The Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) has been designed for broad and flexible use across a range of settings. Beginning with a personal level, these tools can be used to inform training and development for persons involved (or considering) a tourism based livelihood strategy. The framework can inform an approach to facilitate a greater asset based way of thinking for regional residents. Use of the framework at a group or community level could help with strategic and tourism planning and ensure a focus on individual livelihood in connection with the larger planning agenda. At a destination level, the framework could help to identify strategic imperatives and provide a tool for use in debate and prioritization of resulting initiatives. Further, the framework and supporting methodology could be used to structure an evaluation of system evolution, context analysis or case study. Finally, the Sustainable Tourism Based Livelihood Framework (STBLF) could be used for evaluative and monitoring work, as a checklist or scorecard of sorts, to evaluate outputs of an initiative or livelihood cycle. The components of a thorough tourism livelihood analysis would include developing a perspective on the social, economic, cultural, institutional, environmental, and human aspects of the system. Depending on scale and scope of the project, analysis might include aspects of gender, risk, market, and social analysis; poverty assessment; institutional appraisal; economic analysis; stakeholder analysis; conflict assessment; environmental assessment; and a mixture of forms of data and qualitative and quantitative methods (Department for International Development, 1999). The intention of this framework is for analysis to be a participatory process which places a key role and responsibility on those persons whom will be most affected. Vulnerability, in the context of this study, represented the facets of the external environment that directly impacted the options people had for creating and sustaining a tourism-based livelihood. Normally, these are variables for which they have little to no direct control. Vulnerability can manifest as a constant underlying factor for livelihoods. Examples of this type of manifestation are variables like climate and infrastructure; those things we refer to when we say, “that‟s just the way it is here”. Javier Cabaneiro described some of these sorts of manifestations of vulnerability in this passage: My final project was called and is called “Patagonia Untamable”… I chose that name because of the climate, because of the geography that Patagonia has. The human being can do many things in life. The human being arrived on the moon but, for example, when there is snow and the roads are closed, we cannot do anything. 197
Vulnerability can also manifest itself in the form of an instant system shock. Shocks can be relatively small, like a presidential election that temporarily slows travel because everyone is waiting to see the results. Shocks can also come on massive scale; a tsunami, a drought, a mega-development project. One objective of this study was to illuminate the spectrum of external influences specific to tourism-based livelihoods for rural persons in Aysén. Results demonstrated that for tourism, these variables span both local and national environments, and also extend to conditions, shocks and trends at a global level. For example, consider the vulnerabilities for tourism that have resulted in the years after the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center. Travel trends for all points of the globe have and continue to be disrupted in the wake of this isolated act. This is a clear indicator of how vulnerability can literally change things overnight. This change is not always negative. Sometimes actions well removed from the destination itself have strong positive effects on tourism arrivals. A cultural preference or trend somewhere in the world may result in a seemingly unpredictable change in interest in a destination. Without warning, arrivals begin to increase and tourism experiences an unexpected windfall. But sometimes, too much of a good thing can also turns bad. Sofia Sanchez shared this perspective: Two years ago there was a large super problem in Tortel, where they received three thousand people in the tourist season, but the capacities to serve these people did not exist in Tortel. So there were people sleeping in the walkways, tents on the beach. It was impressive. And the following year, when it was time to begin to work in the area of what to offer, SERNATUR, published its page and all its posters, with Tortel. So, there they were a little…there was not a connection between what really exists and what was being done, on the other hand. This study suggested that there is a strong connection between these types of macro-level disturbances, resulting world and national responses, and local citizen potential for tourismbased livelihood success. The potential to minimize the vulnerability context depends largely on the ability to interact with policy makers, make needs known, and be truly heard. By so doing people can begin to affect the development process of policy, law, norms, and institutions in ways that reduce their overall vulnerability context, making livelihood sustainability much more likely. The themes of this research suggested a number of specific priorities for reducing the impact of vulnerability in Aysén. These included: accessible systems for reliable communication, protection of local talent, increased confidence through certification, consideration of the informal economic sector, and rural education policy. Accessible Systems for Reliable Communication One of the most pressing needs that arose in this study of tourism based livelihoods was for rural residents to have better and more consistent availability to communications technology, including telephone, internet, and backcountry modes of communication. The lack of access to technology resulted in increased vulnerability in terms of an inability to access markets, to take reservations, to communicate with customers and suppliers, to deal with adversity, and to manage risk. The major strategy employed to deal with this vulnerability involved crafting together makeshift communication systems that often involved passing along messages between neighbors along the Southern Highway, using 198
persons who happened to drive by. Consider the following passage in which Javier Cabaneiro describes his home-crafted communications infrastructure: For example, the telephone is here. If Pablo calls me; they call me on the telephone and from the telephone, they call me on the radio and I know that Pablo is coming. The Internet is not very good in Cerro Castillo; it is slower than a turtle, but it exists. So, it is a lot better that I am here than in Baja Ibáñez. This was one of the more reliable and sophisticated systems that existed. As mentioned in the passage, internet is very slow or non-existent in much of the region. Where exists, it is usually in a school or government building. While this represents a step in the right direction, it was considered inadequate for meet the needs of private enterprise. One industry leader commented: It [Internet] will help, but then, it depends on, how that is distributed and used. Just having one in the school; I mean most people are not going to go in and do all their personal banking on a computer that is used by the rest of town. So I think it will help a few things, but it won‟t change the rest. Participants reflected doubt about their willingness to conduct personal banking or similar types of business transactions in a public setting, such as a school, especially considering there were usually only one or two connections shared between entire communities. In addition to basic systems for communications and needed internet expansion, backcountry communication tools were also required so that local tourism providers could be prepared for emergency response. Carlos Abel expressed: Most of all, what I lack is in the area of communication. For example, I have a “handy”, but I am lacking something for emergency situations, or to be in contact with the people. Some type of radio, satellite telephone, or something like that would be ideal. The lack of access to satellite phones or long-distance portable radios was a problem for the majority of the cases of interest; putting their enterprises and clients in a vulnerable situation. This lack of access was due primarily to the high costs associated with these types of technology. Protection of Local Talent A second area of vulnerability expressed by the cases of interest had to due with lack of policy to effectively manage foreigners coming to work as seasonal tourism guides within the region. Many foreigners were working the season through use of a three-month tourist visa. If their contracts extended past the three-month period, they would simply take an afternoon to go into Argentina and back, which renewed their tourist visa for another three-month period. This trend was felt to be a source of vulnerability for many of the participants in this study. Jonas Fernandez described the issue in this way: It is like McDonald‟s. The type of clients that are involved in the flyfishing, are the McDonald's type of clients; they always want the same thing, because they have 5 days, or because they have 7 days, and they want their service guaranteed to be of a certain quality. And that is fine but it is important that laws exist that protect the people so that they can work in their own country and that don‟t permit for other people to work 199
in illegal form, because that is what happens here. Most probably, they have tourist visa. And they are here 3 months, they go to Argentina, they return, and have 3 months more. They even have a house that they lease here in the (I) and they live there…6 fishing guides of the business of (I)…And there are many guides that work in independent form and that sell their product in the United States, and here they have a small truck and they pick up their clients at the airport. They bring them, they lease the lodges and they are here a week with them, and then they go and others come. There are many guides that work like that, that use this region to work. And they hire restaurants, hotels, cabins; but they have the business in the United States. And they operate here, but they are working with tourists. The majority of the money goes there because here there remains the [money for the] food and the lodging and the lease of the small truck, but the salary of the person that works goes to the United States. Discussion of this vulnerability often included an explanation of the manner in which Argentina had dealt with similar problems. Generally, work visa enforcement was more controlled in Argentina, according to respondents. More importantly, whenever a foreign guide was working with tourists in protected or controlled parts of Argentina, they had to be accompanied by a local guide as well. This helped to discourage the use of foreign guides by significantly adding to costs. This policy also helped to build opportunities for local guides. Participants believed this type of policy promoted a greater willingness on the part of employers to invest in the development of English language skills for their national guides, as this was the main reason for employing a foreign guide. Increased Confidence through Certification A third vulnerability expressed by participants in this study was a lack of confidence in the quality and consistent supply of local tourism products. This lack of confidence led to an unwillingness to refer and recommend local products, even from the development specialists that supported these products. Here, a tourism development specialist presents their views: The theme of confidence [trust] in tourism is fundamental, we are speaking of services. So, it is fundamental. We, for example, we are bringing the web page up to date and I would like to do a lot more promotion of the businesses of the region... But, how do I do it? If I do so, they‟ll say, “Why did you do that with her and not with me?” So I insist, I am not going to promote people in which I do not have trust [confidence]. Because it is not a good favor that I am doing for the region. So, my distinguishing element is going to be the idea of certification. The ones that are certified, I am going to promote them with fireworks; but the others; no, no. Within the INDAP Rural Tourism network they handled this problem more informally by allowing only the more proven and reliable products to be featured within promotional pieces. FOSIS stipulated that members of its Ruta TransPatagonia network participate in a pilot certification program, through the standards of GreenGlobe. While I was in the field, I learned that the region is already moving forward with an initiative that will provide 200
incentives, such as referrals and promotional support for local tourism providers that adopt the standards outlined within the GreenGlobe program of certification. Here, Sara Balsa, who works with clients from CORFO described her understanding of the current initiative: With the new certifications that are coming out due to the Sernatur program…the norms are almost all defined and…now at the end of March they will finish the definitions. Then we are going…are going to begin the theme of the accreditations…businesses that will be certifiers and I think that next year the area of certifying businesses will begin. But this year, I already want to begin with the promotional campaign for the certification and get a copy of the bases into the hands of each one of the businesses that work with CORFO. Before the certifier arrives, at least they can review it and say “This I have, this I don‟t have, this interests me,” so that they can begin to prepare. So, that is a little of the object. I believe that one must make (I) this group, in this region of Chile, play by the rules of this certificate, so that the certification signifies something. I believe that it is super good, because the national effort that has been made with that certification is very valuable. Very valuable. This strategy, if implemented well, could help considerably with the reduction of the related vulnerability and could also assist in development of new human capital assets and increased resiliency for natural assets. Integration of Informal Economic Sector A fourth area that emerged for policy and programming to play a role was with the better integration of the informal sector of the economy. The informal sector was expressed as playing a significant role in tourism in Aysén, yet the contribution and impact of this segment goes largely unmeasured. Here, the situation is described from the perspective of a local adventure tourism operator: …Tourism isn‟t producing the big figures yet that will convince the majority of people that are sitting on the fence that are saying “well, if tourism really takes off then I will support it but until when it does, then I‟ll kind of hedge my bets with forestry, with agriculture, with fishing, and with other stuff. Well part of that is because, like mining is really simple. There‟s two mines – so you‟ve got two sets of accounts to look at and it‟s really easy to say that the mines are producing such and such millions of dollars. And the same with forestry – everything gets exported from the region so it‟s really easy to tell what is going out. But, with tourism – the consumers are coming here and they‟re consuming everything here and they‟re consuming it in 500 different restaurants in Coyhaique – in a bunch of different hotels and guesthouses – a lot of which aren‟t legal - a lot of which aren‟t registered for tax. And there are a lot of operators like us, who um, we actually, we have our one set of fac… receipts – which are for our services – but then, by bringing most people here we are typically more than doubling that in what we pay to other people for their services, who probably aren‟t declaring that to the taxation agency of the government, and making payments of tax, so it‟s really hard… 201
The informal sector plays a significant role in Chile‟s economy. The International Labor Organization (1998) estimated it to employ more than 35% of the overall Chilean labor force. Bah and Goodwin (2003) found that tourism has the potential to play a significant role for persons operating within the informal sector. According to Bah and Goodwin, policy considerations need to bridge the informal and formal sectors of the economy, encouraging more formal participation when possible, but being careful not to implement measures that further marginalize already vulnerable portions of the population. Rural Education Policy A fifth area of focus for policy and programs is in the area of rural education. A noticeable trend among participants in this study was a tendency to drop out of high school after the second year. Given the remoteness of the region of Aysén, its low population density, and the relative scarcity of transportation options, many children of rural areas end up living at school during the week and returning home for weekends or holidays. Of the group of 16 cases involved in this study, six (38%) of the cases attended a grammar school in another town, which required them to live away from their parents. High schools are spaced much further apart, in a geographic sense, so by high school, the number of participants attending school in another town rose to 13, or 81%. While all sixteen started the secondary phase of basic education, similar to high school in the United States, only eleven (69%) of the cases completed the four year secondary education. Of this number, two completed their studies as adults; attending night school or taking an equivalency exam. The difficulties related to access and the costs and commitments associated with migration for education were a significant contributor to the vulnerability context for tourism based livelihoods in Aysén. Even adult learning programs, such as training and development programs and the Guide‟s School typically took place in population centers, such as Coyhaique, Cochrane, or Chile Chico. Distance and travel time prevented many from taking part and decreased the likelihood of completion. Policy and programming can play a significant role in the issue of rural education. The results of such action would include major human capital gains for the region of Aysén and ultimately lead to an increased resiliency and likelihood for sustainable livelihoods. The section has addressed some of the higher priority policy and programmatic considerations that emerged from this research. A number of other programming and field implications arose in this research (refer to Chapters Four and other sections within Chapter Five). The final section of this chapter provides an evaluation of the methodology employed in this study is presented, in terms of its contribution as qualitative, postpositivistic research within the field of leisure, recreation and tourism studies. Evaluation of the Methodology: Crossan (2003) states that “positivism adopts a clear quantitative approach to investigating phenomena, as opposed to post-positivist approaches, which aim to describe and explore in-depth phenomena from a qualitative perspective” (p. 46). While positivism remains the dominant model of use in leisure and recreation studies and the objective for much of the tourism research, Stewart and Floyd (2004) define a context for post-positivism within leisure and recreation studies by acknowledging the use of the philosophy and 202
associated methods such as interpretivism and constructivism and critical theory. Stewart and Floyd attribute this trend accordingly: “Over the past decade, the leisure literature has enhanced its array of philosophical approaches to research and expanded its capacity for knowledge …This growing appreciation for alternative paradigms is indicative of our anxiety for approaches that adequately describe (or explain or capture) the experiences and realities of people‟s leisure” (p. 5). The research presented in this current study of tourism-based livelihoods in the Aysén region of Chile adds to a growing body of work (Bowen, 2002; Decrop, 1999; Fluker & Turner, 2000; Gale & Beeftink, 2006; Stewart & Floyd, 2004) which supports the idea that as researchers in leisure and recreation continue to try to understand and interpret the complexities of lived experiences, post-positivistic approaches, such as the one employed, can play a valuable role. This research demonstrated the value of an in-depth consideration of the history of place, and of tracing the processes of livelihood and landscape transformation that have existed. The “bottom-up” perspective of this research allowed for an in-depth, information rich understanding of how tourism development initiatives were woven into the fabric of the host community and how they were filtered through cultural, human, natural, built, and social lens to emerge as the lived experiences of those for whom tourism was a livelihood strategy of choice. The post-positivistic approach of this study helped us understand the motivations for choosing a tourism livelihood; how participants pursued this strategy and defined success, and how they viewed and dealt with the vulnerabilities inherent in tourism. Decrop (1999) suggests that an interpretive approach to science requires a very different approach: Instead of a rigid separation between the investigator and the object of investigation, interpretivism proposes an interactive and cooperative relationship. The focus is no longer on the quantity of the gathered information but rather on its quality (richness). All points of observation are worthwhile: the interpretive inquirer watches, listens, feels, asks, records, and examines. In-depth interviews, participant observations, or archival research are privileged tools for this (p. 11). In this research, historical data, such as brochures, reports, business plans, maps, reports, and records provided the basis for a roadmap of the tourism system; which evolved into a framework for understanding the diverse set of capitals available to individuals in the region. Participant observation allowed me to study behavior as it exists naturally. Putting myself into the role of a tourist allowed me to see my subject through the eyes of the customers upon which the livelihood depends. The in-depth interviews allowed participants to vocalize their livelihood strategies and provided a valuable source of triangulation. The strategy of forming bounded cases that included a variety of various members of the participants‟ livelihood systems widened the overall perspective I developed and provided the strength of multiple lenses and points of view. For example, this became especially important when answering the question of how success could be achieved for the participants. While the majority of cases could offer a vision of what their success meant to them, their limited experiences could only partially illuminate the path for reaching that success. Therefore, I turned to industry experts and business leaders to assist with understanding in this area. They confirmed that sustained success required effective use of assets, a conducive environment or the ability to withstand vulnerabilities and shocks, and an ability to navigate between local, national, and even global levels of scale. 203
This group provided a more holistic understanding of the livelihood system and of the connection between tourism development and more general global trends for development. The limitations of post-positivist approaches generally relate to the interactive and participatory nature of qualitative methods. In these types of studies, the researchers are, by design, close to the investigation. While I have incorporated respected methods for improving the validity, reliability, and ethical quality of my research, including multiple forms of triangulation, member checking, peer review, adequate engagement in data collection, maximum variation sampling strategies, audit trails, and thick description, a standing criticism of qualitative methods is that they are the interpretation of the researcher and lack the ability to be reproduced or generalized (Crossan, 2003). This study was not intended to be generalizable. Its purpose was not to measure or predict, but to develop a better understanding of how, from a “bottom-up” perspective, alternative forms of tourism, addressing the concept of sustainability, fit within current and possible livelihood development strategies for rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. The questions seek to understand the meanings people attach to “livelihood” and “tourism” within the context of their social / interpersonal environments. There are no standardized instruments developed to measure these meanings. Limitations of generalizability are inherent within the design chosen for this study. Clearly, the results are localized. Patton (2002) suggests that, “while one cannot generalize from single cases or very small samples, one can learn from them – and learn a great deal, often opening up new territory for further research…” (p. 46). Patton cautions that “the validity, meaningfulness, and insights generated from the qualitative inquiry have more to do with the information richness of the cases selected and the observational/analytical capabilities of the researcher than with sample size” (p. 245). Thus, the concepts of “transferability” and “fittingness” were more appropriate for this study than the concept of “generalizability” (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002). The ability to transfer the knowledge gained from this study will depend on the similarities in contexts between cases in question. Fittingness related to the levels of congruence between the context of this study and the context of other studies. Sufficient fit may allow the working hypotheses developed within this study to be applied to other contexts. I have delivered this context through my robust methods, a thorough final report, the strategies I have employed for representing the data, and attention to other limitations that exist (Denzin & Lincoln:, 1998; Gilgun, 2005; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995; Huberman & Miles, 2002; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2002; Patton, 2002; Sandelowski, 1998; Webb, 1992). Specific contextual information that can assist readers with determinations of potential transferability and fittingness within this report is contained in a number of places within this research report. First, an extensive historical review of the Aysén region, Chile and development in general was provided in Chapter Two. Next, demographic profiles for the region and for the cases of interest were supplied, in Chapters Two and Three, respectively. Third, an extremely detailed description of the research process was offered through the content of the methodology chapter and the full account of the research process and interpretation of participant observation (see Appendix, Item E). Finally, within the Appendix, there are additional examples and analyses which can provide further contextual information (see Table of Contents for a detailed list.) 204
The complexities revealed within this study seem unlikely to have been revealed using a positivistic approach. Although results of this case study cannot be generalized to a larger population or used in a predictive fashion; the conceptual tools and working hypotheses suggested in the preceding sections may have transferability and fit in similar contexts. The ability to help development specialists and researchers conceptualize, understand and interpret the lived experiences of locals within host communities suggests a concrete value for post-positivistic philosophy within leisure, recreation and tourism research. Conclusion In closing, I‟d like to return to the participants of this study for a final word. This is their story; their place; their history and culture; their livelihoods; their meanings; their successes; their vulnerabilities. I was merely a guest; a tourist traveling through. If you are reading this report it is because for some reason, you also have an interest in their lived experience and place. Maybe you are a policy-maker trying to understand how your work can be more effective. Perhaps you are a researcher trying to understand aspects of tourism or sustainability or livelihoods or development. Perhaps you are a member of government and want to understand better how your decisions really affect change in people‟s lives and in the world. Perhaps you are a person trying to build a livelihood based on tourism; hoping to gain insight on what you need to succeed. But in reading this research you to have traveled through the lived experience of these sixteen cases of interest seeking tourism-based livelihood in the Aysén region of Chile. Whatever your rationale, I hope you have been driven to act in a way that will add meaning to the lives of the participants of this study, and persons with similar livelihood goals. Clarke (1997) states, “The understanding of sustainable tourism has developed from the early „is it or isn‟t it sustainable tourism‟ debate, to the acceptance that research energy should be channeled into practical ways of assisting all forms of tourism to move towards sustainability” (224). In this study, I have employed Clarke‟s advice and a place-based, lived experience approach to explore new and more people-centered aspects of tourism‟s potential to contribute to sustainability. Bebbington (2000) and the fields of development geography and livelihoods studies have provided a map of the path, “…if we look at histories of places, rather than of discourses, and trace actual processes of livelihood and landscape transformation and the institutional interventions that have accompanied them, it becomes easier to identify elements of feasible development alternatives” (p.496). But, it was the willingness of the sixteen cases of interest in this study (and many others who form a part of their livelihood systems) to share that formed the heart and soul of this research and allowed new knowledge and insight to evolve. They shared their lives, their dreams, their families, their homes, their products, their strengths and power, their weaknesses and fears, and their expertise. And I thank them and hope that my own words have added to theirs, rather than taken away. So, I leave you in the hands of a capable guide; Javier Cabaneiro. With a few simple words Javier conveys the essence of what the cases of interest in this study were hoping to achieve with a livelihood based on alternative forms of tourism. Here‟s one last question to guide future research and practice…How does your interest in this study impact Javier‟s possibilities for achieving sustainability and success? 205
It is to be able to work in a more integral way than the one that I am working now. In a more serious way, to have more contact and to be able to expand a little more; not so much, but a little more, and also, the ownership thing, because I lease this…I want to have something of mine. Being more independent, in my own thing… Because now I am beginning.
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APPENDIX A REFLEXIVITY ANALYSIS OF PERSONAL BIASES AND PERSPECTIVES Developed November, 2005 I am a middle aged, married American woman, raised in a family, which encouraged daughters to pursue higher education and careers. My parents did not bequeath a large number of physical assets to me however; I have been raised with enough money to buy the things I want. As an adult, I have worked for earnings and have been able to use my earnings to purchase material goods, including houses, cars, clothes, technology, and travel. I have seen Europe, much of Central and South America, and most of the United States. Someday, I would like to visit China, Vietnam, Antarctica, Australia, India, and Africa. I have a Bachelor‟s degree from Middle Tennessee State University, about 30 miles outside of Nashville, Tennessee. I have a Masters of Business Administration from Villanova University, on the Mainline outside of Philadelphia. I am pursuing a Doctorate Degree in Sustainable Tourism Development from West Virginia University. My husband describes me as intelligent, assertive, uncompromising, fearless, creative and confident of taking on any task. Many in my life have also described me as aggressive and as a “strong woman”. I moved a lot in my life, throughout much of the United States. The majority of that time has been in the south, with more than 20 years in Tennessee, however, I have also spent considerable amounts of time in Chicago and Philadelphia. While I have not been brought up within a prejudiced family, I have been brought up around prejudice; racial, religious, education-based, sexual-bias based and socio-economic, and I try hard every day to leave those influences behind and face the world with an open mind. Without a doubt, the biggest historical event of my personal life occurred when I was ten years old and my parents informed me of their decision to divorce. This event continues to influence me in profound ways, even now. The experience was very traumatic for me – as it took me completely by surprise. I really thought I had the “perfect family” That‟s how we operated. My parents never fought and maintained a very typical middleclass lifestyle. Girl scouts, PTA, sports, 4-H, schoolwork, church, family vacations, dinner at 6:30pm, pancakes on the weekends, that‟s how I remember my life. At the time and in subsequent years, my outlook on the world changed, as a result of that event. I began to doubt my perceptions and instincts about what I was seeing. During the many discoveries I made during this time, I became very cynical and rebellious. I also became determined never to place my faith in another person to the degree I had in the family of my childhood. These lenses; of suspicion, of hiding my feelings, of cynicism, of distrust have shaped the way I view the world. I carry them with me always. Although I am a fairly selfaware person, there are many occasions when I observe myself slipping these lenses on as I interact with my world and the people in it. Over the years, I have found that while these lenses sometimes helped me to protect myself, more often they served only to build walls between myself and the rest of the world. For that reason, I have tried to build an awareness of these filters and to react in a more conscious manner. I have other sides of my personality; for sure - tremendous kindness and generosity, a passion for life, the ability to laugh from joy and to cry at things big and small. A true desire to help people realize their dreams – and to help them avoid painful aspects of their own lives – all of these characteristics also play a role in the way in which I view my world. 224
A more recent historical event in my life has been the destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. I lived in Philadelphia at the time and worked for Campbell Soup Company as a marketing director. The events shook my ideas of safety and permanence but more importantly, they helped me to face some of the issues I had been feeling for many years about life in corporate America. Campbell‟s ran a “soup kitchen” on ground zero for 3 weeks after the event, serving soup to relief workers “24/7”. Working for the “Away from Home” division of the company, I had considerable experience in restaurant settings, and was asked to help with the management of the project. I spent a total of five, 24-hour shifts at ground zero and my time there was probably the most important contribution I made to the world in the entire 12 years I spent in corporate America. I made a decision, during that time, to make some radical changes in my life. Changes that I felt would add meaning and value and changes, which I believe still, were right for me. My research is with rural citizens of the Aysén region of Chile. People who have often been referred to with terms like “marginalized, peasant, and campesino”. These terms conjure meanings for me, which are in all probability, very different from their own lived experiences. According to western research and economics, theirs is a “transitional” economy, where traditional subsistence farming livelihoods are disappearing and new options are coming into play. These doctrines, taught in my schools, dictate that they should change, that they should embrace modernization and adapt. I feel compelled, given my own history and character, to help in their efforts. At the same time, I realize that their own experiences and realities are likely very different from the research and writing I read. My world; my history; my role in society; my education; my vacations; my family; even my language; all are very different from this world in which they live. As I learn more of their values and culture, I am learning to slow down and listen, to be aware of my own biases and lenses, and to shed these lenses in my approach. I believe this will always be a difficult task, and will require constant effort on my part, but, I trust I will learn much in the process, not only about them and their stories, but about myself as well.
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APPENDIX B AYSÉN – SUMMARY TABLE OF PROGRAMS Public Instruments for Promotion and Support of the Tourism Sector: Adaptation of List Prepared by SERNATUR, Coyhaique, 2004
Admin Agency
SERCOTEC Riquelme 255, Coyhaique; Phone Number 240036; www.sercotec.cl
Form of Support
SERCOTEC
SERCOTEC
Instrument: Collective Action Objective: Elevating the competitiveness of the business and the management capacity of the businessmen. Beneficiaries: Businesses located in the Zone of Tourist Interest of Lake General Carrera and the System of Integral Development of Coves & Fishing Grounds - within the Region of Aysén. Requirements: Businesses must be formally incorporated (for a minimum of 6 months), and have registered sales lower than UF 2,400 for the previous year. They must belong to the defined systems in the region. There must be a minimum of 3 businesses. Type of Support: The maximum contribution of SERCOTEC is 500 UF per action. That figure represents 85% of the total cost, and the business contributes 15%. The annual maximum per business is 75 UF. Instrument: Associative Projects Objective: To facilitate the potential for coordinated actions by a group of businesses, with the purpose of reaching a common objective, such as: Reductions in production costs and processes, achieving adequate distribution of products, etc. Beneficiaries: Businesses belonging to the respective territories in the defined systems. Requirements: Businesses must be formally incorporated (for a minimum of 6 months), and have registered sales lower than UF 2,400 for the previous year. Type of Support: SERCOTEC subsidizes a maximum of 70% of the total cost, with an upper limit of UF 1,500, and with the condition that the subsidy per business will not be over UF 200. Instrument: Program of Creation and Strengthening of Unions and Associations Objective: To conduct activities designed to fortify Unions and Associations in individual or collective form. To grow the capacity for interconnection through proposals that benefit associated businesses, through creation of new Unions and Associations, improvement of their proactive ability to generate new business and support of the development of their platforms of services for associates. 226
SERCOTEC
SERCOTEC
SERCOTEC
Beneficiaries: Businesses that belong to the sector MIPE. Type of Support: SERCOTEC contributes a maximum of 500 UF, which represents 70% of the total and the remainder is to contributed by the union. Instrument: Program of Facilitation & Access to Credit Objective: Encouragement to the banking & financial institutions and to intermediate organizations of development to participate in granting credit. Beneficiaries: Micro-businesses Type of Support: Consists of the payment of a direct subsidy to the institutions for each credit approved and delivered to the micro business, (which does not have a banking record), which helps to fund the costs for the management and evaluation of credit, which is contributed by SERCOTEC. Instrument: NETWORK SERCOTEC Objective: Having information, tools and services, with the main objective of providing information and communication with the sector of microcomputers and small businesses so that they improve and they fortify their management through the information and available tools of Internet. Beneficiaries: Community in general, and especially for the businessmen and potential businessmen of micro and small businesses. Type of Support: The network delivers services that are divided into three channels: o Management Support Including: an on-line module of management tools where the user finds information about Administration, Creation of New Businesses, Marketing, Sales, Exports, Business Skills, among others. An on-line module of access, where the user finds more than 70 professionals from SERCOTEC and of other institutions and different areas of management, whom can be consulted with through the forum. An online training module, in which the users can take part in training courses in areas such as: Management, Tourism, Internet, Prevention of Risks, and Exporting. o Business Opportunities: The user can establish contacts with businesses and they can have a showcase where they can offer their products and services in free form, organized by area. o Business Communities, in which the user can have access to an Agency of fairs and events, news, conversations for the action, and a board of directors of businesses and surveys. Instrument: Seed Capital Objective: Promoting the creation or consolidation of new business, with high probability of commercial success that are in the planning phases of projects, or in the initial phases of their implementation. Beneficiaries: Micro-businessmen and Enterprises (including groups and associations) that desire to create a viable micro-business; from the 227
CORFO Simón Bolívar 262, Coyhaique; phone Number 217600; www.patagoniach ile.cl
CORFO
financial, economic, and technical point of view. The new business should reside in the territory understood as being a part of the “Chile Undertakes Program” and/or in the intervention systems of SERCOTEC. o Native or Legal Residents that have at present a business with annual sales not over UF 2400. o Native Residents that do not have a business, but that declare the interest by becoming businessmen with the sole intention of participating in the program, in individual or group form. o Public employees are not eligible to participate in this program. Type of Support: The program finances, in non-refundable form, at minimum, a total of $65,000 CLP when the proposal is individual, with a maximum of $500,000 CLP. o If the participation is associative, the maximum contribution is $20 million CLP, with a maximum contribution, per participant, of $4 million CLP. o In both cases, the petitioners will owe co-financing, at minimum, of 20% of the total cost of the project. o The Program Finances: Acquisition of machineries Authorization of infrastructure, Assessment Techniques, Development of Prototypes or products, working capital for a cycle of operation, including salaries, leases (real estate, machinery, vehicles, installations, etc.). Start-up Costs. This line does not finance projects that do not contribute: Employment, aggregate value, innovation, technological solutions and alternatives, production of new goods and services to satisfy real demands of market. Instrument: Business Management Improvement Objective: Incorporating management techniques for the operation of the businesses or new technologies for their production process that permit them to improve their competitiveness through specialized consultations. Beneficiaries: Chilean businesses that require specialized, external technical support, with annual sales that do not exceed 100,000UF. Small and medium businesses that have activities within the nation. Excluded Businesses: Activities of real estate agencies, Financial Mediation, Insurance Businesses, and companies consisting of consulting professionals and services. Instrument: Technical Aid Fund (FAT) Objective: Finances the contracting of consulting services in specialized areas of finance, design, production processes, commercialization, planning, marketing and others, for small and medium businesses. The Technical Aid Fund (FAT), considers two courses of action: 228
CORFO
o FAT - Individual: Consulting that is carried out for a business in a specific management environment, on the basis of a diagnostic evaluation of the business, performed by an agent or intermediary user. For the diagnostic evaluation, CORFO contributes 17 UF and the business contributes 3 UF. For the Technical Assistance, CORFO finances up to 50% of the cost, with a maximum of 150 UF, per contract, and a minimum of 30UF, per contract. o FAT - Collective: Consulting that is carried out for a group of no less than three businesses that are of the same sector, or are thematically related, on the basis of an evaluation of the relevance of the project, carried out by an agent or intermediary user. For the evaluation of project relevance, CORFO contributes 5 UF per business with a limit of 30 UF for the group, and each participating business contributes with 2 UF. For the Technical Assistance, CORFO finances up to 50% of the total cost of consulting, with a maximum of 100 UF, per business. The contribution of CORFO will not be lower than 60 UF for collective technical aid. Instrument: Business Management Support Program Objective: Improving the competitiveness of the business, reflected by greater productivity and quality, through the execution of specialized consulting to improve the management related to clean production and quality. Beneficiaries: Productive businesses with annual sales between 100,000 and 1,000,000 UF. Businesses dedicated to real estate, financial, and insurance activities are not eligible for this program. Type of Support: Covers part of the specialized consultation costs on the part of the business, which should contribute remainder. The consulting covers activities of diagnosis, design and introduction of improvements in environmental management and of quality. They are performed by specialized consulting firms recorded in the National Registration of Consultants - CORFO. The program is comprised of two phases: Phase 1: Diagnosis and Development of Proposal: - Designed to obtain a complete analysis of the situation of the business, with respect to its organization and resources, and the productivity and quality of the operational units; all for the purpose of detecting the weaknesses and formulation of a Proposal of Development, to introduce the necessary changes for improving the competitiveness. - It contributes up to 60% of the cost of the consulting, with a limit of 150 UF, if the business is presented in individual form, and 250 UF, if the project is presented by a group of businesses in a 229
collective way. Phase 2: Development: - Dedicated to executing the actions detailed in the Proposal of Development in the previous phase, geared toward optimizing the management of the business, whether through aspects of quality and/or environmental processes. Contributes up to 50% of the cost of consulting, with a limit of 1500 UF, if the business is presented in an individual fashion, and of 2500 UF, if it is done collectively with a group of other businesses. Instrument: Modernization of Businesses that Join Together to Compete LINE 1: Associative projects of Promotion (PROFO) Objective: Improving the performance of a group of businesses, that carry out a joint project to overcome challenges that, by their nature or magnitude, can be undertaken in joint form, thus helping them to leap into a higher level of competitiveness. Beneficiaries: Small and medium production businesses of goods and services that show net sales from between 2400 UF and 100,000 UF, in the case of manufacturing businesses. Type of Support: Covers part of the cost of the execution of a project undertaken by no less than five businesses, intended to achieve common goals for competitiveness; both for the group and for each member business. The following phases are considered: o Preparation Phase: Analysis is performed to diagnose the associative potential of the businesses and to devise a project for the group for the resolution of the detected problems. Maximum duration - 1 year. Finances up to 80% of the total value of the associative activities (Diagnostics and Plan of Work), with a maximum of 800 UF for the group and 80 UF per business. The businessmen should jointly finance 20 UF for every event. This phase has a duration of 1 year. o PROFO Phase: This phase has a maximum duration of 3 years, and of 4 years for projects in the area of agriculture. Consists of the development of the group project designed in the preparation phase, in order to incorporate the modern techniques of business management or new technologies into the production and commercialization processes. In this phase, items can be jointly financed, such as: o Remuneration of a manager hired by the businessmen. o Basic Services and lease of offices for the management of the PROFO. o Purchase of smaller equipment and office supplies. o Seminars of technological transfer
CORFO
230
o Activities of training o Studies and consulting not cover by the FAT o Trips and traveling, for trade missions and other expenses. During the first year CORFO jointly finances 70% of the total cost; this rate diminishes by 10% during the three following years. The annual maximum contribution of CORFO is 2,700 UF and 360 UF by the business. In the case of agricultural PROFOS of more than four (4) years, the co-financing limit for CORFO is 8,100 UF, a figure that will be able to be spread across the four years. o Specific Project Phase: Development of a project by a group of businesses that, having participated in a successful PROFO, have defined a work plan oriented to obtain a significantly higher additional value than that which was achieved in the previous phase. This phase can have a duration of 2 years.
LINE 2 - Program of Supplier Development (PDP) Objective: Increasing the competitiveness of chains of production and to facilitate relationships of mutual benefit between a large business and its suppliers of smaller size, permitting that these are the final beneficiaries of the development program. Beneficiaries: Productive businesses of goods or of services with sales over 100,000 UF, annually, as a group with its businesses suppliers, whose individual annual sales do not exceed 100,000 UF. Type of Support: Covers part of the cost of an assembly of systematic actions (consulting, technological transfer, training) understood in a development plan of the businesses providers in a business chain. The program is comprised of two phases: o Diagnostic Phase: An analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the business suppliers is conducted and a development plan is designed for them that permits them to expand their potential and to surpass the weaknesses that were detected. This phase has a maximum duration of six months. It finances up to 60% of the total cost of this phase with a maximum of 400 UF. o Execution Phase: The development plan of the Businesses, developed in the Diagnostic Phase is carried out. Export support is provided to these businesses, to be more efficient in their production and management, to adapt to the standards and norms of specific markets and, in general, to build a better production chain integrated for the benefit of all parts. This phase has a maximum duration of four years for agro-industrial businesses and three years for the businesses of other sectors. It finances up to 60% of the total costs for the first year and 50% of the costs for the second, third, and fourth year, with a 231
CORFO
CORFO
maximum of 3,000 UF, annually and 9,000 UF over the course of the program. Instrument: Innovation and Technological Development Objective: Supporting projects of technological innovation of the businesses, which consist of activities of investigation and development of new products and the incorporation of new processes into production, including models, prototypes and pilot experiences. Beneficiaries: Manufacturing businesses of goods or services or private companies that have the financial, administrative, and technical capacity to develop the project and to materialize it in their production investment phase, and that can deliver execution guarantees of execution with the contribution of FINTEC. They can be presented individually or associatively, provided that the businesses are not directly related. Type of Support: Covers up to 50% of the technological innovation project costs. Other lines of support are considered: o Line 1: Financing for Projects of Technological Infrastructure Objective: Establishing units of control and certification of quality of the businesses, laboratories of technological services, etc. o Line 2: Financing for Projects of Associative Technological Transfer Objective: Supporting foreign technological missions that groups of businesses carry out, as well as the contracting of experts or international consultants in technologies and specialized production processes. o Line 3: Financing for Management Companies and Centers of Technology Transfer. Objective: Supporting the creation of companies that offer technological services to businesses connected with a sector of activity, in environments like research, development, diffusion, transfer and adaptation of technologies. o Line 4: Pre-investment Studies for Production Escalation in Projects of Innovation. Objective: Covering part of the cost of a consultant, hired by the business, to carry out studies of feasibility intended to introduce technological innovations of products and processes at commercial or industrial scale. Instrument: Fund of Development and Innovation (FDI) LINE 1: Facilitation of the objective of technological innovation: o Promoting technological alliances between Chilean businesses and foreign businesses, to accelerate business processes in emerging and innovative areas, thus enlarging the possibilities of success in the market. o Beneficiaries: Depending on each line, they can agree to institutes and technological centers, technological companies, 232
CORFO
clerks of universities, national businesses with a technological base and foreign, specialized consulting and technological business consortiums. o Type of Support: Financing through three specific lines, the detection and selection of technological or business associates, national or foreign; projects of innovation and technological development in different phases; and likely products and technological results which constitute a productive new business. LINE 2: Beneficiaries of new business promotion: o Incubation of Businesses, Universities, Professional Institutes and Technological Subsidiaries of Universities. Other institutions can advance in alliance with the previous list. o Type of Support: Programs of Incubation: Supports the creation and implementation of companies specialized in facilitating the creation of new business. Instrument: Seed Capital Objective: Creating new businesses or innovative businesses that require co-financing for processes of start up and launch in the market. Beneficiaries: Normal people that desire to create a new business. In this case, the legal constitution of the business should be one of the initial milestones of the project. They should be people over 18 years and they should extend an affidavit in which they declare not to be members of companies or businesses who are related to the object of the project presented. Businesses "without history", will be understood as such for legal persons with the objective of gain, and an effective period of existence will not be over 12 months, from the start date of the activities to the Service of Internal Taxes and even the date of presentation of the profile of the project. Time limit of execution: The projects should predict for its execution, a time limit that will not exceed 12 months. Type of Support: Thematic contest of projects for the financing of business or the creation of new businesses related to Special Interest Tourism, Secondary Industry of Timber, Agro-industry and intensive Innovation Farming. It jointly finances 90% of the total required for the execution of the project with a maximum limit of 35 million pesos, not refundable. Inside this, a percentage of resources will be dedicated to the expenses of the sponsor that will not exceed, on the whole, $4,200,000 CLP. o Activities that may be Financed: Constitution of the businesses Obtaining information of the primary market of the project, such as, market research, business plan updating. Research, commercial validation of the product or service. Protection of the intellectual or industrial property Diffusion of products or services Sales and management of the business 233
CORFO
o Activities that may not be financed: Purchase of real estate, Debts, dividends or recovery of capital, Purchase of options, Right of businesses, bonds and other values, furniture, authorization, restructuring, improvement or expansion of preexisting business infrastructure. Instrument: Complementary Administrative Measures to the Southern Law. "Private Investment Promotion Plan" Objective: Strengthening the production capacities of the Region of Aysén, to better take advantage of its potentials. Beneficiaries: Private investors, whose projects are in diverse phases of development in the region, with a capital investment of over $100,000USD. They can be Chilean private investors and foreigners, citizens or legal residents that have the financial and technical capacity to carry out projects of investment. Type of Support: o Subsidy for Pre-investment Studies: Supports the financing of studies of prior to investment, for businesses interested in developing projects in the southern zone. It is a subsidy of CORFO that covers up to 50% of the cost of the studies of pre-investment that the business requires, with a maximum limit of 5 million per beneficiary; the businesses should contribute the remaining percentage. Finances the cost for the execution of pre-launch studies and of feasibility studies for new or expanded productive investment projects or services, whose totals surpass the $100,000USD and that are located in the Southern zone. The studies can be performed by external Consultants or by professionals of the business investor. o Subsidies for Labor: It is a subsidy for a total of UF 30 that CORFO offers to the business investors for each worker of the zone hired. They can include private enterprises, Chilean and foreign, citizens or legal residents, that carry out investments in the southern zone and that hire resident workers of the zone, in permanent form. Finances the training in the workplace carried out by businesses that develop projects of productive investment or of services over $100,000USD. o Encourages the Purchase of Industrial Lands: An incentive of CORFO to purchase lands in industrial parks in the Southern zone, from 0.30 UF by m2 with a limit of 2000 UF, per business. Includes citizens or legal residents, private Chilean or foreign consortiums, interested in developing a productive project or service. 234
CORFO
It Finances up to 2000 UF of the price of buying and selling of land, whenever the investor develops an investment project of $100,000USD. The environment of financing, the investors can make use of a jointly financed line of Credit for projects that do not surpass 15,000 UF or can apply for a Supportive Caution, offered by CORFO, through the mechanism called "contingent subsidy", applicable to operations of upper limits, in which 60% of the credit is guaranteed. Overview of Southern Law # 19,606 – April 14, 1999: Establishes incentives for the economic development of the regions of Aysén and of Magellan and of the Province of Palena. Article 1: The contributors declare that the taxes of the First Category of the Law of Income Tax challenges specific cash, according to complete accounting, they will have the right, until December 31, of the year 2008, a tax credit for the investments that perform in the regions XI, XII and in the Province of Palena, related to the production of goods or installment of services in those regions. The tax credit was offered according to the following criteria: A) New boats and airplanes destined exclusively to provide freight transportation services, transfers for passengers of tourism, also they will be able to consider used or reconditioned, imported boats or airplanes, by foreigners, without previous registration in the country. B) Tugboats and launches, whether new or used (reconditioned), that comply with the requirements indicated in letter A), which intend to provide service to ships in the regions and provinces, that referred to in the first clause of the present law. Percentage and category of Project: Sections of Investment / Percentage Investments up to 200,000 UTM / 32% When investment does not surpass 200,000 UTM & is lower than 2,500,000 UTM / 15% When investment is equal or more than 2,500,000 UTM / 10% in short the maximum credit should not exceed 80,000 UTM. Article 2: The credit established in Article 1, will be deducted from the tax of First Category that the contributor should pay, to account for the commercial year of acquisition or construction of goods, without damaging the right to the discount of the credits established in articles 56; No3, and 63, of the Law on Income Tax. The credit itself can not be utilized in an exercise and will be able to be deduced in the following exercise, being readjusted in the predicted form in the third clause of the number 3 of article 31 of the Law of Income Tax. Instrument: Fund of Promotion and Development of the Extreme Regions - DFL 15/81 (Contains modifications introduced by the Law 19,669) 235
PROCHILE
Objective: Subsidizing investments and reinvestments of small and medium investors; producers of goods and services, contemplated in said legal text. Beneficiaries: Those investments or reinvestments subsidized exclusively by small or medium investors, producers of goods or services that take place in Tarapacá, Aysén, Magellan, Chilean Antarctic and Provinces of Chiloé and Palena in the following activities: o Construction, Machinery and Equipment o Animal breeding activities directly linked to the production process and incorporating the activities, according to the industry or activity that is of development interest. o Fishing crafts, Boats o Vehicles for freight, with a capacity of 1500 kg. or more o Vehicles for collective transportation of people with minimum capacity of 14 passengers o Economic dwellings and analogous Investments o Foreigners that have formally initiated activities, that declare taxes, whose investment will be carried out in the Region of Aysén, will be able to have access to the benefits of this instrument. They are considered to be small or medium investors, those whose sales do not exceed 40,000 UF. Each investor will be able to do one or more investments provided that the total of each one does not surpass the equivalent of 50,000 UF. Activities that are directly or indirectly related to the copper mining and iron mining industries and those related to extractive industrial fishing are excluded from this bonus, as are those in the publishing sector and businesses in which the State contributions represent more than 30%. Type of Support: This bonus is set at 20%, regarding the investments or reinvestments that are carried out in the year 2007, inclusive of the total of each one of the respective investments or reinvestments. The payment of the bonus should be considered once the investment is carried out or will be able to be requested in anticipation of the execution of this. The petition for the bonus will be made before the Government of the Province or before the Director of CORFO, in each year calendar up to November 15, will be paid with charges to the budget of the following calendar year. In the case of foretaste, the investor should deliver a receipt of banking guarantee to the Director of CORFO, who will remit it to the Regional or Provincial Treasury that corresponds. In any case the foretaste will not be able to exceed more than 75% of the bonus. Instrument: Support to Exporting - PYME Objective: The promotion of exports and commercial management support oriented to the generation of market knowledge and expertise. Main tools and services: 1. International Trade Fairs: The minimum number of businesses for 236
417 – 21st of Mayo 2nd Floor – Coyhaique; Phone Number – 219500; www.prochile.cl
2.
3.
4.
5.
participation in monographic fairs is 5, while for the general fairs, it is 10. The following modes are considered: Institutional Participation: Presentations where Chile participates with informative material and samples of products, but without the presence of businesses. Participation with businesses: Subject to invitation, businesses are integrated that participate with a sample of their products and/or services with a stand and their own personnel, but inside a general plan of image-country, grouped in the national flag that PROCHILE designs and builds. Mixed Participation: Besides the general presentation that PROCHILE does of our country, the businesses of the private sector attend; also promoting their products and services. The following can participate: Businesses and/or associations legally constituted according to Chilean laws and with residence in Chile. Representatives of Chilean businesses abroad with the express consent of the business represented. Exporting businesses or those with capacity to export. Service of Commercial Information – SIC: Takes charge of responding to the consultations performed by the Chilean exporting sector and of those interested from the outside, that desire to carry out business with Chile. Exports Phone number: Free telephone service attended by executives with expert information in foreign trade, who are briefed on the procedures for exporting. They explain the incentives, they report on the trade agreements, they provide names of exporting businesses, etc. Service Commercial Offices: PROCHILE offers the exporters a series of services oriented to facilitate research, penetration and continuance in external markets; the following services are emphasized: Specific markets profiles elaboration Detection of buyers and commercial representatives. Support for meeting agendas - organization with potential clients. Collection of specific antecedents of the market. Organization of promotional events such as tastings, Show Room, seminars, etc. Identification of potential strategic associates. Organization and promotional campaign supervision. Strategic orientation of markets: Real and potential exporters are able, through PROCHILE, to agree to valuable support for the planning and implementation of their strategies for insertion in external markets. Businesses are able to participate in actions of research, penetration and continuance in the markets that PROCHILE organizes yearly, alongside groups of exporters, such 237
Regional Treasury of Aysén
as: Trade missions Tastings Trade fairs Invitations of Buyers and Journalists Promotion material edition Show Room Seminars and Congresses specialized Invitation of experts Market research Campaigns of image 6. National contest for promotion of Exports: Seeks to deepen the exporting effort and to give a new energy to non-traditional exports, to the diversification of the exportable offering and to the decentralization of exports. Expanding the cover and impact of export promotion programs, reaching more businesses and new exporters. Beneficiaries: Individual businesses and groups or consortiums of businesses that offer associated programs, such as those of the farm sector and of other economic sectors. In the first case, the proposal should be directed to the Agribusiness Exports Promotion Fund, and in the second case, to the Exports Promotion Fund of PROCHILE. The program promotes activities such as: Market research Missions of research and of business Elaboration of promotional material Campaigns of commercial positioning Aid to fairs and events Business alliances, etc. The effort should be shared between beneficiaries and the State. Priority in the access to the business resources will be given to small or medium size businesses groups, of the regional environment that advance associatively, and that participate in programs of promotion of CORFO, INDAP, SERCOTEC, and are privileged besides, with exports of greater aggregate value, integrated into productive chains with potentiality to export, as well as the exports of greater complexity, especially linked to services and technologies. 7. Library: Provides documentary information on international trade required by the users that contains: Chile foreign trade statistics and those of other countries, market profiles, trade agreements subscribed to by Chile, etc. Instrument: Labor Bonus - D.L. 889 Beneficiaries: Employers that have workers that reside and work permanently in the region. Foreign businessmen that show a legal and physical presence in the Region of Aysén and evidence of having workers hired and the payment of daily wages, will be able to 238
Cochrane 314, 1st Floor – Coyhaique; phone Number 231909, www.tesoreria.cl
SENCE Bilbao 615, 2nd Floor, Coyhaique; phone Number: 219668; www.sence.cl
SENCE
participate in this benefit. Type of Support: As of January 1, 2001, 17% of the taxable wages for the workers is subsidized, with a remuneration limit of $147,000. To collect the benefits, the payments should be fully realized and inside the legal time limit. The mining industry and Businesses in which the State has a contribution of 30% are excluded. Instrument: Tax Incentive Beneficiaries: Businesses that set aside part of their income for the training of their workers. This benefit operates as a fiscal credit to the business that has hired the worker. Requirements: o To Pay in the first category of the law of income taxes (excludes the ones that are exempt) o Businesses are of the state of Presumed Income o Businesses that have and declare losses. Type of Support: Tax credit to those businesses that set aside part of their income for the training of their workers; up to 1% of the annual taxable remunerations declared - equal or over 45 UTM. o It finances every course that has been previously authorized by SENCE to be eligible. For this, the training institutions should carry out the design of the course and present it for its approval to SENCE. Instrument: National fund of Training - FONCAP Type of Support: Finances courses of labor training that have been judged by published standards of the training institutions that judge proposals and that are selected. The courses judged will be available in the web page of the SENCE and the themes are related to strengthening and growth of the productive activity. Beneficiaries: o Businesses with formal initiation of activities that have an annual form of lower taxable remunerations of 45 UTM, in the year 2004. o Industries, Administrators, and Managers of the benefiting businesses of this program, and the owners or bosses of the same, that were accredited through the form of activities initiation. The quality of worker of the business was accredited by means of the labor contract and the impositions payment form of the previous month to the date of proposal of the programs. o Spouses or relatives of the owner, Assistant managers or second level family members that participate in the administration of the respective business. The business will be able to accredit labor activity by means of affidavit, without harm of the certificates that are realized through the respective family or conjugal bond. (Second degree of family relationships includes grandfathers, parents, children, siblings, grandchildren). How & When it is Used: A public request is made to the Technical Agencies of Training (OTEC) to select the courses of training that will be available for the beneficiaries. The first assembly for the process of 239
SENCE
SENCE
SENCE
tender and selection of the courses will be done in the month of April, and the quotas for the available courses will be from the third week of the month of May. Instrument: National Program of Scholarships Type of Support: Finances courses of labor training in different specialties, for example, construction, services, security, and data processing, among others. They are defined through diagnoses that are carried out by the Regional Directions of SENCE, as a group with different private and public actors; in some cases they are proposed for the training agencies. Beneficiaries: This is directed for the unemployed, people that seek work for the first time and industrious persons, on their own, informally. This targets men, preferably between 20 to 30 years of age, and women, preferably between 25 and 45 years of age, both with 8 years of basic formal education, or equivalence. How and When it is executed: The Program puts out a public bid to the Technical Agencies of Training in the second semester of each year and the courses are executed the following year. Instrument: Programs of Special Training for Youths Type of Support: Program is oriented to generate conditions of employability for youths of scarce resources, being qualified in positions and occupations, so that they can subsequently be incorporates into a business to work well, or to support them to initiate an independent labor project. It finances two labor training course modes, the first one directed to qualify youths for incorporation as employees and the second for an independent project. The specialties in which they are qualified are various and tends to be geared to achieve a level of semi-qualified work (sales, kitchen work, installation of phone systems and cable, programming and configuration of computers, salon work, food processing, etc.), in a maximum of 500 hours of training, plus 384 hours of work experience, or 6 months of technical aid. Beneficiaries: People of scarce resources, men and women between 20 and 30 years of age. It accepts people over 30 years only in the cases that they lack a complete high school education, and people over 16 years and less than 20 years old, with parental responsibility. How and when it is executed: The resources are assigned directly to the Technical Agencies of Training recorded in a special Registration. A mechanism of administration and decision making in terms of what to finance, is operated as if it was a matter of private nature. The presentation of the programs of training (proposed) and the selection of courses to finance, is carried out inside the second semester of each year. Instrument: Apprentices Program Type of Support: Finances a monthly bonus of 40% of a the most minimum monthly income for an apprentice, during the first twelve 240
SENCE
INDAP 1060 Ogana Avenue – Coyhaique; phone Number 212220; www.indap.cl
INDAP
months of the apprenticeship contract, intended to compensate the costs of the related teaching. The maximum salary of the hired worker can exceed the most minimum monthly incomes to be able to be accepted in the program. Beneficiaries: People between 18 and 21 years Instrument: Pro-Employee Program Type of Support: This is a bonus for contracting of unemployed workers and beneficiaries of the Supportive Chile Program, for the training of each person, generating a basic formation conducive to the acquisition of new dexterities by laborers. It offers a full subsidy to the business contractor, of 40% of the most minimum income, for a period of up to 4 months, plus a bond of training for $50,000. Beneficiaries: Unemployed people during the immediately previous months to its proposal, preferably heads of households. How and when it is used: The program operated in 2005 from April to October, by means of direct proposal of the businesses that wanted to hire workers. Instrument: National Program of Rural Tourism Objective: Supporting small producers and peasants in the development of business capacities, associative work, identification and management of rural initiatives and financing of projects. Beneficiaries: Clients of INDAP Type of Support: The support is offered in three lines: o Technical support: Definition of studies and support required Definition of business strategies design of tourist programs Identification of rural families with tourist potential o Financial support: Expenses of organization (legal formation) design of Corporate Image of tourist initiatives Credits for the improvement in tourist equipment Workshops of micro-business, organization, and Rural Tourism formation in general o Support in Management: Construction and Business Start-up Costs Contracting of specialty consultants to Carry out Interinstitutional Covenants Instrument: Services of Technical Assessment Objective: Supporting the creation and development of business and productive capacities with the beneficiaries of INDAP, through activities of assessment and of diagnosis and specialized technical intervention, contributing to improvement of the profit value and competitiveness of the business. Beneficiaries: Present and potential clients of INDAP, individual business, groups of associative businesses. 241
Type of Support: The support contemplates two phases: o Diagnostic Phase: Objective is to identify deficiencies, problems and or central challenges for the competitive development of the businesses of the clients of INDAP, its causes and to recommend necessary techniques to resolve them and when appropriate, to suggest other types of support required for the resolution of the problems detected. o Assessment of Technique Phase: For specific environments that permit the improvement of the competitiveness of the business; that undertake or develop the business, on the base of the demands of the client and on the result and conclusions of the diagnostic evaluation, carried out for each client. Depending on the type of client, their state of development and the characteristics of their business, technical assessments can be added in the following levels: Strategic Management in areas of Direction, Leadership, Design of Strategic Plans and Analysis of Settings. Management of Processes, Consulting in Primary Production, Consulting for the Processes of Transformation and Value Building, Consulting in Property Management, Commercialization and Marketing, Management of Quality. Support processes: financial management and accounting, management of human resources, tax and legal support, management of information and logistical operations. Characteristics of the Incentive: o The incentive finances 100% of the services of diagnosis and 80% of the net value of the services of assessment techniques, the remaining percentage should be financed by the clients and agreed upon according to the procedures established by INDAP. o Inside the percentages indicated, the individual businesses have an incentive of up to 10 UF. To finance the services of diagnostics and an annual incentive of up to 40 UF, for financing the service of consulting. o The groups of individual businesses have an incentive of up to 16 UF to finance the service of diagnostics and an annual incentive of up to 80 UF, for financing the services of consulting. o The groups of individual businesses have an incentive of up to 16 UF, to finance the service of diagnosis and an incentive for diagnosis and an annual incentive of up to 80 UF, for financing of consulting services. o The associative businesses have an incentive of up to 20 UF, to finance the service of diagnosis and an annual incentive of up to 160 UF to finance the consulting services. o The groups of associative businesses have an incentive of up to 20 UF to finance the diagnosis and an annual incentive of up to 300 UF to finance the consulting services. Provision of the service: 242
o The diagnostics and consulting services are executed for external users to INDAP properly qualified by the institution and recorded in the registration of users of INDAP. Duration: o INDAP establishes that the clients of this service can participate in it for a maximum of 5 years, according to the results and impacts of the consulting techniques received. o The time to carry out the diagnostics and variable consulting techniques are according to the magnitude and specific requests of each one of these types of support. They will be able to request consulting help in one or more environments, in progressive form or simultaneously, inside the maximum totals of incentives established.
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APPENDIX C INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR INDUSTRY SPECIALISTS Estimados señores/participantes:
Good morning/afternoon/evening:
El objetivo de la presente investigación es estudiar el impacto de un proyecto reciente encargado de desarrollar la capacidad para crear turismo sostenible a favor de los residentes regionales aquí en Aysén. La información obtenida mediante la presente investigación será usada para satisfacer requisitos para la obtención de mi grado académico de Doctora en Administración forestal y de Recursos en la universidad de Virginia del Oeste, Estados Unidos de América. Me gustaría grabar esta entrevista, si usted lo permite.
The goal of this research is a dissertation study to explore the impacts of a recent project undertaken to build sustainable tourism capacity amongst regional residents, here in Aysén. The information generated by the study will be used to satisfy a requirement for the degree of PhD in Forest and Resource Management at West Virginia University. With your permission, I would like to audiotape this interview.
Before we begin, I would like to notify you of the following: Antes de empezar me gustaría informarle lo Your participation is entirely siguiente: voluntary. You may halt the o su participación es enteramente interview at any time and/or choose voluntaria. Usted puede detener la not to answer certain questions. entrevista en cualquier momento o Your responses will remain as dejar de contestar las preguntas que confidential as is legally possible. usted crea conveniente. At no time will your identity be o Sus respuestas son consideradas revealed either by the procedures of confidenciales de acuerdo a ley. En the study or during reporting of the ninguna fase de la investigación su results. identidad será revelada; ni durante la Thank you for your participation in this fase de estudio ni durante la fase de research. informe de los resultados. Gracias por su participación en la presente investigación. ¿Antes empezamos, tiene preguntas, Before we begin, do you have dudas, comentarios? questions, doubts, comments? Cuestionario Para Personas de Aspectos Questions for Persons in Support del Suportaba de la Industria Turismo Positions in the Tourism Industry Introducción de Persona: Introductory Questions Describe la organización de usted. Describe your organization. ¿Cuál es la conexión entre la What is the connection between your organización y turismo? organization and tourism? Describe el trabajo de usted en su Describe the work of your organization. organización. En General: In General… 244
Describe turismo en la región de Aysén. ¿Cual efectos tienen turismo para esta región? ¿Cual son las actividades más populares? ¿Cuando es la estación turística? ¿Es turismo importante para Aysén? ¿Porque? ¿Es turismo sostenible? ¿Porque? ¿Hay aspectos de turismo son mal por Aysén? ¿Cuántas personas trabajan en turismo, aquí (en cualquier capacidad)? ¿Cuáles son las expectativas para el turismo en la región en el futuro? ¿Cuáles son las diferencias turísticas entre comunidades?
¿Dónde se concentra el turismo en cada comunidad? Capitales Natural: ¿Qué capitales natural existe en la región Aysén? ¿Qué limitaciones existe para turismo en relación de la naturaleza? ¿Cuál efectos tienen turismo para la naturaleza? ¿Existe limitaciones para la accesibilidad del capitales natural? (Terreno privadas, etc.) Humano: ¿Qué capitales o capacidades humano existe en la región Aysén? ¿Hay personas que tienen educación o capacitación para dedicarse al turismo? ¿Qué oportunidades existen para obtener capacitación para el turismo? ¿Qué limitaciones existe para turismo en relación de la capacidad humano de la región? ¿Qué capacidades humano son necesarias creer para tener éxito con turismo para la gente local de la región?
Describe tourism in the region of Aysén. What effects does tourism have for the region? What are the most popular activities?
When is the tourism season? Is tourism important for Aysén? Why?
Is tourism sustainable? Why? What are the bad aspects about tourism for Aysén? How many persons work in tourism here? In what capacities? What are the expectations for tourism in the region in the future? What are the differences in tourism between communities?
Where is tourism concentrated in each community? Capitals Natural: What natural capitals exist in the region of Aysén? What limitations exist for tourism in relation to the natural environment? What effects does tourism have on the natural environment? Are there limits for access to natural capital? (Private lands, etc.) Human: What human capitals or capabilities exist in the region of Aysén? Are there people that have education or training related to tourism? What opportunities exist for obtaining training for tourism? What are the limitations for tourism in the region, related to human capacity? What human capacities need to grow in order to have success with tourism for local people of the region? 245
Cultural: ¿Qué capitales o capacidades existe en la región Aysén en relación de la cultura? Por ejemplo…¿historias especiales? ¿Artesana? ¿Acostumbres? ¿Comida? Etc. ¿Qué limitaciones existe para turismo en relación de la cultura de la región? ¿Qué aspectos culturales necesito cambiar para tener éxito con turismo para la gente local de la región? ¿Qué aspectos culturales necesito protege cuando tener más turismo en la región? Física: ¿Qué capitales o capacidades físicos existe en la región Aysén que ayudar con aspectos del trabajo turismo? ¿Por ejemplo…infraestructura? ¿Sistemas para comunicaciones? ¿Senderas? Etc. ¿Cuál recursos existe para la gente rural que quiere trabajar en turismo? ¿Estos recursos son diferentes para la gente que trabajan en turismo en Coyhaique? ¿Qué proyectos existe para ayudar la gente rural del Aysén con desarrollo turismo? ¿Qué métodos existe para financiar los proyectos del turismo rural? ¿Existe programas para ayudar con marketing por la gente rural que trabajan en turismo? ¿Qué limitaciones existe para turismo en relación de las capacidades físicas o infraestructura de la región? Social: ¿Existes redes oficiales para ayudar con turismo? ¿Con otro cosas de negocios? ¿Existen redes informales? ¿Tiene ejemplos? (laborum.com, Pititos, etc.)
¿Cómo que estés organizaciones funciones? ¿Cuál cosas son posible hacer con estés redes? ¿Empleos, servicios financiar, clientes,
Cultural: What capitals or capacities exist in the region of Aysén in relation to the culture? For example – special historical events? Arts and crafts? Customs? Food? Etc. What limitations exist for tourism in relation to the culture of the region? What aspects of the culture need to change in order for the local people of the region to have success in tourism? What cultural aspects need to be protected when there is more tourism in the region? Physical What physical capitals or capacities exist in the region of Aysén that help with aspects of tourism work? For example…infrastructure? Systems for communications? Trails? Etc.? What resources exist for rural people that want to work in tourism? Are these resources different for people that work in tourism in Coyhaique? What projects exist to help rural people of Aysén with tourism development?
What methods exist for financing rural tourism projects? Do programs exist to help with marketing for rural people that work in tourism? What limitations exist for tourism in relation to physical capacity or infrastructure in the region? Social: Do official networks exist that help with tourism? With other aspects of business? Do informal networks exist? Do you have examples? (Websites…preferential relations, etc.) How do these organizations function? What things are possible to do with these networks? Find employees, financial services, obtain clients, training? 246
capacidades? ¿Cuál tipos de poder tienen estés organizaciones? ¿Político? ¿Para cambiar reglas? ¿Para controlar actividades? ¿Para influir desarrollo? ¿Cómo participar en estés redes? ¿Existen lo mismo oportunidades para participar para la gente de Coyhaique y la gente rural? ¿Cuál calificaciones son necesarias? ¿Hay niveles diferentes en estés redes? ¿Hay reglas para participación? ¿Formal? ¿Informal? El Trabajo: ¿Específicamente, qué formas del trabajo existen para las personas local en turismo? (Por ejemplo, guías turísticos, manejo de buses, hoteles, artesanía, restaurantes, cabalgatas, rafting, treking los glaciares, trabajo en una oficina, trabajo en los cruceros, etc.) ¿Cuántas personas tienen una propia empresa de turismo y cuantas personas trabajar para otros como empleado? ¿Cómo es el trabajo diferente para la gente que trabajan en turismo en Coyhaique y la gente rural que trabajan en turismo? ¿Existe oportunidades diferentes en Coyhaique? Explica las diferencias. ¿Cuál son los motivaciones para trabajan en turismo para la gente rural? ¿Por qué prefieren turismo sobre otras posibilidades? ¿Cómo definir éxito en el trabajo turismo para la gente rural? ¿Cuál son las satisfacciones y frustraciones en el trabajo de turismo para la gente rural? ¿Cuál son los cosas más difícil para ellos en su trabajo? ¿Estas cosas son diferentes para la gente que trabajan en turismo en Coyhaique? ¿Cuál es el salario promedio que se puede obtener en los diferentes trabajos
What types of power do these organizations have? Political? The ability to change laws? To control activities? To influence change? How do you participate in these networks? Do the same opportunities exist for people of Coyhaique and rural people? What qualifications are necessary? Are there different levels in these networks? Are there rules for participation? Formal? Informal? Work: Specifically, what forms of work exist for local people in tourism? (For example, tourism guides, bus drivers, hotels, artists, restaurants, horseback trips, rafting, trekking across glaciers, work in an office, work on the cruises, etc.)
What‟s the breakdown between people that have their own businesses and people that work for others in tourism? How is the work different for people that work in tourism in Coyhaique and rural people that work in tourism? Are there different opportunities in Coyhaique? Explain the differences? What are the motivations for working in tourism for rural persons? Why do they prefer tourism over other opportunities? How to rural people define success in tourism work? What are the things that are satisfying and frustrating about tourism work for rural persons? What are the most difficult things for them in their work? Are these things different for people that work in tourism in Coyhaique? What types of salaries can people obtain in different forms of work 247
relacionados con el turismo? ¿Como son los salarios en comparación de otro opciones rural para trabajo? ¿Cuál características son importantes para tener éxito en turismo en la región? Creo que este trabajo no es factible todo el año – ¿qué formas del trabajo existen después de la estación turística? Los negocios: ¿Cual son los empresarios mejor en turismo en esta región? ¿Donde son? ¿De donde es el dueño/dueña?
¿Por qué estos tienen más éxito?
¿Cuál compañías y en que capacidad emplean personas local en turismo? ¿Por que? ¿Cuál compañías y en que capacidad emplean personas de otro países en turismo? ¿Por que? Describe el situación competitivo para turismo en esta región…¿que formas existe? ¿Quien son los compañías? ¿Otros lugares? ¿Países? Etc. El Fin ¿Existe información u otras investigaciones que reflejen la situación del turismo en la región? ¿Tiene recomendaciones para otras personas que usted considera expertos del turismo de Aysén u otras personas importantes para esta investigación? Ahora, por fin, ¿tiene preguntas, dudas, comentarios? ¡Gracias!
related with tourism? How do these salaries compare to other rural options for work? What characteristics are important for having success in tourism in the region? Do you think that this work is not an option for the whole year? What forms of work exist after the tourism season? Businesses: What are the most successful tourism businesses in the region? Where are they located? Where are there bosses from? Why do these people have greater success? What companies employ local persons in tourism work? In what capacities? Why? What companies employ people from other places in tourism work? Why?
Describe the competitive situation for tourism in the region…what forms exist? Who owns the companies? Other places? Other countries? Etc. Final Questions Does information or do other studies exist that reflect the situation of tourism in the region? Do you have recommendations for other persons that you would consider experts in tourism in Aysén or other persons that are important for this study? Now, do you have any final questions, doubts, or comments? Thank you!
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APPENDIX D LIST OF INFRASTRUCTURE BY COMUNA AND TOWN Comuna (County) Guaitecas
Town Melinka
Cisnes
Puyuhuapi
Cisnes
La Junta
Cisnes
Lago Verde
Cisnes
Pto. Raul Marin
Lago Verde
Pto. Cisnes
Lago Verde
Village Amengual
Lago Verde
Village Tapera
Aysén
Pto. Aguirre
Aysén
Mañihuales
Aysén
Pto. Aysén
Aysén
Pto. Chacabuco
Infrastructure Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Airport, Maritime Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Airport, Gasoline, Mechanics, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Airport, Mechanics, Gasoline, Tourist Information Office, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Airport, Tourist Information Office, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Airport, Public Telephone Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Hospital, Police, Dock, Airport, Maritime Access, Public Point of Internet Access, Mechanics, Gasoline, Tourist Information Office Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Rural Health Center, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Airport, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Major Access Roads Paved, Gasoline, Mechanics, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Hospital, Police, Dock, Airport, Bank, Money Exchange, Major Access Roads Paved, Gasoline, Mechanics, Private Points of Internet Access, Cell Reception, Private Telephones Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public 249
Coyhaique
Balmaceda
Coyhaique
Coyhaique
Coyhaique
Ñirehuao
Coyhaique
Village Ortega
Ibañez
Bahía Murta
Ibañez
Cerro Castillo
Ibañez
Pto. Cristal
Ibañez
Pto. Ibáñez
Ibañez
Pto. River Tranquilo
Ibañez
Puerto Sanchez
Cochrane
Cochrane
Tortel
Pto. Yungay
Tortel
Caleta Tortel
Telephone, Mail Service, Major Access Roads Paved, Public Point of Internet Access, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Gasoline, Mechanics, Tourist Information Office Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Police, Airport, Public Point of Internet Access, Cell Reception Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Hospital, Rural Health Center, Police, Airport, Major Access Roads Paved, Bank, Money Exchange, Gasoline, Mechanics, Tourist Information Office, Private Points of Internet Access, Public Point of Internet Access, Cell Reception Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Public Point of Internet Access, Police Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Airport, Mechanics, Gasoline, Tourist Information Office, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Rural Health Center, Mechanics, Major Access Roads Paved, Tourist Information Office, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Dock Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Dock, Mechanics, Public Point of Internet Access, Cell Reception, Tourist Information Office Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Gasoline, Mechanics, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Airport Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Hospital, Police, Airport, Bank, Money Exchange, Gasoline, Mechanics, Tourist Information Office, Private Points of Internet Access, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Dock Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, 250
O‟Higgins
Village O'Higgins
Chile Chico
Chile Chico
Chile Chico
Fachinal
Chile Chico Chile Chico
Leones Mallin Grande
Chile Chico
Pto. Bertrand
Dock, Airport, Tourist Information Office, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Police, Airport, Mechanics, Public Point of Internet Access, Tourist Information Office Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Hospital, Police, Dock, Airport, Bank, Money Exchange, Gasoline, Mechanics, Tourist Information Office, Private Points of Internet Access, Cell Reception, Public Point of Internet Access, Private Telephones Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone Potable Water, Electricity Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Public Point of Internet Access Potable Water, Electricity, Radio Station, Public Telephone, Mail Service, Rural Health Center, Dock, Public Point of Internet Access
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APPENDIX E FULL ACCOUNT OF RESEARCH PROCESS AND INTERPRETATION OF PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION A Travel Journal – March through May, 2006: Field research took place during three months, from March through May, 2006. Seasonally, this time period spans the fall season in Aysén. In March, there are still a lot of tourists in the area. You see them, alone, or in small groups, hiking and biking along the Southern Highway, strolling through the downtown shops and craft booths, or having coffee in one of the restaurants near the plaza in Coyhaique, the regional capital. You can overhear them, speaking a variety of languages. They typically speak of their experiences; most often involving fly-fishing, trekking, visiting San Rafael Laguna or other glaciers in the area. Increasingly, you can hear conversations about property for sale as people ask questions about what is available, how the laws work, what kind of investment is involved and what they have found. The weather begins to change dramatically in April, with fewer days of vivid sunshine and many more periods of high winds and rain. Temperatures move rapidly betweens lows in the 30s and highs as high as 70. Many days, you can experience all four seasons in the course of a few hours. Although much more sparsely distributed now, you can still spot a few hard core tourists on the road and in town; primarily identifiable due to their many layers of expensive rain and cold weather gear. “A Slow Start”- March 1 - 12 I arrived in the airport in Balmaceda, Chile, on March 1, 2006, some 24 hours after I left the US, and took a transfer to Coyhaique. I picked up the 1999, grey Mitsubishi pick up truck I had bought to transport me during my field work and drove to The Pines, one of the larger and more successful hostels in the region, to meet up with Anna, who I had hired to be my guide and assistant. Anna is a recent graduate of the Guide‟s School of Patagonia initiative. Her job at the hostel was set to end April 1 so until then, she would be doing “double-duty”, working with me and at the hostel. We had agreed to a work arrangement for the study when I was there in January, and I expected to arrive with many of the trip details pre-arranged, in my absence. That wasn‟t the case. Anna explained that her work had been very demanding while I was gone and that she had been unclear on what I needed so she had waited until I returned. She assured me there wouldn‟t be any problems in getting things arranged, now that I was there to be involved. I hoped for the best. During breaks from her work at the hostel, (reloading the wood stoves with firewood, giving directions, cooking and cleaning up after breakfast, check-ins and checkouts), Anna spent the first week of my trip helping me outline a travel itinerary for April and May, and prioritizing possible case study participants. I reviewed the secondary data on the cases, such as brochures, school projects, and demographic profiles, and determined a list of satellite interviews, based on my intended methodology. To this list, we added contacts at local government agencies, development assistance programs, and other industry leaders that could provide perspective on local livelihoods efforts. We sent out an email to prospective experts I wished to interview, which introduced the study and let them know we would be calling to schedule an interview. I asked Anna to schedule interviews with experts in Coyhaique, during the last three weeks of March. 252
“Finding What Works” - March 13 – 19: Week two brought more surprises. Three days in a row, I drove an hour into Coyhaique, from Lago Monreal, only to discover that the interviewees weren‟t available or had cancelled. Meanwhile, each day Anna reported she had not had time to develop the travel plan I had asked for, which would provide a list of needed supplies, itinerary details and estimated costs. Both Anna and I were frustrated and concerned, as we struggled through language and cultural barriers. I remember emailing my husband with concerns over the potential for success. Then, a breakthrough occurred. Anna hit upon the system that proved successful for our secondary interviews. Rather than formally scheduling interviews in advance, we began to call for appointments, the afternoon of the day before. We scheduled one each morning and one each afternoon and ran into no further issues. This was to be the first of many times I would be reminded that if I were to succeed, I would need to forego my preconceived ideas of process, dictated by my own culture, and learn to understand the culture of place. During the two weeks to follow, I conducted a total of eleven interviews with twelve experts, in Coyhaique. “Getting Perspective” - March 20 – 31 I spoke with the owners of the larger tourism operations, the directors of the Guide‟s School, and Tourism Specialists at most of the agencies and organizations that support tourism in Aysén, including NOLS (National Outdoor Leadership School), CORFO, ACCA, FOSIS, INDAP, SERCOTEC, SERNATUR, and CONAF. These interviews lasted between one and two hours, and took place in the offices of the participants or in a local café. They were conducted in Spanish unless the participants spoke English as a native language, and recorded for transcription purposes. Often, they were interrupted by telephone calls and drop in visits from clients. The discussions were casual and focused on a variety of aspects of tourism development in the region including the tourism system in general, rural tourism, perspectives of regional capitals/assets, and the specifics of their respective programs (See Interview Guide, Appendix C). The fact that the travel plans had not been developed proved more frustrating. I was depending on Anna to contact the participants, secure their participation and arrange the itinerary so that we could spend enough time with each of the cases. We didn‟t have a lot of extra time, so we needed the trip to move forward with efficiency and precision (or so I thought). I envisioned typed itineraries, spreadsheets detailing costs, daily menu plans and shopping lists. I got lots of promises, frequent requests for trust, a handwritten note, and plenty of excuses. Looking back, I realize that Anna simply did not have the skills or confidence she needed for developing this plan. Although she had graduated from the Guide‟s School, and had expressed enthusiastic confidence about the work, I discovered along the way that her prior guiding experiences were limited to half-day bike rides to local attractions. Anna made up for her inexperience in guiding, expedition planning, and management, with enthusiasm, loyalty, and undying energy and proved to be invaluable for the project, but, working with Anna required a lot of patience and extra planning on my part. This began with the plan for the trip. After several frustrating meetings and missed deadlines, Anna and I retreated to my house in Monreal for a weekend, where I sat with her at the table and helped her to develop a written plan. We talked through the development of the budget, sifted through brochures and travel guides, and developed a plan for logistics and support services in the towns we would visit. We brainstormed needed supplies and 253
preparation tasks. We crafted a rough plan for dealing with emergencies and hoped for the best. My biggest fear had to do with being forced to depend on Anna‟s word that she was communicating with the people we were planning to visit. Communications work very differently in the region. I learned from Anna, and confirmed from experts, that locals working in tourism relied primarily on public phones and ham-radios, or convoluted communication chains involving chauffeurs, relatives, delivery people and store owners. Very few of the participants had access to email or checked it regularly. Despite all of these apparent difficulties, she assured me that she was communicating with them and that they would be there, waiting, when we arrived. I was skeptical, to say the least. Yet, we finished our preparations; we purchased supplies; we packed; we loaded; we said our goodbyes…. And, on Saturday, April 1st, we left. “Trial Run” - April 1 – 9 We began with a “mini-trip”, a one week “trial run”, with excursions in Puerto Ibanez and Cerro Castillo. This gave us the opportunity to fine tune our supplies and systems without putting us too far from the center of the Aysén universe; Coyhaique. We left Monreal on a sunny day, mid-morning; Anna, myself, Truco, (our 4 legged companion, a young mixed breed herding dog), and a truckload full of gear. Before leaving, we took our last hot shower of the week, as hot showers are not ubiquitous in this area of the world. As we were camping, we couldn‟t count on such a luxury. Our first destination was Puerto Ibanez and the farm of Isabel Freire. Puerto Ibanez is one of the crossings for Lago General Carrera, between Argentina and Chile and is a small town. It has a fairly well known artisan movement and is the seat of the municipality for Puerto Ibanez, Cerro Castillo, Murta, etc. The town itself is about 800 people. It is laid out in a grid with a central plaza and houses on the outlying blocks. There is a primary school in town. They have internet, electricity, and city water. Most of the homes are very simple, one-story houses; heated by woodstove. A large number have outhouses. Isabel and her family live about 5 km outside of the town – along gravel roads. Their camp / farm is set back off the road and is sheltered by lots of trees – there is a LOT of wind in the area. They have horses, cows, chickens, and grow their own vegetables. We arrived in Puerto Ibanez around 3 pm on Saturday. We drove around town to see if we could find any crafts – the artisan center was closed but we found one of the artists at her house. She didn‟t have much inventory available and suggested we visit another artist at her house. The second artist didn‟t answer. The roads of Puerto Ibanez were all torn up – with construction – so it was like a dust storm with the wind. We left to head for Isabel‟s. When we arrived, her husband and son were there (asleep). They explained that Isabel was a day late and they didn‟t expect her until Sunday morning. They invited us to stay and we decided to do so. We drank coffee and talked, and their neighbors visited with a gift of potatoes. Later they switched to beer. They tried to call Isabel via cellular several times and finally reached her around 7:30pm. They made a plan for her husband to come to Coyhaique early the next morning, because the rear lights in his truck weren‟t functional and he wanted to avoid the police. We met up with Isabel around lunchtime on Sunday. She made us a lunch of lambburgers and stir-fried veggies. We ate; Isabel had wine; afterwards she smoked hand rolled cigarettes – it was a really nice day and we sat at the table and enjoyed the view of the mountains from the windows. We talked about her house – they had originally planned on building a new house but had decided not to – and to live in the existing house. It is old for 254
the region – a mixture of adobe and wood. There is a wooden covered area at the front where wood and other things are stored and then a bathroom which is connected to the house, but, which is entered from the front porch. When you enter the house – there is one large room that contains the kitchen, living, and dining rooms. To the left there is a bedroom and straight ahead; another. The main room has two large windows at one end. These windows each are about 3‟ x 5‟ and have lots of small panes. At this end – there is a large dining table and crates organized as a bookshelf and a small desk. There are 50 odd books; a mixture of Spanish, English and German. Also there are other things – cards, rocks, fossils, glass beads, etc. Next to this area is a large china cabinet which stores the china, silverware, pots, pans, etc. There are several photos, taped to the glass doors. Isabel tells me that this is the same furniture they had in Germany. They had brought a container, which now sits in one corner of their property and serves as a shed. Opposite the china cabinet is a trundle bed which serves as the couch. Next to the china cabinet there is a piece of furniture, which is a form of a kitchen cabinet – it is probably from about 1930, and has a table and space above for storage. But, under the table – another table can be pulled out. This has two wash bins for washing dishes. This is used for all meals – there is no sink. They get their water from the bathroom sink. The stove is a typical, old, cast-iron wood stove and has a hot water tank connected to the chimney. The fire heats the water for the shower/tub. The house is simple. The main room is a faded shade of rose and the trim and ceiling is a sort of mint green. Isabel says it is too dark and she wants to paint it a peach color with ivory trim. We talk about her plans – she says she‟ll have lots of time in winter. Isabel tells me that when they first came to the house and spent the night – they felt a bad energy. Later they found out the man who built the house had committed suicide; hanging himself in a tree – 2 yrs later, his horse died by wrapping himself around the same tree and strangling – Isabel thinks that the spirit did not want them to tear down the house and build another. Isabel and I sat down for our interview. She shared the story of her life with me. Isabel was born in Chile and lived there during her early life but her family was socialist and sought asylum in Germany during the Pinochet coup. She lived for 29 years in Germany. She had always dreamed of moving back to Chile and finally made that dream a reality, three years earlier. When they discovered that the farm they had bought did not have an adequate water supply for farming, they were forced to look for other livelihood alternatives. Isabel decided to leverage her language skills in German and English and began to develop the skills to be a guide. Since graduating from the Guide‟s School, she had worked for the cruises, in Puerto Aysén and was now working for an adventure tourism operator based in Coyhaique. We spent the afternoon talking and looking at pictures from Isabel‟s childhood and the evening relaxing and sharing a typical Chilean meal of roasted goat, potatoes, and carrot salad. Early the next morning, Anna and I packed up our camping gear, loaded up Truco, said our goodbyes and hit the road for Cerro Castillo and our next “case.” I‟ve known Javier Cabaneiro for a couple of years. We met the first time I visited the Guide‟s School. I‟ve rented his horses for trips and worked with him on other trips. Javier is an expert on the culture of Aysén and a master with horses. At 28, he is single and very focused on developing a business, with camping and guided horse trips that will allow him to realize his dream of a life in Cerro Castillo and the country. The drive to Cerro Castillo was grey and misty. The day was cold, and felt like fall, and by the time we arrived, it was pouring down rain. I remembered a comment from one of the experts in Coyhaique about how a part of the local culture is not working when it 255
rains, and wondered what the day would bring. Javier Cabaneiro and his employee Martin were waiting for us with mate and cookies. Yerba mate is the beverage of choice in Aysén and the sharing of mate is one of the defining cultural practices here. Yerba mate, (pronounced “mah-tey”), is a hot beverage, similar to an herbal tea which is an integral part of daily rural culture in the Aysén region of Chile. Typically, mate is consumed in between periods of work, in early morning and in mid-afternoon. Usually, you take mate with other people, in an informal ritual of sorts, which has the unspoken significance of being a demonstration of friendship and camaraderie. They were skeptical about the weather but agreed to go forward with plans for a horseback ride. We decided to visit a local cultural attraction, the Cave of the Hands, where one could view ancient Telhueche cave paintings, so Martin left to ready the horses. This was to be the most professional of the many horseback rides we would experience. Javier and Martin demonstrated safety practices for the ride and offered safety helmets. They communicated via handheld radios. When we returned, they had pisco sours waiting and a surprise Asado prepared. We finished the lunch and sat down for the interview. Afterwards, I helped Javier to put the horses away and we all played cards. That night, we slept on the floor in Javier‟s living room. We were thrilled not to have to spend the night outside, given the rainstorms, cold temperatures, and heavy winds. By the morning however, the bad weather had moved on, and we prepared to head back to Coyhaique. Javier asked for a ride back with us. His mother lives in Coyhaique and has a booth at the Coyhaique craft market, just off the plaza. I dropped him off in front of the plaza where the artists‟ booths were and dropped Anna at her house for time with her kids. After a brief rest, the weekend was spent preparing for the next leg of the journey, which was to last just over a month. We picked up final supplies like chains for the tires, organized the food in big plastic bins and packed the gear in the truck so that it would, hopefully, be able to withstand the elements and animals. Lastly, we boarded up the windows of the house. A month was a long time. Although the neighbors keep an eye on things, there had been cases of vandalism and theft recently, and I thought it would be safer if things were secured. “Learning to Expect the Unexpected”- April 10 - 16 With everything set, we locked the gate and left for our next destination, Murta. It was another beautiful day in Patagonia. The sun was shining, the light was absolutely brilliant, it was in the mid sixties, and breezy and everywhere we looked there were vivid flashes of fall colors. Anna phoned her family for the last time before we lost cell reception. They wished us well. We turned off to cross through the Cerro Castillo reserve once again. We began to drive up the first big mountain and then, just like that, the truck died. I coasted to the side of the road. I turned the key. Nothing. Again. Click. Click. An hour passed. Seven cars passed. No one stopped. And that‟s when I realized why people have good emergency plans. There we were, 10 miles out of cell phone range, on the side of a mountain. Anna, me, and Truco, and a truck full of food, supplies, and computer gear. I don‟t know what I would have done had I not had a satellite phone. Thankfully, I did have one. But, who to call? I gambled. The builders who constructed my home in Monreal had told me to call if I needed anything. I had written their number on the emergency plan Anna and I had crafted the week before. It was the only number I had. I called. Anna explained where we were. We waited. An hour passed. Another. Finally, a red Nissan pickup appeared. It was them. 256
Long story. In the end, they transferred the gear, the passengers and the dog between trucks, towed us the 65 miles back to Coyhaique with a rope, dropped the grey truck with a mechanic friend, and the rest of us at their house. And that‟s where we remained for the next seven days. There was really no choice. My house was an hour away. Hotels don‟t allow dogs. And, at the time, we all thought it would be a day, tops before the truck was fixed. Wrong. We searched for parts at the parts shops in town. No luck. Parts had to be flown down from Santiago. Pieces had to be rebuilt. So, seven days, $700 later, a lot of coaxing later, the truck was back, more or less in working condition. I was beginning to understand just how complicated life could be in the region of Aysén. I also was beginning to understand what people meant when they described the culture of Aysén as being an important asset. The “Tonys” (Father - Antonio, son – also Antonio, and family) were and are my heroes. They took us under their wing during that week and imparted precious advice. After a decade of “migrating” along the Southern Highway from construction project to construction project, they were experts on Nomad life. They taught us what a real emergency plan was and how to effectively pack gear in a pick up so that it would stay dry. They taught us basic mechanics and how to deal with rain and snow and washed out roads. They fed us and let us shower, and gave us a place to sleep (even Truco). And after all that, when we left a week later, they told us once again, “call us if you run into trouble”. So, with the help of the Tonys, we made good use of that extra week in Coyhaique. I charged Anna with improving the details of our plans – finding mechanics along the road, and houses that had gas for sale, stores where we could re-supply and the locations of public rural telephones. When we left again, I wanted to be ready for the road; at least as ready as we could be. I utilized the week to spend time with three of the other case studies; all of whom were working in Coyhaique. The first of these was Miguel Quiben. Miguel is 28 years old, married, with four children and another baby on the way. He has been working for several years as an independent guide in the region. He is married to the daughter of one the most powerful families in town. His wife „s father recently passed away and left her, among other things, a tourism property called Bahía Catalina, located along the shores of Lago General Carrera, near a town called Guadal. The property has not been managed well over the past several years, and Miguel and his wife are working together now to fix things up and turn it into a profitable business. I was planning a visit to Bahía Catalina later in the trip, to work with Carlos Abel, another of the cases, who was helping Miguel and his wife with their work. Miguel was spending the winter cutting and selling firewood with his father, from their family camp near Coyhaique, so this was a good opportunity to catch up with him as well. I also met with Alvaro Araujo during the week. Alvaro is from Puerto Bertrand. He is a fly-fishing guide, working independently in the region. Alvaro had applied to participate in the Guide‟s school but was called to complete obligatory military duty, which prevented him from attending. After the military, he was able to obtain a scholarship for a coveted semester with NOLS; the American based Outdoor Leadership School where he was able to receive training in mountaineering, sea kayaking, wilderness medicine, expedition planning, and what he considered to be his most valuable skill; a limited, but improving ability to speak English. He provided me with an interesting perspective on flyfishing, and the difficulties of finding work, as a local, with limited English skills. Alvaro was spending the winter in Coyhaique, working in a gas station and living with a 257
grandmother. He told me he spent all of his winters working at random jobs, such as this, so that he could save the majority of his summer tourism earnings and invest the remainder in equipment, rather than spend it to live over the winter, as many others did. Lastly, I spent time with Pedro Valdomar, a guide with Patagonia Voyages. I knew Pedro from other dealings with Patagonia Voyages, and had worked with him in the back country during a prior trip. Pedro grew up in Tortel, one of the towns I would be visiting later in the trip. Tortel is unique. Until three years ago, it could only be reached by boat. Now, it was connected to the Southern Highway and life was changing at warp speed. Tourism had arrived and the town was trying to keep up with demand for infrastructure and services. Pedro had left Tortel for the military four years prior. After his year in the military, his parents had encouraged him to attend the Guide‟s School. He attributed this experience with “changing his life”. Single and 23, Pedro told me he sends the majority of his earnings back home to his parents. He was proud to be making their lives easier but clear when he said that he was not ready to settle down in Tortel, or anywhere else. His personal dream was to “see the world”. He believed adventure guiding could get him there. “Taking Our Lives in Our Own Hands”- April 17 - 23 So, that leads us into the third week of April – time flies doesn‟t it? Once again, we packed the grey truck. Once again, we had good weather for our departure. It was colder now, and when we drove through Cerro Castillo, the majority of fall color had passed. We held our breath as we passed the place we had broken down but, things seemed to be working okay. When we passed by the turn off to Puerto Ibanez, there were two gauchos driving a group of horses toward the village of Cerro Castillo. I recognized them to be Javier and Martin and we stopped in the middle of the road to say hello. Aysén is like that…it doesn‟t take long to start recognizing people wherever you go. I guess that may be why the informal networks for communication seem to function as well as they do. They asked how Truco was doing - the little dog traveling with us was becoming quite famous! We laughed, snapped a photo of the infamous gauchos and moved on. The pavement ends just past the center of Villa Cerro Castillo, not to be seen again until Argentina. The remainder of the Southern Highway is a mixture of gravel, lava dust, rocks, dirt and potholes – enough to flatten the best of tires. I tried not to think about it and politely declined when Anna offered to switch up on driving. She had just passed the driving test two weeks prior and I wasn‟t ready to turn over the keys. Murta is a tiny (really tiny) little town on the edge of the lake, about 5 kilometers down a side road off the Southern Highway. There‟s not much to say about Murta. There‟s a school there, and a church and a community center and The Black Cat Supermarket, which is a Grocery store, five and dime, gas station, hostel, and hangout – all combined. Nadia Iglesias, the next of our 15 cases, was not at her house and we didn‟t see her in our pass through the town. We hadn‟t heard from her at all and we really had no idea if she had gotten word of our visit. The woman at the store with the payphone suggested we go by the school where Nadia‟s son was just getting out of class. We found him and when he finally gathered the courage to speak he explained that his mother was helping in the fields with the potato harvest. She had been expecting us but wasn‟t sure of the exact date and besides…we were a week behind. We set up the tent under a lean-to and waited. Finally, Nadia appeared, flanked by family. I was expecting Nadia‟s parents to be strong, middle-aged, farmers. I was not expecting the little, old, 75+ couple before me. But yes, these were Nadia‟s parents who, along with Nadia and her brother, had been hand harvesting the potato field since daybreak. 258
Yet, just 15 minutes later, we were sharing mate around the same type of wood-burning cast iron stove that warmed all of the houses in Patagonia. Nadia‟s parents were very friendly and welcoming. Nadia was shy and I had to work hard to get a full sentence in return. But, with Anna, Nadia was open and engaging. I was glad Anna was there, and so was Nadia. I asked Nadia if she could arrange an expedition for us for the next day. She agreed to try and set up a horseback trip. Nadia had submitted a project to INDAP for funding to buy four horses and tack of her own, but for now, she was renting horses. As long as she could round them up, we were on. Nadia is also a graduate of the Guide‟s School. She has brochures about her services and banners advertising her skills – all of which were co-funded and endorsed by the Guide‟s School. Nadia works as a guide. Not as often as others, but she does get jobs. I tell you all this to preface my account of the horseback ride we took that next day. After spending a FREEZING night in the tent, we awoke and packed things up. We were alone at the house. Nadia‟s family was back out with the potatoes and Nadia was out looking for the horses. We considered the offer to use the “hot” shower she had built in a bathroom out back to service the campers for her campground but, upon inspection of the facilities; decided to pass, because even if the shower turned out to be hot, the room itself had no heat and when we got out it would be really, really cold. Around 10:30am, Nadia showed up with the horses and we prepared to leave. The experience was quite different from the ride we had in Cerro Castillo. There was no safety talk. There were no helmets. In fact, there was no instruction at all. We mounted and rode into town to a small store in one side of a house. Here, Nadia instructed us to wait as she went inside to get snacks for the trip. Finally, we set out. We rode up into the hills above the town. It was beautiful country and a sunny fall day. Truco ran beside us, having the time of his life, but Anna was definitely not. Anna is a capable rider, but no expert, and this route required expertise. The ride was steep, narrow and highly technical. There were eight gates that needed to be opened, and then closed, and Nadia did one or the other, but not both. Whoever went through the gate first led the trip until the next gate. We crossed rivers. We went through swamps. I loved it but I too felt a little nervous at points. Nadia seemed to be in her element. She was talking more and even joked a little. At around 3:30pm, we stopped for a snack. Nadia suggested we keep going but both Anna and I were getting concerned that if we didn‟t turn back it would be dark before we returned. So, we insisted on heading toward the farm. What we didn‟t know was that Nadia had a shortcut…straight down, through a thick forest. We were literally ducking for the last mile or so, the entire time, just to avoid having our heads cut off by the low hanging branches. The relief on Anna‟s face when we headed inside the house for the interview was obvious. She confirmed to me later that she had been scared. So I asked Nadia about what would have happened if there had been an injury during our ride. No answer. I asked her how she dealt with risk. She said she asked people about their level of experience. I asked her how she asked her foreign clients, since she didn‟t speak English. She told me she communicated through gestures. We finished the interview and said our goodbyes and once we were safely in the car we made a pact that from then on, we would not do another excursion without the first-aid kit and the satellite telephone in tow. We were learning about rural tourism, slowly but surely – baptism by fire style. That night, after a week on the floor at the Tony‟s and a night of cold camping in Murta, I was ready for a little comfort. When we arrived in Puerto Tranquilo, I bypassed Anna‟s suggestions of a hostel she knew about. It was owned by a rural family in the area 259
whose son had attended the guide‟s school. I opted for El Luz, a small, bed & breakfast owned by another family. It was a place I had stayed in before and I knew exactly what I could expect. I wanted to talk with the owners to get their perspectives on rural tourism and even more, I wanted a hot shower, a comfortable bed and a healthy, good breakfast. El Luz is one of those rare travelers‟ respites you find tucked away at the ends of the earth, where there is just a special calming energy. The owners, Alberto and Pilar Gallego came to Aysén from Santiago. Alberto is an architect, a guide and an amateur photographer and Pilar is an agronomist who specializes in organic gardening. They fell in love with the slower pace, the mountains, the crisp, clear air and the deliciously fresh water. They never went back to Santiago. But, they couldn‟t live on architecture and agronomy; there‟s just not enough need. So, Alberto designed and built El Luz, a four room bed and breakfast and Pilar installed an organic garden with vegetables, herbs, bees, and flowers. The inn is constructed of local Cypress and thick, cream colored stucco. Inside, there are lots of large windows which visually connect to the garden beyond, and huge exposed Cypress tree trunks which form the supports for the structure. The wood stove is in the center of the open area on the first floor, and there are thick, furry rugs covering the smooth wooden floors. In the corner of the great room, there is a gigantic dining table, hand-crafted from the same cypress used for the house. Alberto‟s photographs adorn the walls, presented in simple frames. They celebrate the local flora, fauna, nature and culture. And in the kitchen, there are fresh flowers, drying herbs, and honey they‟ve harvested from the bees they raise. On a table, in the corner of the living area, there are a variety of woolen crafts for sale: gloves, hats, scarves, sweaters and blankets. Pilar explains that they were made by women in town during the cold winters. As I sat in the comfortable living room of the B&B, with a gourmet Pisco Sour, good music and beautiful rustic décor, the difficulties of rural tourism were sinking in. I was glad to be safe, warm and inside. Patagonia has so much presence, in its weather, its mountains, its rushing rivers, and its giant fields of ice. I felt as if I had battled those elements all day – the horse ride, the drive along the pockmarked Southern Highway, the loading and unloading of gear. As a tourist, that wild natural presence can be overwhelming at times. El Luz felt like a refuge and, as a tourist, I appreciated that refuge; and having a place where I could watch the majesty of Patagonia from inside; inside a warm room, seated on a comfortable chair. I understood now, for myself, the hesitancy many of the experts in Coyhaique felt about recommending rural tourism options. I went up to my room and took a long, hot, steamy shower. The morning brought a calm, sunny day; the warmest we would have for our trip. After a breakfast of granola and fresh fruit and warm, fresh out of the oven, whole wheat biscuits and honey, I sat down with Alberto and Pilar for a tag-team interview. While Anna walked Truco and reloaded the truck, we discussed how challenging it could be finding trustworthy employees and trying to work with the community, as an “outsider” to the region. After our interview, Anna, Truco, and I headed out for a 30 km trip, down a road that was in the progress of being carved, toward the Explorers Valley and the camp of Sebastian Brisaboa. The light on this day was unbelievable. We must have stopped 22 times along the way to take pictures and each turn along the road brought yet another surprise. Three-story waterfalls, falling just a few feet from the road; calm Alpine lakes, condors, and the Explorers glacier looming just ahead, seemingly ready to drop a huge load of ice onto the road at our feet. We passed three gauchos that morning. The first was riding alone, along the side of the road, with 2 dogs following about 20 yards behind. He had on a big wool 260
poncho and a black felt beret, called a “boina”. The other two were together, with another pair of dogs, and about 40 cows. They were driving the cows along the road, and we stopped and allowed them to pass at their own speed. Once we got outside of town, the scenery quickly became a lot more like wilderness. Aside from the occasional small house, set up off the road, buildings were rare. So, when we came upon a gravel parking lot marked with an admission price and a “visitors‟ center” set into the woods on the left, we decided we‟d better stop and “check it out”. This turned out to be another venture of Alberto Gallego, owner of El Luz. He also owned this property and had installed the center and an interpretive 1 mile trail through the woods, to an overlook where you could view the Explorers Glacier. There was a caretaker there to guard the structure and take our admission. The parking lot was empty. We came upon one other structure that morning. It was a small lodge, which Anna told me had been built by a German couple. It was functioning as a B&B, but when we passed, no one was home. I remembered Sara, at CORFO, telling me she had driven out here a few weeks prior, planning to stay with the couple but they hadn‟t had availability. She hadn‟t been able to contact them in advance since there were no telephones or internet this far out. I remembered her sharing this story as an example of the difficulties she had encountered working with rural tourism. Yeah, we were pretty much in the middle of nowhere – it would be pretty annoying to come this far, only to be turned away. Sebastian lived at the end of the road; literally. We weren‟t exactly sure of the route but we knew we were close when the road just stopped. Fifteen feet ahead there was a 20 foot drop, into the forest. We backed the truck up and cut off down a small gravel drive to the right. It ended a brief while later at the river. Anna told me to beep the horn. We did so several times. She said she had been told that we would hear the dogs barking on the other side of the river and then Sebastian would come for us in a small boat. Yeah, okay. Meanwhile, I was learning about “waiting”, so I lit the gas stove to heat water for mate and broke into our snack supply. Soon we had all but forgotten that we were waiting for Sebastian, because we had decided to have lunch, but an hour and 15 minutes after we arrived, we heard dogs barking. Anna ran back down to the river and waved as Sebastian and another man appeared on the other side. They weren‟t expecting us. Anna had radioed 6 times over the past two day and had passed messages from Coyhaique. She had spoken with Orlando‟s cousin to let him know of our plans, and had sent word through another of the Guide School‟s alums. But, the word hadn‟t reached back up into this valley and Sebastian had other company. His sister and brother –in-law were visiting from Coyhaique; their first visit in 15 years, and there was a forestry consultant there teaching Sebastian how to use a portable timber planer machine. Nevertheless, Sebastian loaded our gear, our dog, and us into a small, leaking, wooden rowboat, and brought us across the river to his camp. The next hour was filled with activity. We carried in all the supplies. Sebastian lives about a half a mile from the river, down a path, and across a log which has been placed over another smaller river as a rustic sort of bridge. We set up the tent in the field in front of the small house. Seems we would be bunking with a small herd of goats, several sheep, a flock of chickens, 2 dogs, plus Truco, and 6 or 7 cats. Truco would have plenty of playmates. Next, mate. Then, they told us to come and watch as the brother-in-law, the sister, and Tito, Sebastian‟s ranch-hand, tracked a cow about a mile back into the woods, killed it, skinned it, drained its blood, and hung the meat in a nearby tree to cure. So many new experiences!!! 261
Later, there was a meal of very fresh beef, potatoes, carrots, and tomato-avocado salad. This was served with fried bread, kind of like a savory doughnut, and water. And then cards. The game of choice in Aysén is Truco (Truco the dog was named in honor of this game). The game involves lying, cheating, bluffing, limericks, and a ton of complicated, overlapping rules. Also, as you might have guessed; there‟s betting involved. I tried to learn, but, Truco requires a level of Spanish that even most of the locals haven‟t mastered. I earned the name of Gringa Loca! The next day, there was more beef for breakfast. We spent the day close to the house. The men went to work with the consultant. The women cooked lunch, drank mate and talked about life this far off the beaten path. That afternoon, we helped lug a side of beef, several contraband tree seedlings, and Sebastian‟s guests to the other side of the big river, so that they could make their way back to Coyhaique. After another night of Truco, mate, and folk music, we packed things up to go. Before leaving, I sat down for an interview with Sebastian. He told me of his plans to develop a tourism retreat in the field where the machine was being used. He showed me the cabin that they had begun to build. We discussed the excursions he had made with tourists in the past and how tourism was proving a good way to augment his livelihood activities of farming and forestry. We talked about how the road would likely change things for him. Before we left, we told Sebastian that we would probably stop back by at the end of our trip. I wanted to see more of this amazing camp and experience an excursion. He said he‟d be there, waiting. “On the road again”; this time, the drive through the valley was marked by a steady rain. No matter; we were experts at packing a pick-up truck now – we knew how to keep things dry. We stopped in Puerto Tranquilo to pass a message on from Orlando to his cousin about supplies he needed, filled up the gas tank, checked the oil, and started the 30 km drive to Leones. You need to be able to picture the condition of the road here to truly understand the tourism experience. It‟s raining and it‟s about 35 degrees out. The gravel road hasn‟t been graded in quite a while. It‟s fall, and there‟s a lot of movement of livestock along the Southern Highway at this time of year. Hundreds of cattle and sheep pass by, each with four hooves making thousands of indentations; large trucks also haul animals between farms and market. Then there are other large trucks, hauling firewood and equipment for roadwork that‟s taking place further south. There are also small trucks, and cars, and bikers, and horseback riders. And they pass through all kinds of weather, driving along this road that was literally, pushed through the countryside with little apparent thought to the shifting grounds and erosion that would follow. This passage is the worst I‟ve encountered. I imagine it‟s a similar experience to what it would be like to drive a 1999 Mitsubishi pick-up truck, loaded down with gear, in the rain, across the surface of the moon. And although this was worse than usual, it‟s all pretty bad, once you get off the pavement that ended days ago, in Cerro Castillo. We arrived at another turnoff in the afternoon and made our way to the camp of Jorge Pumares. Rain was pouring down. Jorge was in a small clearing, chopping wood; rain or not. There was a middle-aged, blonde woman and a small girl with him, watching. They were all very surprised to see us; another example of failed communications. No, we couldn‟t do an excursion with all this rain, but, why didn‟t we stay in the quincho, out of the rain and we could talk about his business and life and look at pictures from his trips. That sounded good to us, but we were feeling like we might have interrupted something because the woman and child had stared but not said a word to us. 262
We unpacked food for the night. We also unpacked the tent fabric and hung it up inside the quincho to dry. The night was productive with discussion and sharing. Angelica, the woman, turned out to be an acquaintance that lived down the road; and also the mother of Jorge‟s daughter, the young girl we met. They are visiting. They don‟t live there. In fact, Jorge has a wife in the United States. He lived there for several years, on a work permit, ranching on a large cattle ranch in the West. He met his U.S. wife while he was there. When he returned to Chile, his Chilean wife (not Angelica), had left him so the two wives weren‟t really an issue. His U.S. wife had come to visit this year for 3 months. She had left a few weeks prior. I pondered how all of this newly-gained information related to my study of rural livelihoods based on tourism. Well, there was the fact that the wife in the U.S. was planning to invest in a café for Jorge to run his business from. That would enable him to get internet and take reservations. Then there was the English proficiency that Jorge had gained during his time in the U.S. This helped him to attract a different type of client, who he could charge a higher price. And Angelica? It was a complicated situation. I can‟t tell you that Angelica felt jealous or threatened by us. She did not say so, directly. I can tell you that whenever we were interacting with Jorge, she appeared and listened in. What she contributed to the conversation was her impressions about women from the United States (myself included), and they were not typically positive impressions. However, when we gave her a ride to her home the next day, we discovered another wrinkle in the relationship between Jorge, Angelica, and rural tourism development. It turns out that Angelica is the daughter of a very wealthy family from Santiago. When they found out she had fallen in love with a Patagonian “gaucho”, they bought property a short distance away and built a high-end set of cabins for Angelica and her brother to manage. And those cabins have become quite popular. Tourists who stay there are often referred to Jorge for a day‟s trip to the Leones Glacier. What‟s more, there is a rural telephone and a radio at these cabins, which provide a connection with the outside world. Rural tourism is complicated and very interconnected. Angelica gave us a note and some cash that she needed passed on to a man in Bertrand, our next destination. This man, Juan, turned out to be Alvaro‟s father, (the flyfishing guide I had met with in Coyhaique). We caught up with Juan at the fly-fishing lodge he manages in Bertrand. He had worked with some of Angelicas‟ clients, the week before, and she was sending his pay. Juan has a nice, fiberglass motor-boat and he guides clients in Lago Plomo and also transports them across the lake for excursions in the Soler Valley. That was our plan, or so we thought. We had arranged a 3 day trip with our next case, Alejandro Manin, when we ran into him in Coyhaique in March. Now, we just needed to find him. We caught up with his significant other, packed her and her son in the truck with everything else, and headed back in the direction we had come, about 20 minutes, until we came across a large ranch. Here we turned into a field and headed for the farmhouse. The owner informed us that he was expecting Alejandro back soon. They had been out chopping wood and repairing fences but, it was now time for afternoon mate. So, we waited. Just before dark, he appeared, riding his horse towards us from the edge of the field. He looked so different from the last time I had seen him riding a horse. On that occasion, he had been working as a guide with Southern Adventures, and was helping to lead a group I had arranged. Then, he wore rain gear and fleece. Now, he appeared in a poncho, gaucho 263
attire, and sheepskin chaps. But, his trademark baseball cap was the same. He was surprised to see us. Yes, he remembered we said we were coming but, people say lots of things, and the work on the farm was real and definite. Alejandro said he would head back to town and meet us later, to figure things out. We were staying at the cabins on the edge of town, which also happened to be a Hare Krishna camp. The tourism season was over, but they let us stay. They also agreed to do our laundry, for a fee. About 9:00pm, Alejandro showed up. Alvaro was with him. We sat around and drank mate for awhile. Alejandro explained that the horses needed to be gathered and he would need a few days to get supplies. After a bit of discussion, we decided to move on to our next two destinations and to do the Soler trip on our way back through, in another week. It was a little risky, because the longer we waited, the more extreme the weather would be, but, obviously, we needed horses and supplies. I was irritated. Later, Anna reminded me for the thousandth time that in Patagonia, you needed to have patience. Not just patience….I had paid a lot of money for that cabin and had I known we weren‟t going to be able to go, I would have kept driving to Cochrane and a cheap night of camping. And now, I‟d have to do it again the following week. I remember thinking that Hector and Anna just didn‟t understand the effects these types of delays and changes had on their clients. It was more than just patience that was needed, to be sure. “When life gives you lemons, make …a Picnic” - April 24 – 30: Speaking of patience, the next day we were driving the Southern Highway (have I mentioned yet that this is the only “highway” in Southern Chile and the major transportation route between all of these towns and the outside world)? Well, we had just stopped for a hitchhiker, an older woman from the area, who was headed to her house in Cochrane, after spending the past few weeks at her farm. It‟s common practice to pick up hitchhikers here – most people don‟t have their own transportation so this informal system of neighborly assistance is a key mode for getting around. To continue, we were discussing the proposed dam projects. I wanted to know what she thought but, as is the case with many rural folk, she wasn‟t talking much with strangers. We rounded a turn in the road and came to an abrupt halt. In front of me there was a sign that said, “Road Construction – Road closed from 11:30am – 1:30 pm, daily”. Another wait. We had a picnic on the hood of the truck: It was Anna, myself, Truco, the lady, and the passengers of the other 4 pickup trucks in the line waiting. One of those persons turned out to be the operations manager for Valley Chacabuco, which was the property that had recently been purchased by Kris and Doug Tompkins, for the purpose of turning it into the future Patagonia National Park. I really wanted to talk to Kris Tompkins, so this was a welcome coincidence. By the end of the wait, he had agreed to help me get an appointment on the afternoon of the following day. We camped in Cochrane. Cochrane is one of the larger towns of the region. It has a bank, a variety store, several hostels and restaurants. There are gas stations, mechanics, internet, and bus companies. It‟s a refueling point for travelers. There is a beautiful reserve just outside of town, the Tamango Reserve, but, unfortunately for us, they wouldn‟t allow us to camp there with Truco. There are no dogs allowed in any of the reserves in Chile. So, we ended up in the middle of town, a block off the plaza, at a “campground” in the backyard of a lady‟s house. This was a common form of rural tourism – utilizing the land adjacent to your home to charge for camping. This woman had set up several fire-rings and trashcans, and had constructed a bathroom with an exterior entrance and a shower room, with hot showers. We began setting up the tent. Then we discovered that my professional 264
guide Anna had not repacked the tent poles when we were in the Explorers Valley. And it was going to be cold that night; maybe even with snow. Either we needed a tent, or we would be shelling out $40 - $50 for a room. I left Anna to think about how she would deal with not having a tent for the rest of the trip, while I went to ask if there was a place we could buy one in town. Thankfully, there was. In fact, I was told, we happened to be in one of the three locations in the region where you could buy a tent: Coyhaique, Cochrane, and Chile Chico. I guess there‟s always a bright side. Another $70.00 and another problem solved. We would be going back to the Explorer‟s Valley for sure, now. I remember thinking that day, and many others on the trip, about the money I had brought. I was traveling with what I had estimated to be sufficient for our journey, plus a healthy contingency; all in cash, for a number of reasons. First, none of the campsites or restaurants or guides accepted travelers‟ checks or credit cards. Most also frowned on American dollars. The currency of choice was clearly the Chilean peso. There were only two banks during our entire trip; in Cochrane, and again in Chile Chico. The fees for cash advances were exorbitant and often ATMs did not function with my foreign cards. Moreover, the exchange rates outside of Coyhaique were less than fair and my experience had taught me that these facilities often did not have sufficient cash. So, I considered the financial infrastructure as solely a back-up for true emergencies, and hoped that the funds we had with us would carry us through. With that situation behind us, we walked over to the offices of a community organization that had been formed to fight the proposed dams. Cochrane is the town which is closest to where the first dam would be, along the Baker River. We talked with the staff about their work and the attitudes of the local residents, as well as regional tourism. Later, we ran into a group of familiar faces. It was Miguel, Jorge, and another guide from the guide‟s school, Manolo. They were with on e of the directors, Jessica Amieiro, working on a project for ACCA. ACCA was funding their trip and paying them to evaluate rural tourism enterprises that were part of their network. This was another example of the small, closely connected world of rural tourism in Aysén. They left us to go to their hostel. They had considered camping as well, but it was going to be a cold night and the hostel was also part of the ACCA network, so they preferred to be inside. We spent two and a half days in Cochrane. One day we drove out to Valley Chacabuco to talk to Kris Tompkins and learn about her work. The next day we spent hunting down mechanics and waiting for service. The truck wasn‟t running well again and I did not want to get stuck on the road. In between those two events, we attended a town meeting about the dams. Collective action seemed to be a possibility, based on the heated discussion and debate we watched that night. The following afternoon, we reloaded the freshly tuned–up truck and continued our drive, 128 kilometers and four hours south to Tortel. Tortel is home to 507 people. It is built into the side of a cliff and connected by a series of intricate boardwalks. There are no roads in Tortel itself. When you reach town, you arrive at a large parking lot and the end of the road. Here there is a tourism information center, a covered place to wait for buses, and a couple of overlooks. You park your vehicle in this lot and walk into town, using the slippery boardwalks and series of stairways. Depending on how much gear you have, this can get tricky. In our case, it was definitely going to be tricky. We had been forewarned by the Tonys and others, that it was not safe to leave things in vehicles when parked in this lot. Anna went to survey the situation. I sat in the truck. 265
A man approached. He was tall, blonde, dressed in expensive rain gear, and carrying a backpack. He had a camera. I assumed he wasn‟t a local, and, I was correct. He asked me, in English, if we were going to Cochrane anytime soon, because he had missed the bus by 5 minutes and was going to have to wait another two days for the next one. I told him we‟d just arrived. His name was Mark. He told me his story. He was traveling the world. He‟d already been to Argentina and, after Chile; he was planning visits to Peru, Ecuador, Paraguay and then, Asia. He had been laid off from a high tech job back in Texas and was spending his “package”, while he figured out what he wanted to “be” next. He was traveling as cheap as possible so that he could keep going as long as possible. I told him he could hang out with us if he ended up stranded. Anna came back with news. She had run into an older man who was building a tourist cabin. It wasn‟t finished. But it was fully enclosed at this point, and had electricity. There were foam cushions we could put our sleeping bags on. We could sleep there for $2US per person. Best of all, it was adjacent to the parking lot so we wouldn‟t have to lug everything up and down the stairs. And from the way it looked to me as we were standing on the landing above the town; there were thousands of stairs! There were four rooms in the cabin being built so we told Mark he could take one of them. We put our stuff inside and went to find Jose, our next case. I was right. There are thousands of stairs in Tortel. And the boardwalks are really slick. By the time we walked from that parking lot to the other end of the town, where we found Jose, I had slipped 3 times. I was so glad that I wasn‟t carrying 60 pounds of gear. The village was really quaint. I had never seen anything like it. It was all built into the side of this cliff, over the bay. There were smaller boardwalks leading to houses and little stores, connected to the major boardwalks. We wound up and down and around the hills and buildings, going from one side to the other. In the middle of the village, we reached a pavilion and a new building which houses the library. Public internet was available there. There were no home phones, but every so often, along the boardwalk, we passed a public phone on the side of the path. There were a lot of wooden boats in Tortel. They were all painted white and teal blue, with red trim. Mark knew why: he explained that he had learned that each little town along the coast had a set of proprietary colors for its boats and that all of the boats registered to that town used the same paint treatment. Mark accompanied us to Jose‟s house. When we arrived, Jose was away but his wife Gloria was there and invited us in for Mate. Jose came later and we decided that it was too late in the year for a trip to the glacier but that we could do a boat excursion to the Isle of the Dead the following day. Our night in Don Juan‟s Quincho was very interesting. Technically, it was true that the building was to the point of being enclosed and that it had electricity. But, the reality was that the windows were “enclosed” with plastic sheeting and the electricity consisted of manually connecting two bare wires to a portable battery which had a third wire leading to a light bulb. The “cushions” turned out to be stacks of Styrofoam insulation panels. The floor was covered with sawdust and nails. Yet, it was worth it to be so close to the truck. I remember thinking that when the cabin was actually completed, it would always be full. In one corner of the room, Don Juan had constructed a miniature replica of his vision for the cabin, about the size of a dollhouse. It was constructed of cardboard and plastic and was truly, a work of art. He explained to us that this cabin had been a dream for quite a while. He had applied for help with funding the project, from SERCOTEC, and ACCA, but, so far, he had been rejected so, he was building, it bit by bit, as cash would 266
allow. He was doing all of the work himself, alone. It was beautiful work; hand-crafted, hand-finished cypress and pine, in the style he had seen in the tourist towns of Argentina when he had traveled through as a truck driver at an earlier stage of his life. Don Juan told us all this over mate, after he saved Anna‟s life. Had he not been there, I would have killed her. It was 9:00pm. It was still raining. Anna grabbed my keys off the “bed” and ran to the truck to get food for a snack. I went to meet her because I needed a few things as well. She was just coming back, so I asked for the keys. She fumbled in her pockets and then panicked, as she realized they were locked in the truck. But, I wasn‟t worried. I knew that this would not be a problem because before we left Coyhaique, I had given Anna an “emergency” set of keys and instructions that no matter what, she needed to carry them on her at all times. I was wrong. She had put the key in her wallet and had hidden her wallet behind the back seat of the truck to make sure it didn‟t get stolen in the cabin. So both sets of keys were locked in the truck. It was pouring down rain, so all the windows were sealed shut and every door was locked, including the tiny back window, because we had been warned of theft. If we broke a window, we would not be able to get it replaced until we got to Chile Chico and then we would have to wait for the glass and repairs. We worked for an hour and a half with coat hangers and metal rods to no avail. Thankfully, that‟s when Don Juan appeared and saved us. I guess he‟d had a bit more experience with this type of thing. At any rate, my professional guide Anna lived to see another day. I promised I wouldn‟t tell anyone but she ended up sharing the story a million times in the days ahead, as an example of our many adventures, and of the things she felt like she needed to learn to consider. The boat trip in Tortel to the Island of the Dead was fun, relaxing, and fairly uneventful. However, when we got back to the dock, Anna slipped while getting off the boat and took a swim in the icy bay, with all of her gear. This just wasn‟t her week. While her boots and clothes were drying out, Jose and I talked about his plans and dreams for a livelihood based on tourism. Jose loved his village of Tortel. He never wants to leave. His wife is an architect who first came to Tortel from Vina del Mar, in conjunction with a government program, which is similar to the Peace Corps. She met Jose and in a fairy-tale way, they fell in love. She gave up the big city life, and they are happily married with a 4 year old daughter and a new baby on the way, building a life in tourism. Utilizing Jose‟s lifelong experience with the water and woodworking with cypress, and Gloria‟s social connections and professional skills as an architect, they have developed a plan to construct a large wooden ship with 4 berths for overnight guests. Their plan is to offer multi-day cruises through the bay from Tortel to the nearby glaciers and to offer daily sea-kayaking excursions for their guests. The plans are complete and they have applied and secured funding through CORFO. Jose told me that by this time a year from now, the boat should be ready. He‟s still working through plans for how he will promote and sell this concept but is counting on contacts he has in Coyhaique to send him clients. He seemed confident and excited with the plans. We‟ve parted ways with Mark at this point, but as we prepared to leave Tortel to head back toward Bertrand, and the Soler Valley, an older man approached us for a ride. We dropped him at a pensioners‟ hostel in Cochrane and completed the drive back to the Hare Krishna cabins in Bertrand. Alejandro stopped by shortly after we arrived to tell us everything was set for the next morning‟s trip. We made arrangements to leave our gear in the cabin while we were gone, packed up the essentials we would need, took advantage of the opportunity for hot showers, and went to bed for a good nights sleep. 267
Alvaro‟s dad took us across the lake to the Soler Valley, where we met up with Alejandro and his father-in-law, Carlos. They had the horses ready to go and a hot lunch cooked, so we ate and then hit the trail. I had felt a mixture of excitement and fear about this trip because there had been a lot of rain and I knew the rivers we would be crossing would be high. I‟d been through this same area before, with Patagonia Voyages, so I knew that those crossings could get hairy at times, if the weather didn‟t cooperate. Plus, this was Truco‟s first time having to swim large rivers and I was really attached to that little dog. A few important observations: There was quite a difference in this trip through the Soler Valley and previous trips through the same geography with a large, established company like Patagonia Voyages. 1) With Patagonia Voyages, the food was a lot better. It was more gourmet, and more plentiful. 2) There probably were rats at the camps with Patagonia Voyages too but, I never saw them because I slept on comfortable cushions in nice tents. This time I slept inside the back country shacks where the guides sleep, listening to the rats scurry all night. 3) We had to pay an extra $20 to Alejandro, above the trip fees, so that Alejandro could pay John Brown, the owner of Patagonia voyages for access to use his land. John Brown had a concession with CONAF to collect entrance fees, as his ranch bordered the reserve and he charged other guides and companies a fee to use his land. “A Foreigner in My Own Land” - May 1 - 7 Nevertheless, the trip was spectacular. We had fabulous fall weather: cold nights with snow flurries, warm, sunny days, and good horses. It was a great three days. After our return from the Soler Valley, we spent one last night in the cabins and then I interviewed Alejandro, early the next day. He talked a lot about his dreams of building a company with his father-in-law and his concerns about access and land rights. He talked about the many foreign owned lodges around Bertrand and how much of the money from the lodges left the region. He talked about the difficulties of trying to operate a business without internet, telephones, or banks. But he loved working with clients in a place he loved and preferred this life to his former work in a grocery store in Coyhaique. One of the things that Alejandro said during the interview really stuck with me. Basically, he said that he was afraid that in a few more years he‟d feel like a foreigner in his own land. What struck me about it was the irony that many of these foreigners buying land around Bertrand had first Bertrand as tourists. Hector might even have guided some of them. When we were leaving, we passed one of these foreign lodges, Tres Lagos. It sat on the hillside, along the lake and stood out because of its enormity and upscale design. We didn‟t know much about the place but decided to take our chances and see if we could talk to someone. We turned down the drive through a fancy gate and pulled up in front of the main building. There were 3 HUM-VEES parked to the side. The main building looked like a Mexican hacienda. It was very upscale, with big wooden post and beam construction and lots of adobe style stucco. To the side were several cabins, in the same style, with separate patios, overlooking the lake. To the other side, there were 3 or 4 large lodges that looked like the ski lodges in resorts in Aspen or Vail. A young man, of about 20, came to the door and Anna went to try and talk our way inside. She was successful. The lodge had satellite internet, cable, and telephone; plus wi-fi. It had a gourmet restaurant and luxurious common areas with pool tables, comfortable furniture, and upscale amenities. After what we had left 5 minutes before, I am sure my bottom lip was touching the floor as I stared at these surroundings in disbelief. We talked with Sergio Vales, a young Argentinean, who had secured a job guiding at the lodge. He loved his work and felt very lucky to have the opportunity to keep working 268
through winter, even though the tourism season had ended. He was staying on to help with maintenance and odd jobs. The owner lived in Cancun, where he had other successful tourism enterprises but had a parent from Chile and loved this part of the world. The clients who came to Tres Lagos were mainly from Europe and the U.S. and Sergio told us that they paid around $1,800US for a 5 to 6 day trip. Most of the construction, maintenance, cleaning, and grounds keeping work for the property was done by Chileans, from Guadal, the closest town. Some of the food was purchased locally, but much of the specialty items had to be brought down from Coyhaique. The management, the guides, and the chef were from elsewhere; Argentina, the U.S., and Santiago. Sergio was very welcoming. He offered to let us use the internet to check emails and asked us to stay and eat lunch. We took him up on the email but then, after the interview, continued our drive to Bahía Catalina, which is the resort that Miguel Quiben‟s wife had recently inherited that is being fixed up with the help of Carlos Abel, our next case. Our stop at Bahía Catalina had been prearranged and confirmed. Anna had let them know were coming several times, through email and even in person, when we ran into Manolo, who was working with Carlos on the project. Yet, when we arrived, Carlos and Manolo told us that there were no rooms available. They had booked a large, last minute group and they needed the money. Our choice was to camp and spend time with them in between the group‟s activities, or rearrange our plans, yet again. We decided to press on to Chile Chico and to stop for a stay at Bahía Catalina on our return trip. The drive between Bahía Catalina and Chile Chico was the most beautiful and the most dangerous one of the entire adventure. The road was really narrow and wound along the edge of stone cliffs, 400–500 feet above Lago General Carrera. It wound through the Pass of the Keys, named for natural stone spires that rise in the area. The area was commonly plagued by rock slides and was really desolate, until after two or three hours of slow and precise driving, we rounded a bend and came upon a large, operating gold mine. It was a big operation and at this point, we could actually breathe a sigh of relief because the road flattened out and was in better condition for the rest of the trip into Chile Chico, which now, was only a half hour more. We hadn‟t planned to be in Chile Chico for a couple more days, so we were early for our time with Jorge Blanco. But, we stopped on arrival at his restaurant on the main thoroughfare of town, because we‟d been driving all day long and we were starved. Jorge was there working and seemed glad to see us. He sat down and talked. He talked a lot. In fact, neither Anna nor I had a chance to get in more than one or two sentences during the first half hour we were there. Jorge had it covered with his lecture about how tourism functioned, or more accurately, could function, in Chile Chico if the government and SERNATUR would just get on board with his plan. This lecture looked like it might go on indefinitely, so, we ordered a pizza. Pizzas in Aysén are different from pizzas in the U.S. In Aysén, pizza is like a croissant flavored, flat bread crust, chocked high with “stuff”, like canned tuna, olives, sausage, cheese, a sauce made of onions and oil, and pimento. It‟s good but definitely different. The pizza at Jorge‟s restaurant was especially good. Incredibly good, I thought, and I ate it 3 or 4 times over the next 5 days. After we ate, Anna suggested we head for her friends who had a family-run campground and hostel, to see if they had room for us and would allow Truco. Anna‟s family is from the north of Chile, but her father was a communist, and after the coup, he lost his job with CORFO and moved with his family, far away from the violence and oppression going on in Santiago. They ended up in Chile Chico for a few 269
years, before moving on to Argentina. Juan Castro and his wife, Rosa, were friends of Anna‟s family from that time. Juan was also communist in the 1960s and 70s and had been the mayor of Chile Chico for a time. Now, he had made a new life in tourism, and operated a small radio station in town, from an office in back of his family B&B. They welcomed us to the Lakeshore B&B with open arms. We drank mate for quite awhile as I listened to them catch up with Anna and then I finally went to bed. The next day, we stored our things and crossed the border into Argentina, to the town just on the other side, Los Antiguos. This would give Jorge time to prepare for us and give me the opportunity for first-hand observation of the differences I had been hearing about, just over the border. So many of the experts in Coyhaique had referenced the more favorable tourism policy in Argentina; they had told me of better tourism infrastructure, more comfortable accommodations, gas subsidies that made travel more economical, and better artisan crafts at cheaper costs. I thought seeing for myself would be an important part of the data I was collecting. So, we crossed over for a quick trip to the small town on the other side; Los Antiguos. Crossing the border was really simple, even with a small dog. I had met with my veterinarian in Coyhaique before the trip, in preparation for this crossing and had all of Truco‟s shot records and paperwork handy. I expected a hassle. I expected them to come out and inspect our car, at least. Nope. No problems; no questions, no inspections. Not going into Argentina and not coming back. The crossing took little over a half an hour overall, but we did have to buy a special rider for the car insurance on the Chilean side, which cost around $30US. It was good for a month. Well, based on my observations in Los Antiguos, the reported differences between Chile and Argentina were true. Argentina does not rely on wood as its source of heat as it has ample supplies of natural gas, and the homes and cabanas are much more comfortable and warm. Second, everything in Argentina is cheaper. We rented a beautiful, private, two-bedroom cabana. It cost $17US, for the night. The equivalent in Chile would have probably been $70– 90US. There was a center on the main road through town where there were 10–15 little shops with souvenirs and arts and crafts. They were much higher quality than those I had come across in Chile and less than half the price. But, what was really interesting about the craft experience was a conversation with the owner of a store where I bought several items. I told her about Anna being my guide and us being on a month-long trip in the region. The owner told Anna to pick out a souvenir for herself free of charge, in gratitude for her bringing in a good customer. She told her that if she brought in customers in the future, they would reach an agreement of a commission, based on sales. Anna was so proud of the mate cup she chose that she talked about it for the rest of the trip. She had not heard of such an arrangement before and thought that the owner was really smart to offer it. She said that if she guided other customers, she would definitely take them there. Anna had family friends here in Los Antiguos also. She had gone to high school here and had many fond memories of Argentina. We visited with these friends and shared perspectives. They invited us to come to a barbeque they were having the next day. Regrettably, we declined because we needed to get back to Chile Chico for our excursion with Jorge. We filled up our gas tank with cheap gas and headed back to Chile. We stopped back in at the restaurant and Jorge told us that he would not be able to do the two day camping trip into Jeinemeni as we had originally discussed, but could do a one day excursion on the following day. We firmed up plans and headed back to the 270
Castro‟s B&B. That afternoon, we decided to explore a bit. We drove along a road that eventually led to the Jeinemeni Reserve, looking for a place to take a short hike. Finally, we stopped along the road, jumped the fence and began hiking across the pampas. The terrain in Chile Chico is totally different from the forests and mountains we had been in for the past several weeks. Chile Chico borders the southern shores of the General Carrera Lake and is surrounded by broad, sweeping pampas and rock formations that rise out of the flats. In the distance there are rising hills. The color of the landscape is primarily tones of gold rather than the rich greens and changing colors of leaves to which we were accustomed. We hiked approximately a mile from the truck, across the Pampa, to the base of one of these rock formations and were playing around on it when I fell about 20 feet, off the rocks and onto the rocky Pampa below. I knew as I was falling that I was in trouble. And, once more, I realized as I was lying on the ground in pain, that Anna was not prepared to help. The look of terror on her face inspired me to figure out a way to tough it out and I limped my way back to the truck, just hoping things would get better. They didn‟t. My left ankle swelled up like a balloon and turned a vivid mixture of blacks, purples and blues. I had a bad cut on my elbow. Were I at home, with insurance and doctors I knew, speaking my native language, I would be at the hospital. But, there, in the little mining town of Chile Chico, I wasn‟t in quite enough pain to make that trip. I should have. It turned out that my elbow developed a pretty bad infection over the next six weeks and my ankle was broken. But, at the time, I was able to convince myself it was just a sprain; I‟d be fine. By the following morning, I could barely walk, and yet, when we met up with Jorge to explain the situation, he seemed to feel I‟d be okay with the hike he had planned. And, to our surprise, he had sold two more spots for the day‟s adventure to a couple of urban planners from Puerto Ibanez. I decided to at least take the ride out to the Jeinemeni Reserve, and then play it by ear. The ride out was painful but interesting. We saw pink flamingos and some sort of eagle on the way and passed some amazing country. When we arrived at Lago Jeinemeni, there were several rustic, hand-built quinchos with picnic tables and fire pits. This, in the middle of nowhere. Jorge had planned a small lunchtime barbeque and that fit well into my physical limitations so, while the other two guys took a walk around the lake, I rested under a tree and enjoyed the sunshine and views of the lake. Jeinemeni put us back into forest ecosystems and it was nice to see green again. Jorge had forgotten bread and salad, so lunch turned out to be a banana, a sausage, and a slice of lamb, but, we made the best of it. After lunch, things took a turn for the worse. Jorge had sold this hike of his and he needed to follow through for his other two clients. Yet, there was no way I could do it. He told us it was a three to four hour proposition. I couldn‟t really walk 100 yards. I was curious to see how this professional guide would respond. He had us (Anna, Truco and I) sit in the car on the side of the road for four hours while he and the two guys did the hike. He did leave us the key, in case of emergency. But, my biggest surprise of that day was yet to come. When we returned to his restaurant in Chile Chico that evening, I asked Jorge how much I owed him for the day‟s experience. I was shocked when he answered with the full day‟s rate, for both myself and for Anna, $140US. That was the most expensive lunch I ate during my time in Patagonia. I had decided when I began the research that I was going to pay what people asked. I viewed this part of the process as an important part of the overall data collection. So, I paid Jorge what he asked and ordered another pizza. But, Anna was really angry! She said he had taken advantage of us because I was a foreigner 271
and that she was really embarrassed. She wanted to confront Jorge but I told her “no”. She told me later that she had finally written him an email with her opinion, after we returned home. After the pizza, I pressed forward with the interview. The truth was that I had had enough of Jorge and I wanted to finish the interview so I could be through with him. However, I have to say that of all the cases I encountered, Jorge had the best understanding of who his customers were, how much they were used to paying, and what kinds of trips they would buy. He had a good grasp on business management, as evidenced by several successful years with his restaurant. He had secured funds for a website and had developed a full business plan for his operation. Perhaps most impressive about Jorge, was the arrangement he had made with the municipality of Chile Chico. He had proposed and secured an agreement that he would run the tourism information center downtown, for free, but in return, he would use that office to market his trips. This provided him with access to approximately 7,000 independent tourists during the 2005/06 season. He reported that he had 334 people participate in excursions. Hmmm, that‟s like $24,000US, at the rates he quoted me. $24,000 is a pretty good salary for non-professionals in Aysén. And there‟s not a lot of overhead in hiking, beyond gas to get there, bananas, and a sausage or two. Not bad for a first season, and he has a successful restaurant too. I think he should have given me the last pizza for free…but, he didn‟t. As we hobbled back to the B&B, I remember telling Anna that Jorge would probably be a big success. I had to hobble back to the B&B that night, because once again, the truck was not running well, and once again, we had taken it to a mechanic. The next morning, after an hour long interview, I settled the account with Juan at the B&B. We had spent three nights there, stored our things for another, washed our clothes, eaten several breakfasts and snacks, and taken showers. They asked if I thought $70US, total, was too much. What I thought was that a system of checks and balances, a certification of the sort SERNATUR and CORFO has mentioned, was probably a really good idea. We picked up the truck and started the long drive back to Guadal. “A Quincho Worth the Wait” - May 7 – 13 Finally, they were ready and waiting for us. Carlos and Manolo had been successful with their group, which left satisfied, and had cleaned up the best cabana for us. It was pretty nice. Not quite as well put together as El Luz, but it had an organic feel that was really relaxing. It was constructed with wood, and had French doors that opened up onto a small front porch. Inside, the linens were nice; cottons and wools in light, neutral colors. There were lots of thick, sheepskin rugs on the floors. The wood stove didn‟t work very well so we were either freezing or burning up but, with lots of warm blankets, it wasn‟t a big deal. The décor made use of natural materials around the property, like herbs, dried wildflowers, drift wood and seed pods. It was simple and elegant. Unfortunately, the shower wasn‟t so great. The hot water was a little spotty. And, while we were there, fuses were blowing and the electrical systems seemed to have some kinks. The property had two of these cabanas, a house that Carlos and Manolo lived in as managers, and a great quincho that was used for meals and gathering. The quincho at Bahía Catalina was really special. It had a full kitchen and a huge stone fireplace, a big dining table and lots and lots of giant glass paned windows. There were books and pillows and fossils and other interesting bric-a-brac all around and a boom box, for music. It was a casual, comfortable, and fun place to be. 272
The property on which Bahía Catalina sits was close to perfect, in my opinion. It was directly off the Southern Highway, but was down in a valley, so that if you didn‟t know the road was there, you would think you were in the middle of nowhere. It is a lakefront property and has a small peninsula that forms a sort of private island where camping is possible. There are two private beaches. The property has a small river running through it with a waterfall that provides ample water pressure for hot water and even limited electricity. There is room to have and ride horses, and there are several vista points and picnic spots that offer fabulous views of the lake and make for a nice half day ride. Bahía Catalina is close to the town of Guadal, which has gas stations and most of the basic supplies needed. It is not far from glaciers, historic points of interest, and the famous fossil fields so there is plenty to do close by. With an infusion of capital, some sweat equity and a good system for promotion and sales, it could be a successful operation. And that‟s what Miguel and his wife were trying to make happen, with the help of family in Coyhaique, Carlos Abel and Manolo. Carlos shared with me that his life in tourism was changing a lot of late. For the past five or six years, he had worked with TreksSur, the largest adventure tourism company in the region. TreksSur had an adventure operation and a lodge near Guadal and ran back-country adventures throughout Chile and into Argentina, as well. Carlos had started with them as a part-time driver. Each year, he gained more responsibility in the company, and was able to work year-round with them, alternating between trips in the North of Chile, Torres del Paine and Aysén. Although of late, his work was as a guide‟s assistant and logistics manager, he was still on the books as a chauffeur. He felt that this was unfair. He wasn‟t receiving the same level of salary as many of the other employees of the company and he felt that this was because he had worked his way up, as a local. So, in the Guide‟s School, he developed a final project, involving a business plan for a tourism agency in Guadal and excursions at his farm in Mallin Grande, nearby. He was still working toward that plan as a long-term goal, but the first step was to walk away from the security of his work with TreksSur and helping with the renovations of Bahía Catalina has afforded him that opportunity. Carlos spoke a lot about teamwork and trust. He said that he had learned about working as a team at TreksSur and now he was putting those same principles to work to help in the development of Bahía Catalina. That‟s why he had invited Manolo to come down from Lago Verde and help. The last week of our trip continued with a detour back to the end of the road in the Explorer‟s Valley for a day of horseback riding and fishing with Sebastian, one more night of playing Truco and retrieval of the tent poles. Afterwards, we set out for home. It was so great to hit pavement in Cerro Castillo! In the weeks we‟d been gone, I‟d all but forgotten how smooth a road could be. The leaves were gone now. Winter was on the way and we were glad to be headed for a rest. Anna was worried about my ankle and my elbow and she really wanted to see her kids. It had been hard to leave them for such a long trip. If she didn‟t have her mom to help out it would have been impossible. We went back to my house in Lago Monreal, built a fire in the stove, and unloaded the truck. Actually, Anna unloaded the truck. I really couldn‟t get around very well. Later that evening, Don Antonio (the senior of the Tonys), showed up. He had driven out to check on the property and visit my neighbor and was surprised and pleased to find us back home, safe. I sent Anna home with him so that she would be able to see her kids. “Tying Up Loose Ends” - May 14 - 20 After a couple of days of rest, I set out for Coyhaique. I had three more cases to collect and I wanted an official interview with Anna, as well. I had spent more time with 273
her than anyone and I knew her story was an important part of the big picture. In the week that followed, I met with Anna in her home to wrap up loose ends and collect her story. We worked together as friends now, and after our experiences, both she and I agreed that now she was truly ready to be a guide. I also collected the story of Amalia Guillen, another friend I had met in the world of tourism in Aysén. Amalia is a graduate of the Guide‟s School as well, but spends her time focused on the administrative side of tourism, as the office manager for Patagonia Voyages. “So that you can have peace of mind and rest.” - May 21 – 31 Anna and I did take two more short trips over the final two weeks. The first was north, to Puerto Aysén, close to the cruise ships, to spend some time with Alejandro Santos. Alejandro worked in tourism during college for a large tour company based in Santiago. He was an operations manager for their operations in Brazil. He told me that although he was a trained rural engineer, tourism was in his blood, and he was trying to figure a way to make it his primary livelihood strategy. He showed me his plans and ideas for itineraries around Aysén and spoke of his frustrations trying to find investors. The final case for the study was Elena Mañan. I had all but given up on Elena. She didn‟t return emails or phone calls and everyone had told me she was a really private person and that she probably wouldn‟t be willing to talk. Wrong. Elena and I met early in the day, on May 20th. She was a very energetic 35 year old woman, with a sparkle in her eyes and a warm and friendly laugh. She was very athletic and an expert fly-fisher. She picked it up as a hobby after her significant other gave her a rod and reel one year for her birthday, and she has finally realized that she might be able to turn this love of her life into a livelihood. She attended the Guide‟s School and graduated as a regional guide. Elena had a fully developed business plan for a fly-fishing lodge, uniquely targeted to groups of American women. We went to visit her property that Saturday morning. It was about an hour and a half north of Coyhaique, near Mañihuales. The lodge is going to be beautiful. It was 90% finished, and designed to leverage local materials and the fantastic natural views. She had not borrowed any money to build it, but instead, had moved forward a little at a time as she could afford it. If all goes well, she will be ready to open next year. Elena was on cloud nine on this Saturday morning because the day before she had received word of her acceptance and a scholarship, for a new course being offered by NOLS, “A Year in Patagonia”. This course offered the opportunity to master backpacking, mountaineering, first aid, rock climbing, and sea kayaking. It also featured a cultural section, a student expedition, and the opportunity for more than six months of English practice. She was thrilled and especially hopeful that the course would help her to develop her English skills. She felt this was important, especially in fly-fishing. I wanted to know what it was like to fish with Elena as a guide. It was really too late in the year for fishing but we made plans to go anyway, the following Wednesday, at my house in Monreal. Anna joined us for this last adventure. We met at my house, gathered the fishing gear and headed for the lake. Elena is really good. I‟ve fished with fly-fishing guides in Utah, Colorado, and Pennsylvania and I would put Elena‟s skills up against any of them. I look forward to following up with Elena after her NOLS course, to see how her English has progressed. I utilized time during the last few weeks in Coyhaique to tie up remaining loose ends with experts in the region. One of the themes that had emerged during my time in the field was sense of an overwhelming distrust among people. Outside of their own, carefully constructed personal networks, relationships seemed full of superficiality and lack of 274
mutual trust. Perceptions of locals and non-locals seemed especially tense. I wanted to explore this phenomenon in greater depth and was referred to a number of individuals in the community who had collectively spent years studying the local culture of Aysén. One in particular, a local doctor who had written multiple articles and books on the culture and history of Aysén, invited me to come to his house to visit for an afternoon of mate and discussion. In a room off his kitchen, he has a small museum with cultural artifacts of the region; typical clothing, fossils, tools and machinery and arts and crafts, of all sorts. During our mate, he offered the following passage as an illustration of the dynamics that exist. Q: I need for you to explain to me, what is the history here and what happens now? A: I believe you need to understand something about what has happened. It is that the region of Aysén is a very distant, very marginalized region, very far away from of the center of the country. The history of Aysén is a history of marginalities. Marginalities, understood in the anthropological, social sense. I am not saying that here live purely marginal, delinquent ones. No, no. I speak of social marginality. This sector, this territory, was populated at the beginning of the 20th century by colonists - people that came with no political affiliation; with no direction. So, the people that came here had to fix everything by themselves. That generated a culture: a culture of marginality, a separated group that arranged things alone, a culture of loners. And a culture, with regard to strangers…a little distrustful, because the first contact that this nucleus of people that arrived and spontaneously formed here had…The first contacts that this people had with Chile were sporadic commercial contacts where the things they ordered always got lost on the way here and never arrived. So, our contact was a little more direct, with Argentina, for geographical reasons, and that permitted it to be that, here, there was a great permeability of the gaucho culture. Because of this, if you look in our folklore, there are many elements of the gaucho of Argentina here; a lot of the music, dances, and customs. And that is not by decree. Nobody said: “Now, we are going to be similar to the Argentineans”, but it happened because we were more in contact with them that with the rest. That created more marginality still, with regard to Chile.…So, double distrust: first, these Chileans are not very Chilean so…Second, they are people that live in another world. They are not interested in what the people to the north are interested in. They live in their world. They live in their environment and they are not concerned with the rest. Recently, I would say… In the second half of the 20th century, there began to be an outflow of some of the people that went to study in the north. Myself, for example. I am from here. I went to study in the north. And I returned with a more cosmopolitan culture, so to speak, but I have a lot of respect and understanding for my people from here in Aysén… Of why they are like they 275
are. They did not have the opportunity that I had to leave, to study a university career, to interact with many people, to go to other countries, etc. etc. What a different vision of the world this gave me. Nevertheless, I prefer the vision that the people from here have and not the more cosmopolitan vision. Because everyone that has come here from outside comes with an interest and in recent times, the interest is absolutely economic. That is very logical in a world like ours; isn‟t that true? But here, that is not very logical. You are going to encounter very rare things here that people fail to understand. For example, the Patagonian is not as interested in money as we are, those of us that are more cosmopolitan. For money, lots of people that are from the north or from Santiago or from…For a dollar you can do anything; that‟s what they tell you. On the other hand, the people from here do not need that. Q: Because they have animals? A: Clearly, they eat [their animals]...they are going to have… What else do they want? What do you offer them?…that they are going to have motorcycles, cars…that doesn‟t interest them. [You say:] “I am going to pay you lots of money if you will come to work on Sundays.” [They say:] “I‟m not interested.” There is a joke that they say about people from the city. There is a typical person from here, sitting down, looking at sheep and passing the afternoon…and suddenly a gringo appears, or a gringa, with a camera, [and says to the man sitting]: -
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“Mister, what are you doing here?” “Well”, he tells him, “I am looking at the sheep, resting.” “But mister, how many sheep do you have?” “Well, I have about 100 sheep.” “And, are you not interested in selling sheep; lots of sheep?” “Well, why?” “I‟ll tell you why, mister. Well, for a lot of money. So later, you can have a commercial freezer, to make a business.” “Well, why do I want a commercial freezer?” “Well, mister, with a commercial freezer, you can have many more sheep, you can kill sheep, refrigerate sheep and export sheep. And later you can buy trucks and later, if the business goes well, you can associate with other businesses and have ships and a lot of money.” “But, why?”, the farmer says to him… “So that you can have peace of mind and rest.” “And, what I am doing now? That is what I am doing!”
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So, someone comes from the outside and says: “No. You have to make money; you have to gain more money. The same thing that interests me has to interest you; if not, you are not of this world.” That is what happens, more or less, and I explain it to you in this coarse way because the people from here do not have great interest in everything that the people of other parts have to offer. My travels in Aysén were invaluable to the overall purpose of this research. The words, opinions, thoughts and dreams that people shared with me during their interviews were an important part of the data I gathered. However, their actions, their places, their difficulties, and their triumphs came through even louder when we were in their homes and their camps, doing the things that they loved and sharing those things that make their culture so special. The day I was to leave, Anna rode with me to the airport. The “Tonys” drove us in that same red, Nissan truck that had saved us early on. Truco was in his travel cage in the back. I had made time during that last week to go to customs and make sure I had all of the paperwork in order to get Truco into the U.S. I had confirmed and paid for his reservation on LAN Chile, but, as usual, things in Patagonia did not run smoothly. The plane they had sent that day from Santiago, did not have a pressurized cargo area, so Truco could not travel. The only solution was to wait until the following day. “Unless,” they added, “it happened again. There could be no guarantee.” I remember thinking about the Doctor‟s story of “sporadic commercial contacts where the things they ordered always got lost on the way here and never arrived.” Being a part of this heritage didn‟t change the fact that the airport would be closing in an hour. With no car, two giant duffels, and a drugged 50 pound street dog asleep in a crate, I had no place to go. The final blow? After considerable coaxing, they said they would be happy to pay for a hotel for me, but I was on my own in terms of the dog. Anna insisted that I come and stay at her house that night, with Truco in tow. When we got there, her parents welcomed us into the house, insisting that even Truco come inside, a custom seldom practiced in Aysén. Anna lives down a narrow lane, just off the main road leading into Coyhaique. She lives with her mom, dad, son and daughter. The house where she lives is a large wooden structure that has been divided into several small apartments. She rents the one in the back. Downstairs, there is a living room with a dining area, a galley kitchen, and a small bathroom. A narrow and steep spiral staircase has been built between the first and second floor, where the family sleeps. At the top of the stairs, there is a landing that‟s large enough to make a sleeping area with a double bed and a chest of drawers. This is where Anna‟s parents sleep. Anna and her kids sleep in the bedroom that is just off this area. But, on this night, despite two hours of debate, I sleep in the double bed on the landing, so that I could have a little “peace of mind and relax”. Anna‟s mother slept in the bedroom with the kids and her father spent the night on the couch downstairs. I felt guilty and grateful and incredibly lucky, all at the same time, as we sat around the table, early the next morning, drinking mate and making plans for an Asado, the next time I was in town. Anna‟s mom gave me a hug as the transfer pulled up and Anna‟s dad helped the driver reload Truco and the gear. Anna insisted on returning to the airport again that morning, “just in case”, but thankfully, everything was in order. That morning, I was struck with the realization that at some point during the last three months, Anna had moved 277
from being my assistant, to being a true “guide”. I‟m not sure of the exact time or place. I don‟t know if it was on horseback or over mate or standing in the pouring rain working desperately to retrieve the keys. At some point over the last 3 months, a relationship which began with superficial promises and skepticism had evolved into one of confidence and mutual trust. Through shared experiences along gravel roads and forest paths, I came to understand how the culture in Aysén might have evolved. Hopefully, I have been able to communicate through this journal, at least a little of the incredible richness that was gained through the experiences and information gathered along the journey. My observations have been made as a participant, as a researcher, and as a tourist. They reinforce and add context to the words that have been spoken in the 31 interviews and countless supporting documents, I‟ve gathered and analyzed during this journey.
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APPENDIX F: TELFER‟S 1996 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF TOURISM AS AN AGENT OF DEVELOPMENT
Components of Development Modernization (A) Scale and Control of Development Focus Economic Scale of development Large Rate of development Fast Economic distribution Trickle down Planning Top down Local involvement Limited Ownership Foreign Industry control External Role of government High-low Management origin Foreign Accommodation type Enclave Spatial distribution Concentrated Tourist type Mass tourist
Dependency Economic Alternative Structuralism Neoliberalization Development Economic Large / small Fast Local owners Top down High Domestic Internal High Domestic Mix Varied Mix
Marketing target Package tours Mix Employment type Formal In / formal Infrastructure levels High High/low Capital inputs High High / low Technology transfer High Mix (B) Environmental and Community Linkages Resource use High High / low Environmental Low Mix protection Hinterland integration Low High Intersectoral linkage Low High Cultural Awareness Exploitative Protective Institution development Low High Local Compatibility Low High Adaptive capacity Low Low
Economic Large Fast SALPs Top down Limited Foreign External Low Foreign Enclave Concentrated Mass tourist Package tours Formal High High High
Sustainability Small Incremental Local owners Bottom up High Domestic Internal High-low Domestic Mix Disbursed Special interest Independent In / formal Low Low Mix
High Low
Low High
Low Low Exploitative Low Low Low
High High Protective High High Low
Note: From Chapter Two: “The Evolution of Tourism and Development Theory,” by David Telfer, 2002, In Tourism and Development: Concepts and Issues. Edited by Richard Sharpley and David Telfer, Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto, Channel View Publications, p. 63. Used with permission of author.
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APPENDIX G: TELFER‟S 1996 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF ATTRIBUTES ASSOCIATED WITH TOURISM DEVELOPED UNDER ECONOMIC NEOLIBERALISM
Components of Development Traits (A) Scale and Control of Development Focus Economic Scale of development Large Rate of development Fast Economic distribution SALPs Planning Top down Local involvement Limited Ownership Foreign Industry control External Role of government Low
Positive Attributes
Export market High profits High profits International funding Expert control Expert control Expert control Expert control Market forces role
Management origin Foreign Expert control Accommodation type Enclave Economies of scale Spatial distribution concentrated Economies of scale Tourist type Mass tourist Higher profits Marketing type Package tour Target mass tourist Employment type Formal Trained workers Infrastructure levels High Non-touristic uses also Capital inputs High Increased multiplier Technology transfer High Internalization (B) Environmental and Community Linkages Resource use High Larger multiplier Environmental protection Hinterland integration Intersectoral linkage Cultural Awareness Institution development Local Compatibility Adaptive capacity
Low
Minimize costs
Low Low Exploitative Low Low Low
Supply – stable imports Familiar suppliers Culture as an Object Rely on foreign experts Minimize contact Foreign capital support
Negative Attributes
Loss of local control Lack of community fit Loss of local control Elites benefit No local input Resident resentment Capital flight Loss of opportunity Limited protective laws Worker resentment Lack of community fit Limited local access Near carrying capacity Capital flight Loss of informal input Lack of community fit Lack of community fit Limited local access Environmental damage Environment damage Reduced multiplier High leakages Cultural erosion Limited linkages Resident resentment Open to market change
Note: From Chapter Two: “The Evolution of Tourism and Development Theory,” by David Telfer, 2002, In Tourism and Development: Concepts and Issues. Edited by Richard Sharpley and David Telfer, Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto, Channel View Publications, p. 66. Used with permission of author.
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APPENDIX H: TELFER‟S 1996 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF ATTRIBUTES ASSOCIATED WITH TOURISM DEVELOPED UNDER ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT Components Positive Attributes of Development Traits (A) Scale and Control of Development Focus Economic Environmental protection Scale of development Large Lower impact Rate of development Fast Community adapts Economic distribution SALPs Increase local multiplier Planning Top down Local involvement Local involvement Limited Local decision making Ownership Foreign Increased local control Industry control External Local empowerment Role of government Low Sustainable guidelines Management origin Foreign Increase local skill Accommodation type Enclave Local resource usage Spatial distribution concentrated Less environmental stress Tourist type Mass tourist Environmental concern Marketing type Package tour Environmental concern Employment type Formal Increased multiplier Infrastructure levels High Low environment stress Capital inputs High Low environment stress Technology transfer High Increased self reliance (B) Environmental and Community Linkages Resource use High Promotes sustainability Environmental Low Promotes sustainability protection Hinterland integration Low Use of local resources Intersectoral linkage Low Increase local multiplier Cultural Awareness Exploitative Cultural integrity Institution development Low Stronger institutions Local Compatibility Low Resident acceptance Adaptive capacity Low Self reliance
Negative Attributes
Difficult to define Lower profits Lower profits Lower profits Difficult to coordinate Tourism inexperience Tourism inexperience Reduced global market Over regulation Limited experience Loss of profit Diseconomy of scale Lower profits Lower profits Lack of training Reduced infrastructure Smaller investment Reduced global access Reduced multiplier Reduced profit Unreliability of supply Unreliability of supply Restrictions on tourists Tourism inexperience Demonstration effect Open to market change
Note: From Chapter Two: “The Evolution of Tourism and Development Theory,” by David Telfer, 2002, In Tourism and Development: Concepts and Issues. Edited by Richard Sharpley and David Telfer, Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto, Channel View Publications, p. 67. Used with permission of author.
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APPENDIX I: TELFER‟S 1996 CONSIDERATIONS FOR APPROPRIATE AND SUSTAINABLE TOURISM DEVELOPMENT
Components Considerations for appropriate and sustainable tourism development of Development (A) Scale and Control of Development Focus Profitable, part of larger concept of sustainable development Scale of development Mix of small and large scale resorts, restaurants, facilities Rate of development Incremental development according to community size Economic distribution High level of local participation, use of local resources Planning Participatory with stakeholders, community involvement Local involvement High level of local involvement at all stages of development Ownership Mix of foreign and local ownership Industry control Local control with foreign input Role of government Facilitate investment, environmental regulations Management origin Mix of foreign experts with locally trained specialists Accommodation type Mix of types, integrated resorts with small scale establishments Spatial distribution Mix of dispersed and concentrated tourism developments Tourist type Mix of types; mass to explorer, depending on local environment, develop codes of conduct for tourists Marketing type Identify market segmentation best suited to local community Employment type Combination of formal and informal employment Infrastructure levels Accordance with community capacity; integrated with economy Capital inputs Mix of high and low capital inputs Technology transfer High rates – integration with international tourism industry (B) Environmental and Community Linkages Resource use Efficient use of resources and management of waste stream Environmental Sustainable use of environmental resources, use of environmental protection management tools including E.I.A. sustainability indicators Hinterland integration High level of linkages to hinterland – use of local products Intersectoral linkage Reduce external leakages and increase local linkages Cultural Awareness Maintain cultural integrity; tourists to be aware of local culture Institution Coordinated efforts to strengthen local institutions, involvement development Local Compatibility Local considerations influence scale and rate of development Note: From Chapter Two: “The Evolution of Tourism and Development Theory,” by David Telfer, 2002, In Tourism and Development: Concepts and Issues. Edited by Richard Sharpley and David Telfer, Clevedon, Buffalo, Toronto, Channel View Publications, p. 78. Used with permission of author.
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